Fall of the Golden Fiber Empire of Bangladesh:



Thoughts on Economics

Vol. 18, No. 04

Fall of the Golden Fiber Empire of Bangladesh

Sarwar Md. Saifullah Khaled(

Abstract: This Article depicts a historical picture of taking advantages of the helplessness of jute growers by traders in exploiting them in pre- and post-partition India in 1947 and after the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971. Such practice of exploitation by the traders together with unbridled corruption that was rampant with the so-called socialistic and is with the present capitalistic mode of production in this industry, resulted in a secular declining trend in raw jute production and jute manufacture, and an eventual fall of the country’s jute industry. Efficient management based on higher moral and ethical values can rejuvenate the industry.

I. Introduction

Jute is Bangladesh’s most ancient industry. Jute industry of this region dates back to the Fourteenth Century when jute cloths were used in matrimonial ceremonies, Pujas, voluntary religious ceremonies and in other occasions in addition to regular use. Though jute cultivation was not as widespread as it is these days, there is no doubt that jute used to be cultivated at that time and fresh and soft jute leaves were used as food as it is also done today.1 Statistical information regarding jute for that time is not available.

With the passage of time jute appeared as a major and pride agricultural product of the region now comprising Bangladesh. Jute used to be termed as the principal cash-crop of the cultivator of the region before the partition of India in 1947. In the pre-partition period the Railways and Steamer Companies, other transport agencies, insurance concerns, brokers, balers, exporters, middlemen, and dealers, in fact every one in the chain used to get a good return in the shape of profit or income from the distribution, manufacture and export of jute fibers and jute fabrics. The industry itself and every section of the trade were highly organized, resourceful and well-informed and used to get their quota of gain in the shape of wages, dividends, income and profits from export of the fabric and manufactured goods, even though the industry was not a monopoly of the province, i.e., pre-1947 Bengal. It was only the grower who did not always get his fair share of return from the value of jute, in spite of the production of the fiber being virtual monopoly of the province and though it required most rigorous and exacting labor to make the fiber suitable for the market, jute grower did not in that market obtain a price even sufficient to meet the cost of production.2 Of the pre-1947 Bengal, more than 89.50% of the area under jute fell in the present day Bangladesh.3 The situation did not change in the Pakistan period and remains the same in the present day Bangladesh – still the jute grower is deprived of the due price of his product and he cannot meet the production cost of the fiber. Jute grower used to burn his fiber in the eighties of the past century in frustration of not being able to meet the production cost of the fiber. Now in the Twenty First Century jute and jute industry is on the verge of ruin – “Jute industry is about to be finished”4 Such a miserable plight of the glorious jute industry, which once raised hopes in the minds of the inhabitants of Bangladesh about jute as a ‘Golden Fiber’, has caused concern in the minds of the present day intellectuals as to find out what are the factors that acted behind this touching condition of the fiber and its industry. Out of this curiosity the Author of this article has been inspired to make a study on jute and jute industry of Bangladesh.

Section II of the article discusses the condition of the fiber and its industry in the then British-India. Section III outlines the situation during the Pakistan period. Section IV discusses the situation in Bangladesh. Section V gives an idea about the prices of jute and the condition of the jute grower over time. Concluding remarks are made in Section VI.

II. Jute in British-India

2.1. Total Acreage under Jute.

The total acreage under jute in undivided Bengal in 1936-37 was 21,992,500 acres5, and nearly one-fourth of this area was in one greater district of present day Bangladesh – Mymensingh.

Table I shows the figures of jute acreage in each district compared with the total country acreage and the total cropped area of the country (undivided Bengal) in 1936-37.

Table 1. Description of jute Acreage in British Period (1936-37)6

|District |Net Area Cropped |Area under Jute |% of Jute Area in the |% of Jute Area in the |

| |(In acres) |(In acres) |District to Total Jute|District to Net |

| | | |Area in the Country |Cropped Area in the |

| | | | |District |

|Mymensingh |2,388,500 |518,000 |24 |22 |

|Dhaka |1,442,200 |264,000 |12 |18 |

|Rangpur |1,718,300 |233,000 |11 |13.5 |

|Tepperah |1,129,100 |225,000 |10.5 |20 |

|Faridpur |1,388,000 |189,000 |8.8 |14 |

|Rajshahi |1,019,600 |87,500 |4.06 |8.5 |

|Jessore |782,500 |85,000 |3.94 |10.8 |

|Pabna |979,000 |75,000 |3.48 |8 |

|Bogra |563,000 |80,000 |3.71 |14 |

|Dinajpur |1,119,900 |63,000 |4.95 |5.6 |

|Noakhali |740,200 |45,000 |2.09 |6 |

|Bakarganj |1,623,300 |39,000 |1.81 |2 |

|Khulna |823,000 |25,000 |1.16 |3 |

|Chittagong |653,000 |300 |- |0.5 |

|Total |16,370,500 |1,928,800 |89.50 | |

|Rest in West Bengal (including Chittagong of Bangladesh |10.50 | |

| |100% | |

The Table is self explanatory. Nearly 90% (if Chittagong share could be added) of the jute acreage fell under the present day Bangladesh. Bangladesh is famous for the best quality of jute and abundant producer of the fiber in the world because of the favourable soil and weather conditions, and at least 90% of the fiber was produced in the area comprising Bangladesh in the pre-partition Bengal. In spite of this fact, it is surprising enough to note that not a single jute mill was established in the Bangladesh area before the partition of India in 1947.

Jute had a special importance of all its own for combined Bengal both as an agricultural commodity and as an industry. It was a valuable cash-crop for the grower in a number of districts of combined Bengal. In industry it had paid-up capital of about Rs. 25 crores (1939 value) invested in 104 mills, out of which 95 were clustered around Calcutta (Kolkata), which is now the provincial capital of West Bengal and the rest were elsewhere in the present day India. About 275,000 workers were engaged daily in these jute mills. The Indian jute mills generally manufactured 45% hessian and 55% sacking.7

It does not require much imagination to realize that this rash act of establishing jute mills in British India caused incalculable cost in the form of deprivations and sufferings to the people of this region. The City of British Calcutta’s fortune was built and it was decorated with the jute of present day Bangladesh – the absolutely highest and absolutely best quality of jute producer in the world. More surprising is that even Dundee of Great Britain produced jute goods by the jute of Bangladesh territory but not Bangladesh. This was the irony of fate of the Bangladesh territory in British India. In 1936-37 the Bangladesh part of the then Bengal produced, if we take 90% of the total production, about 94 lac bales (400 lbs., i.e., 181.44 kg each) of jute. The production of jute was the virtual monopoly of this province (undivided Bengal), only a small percentage being grown in Bihar, Orissa, Assam, and the States of Cooch Behar and Tipperah.8

2.2. Grower was exploited.

The jute grower was exploited in various ways and means by the jute traders and other agencies connected with jute trade and manufacturers at different levels.

