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CHAPTER 9 The Dynamics Of GrowthCritical Reading Exercises"TRANSPORTATION AND THE MARKET REVOLUTION" (PP. 370–378)1. Enter Notes: for this section of the exercise, simply note important points.2. Summarize the passage in your own words.3. How did canals and steamboats help develop the national markets?4. How did the development of railroad transportation spur the expansion of farming?"THE RISE OF THE PROFESSIONS" (PP. 405–407)1. Enter Notes: for this section of the exercise, simply note important points.2. Summarize the passage in your own words.3. Define "professional work" and explain why there was a rise in the professions during the first half of the nineteenth century.4. Why did engineering become the "single largest professional occupation for men in the United States"?"THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION" (PP. 384–392)1. Enter Notes: for this section of the exercise, simply note important points.2. Summarize the passage in your own words.3. What caused the Lowell System of textile mill labor to eventually break down?4. Examine the map on page 385. What region had the highest population density by 1860, and why?Nationalism And SectionalismChapter Study OutlineI. Economic nationalismA. Impact of the War of 1812 on nationalism1. Impact on the economy2. Call for a stronger national governmentB. The Bank of the United States1. Effects of the expiration of the national bank in 18112. Proposal for a new national bank3. The bank’s supporters and opponentsC. Protective tariff1. Changing sectional attitudes2. Proposal for Tariff of 1816D. Internal improvements1. Call for constitutional amendment2. Building the National Road3. Calhoun’s bill and its fateE. Clay’s American SystemII. An “Era of Good Feelings“A. James Monroe characterizedB. Monroe’s cabinetC. Election of 1820 and demise of the first party systemIII. Diplomatic developmentsA. Rush-Bagot Agreement of 1817B. Convention of 18181. Northern boundary of Louisiana Purchase2. Joint occupation of Oregon3. Fishing rights off NewfoundlandC. Trade with the West IndiesD. Acquisition of Florida1. Spain’s powerlessness in Florida2. Jackson sent on campaign against the Seminoles3. Reactions to Jackson’s campaign4. The Transcontinental TreatyIV. Crisis and compromiseA. Panic of 18191. Speculative binge2. Easy credit3. State banks lent beyond their means4. Bank of the United States added to speculative mania5. Wildcat banks forced to maintain specie reservesB. The Missouri Compromise1. Balance of slave and free states2. Tallmadge resolution relating to Missouri slavery3. Compromise to admit Missouria. Maine and Missouri balanced each otherb. Slavery excluded in the northern Louisiana Purchase4. Clay’s “Second Missouri Compromise“V. Judicial nationalismA. John Marshall’s leadershipB. Cases asserting judicial review1.?Marbury v. Madison?(1803)2.?Fletcher v. Peck?(1810)3.?Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee?(1816) and?Cohens v. Virginia?(1821)C. Protection of contract rights in?Dartmouth College v. Woodward?(1819)D. Curbing state powers in?McCulloch v. Maryland?(1819)E. National supremacy in commerce in?Gibbons v. Ogden?(1824)VI. Nationalist diplomacyA. Negotiating Russia out of OregonB. The Monroe Doctrine1. Impact of Napoleonic wars on Latin America2. British efforts to protect Latin America3. The Monroe Doctrine asserted4. Reactions to the doctrineVII. One-party politicsA. The candidates in 1824B. The system for nominationC. The candidates and issuesD. OutcomeE. Charges of “corrupt bargain“VIII. Presidency of John Quincy AdamsA. Adams’s character and plansB. Adams’s mistakes1. Demeaning voters2. Conjuring notions of a royal family3. Political activities that hurt him4. Tariff of 1828a. Provisionsb. Calhoun’s proposal to defeat a tariff increasec. Calhoun’s protestIX. Election of 1828A. Opposition to JacksonB. His appeal to different groupsC. Extensions of suffrage in the statesD. Other domestic trendsE. OutcomeMCCULLOCH V. MARYLAND (1819)Please read this document and answer the following questions.Among the important reflections of nationalism in this era were the decisions of the United States Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall. One of the strongest of these assertions of nationalism was the case of McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), in which the Maryland statute taxing the branch of the Bank of the United States in that state was declared unconstitutional. This opinion further clearly upheld the constitutionality of the bank, a matter of some dispute earlier between Hamilton and Jefferson/Is it true, that this in the sense in which the word "necessary" is always used? Does it always import an absolute physical necessity, so strong, that one thing, to which another may be termed necessary, cannot exist without the other? We think it does not....To employ the means necessary to an end, is generally understood as employing any means calculated to produce the end, and not as being confined to those single means, without which the end would be entirely unattainable. Such is the character of human language, that no word conveys to the mind, in all situations, one single definite idea; and nothing is more common than to use words in a figurative sense....It is essential to just construction, that many words which import something excessive, should be understood in a more mitigated sense -in that sense which common usage justifies. The word "necessary" is of this description. It has not a fixed character peculiar to itself. It admits of all degrees of comparison; and is often connected with other words, which increase or diminish the impression the mind receives of the urgency it imports. A thing may be necessary, very necessary, absolutely or indispensable necessary. To no mind would the same idea be conveyed, by these several phrases....This word, then, like others, is used in various sensed; and, in its construction, the subject, the context, the intention of the person using them, are all to be taken into view.Let this be done in the case under consideration. The subject is the execution of those great powers on which the welfare of a nation essentially depends. It must have been the intention of those who gave these powers, to insure, as far as human prudence could insure, their beneficial execution. This could not be done by confining the choice of means to such narrow limits as not to leave it in the power of congress to adopt any which might be appropriate, and which were conducive to the end. The provision is made in a constitution intended to endure for ages to come, and consequently, to be adapted to the various crises of human affairs. To have prescribed the means by which government should, in all future time, execute its powers, would have been to change, entirely, the character of the instrument, and give it the properties of a legal code. It would have been an unwise attempt to provide, by immutable rules, for exigencies which, if foreseen at all, must have been seen dimly, and which can be best provided for as they occur.Take, for example, the power "to establish post-offices and post-roads." This power is executed by the single act of making the establishment. But, from this has been inferred the power and duty of caring the mail along the post-road, from one post-office, or rob the mail. It may be said, with some plausibility , that the right to carry mail, and to punish those who rob it, is not indispensable necessary to the establishment of a post-office and post-road. This right is, indeed, essential to the beneficial exercise of the power, but not indispensably necessary to its existence. So, of the punishment of the crimes of stealing or falsifying a record or process of a court of the United States, or perjury in such court.But the argument which most conclusively demonstrates the error of the construction contended for by the counsel for the State of Maryland, is founded on the intention of the convention, as manifested in the whole clause. To waste time and argument in providing that, without it, congress might carry its powers into execution, would be not much less idle than to hold a lighted taper to the sun.That the power to tax involves the power to destroy; that the power to destroy may defeat and render useless the power to create; that power to control the constitutional measures of another, which other, with respect to those very measures, is declared to be supreme over that which exerts the control, are propositions not to be denied. But all inconsistencies are to be reconciled by the magic of the word confidence. Taxation, it is said, does not necessarily and unavoidably destroy. To carry it to the excess of destruction would be an abuse, to presume which would banish that confidence which is essential to all government.But is this a case of confidence? Would the people of any one State trust those of another, with a power to control the most insignificant operation of their state government? W3e know they would not. Why, then, should we suppose that the people of any one State would be willing to trust those of another with a power to control the operations of a government to which they have confided their most important and most valuable interests? In the legislature of the Union alone, are all represented. The legislature of the Union alone, are all represented. The legislature of the Union alone, therefore, can be trusted by the people with the power of controlling measures which concern all, in the confidence that it will not be abused.If the States may tax one instrument, employed by the government in the execution of its powers, they may tax any and every other instrument. They may tax the mail; they may tax the mint; they may tax patent rights; they may tax the papers of the customhouse; they may tax judicial process; they may tax all the means employed by the government, to an excess which would defeat all the ends of government. This was not intended by the American people. They did not design to make their government dependent on the States.This is not all. If the controlling power of the States be established; if their supremacy as to taxation be acknowledged; what is to restrain their exercising this control in any shape they may please to give it? Their sovereignty is not confined to taxation. That is not the only mode in which it might be displayed. The question, in truth, is a question of supremacy; and if the right of the States to tax the means employed by the general government be conceded, the declaration that the constitution, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land, is empty and unmeaning declamation.[From McCulloch v. The State of Maryland et al. (4 Wheaton ).]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Observation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE (1820)Please read this document and answer the following questions.As the debaters raged on about Missouri, the inhabitants of the territory of Maine submitted their application for statehood. This application provided Congress with a way by which to resolve a major part of the problem, that of balancing slave versus anti-slave state representation in the national legislature. In 1819 the country had eleven slave and eleven free states, and each of these blocks did not want to see the other gain seats and power at their expense. Adams was not the only one to see that such sectional interests threatened the stability and perpetuity of the union: those in Congress who recognized this potential problem grabbed Maine's application and used it to ensure the continuation of the balance that was one part of the compromise. The other part was spelled out in the acts passed that brought Missouri into the union.MISSOURI ENABLING ACTMarch 6, 1820* * *An Act to authorize the people of the Missouri territory to form a constitution and state government, and for the admission of such state into the Union on an equal footing with the original states, and to prohibit slavery in certain territories.Be it enacted That the inhabitants of that portion of the Missouri territory included within the boundaries hereinafter designated, be, and they are hereby, authorized to form for themselves a constitution and state government, and to assume such name as they shall deem proper; and the said state, when formed, shall be admitted into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original states, in all respects whatsoever.SEC. 2. That the said state shall consist of all the territory included within the following boundaries, to wit: Beginning in the middle of the Mississippi river, on the parallel of thirty-six degrees of north latitude; thence west, along that parallel of latitude, to the St. Francois river; thence up, and following the course of that