Representations of Women in Popular Film: A Study of ...
A Study of Gender Inequality in 2018 by Ian Kunsey ¡ª 27
Representations of Women in Popular Film:
A Study of Gender Inequality in 2018
Ian Kunsey
Cinema and Television Arts
Elon University
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements in
an undergraduate senior capstone course in communications
Abstract
While much attention has been drawn to the lack of diversity in Hollywood, many minority groups still lack
equal opportunities in the film industry. Roles for women, in particular, have grown slowly, leaving developed
female characters far below proportionality. This study looks at the representation of women in the top-five
grossing live-action movies directed by men and the top-five grossing live-action movies directed by women
in 2018. Based on background quantitative data as well as a qualitative content analysis, this paper found that
portrayals of women are much more positive in movies directed by women and that female directors frame
female characters much more positively. These positive portrayals are largely affected by the presence of a
critical actor behind the scenes.
I. Introduction
Even in the rapidly changing media landscape of the 21st century, movies have remained an integral
part of American popular culture. While methods of consumption have changed, millions of Americans still flock
to theaters every year to see stories played out on the silver screen, with the U.S. domestic box office grossing
$10.7 billion in 2018 (Statista, n.d.). Concurrently, the Academy Awards, the world¡¯s most prestigious cinematic
awards, draws millions of viewers each year. The sustained prevalence of film in popular culture positions the
medium as a key cog in American society and popular culture (Simonton, 2004).
Yet, even in the year 2019, many Americans are not proportionally represented in film. These
inadequacies in cinematic representation both on screen and off screen have prompted a number of social
movements over the past few years, including the #OscarsSoWhite campaign. The movement, which centered
on the lack of racial diversity among Oscars nominees, resulted in the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and
Sciences vowing to ¡°double the number of women and people of color in the Academy¡¯s membership by 2020¡±
(Reign, n.d.). The #MeToo and ¡°Time¡¯s Up¡± movements shifted the focus to promoting awareness and advocacy
for sexual assault victims¡ªespecially women. Yet even with these social outcries, the Academy of Motion
Picture Arts and Sciences and the film industry as a whole still do not adequately represent women on and
off screen. Stereotypic portrayals and the lack of complex female roles remain common in Hollywood and the
media as a whole (Milburn, Mather, & Conrad, 2000).
Keywords: Gender, film, representation, women, equality
Email: ikunsey@elon.edu
28 ¡ª Elon Journal of Undergraduate Research in Communications, Vol. 10, No. 2 ? Fall 2019
These negative depictions have implications that reach far beyond the entertainment industry. Because
the role of film in popular culture and society, ¡°motion pictures largely reflect prevailing cultural attitudes about
gender roles, norms, attitudes and expectations¡± (Simonton, 2004, 781). In the same vein, depictions of minority
groups in film and the media can be influential in the dissemination of stereotypes (Bazzini, McIntosh, Smith,
Cook, & Harris, 1997). This dual cause-and-effect often results in a vicious cycle as societal stereotypes
influence primarily male filmmakers who in turn create art that adds to said stereotypes (Simonton, 2004). While
this is not the end-all-be-all of misrepresentation in media, this cycle is important to consider when evaluating
portrayals of minorities in film.
Although representations of women in film have improved in recent years, this growth has been
mitigated by the fact that there has only been a 3% increase in female employment in the 250 top-grossing films
since 1998 (Lauzen, 2018b). The lack of significant progress is arguably most evident in the Academy Awards
nominees and winners, with just one woman awarded ¡°Best Director¡± in the 91-year history of the awards. In
2019, in the midst of social change and the #MeToo movement, zero female directors were nominated for ¡°Best
Director¡± and zero female directors were nominated for ¡°Best Picture.¡± Additionally, each of the top 30 grossing
movies in the U.S. in 2018 were directed by men (Box Office Mojo, n.d.). Through this research paper, the topfive grossing live-action movies directed by men and the top-five grossing live-action movies directed by women
in 2018 were analyzed to better understand how women are depicted in popular film and how behind-thescenes representations affect these portrayals.
II. Literature Review
This literature review focuses on the current representation of women in Hollywood, critical mass theory
and critical actor theory, as well as a discussion of male and female stories, all of which seek to analyze how
women¡¯s roles in the film industry affect their representation on screen.
Current Representation in the Film Industry
A vast pool of prior research, empirical and otherwise, proves the existence of sexual discrimination
in Hollywood. The term ¡°actress¡± itself is laden with subtle sexism, as the suffix ¡°-ess¡± implies that the roles of
actor an actress differ as performed by men and women (Simonton, 2004). While not intentionally malicious,
this small difference points to inherent discrimination in the film industry. Discrimination theory bases itself
upon the idea that ¡°members of a certain group are preferred, even when the work of these group members is
indistinguishable from that belonging to another group ¡± (Lauzen, 2012b, 311). By differentiating, and seemingly
preferring, male actors from female actors, the film industry shows its discriminatory tendencies.