Of the many contributory factors to the low price received by the grower was the multiplicity of the middlemen between the grower and the consumer. The absence of any direct contact between the grower and the consumer caused the grower receive only a portion of the total value. This portion was not even sufficient to meet the grower’s cost of production. The Farias, the Beparies, the Arathdars, the merchants and the balers etc. came in between the grower and the consumer. In the case of jute the number of middlemen was larger than in any other crops. It was partly because of the prevalent trade practices and partly because of the special process of baling required at the final stage of the export of the fiber. The estimate given by the Bengal Jute Enquiry Committee shows that the numbers of Beparies in Narayanganj centre alone was over 2,000.

The prevalence of different weights in different localities and the practice of additional weights and tollage further reduced the price for the grower. According to the evidence given by the Jute Enquiry Committee various tolls were levied by middlemen: dryage allowance known as Dhalta was often deducted in calculating the weight of the fiber sold; some extra Jute known as Dasturi was always taken with each maund weighted; the sellers were often to give about two seers extra per maund, ten percent wastage was usually charged in mofussil centers; in some places the Beparies had to give about 145 seers extra per each 100 maunds, in others even an excess of 12.5 maunds per 100 maunds. Usually weighing charges, staff allowance, charges for festivals and functions, sometimes even contributions for Goshalas and other charitable institutions were realized. In some places the seller had to pay even for the cost of the barber, the washerman, the weighman, the sorter and such other staff of the purchasing firms. The Calcutta firms generally realized an extra weight of five seers per kutcha bale. Though Allah’s advice to mankind in Al Qur’ân is “Fill the measure when ye measure, and weigh with a right balance; that is meet, and better in the end.”17/35 Moreover, the difference between the village price and the price of outlying jute centres such as Mymensingh and Narayanganj was much more than what the calculated price should be.9 In this process the ultimate loser and the deprived was the grower.

III. Jute during the Pakistan period

Jute production varied from 1,222,000 tons in 1947-1948 to 1,244,000 tons in 1961-1962 in Pakistan, i.e., East Pakistan, which is now Bangladesh.10 West Pakistan produced no jute. According to another estimate jute production in the second-half of 1960 in the then East Pakistan was 60 lac bales (400 lbs i.e. 181.44 kg each) which might vary from say 60 to 68 lac bales corresponding to an area of 20 to 23 lac acres.11 Experts differ in opinion as regards the total acreage under jute cultivation. It was opined that in 1948-49 and in 1958-59 total acreage under jute was 18.77 lac acres and 15.28 lac acres, respectively, and productions in those two time periods were 978,000 tons and 1,071,000 tons, respectively. It is interesting to note that while area fell by about one fifth, production was higher in 1958-59 as compared with the earlier year. “The increased production is due more to the increase in yield per acre than to the increased area under the crop concerned.”12 Yield per acre of jute in 1948-49 and 1954-59 was 14.2 maunds and 18.2 maunds, respectively. Part of the increased productivity was due to the introduction of more productive techniques and better seed.13

Pakistan made its debut in modern Jute Industry with the establishment of Adamjee Jute Mill No 1, in Narayangang, which went into production in December 21, 1951. This was the pioneering effort of PIDC which was set up in 1950. In subsequent years more and more jute mills, both in Public and Private sectors, were established which by the end of 1970 stood at 53, all in East Pakistan, i.e., present day Bangladesh. Thus the development of the jute industry had been very rapid indeed. It is shown14 in Table 2.

Table 2. Growth of the Jute industry in Pakistan

|Items |Pre-Plan Period |First Plan Period |Second Plan Period|Third Plan Period|

| |(1950-55) |(1955-60) |(1960-65) |(1965-70) |

|Ending of Plan Period |1954/55 |1959/60 |1964/65 |1969/70 |

|1. No. of Mills |8 |14 |26 |53 |

|2. Looms Installed (nos.) |5,000 |8,000 |13,320 |23,049 |

|3. Looms Operated (nos.) |3,000 |7,750 |10,007 |21,508 |

|4. Jute Goods Produced (tons) |61,000 |256,280 |289,122 |587,500 |

|5. Home Consumption (tons) |46,000 |50,810 |68,800 |89,900 |

|6. Export (tons) |15,000 |196,790 |253,000 |498,000 |

|7. Foreign Exchange Earning |23.19 |223.30 |319.80 |770.40 |

|(Rs. Million) | | | | |

|8. Raw Jute Consumed |0.50 |1.54 |1.70 |5.50 |

|(bales million) | | | | |

|9. Persons Employed (nos.) |35,000 |50,000 |76,000 |160,000 |

Table relates to the integrated jute mills which produced both yarns and fabrics. They did not include carpet units and seven yarn mills, which had together 6,088 spindles. So there were approximately 60 units with 23,000 looms and 332,000 spindles in 1970. Several other composite mills and separate broad loom units were under various stages of constructions.15

Thus from nothing up to December 1951, within 19 years from 1952 to 1970, the world’s second largest jute manufacturing industry came to be established in erstwhile East Pakistan, i.e., Bangladesh, providing employment to 760,000 people and making an overwhelming contribution to the nation’s foreign exchange earnings. In 1959/60 (July-June) total foreign exchange (estimated) earnings from raw jute (Rs. 760.40 million) and jute goods (Rs. 223.30 million) were Rs. 983.70 million, which is 91.12% of the total foreign exchange earnings from all commodities amounting to Rs. 1079.58 million. In 1969/70 (July-June) total foreign exchange (estimated) earnings from raw jute (Rs. 765.80 million) and jute goods (Rs. 778.40 million) were Rs. 1544.20 million, which is 94.16% of the total foreign exchange earnings from all commodities amounting to Rs.1640.00 million. The average earning of foreign exchange from raw jute and jute goods over the said period was 93.83% of the total earnings from all commodities and in no year over the said period it was less than 91% and in some years it was as high as 98%.Thus it is evident that the prosperity and adversity of the country was heavily linked with the prosperity or otherwise of the jute economy of the country. Prior to 1969/70, earnings from raw jute exceeded that of jute goods and only at that year earnings from jute goods exceeded earnings from raw jute by an amount of about Rs. 4.6 million. An interesting feature to be noted is that over the said period the share of raw jute in foreign exchange earnings continuously fell while that of jute goods continuously increased. Still the export of raw jute remained as important as jute goods and some 60 countries of the world bought raw jute or jute goods or both from East Pakistan i.e. present day Bangladesh. Earnings from such exports were used to buy most urgently needed imports of goods and services to maintain the domestic economy and its economic progress and friendly relations with foreign countries. Such an industry of vital importance is now on perilous struggle for its survival.16