river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the parallel of latitude of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes; thence west, along the same, to a point where the said parallel is intersected by a meridian line passing through the middle of the mouth of the Kansas river, where the same empties into the Missouri river, thence, from the point aforesaid north, along the said meridian line, to the intersection of the parallel of latitude which passes through the rapids of the river Des Moines, making the said line to correspond with the Indian boundary line; thence east, from the point of intersection last aforesaid, along the said parallel of latitude, to the middle of the channel of the main fork of the said river Des Moines; thence down and along the middle of the main channel of the said river Des Moines, to the mouth of the same, where it empties into the Mississippi river; thence, due east, to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi river; thence down, and following the course of the Mississippi river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the place of beginning: . . .SEC. 3. That all free white male citizens of the United States, who shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years, and have resided in said territory three months previous to the day of election, and all other persons qualified to vote for representatives to the general assembly of the said territory, shall be qualified to be elected, and they are hereby qualified and authorized to vote, and choose representatives to form a convention. . . .SEC. 8. That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the state, contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited: Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labour or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labour or service as aforesaid.RESOLUTION FOR THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURIMarch 2, 1821* * *Resolution providing for the admission of the State of Missouri into the Union, on a certain condition.Resolved, That Missouri shall be admitted into this union on an equal footing with the original states, in all respects whatever, upon the fundamental condition, that the fourth clause of the twenty-sixth section of the third article of the constitution [that is, "To permit the owners of slaves to emancipate them, saving the right of creditors, where the person so emancipating will give security that the slave so emancipated shall not become a public charge. It shall be their duty, as soon as may be, to pass such laws as may be necessary—1. To prevent free negroes end (and) mulattoes from coming to and settling in this State, under any pretext whatsoever; . . ."] submitted on the part of said state to Congress, shall never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen, of either of the states in this Union, shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled under the constitution of the United States: Provided, That the legislature of the said state, by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent of the said state to the said fundamental condition, and shall transmit to the President of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, an authentic copy of the said act; upon the receipt whereof, the President, by proclamation, shall announce the fact; whereupon, and without any further proceeding on the part of Congress, the admission of the said state into this Union shall be considered as complete.[From United States Statutes at Large, 3:545ff, 645.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Observation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?Observation1. Which individual items within the image are drawn to your attention?2. List the characters, objects, and / or action.Expression3. What is your overall impression of this image?4. What is this image attempting to convey to the viewer?Connection5. What does this image tell you about this period in America History?Nationalism And SectionalismFocus Questions1. How did economic policies after the War of 1812 reflect the nationalism of the period?2. What characterized the Era of Good Feelings?3. What were the various issues that promoted sectionalism?4. How did the Supreme Court under John Marshall strengthen the federal government and the national economy?5. What were the main diplomatic achievements of these years?The Jacksonian EraChapter Study OutlineI. A new eraA. Population and economic growthB. Shift from local to national and international marketsC. A democratized societyD. Limited boundaries of Jacksonian equalityII. Jackson the manA. A violent upbringingB. A combative temperamentC. Jackson’s presidential agendaIII. The Jacksonian presidencyA. Nature of appointmentsB. Political rivalry between Van Buren and CalhounC. The Peggy Eaton affairIV. Policies of conflict with CalhounA. Internal improvements1. Jackson’s veto of the Maysville Road bill, 18302. Attitude toward other internal improvementsB. The nullification issue1. South Carolina’s concern about the tariff2. Calhoun’s theory of nullification3. The Webster-Hayne debatea. Original issue of the debateb. Views of Hayne and Webster4. Jackson’s toast at the Jefferson Day dinnerC. The final break with Calhoun1. Crawford’s letter relating to Calhoun’s disciplining of Jackson2. Cabinet shake-up3. Van Buren’s appointment to Britain killed by Calhoun4. Calhoun takes lead of nullifiersV. The nullification crisisA. The tariff problemB. South Carolina’s actions of nullificationC. Jackson’s response1. Nullification proclamation2. Troop reinforcements3. “Force bill“4. Compromise tariffD. Resolution of the crisis—who won?VI. Jackson’s Indian policyA. Jackson’s attitudeB. Indian Removal Act and treatiesC. Indians in the Old SouthwestD. Black Hawk WarE. Seminole WarF. Cherokees’ Trail of Tears1. Georgia’s legal actions against the Indians2. Supreme Court rulings3. Jackson’s reaction4. Cherokee removalVII. The bank controversyA. The bank’s opponentsB. Jackson’s viewsC. Biddle’s effort to recharterD. Jackson’s grounds for vetoE. The election of 18321. Innovations of the Anti-Masonic party2. National conventions of the National Republicans and the Democrats3. Results of the electionF. Contentious politicsG. Campaign innovationsH. Jackson’s removal of deposits1. Basis for his actions2. Changes in the secretary of the treasury3. Removals to pet banksI. Economic reaction to the removal1. Contraction of credit in Biddle’s bank2. Speculative binge3. Increase in land sales4. State indebtednessJ. Bursting the bubble1. Distribution Act2. Specie Circular3. International complicationsa. Specie from Britain, France, and Mexicob. Decrease in British investments4. Banks in crisisVIII. Van Buren and the new party systemA. Emergence of the Whigs1. Sources of support2. Whig philosophyB. Van Buren, the Democratic nomineeC. Whig candidatesD. The 1836 electionIX. Van Buren’s administrationA. Van Buren characterized as the Little MagicianB. The panic of 18371. Causes and effects2. Government reactionC. Proposal for an independent Treasury1. Basis for the concept2. Passage in 1840D. Other issues of the times1. Slavery in the District of Columbia2. The northern boundaryX. The election of 1840A. The Whigs pick HarrisonB. Nature of the campaignC. Results of the electionXI. Assessing the Jackson yearsA. Voter participation increasedB. Historical interpretationsC. A closing assessmentThe Jacksonian EraFocus Questions1. To what extent did Andrew Jackson’s election in 1828 initiate a new era in American politics?2. What was Jackson’s attitude toward federal involvement in the economy?3. How did Jackson respond to the nullification controversy?4. What happened to the Indians living east of the Mississippi River by 1840?5. Why did a new party system of Democrats and Whigs emerge?King Andrew the FirstObservation1. Which individual items within the image are drawn to your attention?2. List the characters, objects, and / or action.Expression3. What is your overall impression of this image?4. What is this image attempting to convey to the viewer?Connection5. What does this image tell you about this period in America History?Chapter 11The Old SouthFocus Questions1. How diverse was the Old South’s economy, and what was its unifying feature?2. How did dependence on agriculture and slavery shape the distinctive culture of the Old South? Why did southern whites who did not hold slaves defend the “peculiar institution”?3. How did enslaved people respond to their bondage during the antebellum period? How did free persons of color fit into southern society?4. How did expansion into the Southwest influence slavery and its defense?Chapter Study OutlineI. Myth and reality in the Old SouthA. Southern mythology1.?Gone with the Wind?vs.?Uncle Tom’s CabinB. Southern distinctiveness: differences from other U.S. regions1. Environmental factorsa. Geographyb. The weather2. The presence of slavery3. High percentage of native-born population4. Architecture, penchant for the military, agrarian ideal5. Preponderance of farmingC. Diversity within the South1. Lowera. Dependence on cotton production and slave laborb. Led efforts to transport slavery west2. Middlea. More diversified agricultural economyb. Large areas without slavery3. Upper (or border)a. Fewer slaves than other parts of the Southb. Moral ambivalence about slaveryD. Southern religion1. Dominance of Protestantism2. Defense of slavery by ministersE. Staple crops and agricultural variety1. Cottona. Most profitable cash crop2. Tobacco in Upper Southa. First staple crop of the South3. Indigoa. Once significant, but vanished during Colonial Era4. Rice in tidewater areaa. Primarily in the Carolinas and Georgia5. Sugar along the lower Mississippi River6. Voracious demand for cotton7. The reality of high proportions of other agricultural productsa. Grains, potatoes, and general cropsb. Livestock8. Exhaustion of the soilF. Manufacturing and trade1. South far less industrialized than the North2. Factors limiting southern industrial developmenta. Traditional claims(1) Claims that blacks were unsuited to factory work(2) Contention that aristocratic prestige precluded trade venturesb. Profitability of slaves and cotton reducing motivation for industrializationII. White society in the SouthA. The planter elite1. Definition of planter2. Percentage of the southern population3. The plantation mistressB. The white middle class1. Who was middle class?2. The yeomanry—largest group of whites3. General style of lifeC. Poor whites1. Who were they?2. The “lazy diseases“D. Honor and violence in the Old SouthIII. Black society in the SouthA. Growth of slave population and value1. Development of the institution of slaveryB. Free blacks1. Methods of obtaining freedom2. OccupationsC. Slaves1. Domestic slave trade replaces foreign slave trade2. Rural vs. urban slavery3. The experience of slave womena. Motherhoodb. Laborc. Sexual abuse(1) Celia, a slave girl(a) White owner attacked her repeatedly(b) She killed him and was executed4. The slave family and communitya. Lack of legal status for slave marriagesb. The importance of the nuclear familyc. The significance of the larger African American community5. African American religion and folklorea. Syncretic nature of the religionb. Value, purpose, and role of religion6. Slave rebellionsa. Challenges of rebellionb. 1811 slave revoltc. Denmark Veseyd. Nat Turnere. Safer forms of resistanceIV. The culture of the southern frontierA. The Old Southwest1. Largely unsettled until 1820s2. A “land of promise“B. The decision to migrate1. For men, East had decreasing economic opportunity2. Women hesitant to movea. White and black women underrepresented among migrants3. Forced migration for slavesa. Harsh conditionsb. Break-up of familiesC. A masculine culture1. Violence and alcoholism2. Abuse of womenUNCLE TOM'S CABIN, HARRIET BEECHER STOWEPlease read this document and answer the following questions.Long after dusk, the whole weary train, with their baskets on their heads, defiled up to the building appropriated to the storing and weighing the cotton. Legree was there, busily conversing with the two drivers."Dat ar Tom's gwine to make a powerful deal o'trouble; kept a puttin' into Lucy's basket.