By employing these tendencies, the film industry discourages women from entering the field and thus
influences decisions to hire male workers instead of female workers (Lauzen, 2012b). ¡°This has led inevitably
to a situation in which the films¡ are most often written, directed, and produced by men¡± (Orwin, 2002, 271).
This is evident by the vast amount of quantitative research conducted on employment in the film industry. In
2018, women accounted for only eight percent of directors at the helm of the top-250 grossing films in the
United States, down one percent from 1998 (Lauzen, 2018b). Additionally, one in four films employed either zero
women or one woman in the roles of director, writer, producer, executive producer, editor, and cinematographer.
Only one percent of films employed ten or more women in those roles, compared to 74 percent of films
employing ten or more men (Lauzen, 2018b).
In addition to this lack of proportionality, ¡°the cultural devaluation of women is reinforced by the fact
that they do not receive star billing as often as men¡± (Lincoln & Allen, 2004). According to Lauzen¡¯s ¡°It¡¯s a Man¡¯s
(Celluloid) World¡± report, only 36 percent of all major characters in 2018¡¯s top-100 grossing movies were women
(Lauzen, 2018a). While that number is up nine percent from 2002, female stars appear in far fewer films than
their male counterparts and thus infrequently become movie stars (Lincoln & Allen, 2004). In this way, films
inherently tell audiences that ¡°men are more important, in all kinds of contexts, than women¡± (Lincoln & Allen,
2004).
These issues have a clear solution: give female filmmakers more, and equal, opportunities. When
women are hired as directors and writers, more female characters are employed (Sutherland & Feltey, 2017).
¡°In films with at least one female director and/or writer, women comprised 43 percent of all speaking characters,¡±
A Study of Gender Inequality in 2018 by Ian Kunsey ¡ª 29
a number much more proportionate to the U.S. population than the 32 percent of female speaking characters
present in films with exclusively male directors and writers (Lauzen, 2018a). This disparity shows the effect that
employing female filmmakers has on gender representation. However, female filmmakers tend to face far more
unjust criticism than men when they are given positions (Kennedy, 2010).
One of the most prominent of these criticisms is the idea that female filmmakers present more of a
financial risk than male filmmakers. When faced with large budgets, studio executives tend to fall back on
directors who have had box-office hits in the past (Lauzen, 2012b). These directors are often male. This
presents a bit of a paradox in which women are not hired for positions that require them to have previous jobs to
prove their worth.
In reality, films that employ at least one female director, executive producer, producer, and/or writer
garner approximately the same domestic box office sales as do films with exclusively male representation in
those roles (Lauzen, 2008). Despite this, women are rarely afforded the same resources and budgets as men.
This can partially be attributed to the emergence of the superhero genre¡ªgenerally the highest-grossing movies
in modern day Hollywood. Since the mid-2000s, when these films became widely popular, the genre has been
dominated by male directors. Until 2017¡¯s Wonder Woman, directed by Patty Jenkins, no woman had directed
a movie released by Marvel or DC, the two preeminent comic book studios in the film industry. While this trend
seems to be changing with the upcoming releases of Cathy Yan¡¯s Birds of Prey, Patty Jenkins¡¯ sequel to Wonder
Woman, Cate Shortland¡¯s Black Widow, and Chlo¨¦ Zhao¡¯s The Eternals, the lucrative, high-budget genre has
largely benefited men, leaving women to contend with small budgets and less box office influence.
In 2018, these super hero movies and other ¡°action¡± films accounted for 34 percent of the year¡¯s box
office gross (The Numbers, 2018). Additionally, all nine superhero movies released in 2018 were directed by
men. This disparity present in the superhero genre alone can partially explain why films directed by women do
not have budgets as large as movies directed by their male counterparts. While the sample size is small, women
have succeeded at the box office when placed at the helm of big budget superhero films. Both Wonder Woman
and Captain Marvel, the only two modern superhero movies directed by women, have grossed over $800
million, with budgets over $120 million.
The disparity between gender representation in the director¡¯s chair also carries over to the Academy
Awards. The Oscars hold a great deal of importance in the film industry. On the surface, it appears as though
women are granted the same number of awards, with one Oscar for best actor and one Oscar for best actress,
as an example. Yet women are rarely, if ever, nominated for other awards - only one woman has won ¡°Best
Director¡± in the 91-year history of the Academy. Outside of ¡°Best Actress¡± and ¡°Best Actress in a Supporting
Role,¡± only 15 women earned nominations out of a total 107 nominees in 2015 (McCarthy, 2015). This issue
is compounded when considering the makeup of the Academy. In 2018, 69% of voters in the Academy were
male (Statista, 2018). This number is down from 77% in 2015, partially in response to the #OscarsSoWhite
movement. Even still, the lack of representation in the awards and in the Academy has serious repercussions.