IV. Jute in Bangladesh

4.1 Jute in the Immediate Post Independence years.

Bangladeshi industrial economy experienced 65% of the capacity owned and managed by the Pakistanis abandoned in addition to the colossal loss of human life and sufferings17. This caused serious management problems in addition to a loss of an estimated amount of Tk.69.9 million18 in the jute industry’s physical sector alone due to post-war damage and pilferage. It was a serious challenge before the Bangladesh Government to restore normalcy in the economy and bring the production level to the post liberation war 1969/70 level. For this purpose the Government of Bangladesh nationalized all abandoned mills and factories and as per the nationalization policy pursued by the Government, it took up the Bengali owned mills and factories as well. Under a very compelling situation, Government had to take up the management of the abandoned mills and quickly declare its policy of nationalization. As a result private enterprise was replaced by state enterprise and managements.19 This was a new experiment against a new national setting and the result was not happy.

“In 1972/73 The Jute Mills Corporation suffered a loss of Taka 255 million for a variety of reasons. It started with denuded stocks and inventories and a negative bank balance. It needed over Taka 1060 million and never got more than Taka 500 million; out of its foreign exchange requirements of over Taka 170 million, it received only Taka 40 million or less than 25%; about 15% of the 160,000 odd workers “employed on their own terms” made the life of the officers miserable by “assault, Gheraos, kidnapping and insult”. Frequent power failures caused production loss of Taka 165 million and debarred two mills with 750 looms from going into production. Another Taka 100 million might have been lost due to labor unrest. Goods sold could not be shipped for want of tugs, barges and shipping space. Insurance claims of about Taka 112 million could not be received. BJMC had to hire BIWTC barges at about 100% premium on fixed rates for reasons best known to these corporations; and being a Government sale agent it could not adopt the tactics of price maneuverability so common in international deals. And it was going understaffed without the power to hire and fire and without support of market studies or product development research.”20

In consequence, the jute industry of Bangladesh dwindled down. One striking feature of the jute industry before liberation was continuous upward trends, but after liberation, the monthly production trends had become very unstable. Comparative post-war trends are shown in Table 3:

Table 3. Jute Goods Production, 1969/70 – 1972/73.

|Year |Total Production |Monthly Average |Maximum |Minimum |

|1969/70 |587,487 |48,957 |54,512 (Jan. ’70) |39,606 (Feb. ’70) |

|1970/71 |452,231 |41,110 |61,184 (Jan. ’71) |4,267 (April ’71) |

|1971/72 |315,028 |26,377 |41,384 (June ’72) |2,213 (Dec. ’71) |

|1972/73 |446,308 |37,192 |44,824 (Aug. ’72) |27,482 (April ’73) |

According to the Planning Commission the installed capacity of the jute industry in 1972/73 was 792,000 tons, against which only 446,308 tons were actually produced in that year. This represented 56.35% capacity utilization as against 74.18% in 1969/70. This slow recovery had been due to several causes emanating from war dislocation, post-war pilferage and abrupt changes in industrial and commercial policies, besides organizational and management gaps of that period.21

These falling trends in jute industry could not be recovered in the successive decades to reach or exceed the pre-liberation war trends in jute production; rather the trend ran from bad to worse, which means the erosion in the jute economy in particular and the Bangladesh economy in general, started with the very birth of the liberated Bangladesh. “Even though we brand our economy as war devastated, the fact is, all our factories were intact up to 16 December [1971]. The materials that have disappeared from the factories are an incident of post 16 December [1971]. Though all the equipments were intact, production could not continue because of the lack of skilled managerial hands and the absence of the facilities to import raw materials even if the new destructive mentality of the workers is ignored. Our leaders during the Pakistan period repeatedly said “The only cause of your misery is exploitation”. Today, that is a boomerang on them.”22

Soon after the assumption of power in 1982 the then government announced The New Industrial Policy in June 1982, whereby it committed itself to a programme of large-scale disinvestment of public sector manufacturing industries.23 “Following the denationalizations of 1982/83, production fell by some 3.5% in 1983/84, in the private sector mills. In the same year, production fell by around 5.5% in the 33 retained mills, thus indicating that while production, in general, maintained its secular decline after 1982/83, the newly denationalized mills performed slightly better than their public sector counterparts in having somewhat lower rate of decline in production.”24 “…the change in ownership has failed to bring about any improvement in performance; if anything, performance has been relatively poorer in the private sector mills.”25 As regards financial positions, in 1984/85 all mills in both sectors suffered huge losses, the losses in the private sector being a bit lesser.26 Such losses in subsequent years culminated in the eventual shutting down of Adamjee Jute Mill, the nation’s and the world’s biggest one, along with some others.

4.2 Declining Trend in Jute Acreage.

Thus the Jute industry of Bangladesh economy suffered heavily in the post- independence period. The scarcity and increased money supply caused a spiraling rise in the price of rice which necessitated increased acreage under rice causing a heavy toll of jute acreage. On the other hand international demand for jute fell to a large extent due to heavy inroads made by synthetics into the jute product market. “Institutional bottlenecks in the years after independence almost sounded the death knell for this sector. Opinions favoring the phasing out of the jute sector gained momentum, in view of the overall grim picture of this sector.”27

The fact is despite the staggering problem in the jute sector of the economy, it had the edge over rice in terms of social profitability even under the circumstances of 1973-74 and 1974-75.28 It is urgent to give proper attention to see that the jute industry may rejuvenate now, that was long over due.