—One o'these yer dat will get all der niggers to feelin' 'bused, if Mas'r don't watch him!" said Sambo."Hey-dey! The black cuss!" said Legree. "He'll have to get a breakin' in, won't he boys?"Both negroes grinned a horrid grin at this intimation."Ay, ay! Let Mas'r Legree alone, for breakin in! De debil heself couldn't beat Mas'r at that!" said quimbo."Wal, boys the best way is to give him the flogging to do, till he gets over his notions. Break him in!""It'll have to come out of him, though!" said Legree, as he rolled his tobacco in his mouth."Now, dar's Lucy,—de aggravatinest, ugliest wench on de place!" pursued Sambo."Take care, Sam; I shall begin to think what's the resaon for your spit agin Lucy.""Well, Mas'r knows she sot herself up agin Mas'r and wouldn't have me, when he telled her to.""Id a flogged her into 't," said Legree, spitting, "only there's such a press o' work, it don't seem wuth a while to upset her jist now. She's slender; but these yer slender gals with bear half killin' to get their own way!""Wal, Lucy was real aggravatin' and lazy, sulkin' round; wouldn't do nothin',—and Tom he tuck up for her.""He did eh! Wal, then, Tom shall have the pleasure of floggin her. It'll be a good practice for him, and he won't put it on to the gal like you devils, neither.""Ho, ho! haw! haw! haw!" laughed both to the sooty wretches; and the diabolical sounds seemed, in truth, a not unapt expression of the fiendish character which Legree gave them."Wal, but, Mas'r, Tom and Misse Cassy, and dey among 'em, filled Lucy's basket. I ruther guess der weight's in it, Mas'r!""I do the weighing!" said Legree, emphatically.Both the drivers laughed again their diabolical laugh."So!" he added, "Misse Cassy did her day's work.""She picks like de debil and all his angels!"She's got 'em all in her, I believe!" said Legree; and growling a brutal oath, he proceeded to the weighing room.Slowly, the weary dispirited creatures wound their way into the room, and, with crouching reluctance, presented their baskets to be weighed.Legree noted on a slate, on the side of which was pasted a list of names, the amount.Tom's basket was weighed and approved; and he looked, with an anxious glance, for the success of the woman he had befriended. Tottering with weakness, she came forward, and delivered her basket. It was of full weight, as Legree well perceived; but, affecting anger, her said,—"What, you lazy beast! short again! stand aside, you'll catch it pretty soon!"The woman gave a groan of utter despair, and sat sown on a board.The person who had been called Misse Cassy now came forward, and, with a haughty, negligent air, delivered her basket. As she delivered it, Legree looked in her eyes with a sneering yet inquiring glance.She fixed her black eyes steadily on him, her lips moved slightly, and she said something in French. What it was, no one know, but Legree's face became perfectly demoniacal in its expression as she spoke; he half raised his hand as if to strike,—a gesture which she regarded with fierce disdain, as she turned and walked away."And now: said Legree, "come here, you Tom. You see I telled ye I didn't buy ye jest for the common work; I mean to promote ye, and make a driver of ye; and tonight ye may jest as well begin to get yer hand in. Now, ye jest take this yer gal and flog her; ye've seen enough on't to now how.""I beg Mas'r's pardon," said Tom; "hopes Mas'r won't set me at that. It's what I an't used to,—never did,—and can't do, no way possible.""Ye'll larn a pretty smart chance of things ye never did know, before I've done with ye!" said Legree, taking up a cowhide and striking Tom a heavy blow across the cheek, and following up the infliction by a shower of blows."There" he said, as he stopped to rest, "now will ye tell me ye can't do it?""Yes Mas'r,: said Tom, putting up his hand to wipe the blood that trickled down his face. "I'm willin' to work night and day, and work while there's life and breath in me; but this yer thing I can't feel it right to do; and, Mas'r I never shall do it,—never!" Tom had a remarkably smooth, soft voice, and a habitually respectful manner that had given Legree an idea that he would be cowardly, and easily subdued. When he spoke these last words, a thrill of amazement went through everyone, the poor woman clasped her hands and said, "O Lord!" and everyone involuntarily looked at each other and drew in their breath, as if to prepare for the storm that was about to burst.Legree looked stupefied and confounded, but at last burst forth,—"What! Ye blasted black beast ! tell me ye don't think it right to do what I tell ye! What have any of you cussed cattle to do with thinking what's right? I'll put a stop to it! Why, what do ye think ye are? May be ye think ye're a gentleman, master Tom, to be a telling your master what's right and what an't! So you pretend it's wrong to flog the gal!""I think so, Mas'r," said Tom, "the poor crittur's sick and feeble; 't would be downright cruel, and it's what I never will do, nor begin to. Mas'r if you mean to kill me, kill me, but as to my raising my hand agin anyone here, I never shall,—I'll die first!"Tom spoke in a mild voice but with a decision that could not be mistaken. Legree shook with anger; his greenish eyes glared fiercely and his very whiskers seemed to curl with passion; but, like some ferocious beast that plays with its victim before he devours it, he kept back his strong impulse to proceed to immediate violence and broke out into bitter raillery."Well, here's a pious dog, at last, let down among us sinners!—a saint, a gentleman, and no less, to talk to us sinners about our sins! Powerful, holy crittur, he must be! Here, you rascal, you make believe to be so pious,—didn't you never hear out of yer Bible, 'Servants, obey yer masters'? An't I yer master? Didn't I pay down twelve hundred dollars, cash, for all there is inside yer old cussed black shell? An't yer mine, now body and soul?" he said, giving Tom a violent kick with his heavy boot. "Tell me!"In the very depth of physical suffering, bowed by brutal oppression, this question shot a gleam of joy and triumph through Tom's soul. He suddenly stretched himself up, and, looking earnestly to heaven, while the tears and blood that flowed down his face mingled, he exclaimed—"No! no! no! my soul an't yours, Mas'r! You haven't bought it,—ye can't buy it. It's been bought and paid for by open that is able to keep it—no matter, no matter, you can't harm me!""I can't!" said Legree, with a sneer, "we'll see,—we'll see! Here Sambo, Quimbo, give this dog such a breakin' in as he won't get over this month!"The two gigantic negroes that now laid hold of Tom, with fiendish exultation in their faces, might have formed no unapt personification of the powers of darkness. The poor woman screamed with apprehension, and all rose, as by a general impulse, while they dragged him unresisting from the place.[From Harriet Beecher Stowe, Uncle Tom's Cabin, Or Life Among the Lowly (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1886), pp. 396–99.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Observation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?REVIEW OF A FIRST RATE COTTON PLANTATION (1845), FREDERICK LAW OLMSTEAD - DOCUMENT OVERVIEWPlease read this document and answer the following questions.Southerners certainly wrote about their world, extolling their culture and defending their peculiar institution, but many other people, such as Northerners and foreign visitors, journeyed to the South to see and comment on it for themselves. To them such a trip was a combination of exotic adventure and reformist crusade, for southern lands and ways fascinated, confused, and in some instances, repelled them. The South embodied such powerful dichotomies under its strong sun and shielding shade trees—beauty versus ugliness, good against evil—that the stories about it, fictional and factual, could not help but reflect that.The tales were many and varied as the witnesses to the society and slavery of the South each saw or experienced different aspects of the culture. Slaves, and many free blacks, looked at southern society from the bottom up: from the bottom of the cotton and tobacco rows, the receiving end of the whip, and the rough floors of their quarters. Slaveowners saw it from quite a different perspective as they surveyed their fields from horseback or carriage, labored over the financial equation of provisions versus profits, and tried to establish or maintain comfortable, if not always gentile lifestyles. Their non-slaveowner neighbors wrestled with desire and distress: many desired to own their own laborers and thereupon build their estates, but some were distressed at the cost—both financial and moral. Visiting diarists and reporters often brought with them preconceived notions by which to interpret this southern scene, while the readers of their publications added their own interpretations. Thus, whether from different regions of America or from Europe, observers added their stories to that of the South.That observers came from abroad, and that their accounts and those of Americans were published overseas as well as in the United States, indicates that southern society and the growing conflict between North and South, captivated and concerned foreign as well as domestic audiences. Slavery was an international issue. As the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society noted in 1839, slavery existed in "British India, in the colonies of several of the nations of Europe, in the United States of America, in Texas, and in the Empire of Brazil." Anti-slavery organizations reached out to one another in attempts to end it in all of these places. Such international agitation and cooperation did serve to contain, though not eradicate, the trans-Atlantic slave trade in the early nineteenth century, but such activism faced greater resistance within nations. Although England abolished slavery in the British isles by the late eighteenth century, outlawed its slave trade in 1807, and then used its navy to police against illegal slaving on the oceans, some in England did not want the issue to interfere with other strategic and economic interests. Across the ocean, in accordance with a constitutional provision, Congress abolished the external slave trade in America in 1808, but smuggling, often via Cuban traders, continued. Furthermore, when foreign reformers condemned the institution as it existed within the states, slavery proponents and even some abolitionists decried outside intervention in the country's internal affairs.Antislavery sentiment had appeared with the introduction of slavery in the colonial era, but the creation of a formal organization against the institution did not occur until the Revolution. As Americans debated and fought for liberty and freedom, some saw the inherent contradiction of slavery. That perception, especially when added to certain religious beliefs, led to antislavery activism. Quakers founded the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1775. The society was essentially inactive during the war years, but in 1785 and especially 1787 when constitutional debate led to hopes of reform, the society vigorously pushed for abolition. It did not get what it wanted in the new Constitution, but at that time, even in the South, many agreed that slavery's days were numbered; the fact that manumission was on the rise seemed to give proof to that. Due to no sense of urgency, abolitionism languished. But when planters moved out into the rich lands of the Old Southwest, and after the cotton gin made the processing of that crop easier, slavery grew—and that growth spurred the development of a new abolitionist movement.Advocates on both sides of this great struggle presented their basic premises in the 1830s and then rehashed them again and again throughout the 1840s and 1850s until they threw away the words to pick up arms. Slavery may not have been the only cause of the Civil War, but as a physical presence and ideological issue it helped dig the grave of, if not bury, the early union. Attacked and defended culturally, socially, politically, and religiously, the South's peculiar institution became America's particular problem.Many nations of the Atlantic world and beyond contended with the issue of slavery in the nineteenth century. As part of their internal reforms and international relations, these countries sometimes struggled to define and implement notions of citizenship and universal human rights. Yet although slavery was an international problem, it was a distinct American tragedy. In the United States, it contributed to a particularly bloody internal war and illuminated discrepancies between ideology and practice in the republic that was supposed to stand as an enlightened example to the rest of the world.PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?Chapter 12Religion, Romanticism, And ReformChapter Study OutlineI. Rational religionA. The concept of mission in the American characterB. The development of Deism1. Roots in rationalism and Calvinism2. Nature of the beliefsC. The development of Unitarianism1. Nature of the beliefs2. Role of William Ellery Channing3. Creation of American Unitarian AssociationD. The development of Universalism1. Role of John Murray2. Nature of the beliefs3. Comparison with UnitarianismII. The Second Great AwakeningA. Origins of the revival movement1. Fears