With men winning most of the awards at the film industry¡¯s most prestigious ceremony, the Academy places
more importance on male filmmakers, thus granting them more opportunity.
Critical Mass and Critical Actor Theories
Mass social movements such as #OscarsSoWhite and #MeToo have begun to shed light on this issue.
In addition, a number of prominent figures in Hollywood have pushed for ¡°inclusion riders,¡± or stipulations
included in contracts that guarantee a certain level of gender diversity on set (Dwyer, n.d.). Even still, progress
has been slow. To add to that, very little academic research has been done regarding possible solutions to
gender inequality in the industry. Because of this, this literature review examines two gender equality theories
prominent in politics and applies them to film. These theories do not intend to be all-encompassing solutions
to gender representation, but seek to shed light on how roles behind the scenes can influence portrayals on
screen.
Referring to an irreversible turning point, critical mass theory states that representation in film is
dependent on numeric designation. Some scholars in this area suggest a certain proportion of representation
¨C perhaps 30% ¨C is necessary before a minority group can see real change within the film industry (Dahlerup,
2006). According to the theory, a considerable minority is much more likely to make an impact than a few token
individuals (Childs & Krook, 2009). Once a critical mass has been achieved, women will theoretically be able to
push for substantial changes and legislation. In addition, a greater focus on feminist issues can result in men
and women in the industry paying more attention to women¡¯s issues (Childs & Krook, 2006).
30 ¡ª Elon Journal of Undergraduate Research in Communications, Vol. 10, No. 2 ? Fall 2019
Critical mass theory has its weaknesses. It does not account for institutional pressures that may compel
women to conform to masculine practices (Childs & Krook, 2009). Essentially, increased numbers of women in
the film industry may facilitate coalitions, but sheer numbers do not guarantee equal on-screen representation,
as women are not guaranteed to represent other women in gender issues.
This complication of the critical mass theory can be seen in Academy Award-winning director Kathryn
Bigelow. Despite becoming the first and only woman to win an Oscar for ¡°Best Director¡± for her 2008 film The
Hurt Locker, Bigelow has been extremely resistant to discuss gender politics in the industry (Lauzen, 2011).
Unlike many women in Hollywood, she made her name directing and producing action and war films such as
Point Break and Zero Dark Thirty. In essence, Bigelow attempted to fit into the ¡°male-dominated business of film
directing by distancing herself from gender issues, while simultaneously aligning herself with traditionally maleidentified traits, including toughness and the desire for control¡± through her tough on-set attitude and intense
subject matter (Lauzen, 2011, 147). Bigelow¡¯s position and refusal to address inequality and gender politics in
Hollywood show the inadequacies of critical mass, as not every individual in a group is willing to advocate for
change (Lauzen, 2012a).
Critical Actor theory, on the other hand, suggests a different solution to gender inequality in the industry.
The theory rebukes critical mass, citing that individuals, not the mass, bring about change. Essentially, change
depends on the acts of individuals within minority groups. According to the theory, critical actors are those who
push forth change and inspire others to join in. Critical actors do not need to be a part of the minority group, with
men playing a crucial role in the advancement of equality (Childs & Krook, 2009).
These two theories will be used to filter this study¡¯s analysis of the films at hand, considering both the
number and agency of women in each film analyzed. With five of the films helmed by men and five of the films
led by women, critical mass and critical actor theories will be used to evaluate how, and if, these filmmakers
address inequality and promote feminist issues, and whether or not the mass or the individual most contributes
to these causes.
Male Versus Female Stories
The inadequacies of Critical Mass theory suggest the need for women in Hollywood goes far beyond
simple representation. Diversity in filmmaking also diversifies the type of stories told. Typically, women tell
inward stories, in contrast to the very outward, masculine hero¡¯s journey (Orwin, 2002). While it is important for
women to be able to tell a varied degree of stories, feminist films ¡°explicitly or implicitly challenge, rather than
subscribe to, dominant representations of female identity,¡± thus differentiating itself from traditionally masculine
films (Hankin, 2007, 60).
While men can, and sometimes do, tell female stories successfully, they often fail to empower women.
Male filmmakers who are perceived to be unbiased still fail to tell truly feminist stories (Sutherland & Feltey,
2017). Compared to filmmakers like Sofia Coppola, male filmmakers almost never tell truly successful female
stories (Kennedy, 2010). One of the foremost examples of this failure is the Bechdel Test, which tracks
whether or not two female characters with names talk to each other about something other than men in a film
(Sutherland & Feltey, 2017). This test, along with other benchmarks of feminist film, were used to determine
whether or not women¡¯s stories are represented in the films analyzed.