Table 4 shows the figures of the jute acreage in each greater district compared with the total post liberation Bangladesh (especially British period) acreage and the total cropped area of the district in the year 1996.29

The total acreage under jute in Bangladesh in 1996 was 1,304,050 acres, of which slightly above one third of this area was in two greater districts viz. Mymensing plus Rangpur. From Table 1 we get the total acreage under jute 1,928,800 acres in the area now comprising Bangladesh in 1936-37, which means a total fall of 624,750 acres i.e. 32.39% or nearly one third fall from the British time(1936-37) acreage under jute in the area now (1996) comprising Bangladesh. During the Pakistan period, in the second half of 1960 about 2,300,000 acres were under jute cultivation, in comparison to which jute acreage fell by 995,950 acres i.e. 43.30% in the Bangladesh period. The figures given above show an increase of about 371,200 acres i.e.19% of the jute acreage in Pakistan over the British period. The irony of fate is that jute played one of the principal motivating economic factors for the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971.

Table 4. Description of jute Acreage in Bangladesh, 1996.

|District |Net Area Cropped (In |Area under Jute |% of Jute Area in the |% of Jute Area in the |

| |acres) |(In acres) |District to Total Jute|District to Net |

| | | |Area in the Country |Cropped Area in the |

| | | | |District |

|Mymensing |2,595.614 |227,316 |17 |8.9 |

|Dhaka |880,835 |85,446 |6.5 |9.7 |

|Rangpur |1,477,970 |221,423 |17 |15 |

|Comilla |978,674 |50,093 |3.8 |5.1 |

|Faridpur |1,058,283 |194,493 |15 |18.4 |

|Rajshahi |1,453,256 |41,929 |3 |2.9 |

|Jessore |1,037,878 |152,833 |12 |14.7 |

|Pabna |659,838 |74,388 |6 |11.3 |

|Bogra |624,812 |36,933 |3 |5.9 |

|Dinajpur |1,148,336 |67,195 |5 |5.9 |

|Noakhali |673,846 |3,129 |.2 |.5 |

|Barisal |1,547,107 |12,826 |1 |.8 |

|Khulna |889,962 |23,976 |2 |2.7 |

|Chittagong |835,495 |1,632 |.1 |.2 |

|Kustia |530,876 |104,722 |8 |19.7 |

|Sylhet |1,378,559 |5,716 |.4 |.4 |

|Total |17,771,339 |1,304,050 |100% | |

A comparison of the two tables, Table 1 and Table 4, shows the gradual decline of the percentage of jute area in the greater district to total jute area in the country as well as the percentage of jute area in the district to net cropped area in the district. In the year 1936-37, 11.78% of the total cropped area was under jute while the figure fell to 7.34%, i.e. a 4.44% fall, in the year 1996. When the net area under crop increased by 1,400,839 acres i.e. 8.56%, from 16,370,500 acres in 1936-1937 to 17,771,339 acres in 1996. While comparing the percentage of jute area in the district to total jute area in the country, it should be borne in mind that in the case of figures in Table 1 country means undivided Bengal of which today’s Bangladesh was a part before 1947. In most of the cases area under jute in the greater district of Bangladesh has sharply fallen since 1936-37. Only Faridpur, Dinajpur, Jessore, and Chittagong show some sort of rise in area under jute since 1936-37 and the rest of the greater districts show major/minor fall in area under jute since then. Probably some bordering district figures were influenced by the partition of Bengal in 1947. However, the overall picture is discouraging as regards area under jute and the percentage of jute area in the district to total jute area in the country and the percentage of jute area in the district to net cropped area in the greater district of Bangladesh over time as we see in 1996.

The dwindling down of the jute industry in Bangladesh, as has been indicated above, had started just after her successful war of independence in 1971. “In the past three years [after independence], while Bangladesh industry has been struggling for survival, the Indian industry has not only checked the decline and consolidated its position, but also has significantly improved its performance in all sectors. Not only this, India is going in for rapid expansion, because the demand for jute goods has been rising rapidly at home and abroad.”30Since 1996 the picture in Bangladesh has grown grimmer and grimmer with the passage of time; now in 2008 the jute industry is on the verge of ruin. Presently, Bangladesh exports only raw jute mainly to three countries namely China, India and Pakistan. During the last three financial years ending in June 2007 Bangladesh exported to these countries 25 lac bales (400 lbs i.e.181.44 kg each) in each financial year, which is about 83.33% of her total 30 lac bales of raw jute production31; total raw jute production of Bangladesh at this time being about 50% to 56% less than that of the Pakistan period in the 1960s and about 68% less than the British time production in 1936-37. Jute mills are being sealed off one after another on the plea of being losing concerns as the Government of Bangladesh could not fulfill the conditions of the foreign donor agencies32. It is surprising that an independent country could not keep the successful jute industry running satisfactorily because of faulty foreign help and advice, negligence, mismanagement and unbridled corruption;33at the same time expert opinion is that there lies a conspiracy behind – that is by destroying the jute factories in Bangladesh – to let the same sector develop and flourish in a neighbouring country.34

V. Jute Price and the Grower

Almost every agricultural commodity has a peculiar price behavior – the grower is the loser and the trader is the gainer, whatever the supply and demand conditions of the commodity concerned are. In the case of jute it is no exception. Let us depict a picture of the jute grower and jute price in British-India, Pakistan and Bangladesh for a clear understanding of the conditions that prevailed in the past and are prevailing today to realize to our surprise that nothing has changed in these three periods as far as the return to the grower and its price relative to the cost of producing jute are concerned; surprisingly, as we have already seen, the overall picture has changed from bad to worse in the post-independence Bangladesh period.

5.1 British period

There was a considerable body of opinion in the country that the marketing condition of jute and the process of movement of jute from the field to the factory determined the price in the interest of the trade rather than the welfare of the grower. The grower had no power to hold over and he was compelled to bring his jute within a short compass of time to the market. Jute being the only money-crop of importance in the jute growing districts, everyone regarded its harvest time as the season for collections. The landlord, the mahajan, the credit banks, the local authorities, in short creditors of all degrees and ranks – all at the same time put pressure on the grower for the collection of their dues; the grower was thus confronted all at once by his creditors and in the absence of adequate and regular credit facilities he was compelled to meet his liabilities by bringing all his jute at one time to the market. “Buy Jute in Puja time” was then a tradition with the trade. That was the time when the cultivator was not merely confronted by all the creditors but had also invariably to meet other liabilities and expenses of his own. If there were a steady and regular flow of jute throughout the year, jute prices would probably be firmer at that time. The mills had invariably a large surplus stock purchased from previous years’ crops and the trade was, thus, in a position to bargain on its own terms. The complete helplessness of the growers against organized trade and business interests naturally affected the price and hierarchy of the middlemen between the grower and the manufacturer reduced the margin for the grower who seemed only to get the residuum after paying the share of everybody else. Yet it was the grower who had the monopoly of the raw material; the trade had no such monopoly. The number of looms for jute manufacture within India was only about 60 per cent of the world’s total.35