of secularismB. The frontier phase of revivalism1. Frontier reception of the revivals2. Emergence of the Presbyterians3. Role of the Baptists4. The Methodists’ impact5. Appeal to African Americans6. Spread of revivals on the frontier7. The camp meeting8. Women and revivalismC. Revivals in upstate New York1. Role of Charles Grandison Finney2. Connection to Oberlin CollegeD. The rise of the Mormons1. Role of Joseph Smith2. Characteristics of the church and its members3. Persecution of Mormons4. Role of Brigham Young5. The move to UtahIII. Romanticism in AmericaA. Nature of the Romantic revoltB. Transcendentalism as a Romantic expression1. Nature of transcendentalism2. The Transcendental Club and its members3. Ralph Waldo Emerson4. Henry David Thoreau5. The impact of transcendentalismIV. The flowering of American literatureA. Nathaniel HawthorneB. Emily DickinsonC. Edgar Allan PoeD. Herman MelvilleE. Walt WhitmanF. The popular press1. Impact of advances in printing technology2. Proliferation of newspapersV. EducationA. Level of literacyB. Early public schools1. Rising demand for public schools in the 1830s2. Role of Horace Mann in Massachusetts3. Leadership of North Carolina in the South4. Limited progress before the Civil WarC. Developments in higher education1. Post-Revolutionary surge in college formation2. State vs. religious collegesa. Conflicts over funding and curriculum3. Slow growth of technical educationD. Education for womenVI. Movements for reformA. Roots of reformB. Temperance1. Heavy consumption of alcohol in the United States2. Arguments for temperance3. Early efforts at reform4. The American Temperance UnionC. Prison reform1. Growth of public institutions to treat social ills2. Prevention and rehabilitation versus punishment for crime3. Auburn prison systemD. Reform in treatment of the insane1. Early state institutions for the insane2. Work of Dorothea DixE. Crusade for women’s rights1. Catharine Beecher and the cult of domesticity2. Development of domestic role for women3. Subordinate status of women in the antebellum period4. Seneca Falls (1848) and subsequent conventions5. Limited successes6. Limited job opportunities for educated womenF. Utopian communities1. Proliferation of utopian communities2. Nature of the Shaker communities3. Development and contributions of the Oneida Community4. Robert Owen and New Harmony5. The importance of Brook Farm6. The decline of utopiaVII. Anti-slavery movementsA. Early opposition to slavery1. Establishment of the American Colonization Society2. Establishment of LiberiaB. The movement toward abolition1. William Lloyd Garrison’s call for immediate emancipation2. The?LiberatorC. Creation of the American Anti-Slavery SocietyD. The anti-slavery movement split1. Garrison and the radical wing demand comprehensive societal reforms2. Others want to focus only on slavery3. Showdown in 1840 over women’s rights4. Garrisonians win the right of women to participate5. New Yorkers group and Liberty party break awayE. Black anti-slavery advocates1. ?Conflicts over the right of blacks to participate in anti-slavery activities2. Former slaves who became public speakersa. Frederick Douglassb. Sojourner TruthVIII. Reactions to abolitionismA. Pro-slavery mob kills Elijah LovejoyB. The “gag rule“ in CongressC. Development of the Liberty party (1840)D. Defenses of slavery1. Biblical arguments2. Inferiority of blacks3. Practical considerations4. George Fitzhugh’s comparison to northern wage slaveryReligion, Romanticism, And ReformFocus Questions1. What were the main changes in the practice of religion in America during the early nineteenth century?2. What were the distinguishing characteristics of American literature during the antebellum period?3. What were the goals of the social-reform movement?4. What was the status of women during this period?5. How and where did opposition to slavery emerge?DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS AND RESOLUTIONS (1848), SENECA FALLS CONVENTIONPlease read this document and answer the following questions.Margaret Fuller's voice was but one among many, thus when she left America for Europe in 1846 the call for woman's rights was far from extinguished. Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815–1902) became active in woman's rights issues, as did many other women, by way of her involvement in the antislavery movement. After living in Boston in the mid 1840s and there enjoying the stimulating company of other reformers, the Stantons moved to Seneca Falls, New York, where Henry practiced law and Elizabeth continued her activism. Stanton wanted full legal equality as well as educational, political, and economic opportunities for women. In July 1848, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott, Jane Hunt, Mary McClintock, and Martha C. Wright organized a woman's rights convention that was held at the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Seneca Falls. On the agenda was a Declaration of Sentiments and various resolutions calling for change. Stanton, who drafted the Declaration of Sentiments using another, earlier, and revered American declaration as her model, also submitted a resolution calling for suffrage—the vote—for women. The fight for suffrage and equal rights would continue beyond her lifetime.Declaration of Sentiments* * *We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men and women are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights governments are instituted, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. . . . But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of the women under this government, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to demand the equal station to which they are entitled.The history of mankind is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations on the part of man toward woman, having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over her. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.He has never permitted her to exercise her inalienable right to the elective franchise.He has compelled her to submit to laws, in the formation of which she had no voice.He has withheld from her rights which are given to the most ignorant and degraded men—both natives and foreigners.Having deprived her of this first right of a citizen, the elective franchise, thereby leaving her without representation in the halls of legislation, he has oppressed her on all sides.He has made her, if married, in the eye of the law, civilly dead.He has taken from her all right in property, even to the wages she earns.He has made her, morally, an irresponsible being, as she can commit many crimes with impunity, provided they be done in the presence of her husband. In the covenant of marriage, she is compelled to promise obedience to her husband, he becoming, to all intents and purposes, her master—the law giving him power to deprive her of her liberty, and to administer chastisement.He has so framed the laws of divorce, as to what shall be the proper causes, and in case of separation, to whom the guardianship of the children shall be given, as to be wholly regardless of the happiness of women—the law, in all cases, going upon a false supposition of the supremacy of man, and giving all power into his hands.After depriving her of all rights as a married woman, if single, and the owner of property, he has taxed her to support a government which recognizes her only when her property can be made profitable to it.He has monopolized nearly all the profitable employments, and from those she is permitted to follow, she receives but a scanty remuneration. He closes against her all the avenues to wealth and distinction which he considers most honorable to himself. As a teacher of theology, medicine, or law, she is not known.He has denied her the facilities for obtaining a thorough education, all colleges being closed against her.He allows her in Church, as well as State, but a subordinate position, claiming Apostolic authority for her exclusion from the ministry, and, with some exceptions, from any public participation in the affairs of the Church.He has created a false public sentiment by giving to the world a different code of morals for men and women, by which moral delinquencies which exclude women from society, are not only tolerated, but deemed of little account in man.He has usurped the prerogative of Jehovah himself, claiming it as his right to assign for her a sphere of action, when that belongs to her conscience and to her God.He has endeavored, in every way that he could, to destroy her confidence in her own powers, to lessen her self-respect, and to make her willing to lead a dependent and abject life.Now, in view of this entire disfranchisement of one-half the people of this country, their social and religious degradation—in view of the unjust laws above mentioned, and because women do feel themselves aggrieved, oppressed, and fraudulently deprived of their most sacred rights, we insist that they have immediate admission to all the rights and privileges which belong to them as citizens of the United States.In entering upon the great work before us, we anticipate no small amount of misconception, misrepresentation, and ridicule; but we shall use every instrumentality within our power to effect our object. We shall employ agents, circulate tracts, petition the State and National legislatures, and endeavor to enlist the pulpit and the press in our behalf. We hope this Convention will be followed by a series of Conventions embracing every part of the country.The following resolutions . . . were adopted:* * *Resolved, That such laws as conflict, in any way, with the true and substantial happiness of woman, are contrary to the great precept of nature and of no validity, for this is "superior in obligation to any other."Resolved, That all laws which prevent woman from occupying such a station in society as her conscience shall dictate, or which place her in a position inferior to that of man, are contrary to the great precept of nature, and therefore of no force or authority.Resolved, That woman is man's equal—was intended to be so by the Creator, and the highest good of the race demands that she should be recognized as such.Resolved, That the women of this country ought to be enlightened in regard to the laws under which they live, that they may no longer publish their degradation by declaring themselves satisfied with their present position, nor their ignorance, by asserting that they have all the rights they want.Resolved, That inasmuch as man, while claiming for himself intellectual superiority, does accord to woman moral superiority, it is pre-eminently his duty to encourage her to speak and teach, as she has an opportunity, in all religious assemblies.Resolved, That the same amount of virtue, delicacy, and refinement of behavior that is required of woman in the social state, should also be required of man, and the same transgressions should be visited with equal severity on both man and woman.Resolved, That the objection of indelicacy and impropriety, which is so often brought against woman when she addresses a public audience, comes with a very ill-grace from those who encourage, by their attendance, her appearance on the stage, in the concert, or in feats of the circus.Resolved, That woman has too long rested satisfied in the circumscribed limits which corrupt customs and a perverted application of the Scriptures have marked out for her, and that it is time she should move in the enlarged sphere which her great Creator has assigned her.Resolved, That it is the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves their sacred right to the elective franchise.Resolved, That the equality of human rights results necessarily from the fact of the identity of the race in capabilities and responsibilities.Resolved, therefore, That, being invested by the Creator with the same capabilities, and the same consciousness of responsibility for their exercise, it is demonstrably the right and duty of woman, equally with man, to promote every righteous cause by every righteous means; and especially in regard to the great subjects of morals and religion, it is self-evidently her right to participate with her brother in teaching them, both in private and in public, by writing and by speaking, by any instrumentalities proper to be used, and in any assemblies proper to be held; and this being a self-evident truth growing out of the divinely implanted principles of human nature, any custom or authority adverse to it, whether modern or wearing the hoary sanction of antiquity, is to be regarded as a self-evident falsehood, and at war with mankind.* * *Resolved, That the speedy success of our cause depends upon the zealous and untiring efforts of both men and women, for the overthrow of the monopoly of the pulpit, and for the securing to woman an equal participation with men in the various trades, professions, and commerce.