III. Methods
A qualitative content analysis was used to examine female roles in the selected films. This method was
selected due to the complex nature of portrayals in film. While quantitative findings provide context for the study,
a qualitative content analysis better lends itself toward the nuances found within the representations in each film.
For the purpose of this study, the top-five grossing live-action movies directed by men and the top-five
grossing live-action movies directed by women in 2018 were analyzed. These ten films were chosen because
of the influence that high-grossing movies have on the industry and its audiences. Because they earn the most
money, they are often the most influential, given that they are exposed to the most people.
The films analyzed in this study are Black Panther, Avengers: Infinity War, Jurassic World: Fallen
Kingdom, Deadpool 2, Mission: Impossible ¨C Fallout, A Wrinkle In Time, Blockers, I Feel Pretty, The Spy Who
Dumped Me, and On the Basis of Sex. These films deal with a wide range of subject matter and genres and will
A Study of Gender Inequality in 2018 by Ian Kunsey ¡ª 31
give a sense of how women are portrayed in popular films directed by men and women.
In this analysis, minor quantitative background data was also used to gauge how films with varying
levels of budgets, gender representation behind the scenes, and other contexts may affect representations on
screen. Quantitative analysis in this study is comprised of domestic and worldwide gross, budget, the number of
women in key roles behind the scenes (director, writer, producer, executive producer, editor, cinematographer)
as defined by Lauzen, female protagonists, top-billed female characters, and whether or not the film passes the
Bechdel Test (Lauzen, 2018). This information was used to supplement the qualitative content analysis.
Each film was viewed in its entirety and coded. The representations and roles of women in each, as well
as their connotation, the agency and actions of women, and notable quotes in each film were recorded. After
viewing each film, these coded results were then analyzed and filtered into trends. All of these results were then
examined through the quantitative elements discussed earlier to further search for patterns and to analyze the
following research questions:
RQ1: How do the films in question portray women?
RQ2: How does gender representation behind the scenes influence gender representation on
screen?
RQ3: How does Critical Mass theory and Critical Actor theory impact representations on screen?
IV. Discussion
At the surface level, the five male-directed movies performed far better at the domestic box office than
the five movies directed by women, as seen in Table 1. Black Panther was the top overall grossing film in 2018,
with just over $700 million earned at the U.S. box office, while the top-grossing female-led film, A Wrinkle in
Time, placed 33rd overall, with just over $100 million gross sales. Additionally, A Wrinkle in Time was the only
movie directed by a woman in 2018 to make over $100 million at the U.S. box office. The remaining live-action
male-directed movies ranked two, four, six, and eight overall. Meanwhile, the remaining live-action, femaledirected films placed 47th, 59th, 83rd, and 96th at the box office. Furthermore, male-directed films had much larger
budgets than female-directed films. Table 1 demonstrates the issue of women generally directing fewer highbudget movies than men (Lauzen, 2008).
Table 1: Box Office Performance and Budget
Title
Domestic Gross
Worldwide Gross
Budget
Black Panther
$700,059,566
$1,347,071,259
$200,000,000
Avengers: Infinity War
$678,815,482
$2,048,709,917
$321,000,000
Jurassic Park: Fallen Kingdom
$417,719,760
$1,309,484,461
$170,000,000
Deadpool 2
$324,591,735
$785,046,920
$110,000,000
Mission Impossible ¨C Fallout
$220,159,104
$791,107,538
$178,000,000
Average
$468,269,129
$1,256,284,019
$195,800,000
A Wrinkle in Time
$100,478,608
$132,675,864
$100,000,000
Blockers
$59,839,515
$93,665,491
$21,000,000
I Feel Pretty
$48,795,601
$88,426,082
$32,000,000
The Spy Who Dumped Me
$33,562,069
$42,898,313
$40,000,000
On the Basis of Sex
$24,622,687
$18,348,761
$20,000,000
Average
$53,459,696
$75,202,902
$42,600,000
Male-Directed
Female-Directed
................
................
In order to avoid copyright disputes, this page is only a partial summary.
To fulfill the demand for quickly locating and searching documents.
It is intelligent file search solution for home and business.
Related download
- lehigh valley channel lineup 2020 rcn
- dp curriculum handbook class of 2021
- town of falmouth position applying for
- s 8 25 t 8 5 q900rb b 8 75 spec sheet
- download after earth movie in hindi in 3gp
- jawaharlal nehru university
- consumer access no blocking transparency standards
- chapter 1 what is critical thinking pearson
- osmo action
- 92nd academy awards short films qualifying festival list
Related searches
- percentage of women in physics
- history of women in education in america
- rights of women in 1800s
- percentage of women in chemistry
- complementarian view of women in ministry
- role of women in othello
- contributions of women in ww1
- population of women in the united states
- demographics of women in the united states
- role of women in 19th century america
- a study of the gospels
- rights of women in islam