It is interesting to note that “the harvest price of jute as published in official reports and the price received by the manufacturers and balers ….. that till about two years back the jute trade and industry generally had an almost uninterrupted period of prosperity, but that the grower did not participate to a corresponding extent to this prosperity”36

5.2 Pakistan period

The growers of jute were normally small cultivators, each growing on the average about twenty maunds or so of jute. They retained a part of their produce for domestic consumption – for making ropes, mats, strings, crude sacking materials, etc. This amount varied from 2% to 5% of the total production. The average grower, being a man of small means, had little power to hold his crop for better prices. He tried to sell his jute at the earliest, either to peripatetic dealers at his doorstep or at his local hat (primary market) and seldom sold at the secondary market (the baling centers), where he could get better prices, since he lacked transport facilities and financial resources. Moreover, due to diversity of weights and measures, he was likely to be defrauded at larger markets by unscrupulous buyers.

The main problem which needed attention in the marketing of jute were: to see that the grower gets a fair price for his product, to reduce price fluctuations as far as possible, to promote standardization of the product, to make market information available to the people concerned, to safeguard against competition from substitutes through lowering cost and improving quality of the product and to control unauthorized export to the neighbouring country. The Government had been taking steps to tackle those problems. Among these were the passing of the Jute Act, creation of the Jute Marketing Corporation, promotion of the jute mill industry, etc. 37

5.3 Bangladesh period

“The basic problems with respect to the price of raw jute are (i) the instability of the price and (ii) low return to the growers. Jute price has traditionally been subject to both cyclical and seasonal fluctuations. Cyclical fluctuations can be ascribed to the variation in supply and demand conditions both at home and abroad.38Such fluctuation in jute is also fairly considerable. Normally, July to December is the period of low price while January to June is the period of high price. This trend highly correlated with the quantum of loose jute arrival at the balling centers (70% arrive between July to Dec.). Heavy rush of arrival is attributed to low holding power of the growers, inadequate transport facilities, absence of co-operatives and difficulty in transport facilities after recession of flood water in October. Two significant measures viz. (i) fixation of minimum price with appropriate price support scheme and (ii) buffer stock operation, were recommended by the Jute Enquiry Commission to stabilize jute price and ensure fair price to the growers. Four public sector corporations viz. JTC, JMC, JPSC and BJC have been entrusted with the functions. They have both paid up and borrowed capital for buying jute at minimum price from the growers. The incentive price for jute producers has become important these days especially due to competitiveness of jute with rice. Over the last few years, the price of rice has risen much more than the price of jute. Moreover, the high productivity inputs which are heavily subsidized are more widely used in rice than in jute and the technological break-through is more advanced in rice than in jute. Consequently, a much higher and more effective jute price is needed to induce the farmers to continue to produce jute in the existing areas which have declined in recent years. According to FAO expert recommendations, the most desirable jute-rice price ratio will be 1:1:1. An appropriate price policy would serve two main purposes (i) to ensure a competitive price with that of synthetics in the external market and (ii) price to be high enough to keep jute competitive with rice in the use of same land resources.

“While the govt. announces every year a minimum price for jute growers and arranges procurement of jute at minimum price through the public sector corporations, the effectiveness of minimum price, has, however been open to question. (i) The minimum price is not strictly a statutorily enforceable price. It merely serves as a guide to farm gate prices. (ii) Due to limitation of capital resources and lack of baling facilities at the farm level, the government corporations are forced to buy jute at the secondary markets. (iii) Farmer hardly receives the benefit of minimum price. (iv) The advantages of high market price (under a situation) are not derived by the small farmers. Only wealthier farmers and middlemen who have holding powers by and large derive such benefits.”39

5.4 Remarks

In practice, it is, of course, correct that in business, one always tries to purchase at the lowest price and sell at the highest. Unfortunately the conditions are different in the case of jute like all other commodities in this country where we have an organized industry and an unorganized body of agriculturists, ignorant and scattered over a very wide area. As a result they are utterly helpless in the matter of bargaining powers with the powerful organized trade and industry. The ultimate welfare of the grower is, as a result, a factor which has to be considered and should, to some extent, determine the amount of trade profits. Though it is true to say that no industry can survive without a fair margin of profit in order to maintain its efficiency, it is also true, at the same time, that the grower must also obtain a fair price for the raw materials he produces.40 The principal reason behind the fall of the jute and the jute industry in Bangladesh is the failure to recognize this absolute truth in addition to other malpractices, including smuggling of jute to the neighboring country, that are rampant in this industry at different levels. A very top level Bangladesh government official rightfully accused that “the jute industry of the country is being destroyed in a planned manner”.41 Judging from all possible angle of vision, it will not be too much to say that Bangladesh jute and jute industry have already reached a point of no return. This may sound as a pessimistic note about the once glorious industry of the country but seems to be a hard reality in the absence of appropriate and pragmatic attention that this industry need for its survival and rejuvenation, from all concerned.

VI. Conclusion

From our discussion in the foregoing we can readily infer that the causes of the fall of the jute industry in Bangladesh were mismanagement, pilferage, lootings, deprivations and other shameless activities that were rampant in the jute industry, like in other sectors of the economy – as a whole. It is needless to say that these are not some detached events. Why after Independence the profitable state enterprises sank one after another? The answer to this question is also concealed in these events of lootings and irresponsible rash acts by the self seekers at almost all levels, who were entrusted with the responsibilities of running the affairs of the economy and the country as a whole. It is not difficult to understand why Adamjee, the world’s biggest jute mill, turned into a losing concern; why the state owned jute mills, cotton mills, sugar mills, paper mills, heavy industries like Chittagong Steel Mills, banks and insurance companies etc. have fallen headlong. Nobody did even touch the tip of the hair of the officials and the employees who year after year mercilessly sucked the flesh and blood, bone and core of these organizations.42 The decline in ethical and moral values at all levels of the Bangladesh economy both before and after her liberation provides an honest explanation behind the fall of the jute economy in particular and the Bangladesh economy in general; though the western and western trained economists of the country are citing domestic and global economic causes behind the fall of the country’s jute economy in particular and the tottering condition of the Bangladesh economy in general. .