[From Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, eds., History of Woman Suffrage, vol. I (1881; New York: Arno Press and The New York Times, 1969), pp. 70–72.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Click here for sample answers | Read the document againObservation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?ADDRESS TO THE WOMEN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION (1851), SOJOURNER TRUTHPlease read this document and answer the following questions.Enslaved people, of course, had no rights, but among the free people of color, black women faced double discrimination based on race and gender. One black woman named Isabella (1797–1883), who was born a slave to a master of Dutch descent in the state of New York, served a number of masters before gaining her freedom in 1827. She then moved to New York City, worked as a house servant, and became involved in evangelical activities. In 1843 she experienced a mystical conversation with God in which she was told to "travel up and down the land" preaching the sins of slavery and the need for conversion. After changing her name to Sojourner Truth, she began crisscrossing the nation, exhorting audiences to be born again and take up the cause of abolitionism. Although unable to read or write, she was a woman of rare intelligence and uncommon courage. During the late 1840s she began promoting the woman's rights movement and in 1851 attended the convention in Akron, Ohio. There she discovered that many participants objected to her presence for fear that her abolitionist sentiments would deflect attention from women's issues. Hisses greeted the tall, gaunt woman as she rose to speak: "Woman's rights and niggers!" "Go it, darkey!" "Don't let her speak!" By the time she finished, however, the audience gave her a standing ovation.* * *"Wall, chilern, whar dar is so much racket dar must be somethin' out o' kilter. I tink dat 'twixt de niggers of de Souf and de womin at de Norf, all talkin' 'bout rights, de white men will be in a fix pretty soon. But what's all dis here talkin' 'bout?"Dat man ober dar say dat womin needs to be helped into carriages, and lifted ober ditches, and to hab de best place everywhar. Nobody eber helps me into carriages, or ober mud-puddles, or gibs me any best place!" . . . "And a'n't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! . . . I have ploughed, and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And a'n't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man—when I could get it—and bear de lash as well! And a'n't I a woman? I have borne thirteen chilern, and seen 'em mos' all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother's grief, none but Jesus heard me! And a'n't I a woman?"Den dey talks 'bout dis ting in de head; what dis dey call it?" ("Intellect," whispered some one near.) "Dat's it, honey. What's dat got to do wid womin's rights or nigger's rights? If my cup won't hold but a pint, and yourn holds a quart, wouldn't ye be mean not to let me have my little half-measure full?" And she pointed her significant finger, and sent a keen glance at the minister who had made the argument. The cheering was long and loud."Den dat little man in black dar, he say women can't have as much rights as men, 'cause Christ wan't a woman! Whar did your Christ come from?" Rolling thunder couldn't have stilled that crowd, as did those deep, wonderful tones, as she stood there with outstretched arms and eyes of fire. Raising her voice still louder, she repeated, "Whar did your Christ come from? From God and a woman! Man had nothin' to do wid Him." Oh, what a rebuke that was to that little man.Turning again to another objector, she took up the defense of Mother Eve. I can not follow her through it all. It was pointed, and witty, and solemn; eliciting at almost every sentence deafening applause; and she ended by asserting: "If de fust woman God ever made was strong enough to turn de world upside down all alone, dese women togedder (and she glanced her eye over the platform) ought to be able to turn it back, and get it right side up again! And now dey is asking to do it, de men better let 'em." Long-continued cheering greeted this. "'Bleeged to ye for hearin' on me, and now ole Sojourner han't got nothin' more to say."* * *[From Frances D. Gage's reminiscences in History of Woman Suffrage, vol. I, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, eds. (1881; New York: Arno Press and The New York Times, 1969) p. 116.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Observation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?Chapter 13An Empire In The WestChapter Study OutlineI. The Tyler yearsA. Harrison’s brief termB. Tyler’s background and views1. Southerner and renegade Democrat2. No allegiance to Whig party despite being on Whig ticketC. Domestic affairs1. Failure of Clay’s program2. Tyler left without a partyD. Foreign affairs1. Problems with Britain needing solutiona. Suppression of African slave trade2. Compromises of the Webster-Ashburton Treatya. Joint patrols of Africab. Canada–U.S. borders settledII. The western frontierA. The idea of manifest destiny1. John L. O’Sullivan coins the term2. A moral justification for territorial expansionB. The western Indians1. Plains Indians2. Tribes to the north of the Plains3. Tribes of the Pacific Northwest4. Pressures from white expansionC. The Spanish west1. American attitudes toward area and its peoples2. Spanish colonization less successful in Arizona and Texas3. Spanish colonization more successful in New Mexico and FloridaD. Mexican Independence1. Movements for independence2. Independence achieved in 18213. Opened northern Mexico to American expansionE. Fur trappers in the Rockies1. “Rendezvous system“2. “Mountain men“F. Move to Oregon Country1. Joint occupation with Britain2. Mass migration of Americans by 1843G. Settling California under Spanish and Mexican rule1. Beginnings of Spanish settlement2. Franciscan missionsa. Objectivesb. Results3. The rancheros displace the missions after Mexican independence4. Expansion of ship trading with the area5. Sutter’s colonyH. The Santa Fe Trail1. Opportunities2. Dangers3. StatisticsI. Life on the Overland Trails1. Statistics2. Indians rarely attacked3. Difficulties4. Gender roles5. Great Plains ecology6. The Donner partyJ. Frémont’s mapping activitiesK. Efforts to acquire CaliforniaIII. Annexing TexasA. American settlements1. Role of Stephen F. Austin2. Mexican edict against immigrationB. Rebellion in Texas1. Santa Anna’s reaction2. Fighting eruptsC. War for Texas independence1. Battle of the Alamo2. Role of Sam Houston3. Mexican Army and Santa Anna defeated in 18364. Independent “Republic of Texas“ declaredD. The Republic of Texas1. President Sam Houston2. Efforts for annexationa. Jackson’s delayed recognitionb. Calhoun’s treaty rejectedIV. The Presidency of James PolkA. The election of 1844 and Polk’s nomination1. Desire to keep the Texas issue out of the campaign2. Clay’s evasion on Texas3. Democrats nominate a dark horse—James K. Polk4. The 1844 campaign5. Polk’s victoryB. Polk as president1. Polk’s background2. Polk’s program3. Confirms annexation of Texas by Tyler4. Oregon demandsa. British hesitancy about warb. Compromise treatyV. Mexican WarA. Failed negotiations with MexicoB. U.S. provocationsC. The request for warD. Opposition to the war1. In the Mississippi Valley and Illinois2. In New EnglandE. Preparation for war1. U.S. troops vs. Mexican troops2. Comparisons of other factorsF. Selection of a commander1. Winfield Scott passed over2. Zachary Taylor emergesa. Taylor’s conquest of northern MexicoG. Annexation of California1. Frémont’s efforts2. Bear Flag Republic3. Stockton’s claim of governorship4. Kearny’s move to CaliforniaH. Taylor’s battles1. Victory at Monterrey2. Santa Anna’s return to power3. Battle of Buena Vista4. Taylor granted leave and returns homeI. Scott’s move to Mexico City1. Amphibious attack on Veracruz2. Attacks on Mexico CityJ. Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo1. Terms of the treaty2. RatificationK. The war’s legacy1. U.S. casualties2. U.S. acquires territory from Mexico3. Significance of the war for the U.S.4. The war in American memory5. Debate over slaveryAn Empire In The WestFocus Questions1. What were the dominant issues in national politics in the 1840s?2. Why did settlers migrate west, and what conditions did they face?3. Why did Texas declare independence from Mexico in 1836, and why were many Americans reluctant to accept it as a new state in the Union?4. What were the causes of the Mexican War?5. What territories did the United States gain from the Mexican War, and what controversial issue consequently arose?REPRESENTATIVE ABRAHAM LINCOLN DISAGREES WITH PRESIDENT POLK (1846)Please read this document and answer the following questions.Polk's statement on the start of the war continued to be a matter of dispute between defenders of the war and its opponents. A young congressional representative from Illinois who opposed the war challenged the president's version of events. Excerpted below are passages from a speech by Abraham Lincoln on January 12, 1848. Note that this material comes from the Congressional Globe, which paraphrased the statements of members of congress instead of directly quoting them. Thus the frequent use of "he" in the passage refers to Lincoln. Read Lincoln's remarks carefully and compare them with Polk's comments.First, as to the declaration that the Rio Grande was the western boundary of Louisiana, as purchased by France. All knew that purchase was in 1803; and the President himself told us that by the treaty of 1819 we sold the land east of the Rio Grande — to the Sabine, he believed — to Spain. He wanted to make but a single remark upon this point. How the line that divided your land and mine still remains the dividing line after I have sold my land to you, was to him past all comprehension. And how a man, with the honest purpose of telling "the truth, and nothing but the truth," could have ever thought of introducing such a piece of "proof" was equally incomprehensible.The next point was, the declaration that the Republic of Texas always claimed the Rio Grande as her western boundary. That was not true in point of fact. She did not "always" claim it. she did claim it, but not always. The constitution by which she was admitted into the Union — which, being her last act as a Republic, might be said to be her "last will and testament," "revoking all others" — made no such claim. But suppose it were true that she had always claimed it, had not Mexico always claimed that it was not so? If Texas had always claimed that the Rio Grande was her western boundary, had not Mexico always claimed directly the reverse? So that it was nothing but claim against claim, and there was nothing proved until you got behind the claims, and saw which stood upon the best foundation. And what he here said in reference to these claims of his was equally applicable to all the President said about Texas, under her republican constitution, having always claimed to the Rio Grande; and her laying out her congressional districts, towns, counties, &c., all stood on the same ground. You might just as well say I could get a valid title to your land by writing a deed and signing it as to say that Texas could get the land of another by, at home, including within her boundary, upon paper, a certain piece of territory, when it was itself where she dare not go. The thing was preposterous!Next came the declaration that Santa Anna, by his treaty with the Republic of Texas, recognized the Rio Grande as the western boundary of Texas. . . . The fact was, it was nothing more or less than an article of agreement, and it was so called on its own face, entered into by Santa Anna, by which to get his liberty. He stipulated he would not himself take up arms, nor encourage the Mexican people to do so, during the existing war, leaving it expressly understood that there was no termination of the war. Nobody supposed it was a treaty, because it was well known, as it has many times been stated, that Santa Anna, being a prisoner of war at the time, could not have made a treaty, if he had tried to do so. but he never intended to make — he never made — any such thing. There was no mark, no characteristic about it of a treaty at all.He next came to notice the declaration of the President, that Texas before annexation, and the United States since annexation, had exercised jurisdiction over the country between the two rivers — the Nueces and the Rio Grande. . . . He did not understand that exercising jurisdiction over territory between two rivers necessarily implied the exercise of jurisdiction over the whole territory between them . . . . He knew, then, from actual experience, that it was possible [a laugh] to exercise jurisdiction over a piece of land between two rivers without owning the whole country between then. And when you come to examine this declaration, this was just the amount of it.