Some patriotic and ambitious Bangladeshi intellectuals throw out formulas43, demands44 and hopes that – ‘Jute is our most ancient industry. We will have to keep it alive at any cost. The Golden Fiber and Muslin once made this Bangladesh famous in the World – I feel the necessity of making these two economic bases firmly established again’.45Once it was a reality, now a dream in the present circumstances. Available figures indicate that “about two-thirds [i.e. about 66%] of the world’s jute was produced in Bangladesh until 1950”46 and in the late sixties her production was “about 75 per cent of the world’s raw jute supply”47while, on the other hand, of the world’s raw jute production her share “fell to between 29%-32% in the period 1970-77”48. This indicates that Bangladeshi cultivators are forgetting Jute cultivation and likewise the researchers are forgetting to bother about jute in recent times. To my knowledge the last study on Jute was published by the BIDS in 1987 i.e. about two decades back, and a very recent effort presented by the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) more than twenty years later in May 2008.

Every cloud has its silver lining. At present the price of synthetic is increasing in the world market; with that the demand for jute goods is increasing gradually – the compressed and contractible jute market is expanding again. Though Bangladesh is unable to show success in taking advantage of this opportunity, China, India, and Pakistan are coming forward in a planed manner in this field – they are meeting the increased demand.49 In this connection, one has to bear in mind that, though there are jute industries in these countries their volume of jute production is not adequate; and Pakistan produces no jute at all and her success in jute industry is based on imported jute. They use imported jute from Bangladesh and exports jute goods also.

Good news for the jute growers and jute traders of Bangladesh is that, in the northern region of the country about 19 mini-jute mills are being successfully run by using the relinquished instruments of the Adamjee Jute Mill. By this means, employment of about more than five thousands workers and employees has been ensured. In the south and the south-western region, centering Faridpur, about a dozen mini and medium sized jute mills have been established and are successfully running with the relinquished equipments of the shutdown jute mills, providing employment directly to about twenty thousands people together with indirect employment to may other people connected with jute cultivation and the jute industry. The role played by the setting up of such mini and medium sized jute mills by private initiative, is significant. In our consideration for the rejuvenation of the jute industry, a National Commission may be formed comprising representatives of Jute growers, Jute exporters, experienced officials and Jute experts. The Commission shall constantly advise the Government as to how the Jute industry may be made profitable. All concerned will have to realize that an industry, whose 100% raw materials are available within the country, cannot be allowed to perish.50Moreover, we should be careful so that the cropping pattern of the country is not whimsically or artificially changed for more food and giving rice price an edge over jute to make cultivation of jute difficult even if the urgently needed proper jute seeds, jute price and adequate flow and reserve of water for jug are ensured to the cultivators. UK does not produce the entire amount of food she needs; she imports food in exchange of her industrial goods exports. Even then, nobody terms UK a food deficit country; likewise Bangladesh can also import food in favourable terms in exchange of her jute manufactures the demand for which is on the increase in the world market, if she succeeds in the jute sector. If Bangladesh succeeds in this respect, she will not be required to produce the entire amount of food she needs and at the same time she will be able to wipe out the infamy of a food deficit country along with giving employment to millions of her jobless people if labor intensive technology is employed in the countrywide mini and medium sized mills of the jute goods manufacturing industrial sector. Let not the jute stick but the fiber become important once again. Let us not delay.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

01. Roy, Niharranjan, Bangalir Itihas:Adiparba (A history of the Bengali People: Early Period), Dey’s Publishing, 13 Bankim Chatterjee Street, Calcutta 700073, 1993.Pp.97 and 150.

02. Haque, M.Azizul, The Man Behind the Plough, First Edition: Calcutta 1939. Reprint: Bangladesh Books International Limited, Dacca 1980.Pp.72-73.

03. Ibid. Table 19. P. 55. Here in this Article Table 1. A minor change in terminology has been made in Table 1; the term ‘Country” has been used instead of ‘Province’ since greater districts of today’s Bangladesh has been identified to facilitate comparison.

04. Hai, Hasnat Abdul, Poshak Silper Khobor (The News of Garment Industry). The Daily Ittefaq, 55th Year, No.254. Tuesday, 11 September 2007. Dhaka. P. 7.

05. Haque,M.Azizul, Ibid. P.54.

06. Ibid. Table 19.P.55.

07. Ibid. P. 72 and P. 68.

08. Ibid. P.61 Table 22. and P.58. Tipperah figures have been included in Bangladesh in calculating the total production of the fiber at that period as the plain alluvial land of the State producing jute has fallen in the greater Comilla District of Bangladesh after the partition of India in !947. The figures of Rajshahi and Dinajpur might have also been influenced to some extent because of the 1947 partition, though, like Tipperah figures, figurers of those two districts have been included in the Bangladesh figures.

09. Ibid. Pp.64-65.

10. Akhtar, Dr. S.M. Economics of Pakistan Vol. 1, Publishers United Ltd. 176, Anarkali, Lahore. 1963. Pp. .90-91

11. Rahman, Sultan Hafeez, Some Observations on the Social Profitability of Jute Production, Political Economy Vol.2, No.1. Conference 1976. Journal of The Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1977.P. 257. By the same author- Evaluation of Jute Policies and a Jute Policy Model for Bangladesh, Research Monograph: 3, Bangladesh Institute of Development Economics, Dhaka, 1984, is an useful study on Jute.

12. Akhtar, Dr. S.M. Ibid. P.92

13. Ibid. P.93.

14. Ahmed, Rakibuddin. First Five Year Plan Physical Targets for the Jute Industry in Bangladesh (1973-78). Political Economy Vol.1, No.1. Conference 1974. Journal of The Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1974. P.267-68.

15. Ibid. P. 268.

16. Ibid. Pp. 268-270.

17. Ibid. P. 272.

18. Ibid. P. 272.

19. Ibid. P. 278

20. Ibid. P. 277.

21. Ibid. Pp. 271-272.

22. Huq, Dr. Mazharul, Conference Speech as the President of Bangladesh Economic Association, in Bengali, Political Economy, Vol.1 No.1. Conference 1974. Journal of the Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1974. P.5.

23. Sobhan, Rehman, and Mahmood, Syed Akhter. The Economic Performance of Denationalized Industries in Bangladesh: The Case of the Jute and Cotton Textile Industries, BIDS Research Report No. 129. June 1991. Dhaka. P. 1.

24. Ibid. P. 6.

25. Ibid. P. 6.

26. Ibid. P. 18.

27. Rahman, Sultan Hafeez, Ibid. P.256

28. Ibid. Pp. 264-265.

29. Calculated by the author of the present article from the Year Book of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Dhaka, June 2004. Pp.215-216.

30. Ahmed, Rakibuddin. Ibid. P.275.

31. Pinto, Sharifuzzaman, Datader Sharta Ar Abebosthaponay Dubeche Pat Khat (The Jute Sector has Sunk due to Donors’ Conditions and Mismanagements), Prothom Alo, A News Item, 9th Year, No.282. Sunday, 19 August 2007, Dhaka. P.1 column 3-5 and P.2 column 4-6.

32. Calculated by the author of the present article from Hossen, Ezaz, Bishabepi Pat Ponner Chahida Barche (The Demand for Jute Goods is increasing Worldwide), A News Item based on the Center for Policy Dialogue (CPD) Research Findings, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.141. Saturday, 17 May 2008. Dhaka. P.16 column 5-8 and P.15 column 6-7. In another News item in The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.184. Sunday, 29 June 2008. Dhaka, P.2 column 6 continued from P.1 column 2-4 captioned as Nanamukhi Samoshar Britte Bandi Sambhabonamoy Besarkari Khat (The Prospective Private Sector is chained under the Circle of Multifarious Problems) Haider, Monir, quoting an anonymous source says ‘a knowledgeable source informs’ that presently Bangladesh exports jute products to sixty four countries of which 40% goes to Turkey, 15% to Belgium, 14% to Iran, 9% to India, 7% to Syria, 6% to the US and 4.5% to Egypt, he also says that , quoting the same source, if the Government takes initiatives it is possible to create huge markets for jute products in Russia and Japan also.

33. Pinto, Sharifuzzaman, Abohelay Dhongsha Halo Pat (Jute is Lost by Neglect), Prothom Alo, A News Item, 9th Year, No. 281. Saturday, 18 August 2007, Dhaka. P.1 column 2-5 and P.17column 3-5.

34. _____, Datader Sharta Ar Abebosthaponay Dubeche Pat Khat (The Jute Sector has Sunk due to Donors’ Conditions and Mismanagements), Prothom Alo, A News Item. 9th Year, No.282. Sunday, 19 August 2007, Dhaka. P.2 column 4-6 Continued from P.1.

35. Haque,M.Azizul, Ibid.Pp.63-64.

36. Ibid. Pp. 67-72.

37. Akhtar, Dr. S.M. Ibid. 1963. Pp.211-212.

38. “…. while the price fell heavily in 1926 and 1927, the years of surplus production, it had no corresponding rise in the following years of deficit viz., in 1928 and in 1929. In 1931, again, which was a deficit year, the price was less than the price of 1926 and 1927, the two surplus years. The price did not rise correspondingly in 1936 and in 1937, both years of deficit. Taking the figures from year to year, the variations between production and consumption may justify price fluctuations up to a certain extent within certain limits, but not to the extent the actual fluctuations go. It only shows that the price of jute though undoubtedly affected by the volume of production, has special features of its own which bring down its prices relatively lower than the general price level.” Haque,M.Azizul, Ibid.Pp.59-61.

39. Rahman, Mujibur, Procurement, Distribution and Pricing Policies for Agricultural Inputs and Outputs in Bangladesh – A Critical Review, Political Economy Vol.2, No.1. Conference 1976. Journal of The Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1977. Pp. 506-507.

40. Haque,M.Azizul, Ibid.Pp.72.

41. Pat Laiya Udbeg O Karaniya (Concern about Jute and to Be Done). Second Editorial, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No. 109. Saturday, 12 April 2008. Dhaka. P.8.

42. Panthajan, Adhunic Alibaba O Ashankha Chorer Kahini (The Story of Modern Alibaba and Numerous Thieves), Kaler Jatradhani (Voice of Passing Time), The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.56. Monday, 18 February 2008, Dhaka. P.8.

43. Yusuf, Sabbir, Pat Shilpa – Bartaman O Vabishat (Jute Industry – Present and Future) The Daily Ittefaq, 55th Year, No. 248. Wednesday, 5 September 2007. Dhaka. P.7. and there are many others containing the similar view.

44. Pat Shilpe Naton Pran Pratishta Chai,(We want Injection of New Vigor in the Jute Industry), First Editorial. The Daily Ittefaq, 55th Year, No. 238. Saturday, 25 August 2007. Dhaka. P.6.

45. Rahman, Owaliura, Bangladesher Arthanity: Bortoman O Bhavishat (Economy of Bangladesh: Present and Future). The Daily Ittefq.55th Year, No.250. Friday, 7 September 2007. Dhaka. P. 6.

46. Rahman, Sultan Hafeez, Evaluation of Jute Policies and a Jute Policy Model for Bangladesh, Research Monograph: 3, Bangladesh Institute of Development Economics, Dhaka, 1984. P. 9.

47. Emil Lengyel, J.D. Ibid. P.127. Opinion differs in this respect: “In the 1960’s … the share stabilized around 40%”of world production. Vide. Rahman, Sultan Hafeez, Evaluation of Jute Policies and a Jute Policy Model for Bangladesh, Research Monograph: 3, Bangladesh Institute of Development Economics, Dhaka, 1984. P. 9

48. Rahman, Sultan Hafeez, Evaluation of Jute Policies and a Jute Policy Model for Bangladesh, Research Monograph: 3, Bangladesh Institute of Development Economics, Dhaka, 1984. P. 9

49. Hossen, Ezaz, Bishabepi Pat Ponner Chahida Barche (The Demand for Jute Goods is increasing Worldwide), A News Item based on the Center for Policy Dialogue (CPD) Research Findings, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.141. Saturday, 17 May 2008. Dhaka. P.16 column 5-8 and P.15 column 6-7. The possibilities for the increase and introduction of environment-friendly jute-made shopping bags – especially in the numerous mega and small shops of Western countries, the demand for which is presently met by West Bengal of India– in the face of growing concern of people and governments Worldwide about the harmful effect of synthetic shopping bags on environment, has also been optimistically expressed as an opportunity for the prospect and prosperity of major jute growing Bangladesh for her jute Industry by emigrant Kader Mahmood living in England, in his short article entitled ‘Raptani – Daridra Bimochan’ (Export – The Eradication of Poverty) in The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.163. Sunday, 8 June 2008. Dhaka. P.8 column 8.