[From Congressional Globe, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 64.]Bartolomeo de Las Casas was a Spanish cleric who became an early defender of the Indians in the New World. He was one of the first to argue that the Indians were civilized and worthy of the same respect as other humans. What follows is an excerpt from his History of the Indies, in which he describes the cruelty inflicted by the Spanish when they overran Cuba.They [the Spaniards] arrived at the town of Caonao in the evening. Here they found many people, who had prepared a great deal of food consisting of cassava bread and fish, because they had a large river close by and also were near the sea. In a little square were 2,000 Indians, all squatting because they have this custom, all staring, frightened, at the mares. Nearby was a large bohio, or large house, in which were more than 500 other Indians, close-packed and fearful, who did not dare come out.When some of the domestic Indians the Spaniards were taking with them as servants (who were more than 1,000 souls . . . ) wished to enter the large house, the Cuban Indians had chickens ready and said to them: "Take these?do not enter here." For they already knew that the Indians who served the Spaniards were not apt to perform any other deeds than those of their masters.There was a custom among the Spaniards that one person, appointed by the captain, should be in charge of distributing to each Spaniard the food and other things the Indians gave. And while the Captain was thus on his mare and the others mounted on theirs, and the father himself was observing how the bread and fish were distributed, a Spaniard, in whom the devil is thought to have clothed himself, suddenly drew his sword. Then the whole hundred drew theirs and began to rip open the bellies and, to cut and kill those lambs?men, women, children, and old folk, all of whom were seated, off guard and frightened, watching the mares and the Spaniards. And within two credos, not a man of all of them there remains alive.The Spaniards enter the large house nearby, for this was happening at its door, and in the same way, with cuts and stabs, begin to kill as many as they found there, so that a stream of blood was running, as if a great number of cows had perished. Some of the Indians who could make haste climbed up the poles and woodwork of the house to the top, and thus escaped.The cleric had withdrawn shortly before this massacre to where another small square of the town was formed, near where they had lodged him . . .The cleric, moved to wrath, opposes and rebukes them harshly to prevent them, and having some respect for him, they stopped what they were going to do, so the forty were left alive. The five go to kill where the others were killing. And as the cleric had been detained in hindering the slaying of the forty carriers, when he went he found a heap of dead, which the Spaniards had made among the Indians, which they thought was a horrible sight.When Narvaez, the captain, saw him he said: "How does Your Honor like what these our Spaniards have done?"Seeing so many cut to pieces before him, and very upset at such a cruel event, the cleric replied: "That I command you and them to the devil!" . . . Then the cleric leaves him, and goes elsewhere through some groves seeking Spaniards to stop them from killing. For they were passing through the groves looking for someone to kill, sparing neither boy, child, woman, nor old person. And they did more, in that certain Spaniards went to the road to the river, which was nearby. Then all the Indians who had escaped with wounds, stabs, and cuts?all who could not flee to throw themselves into the river to save themselves?met with the Spaniards who finished them.[From George Sanderlin (ed. and trans.), Bartolom? de las Casas: A Selection of His Writings (New York: Knopf, 1971), pp. 63-65.]Click here for sample answers | Read the document againObservation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?Observation1. Which individual items within the image are drawn to your attention?2. List the characters, objects, and / or action.Expression3. What is your overall impression of this image?4. What is this image attempting to convey to the viewer?Connection5. What does this image tell you about this period in America History?Chapter14The Gathering StormChapter Study OutlineI. Slavery in the territoriesA. The Wilmot ProvisoB. Calhoun’s resolutions in reaction to the ProvisoC. Other proposals addressing slavery in the territories1. Extension of the Missouri Compromise line2. Popular, or squatter, sovereigntya. Controversy over admission of Oregon as a free territoryD. Slavery debate and the 1848 presidential election1. Cass for popular sovereignty2. Whigs shun Clay for Taylor3. Formation of Free-Soil partya. Three elements form the coalition(1) rebellious Northern Democrats(2) anti-slavery Whigs(3) Liberty partyb. “Cotton“ vs. “Conscience“ Whigsc. Van Buren nominated4. Victory for Taylor in close raceII. The push for California statehoodA. California gold rushB. The mining frontierC. Zachary Taylor’s motives and California statehoodD. Taylor calls for admission of California as a free stateIII. The Compromise of 1850A. Southern outrage and secession threatsB. Clay presents compromise package of eight resolutionsC. Calhoun’s responseD. Webster’s plea for unionE. Seward’s response for the abolitionistsF. Taylor’s opposition and Whig divisionsG. Taylor’s unexpected deathH. Fillmore supports the Clay compromiseI. Douglas’s “comprehensive“ strategy for compromiseJ. Terms of the CompromiseK. Reaction to the Fugitive Slave Act1. Terms of the law2.?Uncle Tom’s CabinIV. The election of 1852A. The Democrats turn to Franklin PierceB. Free-Soilers promote John P. HaleC. Whigs turn to Winfield ScottD. Pierce is the victorV. The Kansas-Nebraska crisisA. Development1. Ideas for a transcontinental railroad reopen slavery issue2. Douglas’s “popular sovereignty“ bill leads to repeal of the Missouri Compromisea. Proposed bill permits slavery expansion into new territories on basis of popular sovereignty3. Douglas’s unclear motives4. Congress passes “Kansas-Nebraska Act“ despite growing anti-slavery sentimentB. Consequences of passage1. Growing opposition to “Fugitive Slave Act“a. Trial and return to slavery of Anthony Burns2. Break-up of the Whigsa. Formation of the Republican Party3. The “battle“ for Kansasa. Free-Soilers vs. pro-slavery forces compete to settle Kansasb. Fraudulent vote established official pro-slavery governmentc. “Free state“ counter-government established in Topekad. Violence in Lawrence and Pottawatomiee. The Sumner-Butler-Brooks clash in CongressVI. The election of 1856A. The American and Whig parties nominate FillmoreB. The Republicans choose John Frémont as their first presidential candidateC. The Democrats nominate James BuchananD. The campaign and Buchanan’s electionE. Buchanan’s background and perspectiveVII. The?Dred Scott?decisionA. Nature of the case: Dred Scott tries to get freedom based on his residency in non-slave statesB. Analysis of the court’s decision1. Decided against Scott on basis he lacked legal standing2. Denied the right of Congress to exclude slavery from a territoryC. Consequence: Sectional divisions inflamed1. Anti-slavery advocates infuriated2. Emboldened Southerners demand a federal slave codeVIII. Movements for Kansas statehoodA. Governor Walker’s pro-Union effortsB. The pro-slavery Lecompton ConstitutionC. Buchanan’s support for LecomptonD. Popular vote in Kansas rejects Lecompton constitutionE. Postponement of statehood for Kansas, now in anti-slavery handsIX. Panic of 1857A. Causes and nature of the economic reversalB. Sectional reactions to the economic problems1. Northern businessmen blame Democratic Tariff of 18572. Less-affected South emboldened and convinced of cotton’s importanceC. Hard times inspire “prayer-meeting“ revivals from 1857–1859X. The Lincoln-Douglas 1858 senatorial contest in IllinoisA. The candidates and their situation1. Democrat Douglas was weakened by his earlier role in rising sectional crisis2. Republican Lincoln opposed to slavery but not an abolitionistB. National significance of the Illinois race and debatesC. The Freeport Doctrine and popular sovereigntyD. Candidates’ differences on the moral question of slaveryE. Douglas defeats Lincoln in Illinois1. But Democrats fare poorly elsewhere in the nation2. Power shifting to the RepublicansXI. Sectional divide increases, 1858–1860A. John Brown’s raid at Harpers FerryB. The effects of Brown’s raid and martyrdom1. Martyr for the anti-slavery cause in the North2. Inspired tremendous fear in the SouthXII. The election of 1860A. Democrats split1. Democratic convention eventually nominates Douglasa. He promises to defend slavery where it exists but does not support its expansion2. Southern Democrats secede from main party and nominate ardently pro-slavery BreckenridgeB. Republican convention nominates Lincoln1. Adopts a platform restating its resistance to expansion of slavery and pledging to support measures that promoted national economic expansionC. Constitutional Union party formed by former Whigs to support Bell and preservation of the UnionD. Nature of the campaign1. No candidate had a national following2. Sensing defeat, Douglas goes south to try to save the UnionE. Victory for Lincoln1. Clear electoral majority2. Smallest plurality everXIII. Secession beginsA. South Carolina is first to secedeB. Six more Deep South states leave the Union by early 1861C. Buchanan’s non-reaction to secessionD. Secessionists seize federal property in the SouthE. Last failed efforts to compromise1. Crittenden’s proposal2. Proposed thirteenth amendment to the Constitution protecting slavery in existing areas passes both Houses of Congressa. States never had the chance to ratify it3. Lincoln takes office with nation on edge of self-destructionFocus Questions1. Who were the members of the free-soil coalition, and what arguments did they use to demand that slavery not spread to the territories?2. Why did the issue of statehood for California precipitate a crisis for the Union?3. What were the major elements of the Compromise of 1850?4. How did the Kansas-Nebraska Act initiate the collapse of the second party system?5. Why did the southern states secede?DRED SCOTT V. SANDFORD (1857)Please read this document and answer the following questions.This is certainly a very serious question, and one that now for the first time has been brought for decision before this court. But it is brought here by those who have a right to bring it, and it is our duty to meet it and decide it.The question is simply this: Can a negro, whose ancestors were imported into this country, and sold as slaves, become a member of the political community formed and brought into existence by the constitution of the United States, and as such become entitled to all the rights, and privileges, and immunities, guaranteed by that instrument to the citizen? One of which rights is the privilege of suing in a court of the United States in the cases specified in the constitution.It will be observed, that the plea applies to that class of persons only whose ancestors were negroes of the African race, and imported into this country, and sold and held as slaves. The only matter in issue before the court, therefore, is, whether the descendants of such slaves, when they shall be emancipated, or who are born of parents who had become free before their birth, are citizens of a State, in the sense in which the word citizen is used in the constitution of the United States.The situation of this population was altogether unlike that of the Indian race. . . . Indian governments were regarded and treated as foreign governments, as much so as if an ocean had separated the red man from the white; and their freedom has constantly been acknowledged, from the time of the first emigration to the English colonies to the present day, by the different governments which succeeded each other.The words "people of the United States" and "citizens" are synonymous terms, and mean the same thing. They both describe the political body who, according to our republican institutions, form the sovereignty, and who hold the power and conduct the government through their representatives. They are what we familiarly call the "sovereign people," and every citizen is one of this people, and a constituent member of this sovereignty. The question before us is, whether the class of persons described in the plea in abatement compose a portion of this