50. Pat Shilper Punarjagaraner Uddog Nin (Take Initiative to Rejuvenate the Jute Industry). Third Editorial, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No 85. Tuesday, 18 March 2008. Dhaka. P.8. and Haider, Monir, From Faridpur, Pat Shilpe Naton Diner Hatsani (The Beckoning of a time of Prosperity in the Jute industry). A News Item, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No 181. Thursday, 26 June 2008, Dhaka. P. 1 column 1 and P.4 column 3. It is not beyond doubt as to how realistic such optimistic catchy captions of news papers are practical with regard to jute in the face of the reality that those mini and medium sized jute mills are being established by old fashioned scrap of shut down Jute Mills whose renovation and modernization were long over due for their proper functioning. However, for the time being it may raise hope if in the near future they succeed in modernizing themselves on their own success.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

01. Akhtar, Dr. S.M. Economics of Pakistan Vol. 1, Publishers United Ltd. 176, Anarkali, Lahore. 1963.

02. Ahmed, Rakibuddin, First Five Year Plan Physical Targets for the Jute Industry in Bangladesh (1973-78). Political Economy Vol.1, No.1. Conference1974. Journal of The Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1974.

03. Emil Lengyel, J.D. The Subcontinent of India, Published by Scholastic Book Services New York. Revised January 1967. Tenth printing December 1968. Manufactured in the USA.

04. Hai, Hasnat Abdul, Poshak Silper Khobor (The News of Garment Industry).The Daily Ittefaq, 55th Year, No.254. Tuesday, 11 September 2007. Dhaka.

05. Haider, Monir, From Faridpur, Pat Shilpe Naton Diner Hatsani (The Beckoning of a time of Prosperity in the Jute industry). A News Item, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No 181. Thursday, 26 June 2008, Dhaka.

06. _____, Nanamukhi Samoshar Britte Bandi Sambhabonamoy Besarkari Khat (The Prospective Private Sector is chained under the Circle of Multifarious Problems). A News Item, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.184. Sunday, 29 June 2008. Dhaka,

07. Hossen Ezaz, Bishabepi Pat Ponner Chahida Barche (The Demand for Jute Goods is increasing Worldwide), A News Item based on the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) Research Findings, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.141. Saturday, 17 May 2008. Dhaka.

08. Huq, Dr. Mazharul, “Conference Speech as the President of Bangladesh Economic Association”, in Bengali, Political Economy, Vol.1 No.1. Conference 1974. Journal of the Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1974.

09. Haque, M.Azizul, The Man Behind the Plough, First Edition: Calcutta 1939. Reprint: Bangladesh Books International Limited, Dacca 1980.

10. Mahmood, Kader, Raptani – Daridra Bimochon (Export – The Eradication of Poverty), The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.163. Sunday, 8 June 2008. Dhaka.

11. Panthajan, Adhunic Alibaba O Ashankha Chorer Kahini (The Story of Modern Alibaba and Numerous Thieves), Kaler Jatradhani (Voice of Passing Time), The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No.56. Monday, 18 February 2008. Dhaka.

12. Pat Laiya Udbeg O Karaniya (Concern about Jute and to be Done). Second Editorial, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No. 109. Saturday, 12 April 2008, Dhaka.

13. Pat Shilpe Naton Pran Pratishta Chai,(We want Injection of New Vigor in the Jute Industry), First Editorial. The Daily Ittefaq, 55th Year, No. 238. Saturday, 25 August 2007, Dhaka.

14. Pat Shilper Punarjagaraner Uddog Nin (Take Initiative to Rejuvenate the Jute Industry). Third Editorial, The Daily Ittefaq, 56th Year, No 85. Tuesday, 18 March 2008, Dhaka ..

15. Pinto, Sharifuzzaman, Abohelay Dhongsha Halo Pat (Jute is Lost by Neglect) Prothom Alo, A News Item, 9th Year, No. 281. Saturday, 18 August 2007, Dhaka.Prothom Alo, A News Item, 9th Year, No. 281. Saturday, 18 August 2007, Dhaka.

16. _______, Datader Sharta Ar Abebosthaponay Dubeche Pat Khat (The Jute Sector has Sunk due to Donors’ Conditions and Mismanagements) A News Item, 9th Year, No.282. Sunday, 19 August 2007, Dhaka. .

17. Rahman, Mujibur, Procurement, Distribution and Pricing Policies for Agricultural Inputs and Outputs in Bangladesh – A Critical Review, Political Economy Vol.2, No.1. Conference 1976. Journal of The Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1977.

18. Rahman, Sultan Hafeez, Some Observations on the Social Profitability of Jute Production, Political Economy Vol.2, No.1. Conference 1976. Journal of The Bangladesh Economic Association, Dacca 1977.

19. ________, Evaluation of Jute Policies and a Jute Policy Model for Bangladesh, Research Monograph: 3, Bangladesh Institute of Development Economics, Dhaka, 1984

20. Rahman, Owaliur, Bangladesher Arthanity: Bortoman O Bhavishat (Economy of Bangladesh: Present and Future). The Daily Ittefq.55th Year, No.250. Friday 7 September 2007, Dhaka.

21. Roy, Niharranjan, Bangalir Itihas:Adiparba (A history of the Bengali People: Early Period), Dey’s Publishing,13 Bankim Chatterjee Street, Calcutta 700073, 1993.

22. Sobhan, Rehman, and Mahmood, Syed Akhter, The Economic Performance of Denationalized Industries in Bangladesh: The Case of the Jute and Cotton Textile Industries, BIDS Research Report No. 129. June 1991. Dhaka. .

23. Year Book of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh 2001, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Dhaka, June 2004.

24. Yusuf, Sabbir, Pat Shilpa – Bartaman O Vabishat (Jute Industry – Present and Future) The Daily Ittefaq, 55th Year, No. 248. Wednesday, 5 September 2007, Dhaka.

( The author is a former Staff Economist, (1968-1970). Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Karachi, Pakistan. Former Professor of Economics and Vice-Principal, Comilla Women’s College,Comilla, Bangladesh. The author is thankful to Professor A.S.M. Salauddin, Registrar of United Independent University, Dhaka; Ms. Shahanaz Begom, Assistant Professor of Economics, Comilla Victoria College, for supplying, on request, some useful published matters on jute which have been used as sources in this Article. The author is also thankful to Dr. Quazi Shahabuddin, Director General of the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), who, on request, directed Mr. Meftaur Rahman, Chief Publication Officer of the BIDS, who kindly supplied the author with some publications of the BIDS relating to jute, which have also been used as sources in this Article. However, the views expressed are essentially those of the author, and the persons mentioned and the Institutions they belong to are in no way related with the views.

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