people, and are constituent members of this sovereignty? We think they are not, and that they are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word "citizen" in the constitution, and can therefore claim none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for and secures to citizens of the United States.It is not the province of the court to decide upon the justice or injustice, the policy or impolicy, of these laws. The decision of that question belonged to the political or law-making power; to those who formed the sovereignty and framed the constitution The duty of the court is, to interpret the instrument they have framed. . . .. . . we must not confound the rights of citizenship which a State may confer within its own limits, and the rights of citizenship as a member of the Union. It does not by any means follow, because he has all the rights and privileges of a citizen of a state, that he must be a citizen of the United States.It is true, every person, and every class and description of persons, who were at the time of the adoption of the constitution recognized as citizens in the several states, became also citizens of this new political body; but none other; it was formed by them, and for them and their posterity, but for no one else. . . . .It becomes necessary, therefore, to determine who were citizens of the several States when the constitution was adopted. . . .In the opinion of the court, the legislation and histories of the times, and the language used in the declaration of independence, show, that neither the class of persons who had been imported as slaves, nor their descendants, whether they had become free or not, were then acknowledged as a part of the people, nor intended to be included in the general words used in that memorable instrument.They had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He was bought and sold, and treated as an ordinary article of merchandise and traffic, whenever a profit could be made by it. This opinion was at that time fixed and universal in the civilized portion of the white race. . . .We give both of these laws in the words used by the respective legislative bodies, because the language in which they are framed, as well as the provisions contained in them, show, too plainly to be misunderstood, the degraded condition of this unhappy race. They were still in force when the revolution began, and are a faithful index to the state of feeling towards the class of persons of whom they speak. . . . They show that a perpetual and impassible barrier was intended to be erected between the white race and the one which they had reduced to slavery, and governed as subjects with absolute and despotic power . . . that intermarriages between white persons and negroes or mulattoes were regarded as unnatural and immoral, and punished as crimes, not only in the parties, but in the person who joined them in marriage. And no distinction in this respect was made between the free negro or mulatto and the slave, but this stigma, of the deepest degradation, was fixed upon the whole race.. . . But it is too clear for dispute, that the enslaved African race were not intended to be included, and formed no part of the people who framed and adopted this declaration; for if the language, as understood in that day, would embrace them, the conduct of the distinguished men who framed the declaration of independence would have been utterly and flagrantly inconsistent with the principles they asserted; and instead of the sympathy of mankind, to which they so confidently appealed, they would have deserved and received universal rebuke and reprobation.And upon a full and careful consideration of the subject, the court is of opinion, that, upon the facts stated in the plea in abatement, Dred Scott was not a citizen of Missouri within the meaning of the constitution of the United States, and not entitled as such to sue in its courts and, consequently, that the circuit court had no jurisdiction of the case, and that the judgment on the plea in abatement is erroneous.In the case before us, we have already decided that the circuit court erred in deciding that it had jurisdiction upon the facts admitted by the pleadings. And it appears that, in the further progress of the case, it acted upon the erroneous principle it had decided on the pleadings, and gave judgment for the defendant, where, upon the facts admitted in the exception, it had no jurisdiction.The plaintiff was a negro slave, belonging to Dr. Emerson, who was a surgeon in the army of the United States. In the year 1834, he took the plaintiff from the State of Missouri to the military post at Rock Island, in the State of Illinois, and held him there as a slave until the month of April or May, 1836. At the time last mentioned, said Dr. Emerson removed the plaintiff from said military post at Rock Island to the military post at Fort Snelling, situate on the west bank of the Mississippi river, in the territory known as upper Louisiana . . . situate north of the latitude of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north, and north of the State of Missouri. . . .In considering this part of the controversy, two questions arise: 1. Was he, together with his family, free in Missouri by reason of the stay in the territory of the United States herein before mentioned? And 2. If they were not, is Scott himself free by reason of his removal to Rock Island, in the State of Illinois, as stated in the above admissions?. . . Thus the rights of property are united with the rights of person, and placed on the same ground by the fifth amendment to the constitution, which provides that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, and property, without due process of law. And an act of congress which deprives a citizen of the United States of his liberty or property, merely because he came himself or brought his property into a particular territory of the United States, and who had committed no offense against the laws, could hardly be dignified with the name of due process of law.. . . And if the constitution recognizes the right of property of the master in a slave, and makes no distinction between that description of property and other property owned by a citizen, no tribunal, acting under the authority of the United States, whether it be legislative, executive, or judicial, has a right to draw such a distinction, or deny to it the benefit of the provisions and guarantees which have been provided for the protection of private property against the encroachments of the government.Upon these considerations, it is the opinion of the court that the act of congress which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning property of this kind in the territory of the United States north of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the constitution, and is therefore void; and that neither Dred Scott himself, nor any of his family, were made free by being carried into this territory. . . .[From Dred Scott v. Sandford (19 Havard 393).]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Observation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?THE HOUSE DIVIDED SPEECH (1858), ABRAHAM LINCOLNThe escalating crisis drew a country lawyer back into the political fray. Abraham Lincoln was practicing rather than making law when the decade opened, but as acts he considered dangerous were passed, he was drawn out of the courtroom and onto convention floors and speakers' platforms. Lincoln, as a Whig, had served in the Illinois legislature and then for one term in Congress. He was still a Whig in 1854 when he again entered the public arena to oppose Stephen Douglas's Kansas-Nebraska Act. In 1856, however, Lincoln left the weakened Whigs to help found the Republican Party of Illinois and thus aided in the establishment of the greater, national party. Lincoln then campaigned vigorously for Republican policies and candidates. The party rewarded him at the Republican state convention in Springfield on 16 June 1858 when it endorsed him for the Senate seat held by Douglas. Lincoln accepted the endorsement with the following speech.Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention.If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how to do it.We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated, with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation.Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only, not ceased, but has constantly augmented.In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed."A house divided against itself cannot stand."I believe this government cannot endure, per-manently half slave and half free.I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided.It will become all one thing, or all the other.Either the opponents of slavery, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new—North as well as South.Have we no tendency to the latter condition?Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination—piece of machinery so to speak—compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also, let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidences of design, and concert of action, among its chief bosses, from the beginning.The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by Congressional prohibition.Four days later, commenced the struggle, which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition.This opened all the national territory to slavery; and was the first point gained.But, so far, Congress only, had acted; and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for more.This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of self government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man, choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object.That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "Squatter Sovereignty," and "Sacred right of self government."* * *While the Nebraska bill was passing through congress, a law case, involving the question of a negroe's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free state and then a territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave, for a long time in each, was passing through the U.S. Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and law suit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negroe's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision finally made in the case.Before the then next Presidential election, the law case came to, and was argued in the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requests the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter answers, "That is a question for the Supreme Court."The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory.The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the indorsement.The Supreme Court met again; did not announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument.The Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court; but the incoming President, in his inaugural address, fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be.Then, in a few days, came the decision.The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this capitol indorsing the Dred Scott Decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it.The new President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained.At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of fact, whether the Lecompton constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas; and in that squabble the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not understand his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the public mind—the principle for which he declares he has suffered much, and is ready to suffer to the end.And well may he cling to that principle. . . . That principle, is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of existence, . . . His late joint struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point, the right of a people to make their own constitution, upon which he and the Republicans have never differed.The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection with Senator Douglas' "care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery, in its present state of advancement. This was the third point gained.The working points of that machinery are:First, that no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States.This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit of this provision of the United States Constitution, which declares that—"The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."Secondly, that "subject to the Constitution of the United States," neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude slavery from any United States territory.This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through all the future.Thirdly, that whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free State, makes him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the master.* * *Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, to not care whether slavery is voted down or voted up.This shows exactly where we now are; and partially also, whither we are tending.* * *It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill, the people of a State as well as Territory, were to be left "perfectly free" "subject only to the Constitution."Why mention a State? They were legislating for territories, and not for or about States. . . . Why are the people of a territory and the people of a state therein lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being precisely the same?While the opinion of the Court, by Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring Judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a Territorial legislature to exclude slavery from any United States territory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a state, or the people of a State, to exclude it.Possibly, this was a mere omission; but who can be quite sure, . . .The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery, is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and almost the language too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion his exact language is, "except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction."In what cases the power of the states is so restrained by the U.S. Constitution, is left an open question, precisely as the same question, as to the restraint on the power of the territories was left open in the Nebraska act. Put that and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a state to exclude slavery from its limits.And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or voted up," shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be maintained when made.Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States.Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty shall be met and overthrown.We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free; and we shall awake to the reality, instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State.To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty, is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation.* * *[From Abraham Lincoln, Speeches and Writings, 1832–1858 (New York: The Library of America, 1989), pp. 426–32.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Observation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?Chapter 15 The War Of The UnionChapter Study OutlineI. The end of the interim periodA. Lincoln travels to Washington, D.C.B. The inauguration1. Lincoln reiterates policy positionsC. Presidential appointmentsD. The conflict begins1. Resupply of Fort Sumter2. The South’s violent response3. Lincoln’s initial steps of wara. Call for 75,000 militiamenb. Blockade of southern ports4. Anderson’s surrender5. Reflections on the causes of the warE. Secession of the Upper South1. Departure of Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina2. Eventual creation of West VirginiaF. Other slave states remain in the Union1. Suspension of habeas corpus to hold Maryland2. Divided Kentucky3. The battle for MissouriG. Choosing sides in the South1. Lee’s decision to join the Confederacy2. Pro-Union sentiment in the SouthII. Balance of forceA. The North’s advantages1. Population2. Industry3. TransportationB. The South’s advantages1. Defensive position2. Strong military leadersC. Sea power, an important advantage for the NorthIII. The war’s early courseA. First Battle of Bull Run1. Basis for confrontation2. U.S. Army retreat3. Impact of battleB. After Bull Run1. Northern strategiesa. Scott’s three-pronged “anaconda“ strategy(1) Defend Washington and pressure Richmond(2) Naval blockade(3) Invade main southern water routes2. Southern strategiesa. Fight to a stalemateb. Seek foreign material and diplomatic support(1) Mixed record of success in seeking foreign supportIV. Effort to build armiesA. Initial Union recruitsB. Confederate army recruitment1. Adoption of conscription2. Loopholes in Confederate conscriptionC. Union conscription1. Exemptions2. New York City draft riotsD. Blacks in the South1. Increasing numbers move to support Union as war drags ona. Running awayb. Sabotagec. Joining the Union armyV. The West in the Civil WarA. Continued western settlementB. The Kansas-Missouri border troublesC. Indians take sidesD. Actions in the West1. Grant’s move against Forts Donelson and Henry2. Battle of ShilohVI. The eastern theaterA. McClellan’s peninsular campaign1. McClellan’s character2. McClellan’s advance on Richmond3. Jackson’s Shenandoah campaign4. Lee’s attack on McClellan5. Appointment of Halleck as general-in-chiefB. Second Battle of Bull RunC. Slaves in the war1. Dilemma of what to do with fugitive slaves who wanted to join Union forces2. Lincoln edges toward emancipationD. Lee’s invasion at Antietam1. McClellan acquires Lee’s battle plans2. The war’s bloodiest day3. McClellan replaced by BurnsideE. Battle of FredericksburgF. Assessment of the war at the end of 1862VII. EmancipationA. Emancipation Proclamation1. Exemptions in some Confederate areas2. Reactions to EmancipationB. Blacks in the military1. The 54th Massachusetts Regiment2. Overall black contribution to Union causeC. The Thirteenth AmendmentVIII. The war behind the linesA. Women and the war1. Traditional restraints on women looseneda. Nursesb. Other new roles for women2. War’s toll on familiesB. The war and religion1. Importance of religion to both sides2. Clergymen as war advocates3. Chaplains and camp revivals4. Increasing religious responsibilities for laypeople at home5. African American faith and the war6. Overall significance of religion in American lifeIX. Government during the warA. Power shift to the North politically1. Measures passed by Congress2. Long-term significance for national economy and federal governmentB. Financing the war1. Methods used in the Northa. Increased tariff and excise taxesb. Income taxc. Issuance of greenbacksd. Bondse. Some earn quick fortunes2. Confederate financesa. Direct taxes on property(1) Collection was ineffectiveb. Additional taxes after 1863c. Bond issues and paper moneyd. Rampant inflationX. Union politicsA. Pressure of the RadicalsB. Actions of the DemocratsC. Suspension of habeas corpus1. Constitutional issues2. Arrests3. Vallandigham caseD. 1864 election1. Democratic campaign2. Lincoln and the Republican campaigna. National Union ticketE. Election resultsXI. Confederate politicsA. Challenges in the ConfederacyB. Problems of states’ rights and governance in the ConfederacyC. Davis’s leadership shortcomingsXII. Wearing down the ConfederacyA. Appointment of Joseph E. Hooker to lead the NorthB. Confederate victory at ChancellorsvilleC. Grant’s successful assault on VicksburgD. Lee again moves north1. Lee’s objectives2. Convergence at Gettysburg3. Pickett’s climactic attack4. Lee’s retreat5. The Gettysburg AddressE. Union victory at ChattanoogaXIII. Defeat of the ConfederacyA. Grant pursues Lee1. The Wilderness campaign2. Grant’s strategy3. Siege of PetersburgB. Sherman’s march through the South1. Sherman’s pursuit of Johnston2. Davis replaces Johnston with John B. Hood3. Armies move in opposite directions4. Hood’s army destroyed at Franklin and Nashville5. Sherman’s destruction of Georgia6. Sherman moves into South Carolina7. Davis rejects calls for surrender within the ConfederacyC. Lincoln’s second inaugural addressD. Lee’s effort to escape the Petersburg siegeE. Surrender at AppomattoxF. Other Confederate forces surrenderG. The Civil War as the first modern warH. Why the North wonFocus Questions1. What events led to the firing of the first shots of the Civil War?2. What were the major strategies of the Civil War?3. How did the war affect the home front in both the North and the South?4. What were the reasons for the Emancipation Proclamation?5. How did most enslaved people become free in the United States?MAJOR GENERAL GEORGE MEADE'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG, OCTOBER 1, 1863Please read this document and answer the following questions.Headquarters, Army of the PotomacOctober 1, 1863GENERAL: I have the honor to submit herewith a report of the operations of this army during the month of July last, including the details of the battle of Gettysburg, delayed by the failure to receive until now the reports of several corps and division commanders. Who were severely wounded in battle.On June 28, I received the orders of the President of the United States placing me in command of the Army of the Potomac. The situation of affairs at that time was briefly as follows:The Confederate army, commanded by General R.E. Lee, estimated at over 100,000 strong, of all arms, had crossed the Potomac River and advanced up the Cumberland Valley, Reliable intelligence, placed his advance (Ewell's corps) on the Susquehanna, at Harrisburg and Columbia . . . my own army, of which the most recent return showed an aggregate of a little over 100,000 was situated in and around Frederick, Md., extending from Harpers's Ferry to the mouth of the Monocacy, and from Middletown to Frederick.June 28 was spent in ascertaining the position and strength of the different corps of the army, but principally in bringing up the cavalry, which had been covering the rear of the army in its passage over the Potomac. . . .On the 30th . . . General Buford having reported from Gettysburg the appearance of the enemy on the Cashtown road in some force, General Reynolds was directed to occupy Gettysburg.On reaching that place on July 1, General Reynolds found Buford's cavalry warmly engaged with the enemy . . . Major-General Reynolds immediately moved around the town of Gettysburg, and advanced upon the Cashtown road, and without a moment's hesitation deployed his advanced division and attacked his enemy. . . .Up to this time the battle had been with the forces of the enemy debouching from the mountains on the Cashtown road, known the be Hill's corps. In the early part of the action, success was on our side . Wadsworth's division, of the First Corps, having driven the enemy back some distance, capturing numerous prisoners, among them General Archer, of the Confederate army. The arrival of re-enforcements for the enemy on the Cashtown road, and the junction of Ewell's corps, coming on the York and Harrisburg roads, which occurred between 1 and 2 P.M., enabled the enemy to bring vastly superior forces against both the First and Eleventh Corps, outflanking our line of battle, and pressing it so severely that about 4 p.m. Major-General Howard deemed it prudent to withdraw these two corps to the Cemetery Ridge, on the south side of the town, which operation was successfully accomplished; not, however, without considerable loss in prisoners, arising from the confusion incident to portions of both corps passing through the town, and the men getting confused in the streets.About the time of this withdrawal, Major-General Hancock arrived, whom I had dispatched to represent me on the field, on hearing of the death of General Reynolds. In conjunction with Major-General Howard, General Hancock proceeded to post the troops on Cemetery Ridge, and to repel an attack that the enemy made on our right flank. This attack was not, however, very vigorous, and the enemy, seeing the strength of the position occupied, seemed to be satisfied with the success he had accomplished, desisting from any further attack this day.About 7 P.M . . . [b]eing satisfied from the reports received from the field that it was the intention of the enemy to support with his whole army the attack already made, and the reports from Major Generals Hancock and Howard on the character of the position being favorable, I determined to give battle at this point; and, early in the evening of the 1st, issued orders to all the corps to concentrate at Gettysburg, directing all trains to be sent to the rear, at Westminster.At 10 P.M. of the 1st, I broke up my headquarters, which until then had been at Taneytown, and proceeded to the field, arriving there at 1 A.M. of the 2d. So soon as it was light, I proceeded to inspect the position occupied, and to make arrangements for posting the several corps as they should reach the ground.By 7 A.M. the Second and Fifth Corps, with the rest of the Third, had reached the ground, and were posted as follows: The Eleventh Corps retained its position on the Cemetery Ridge, just opposite the town; the First Corps was posted on the right of the Eleventh, on an elevated knoll connecting with a ridge extending to the south and east, on which the Twelfth Corps was placed, the right of the Twelfth Corps resting on a small stream at a point where it crossed the Baltimore pike, and which formed, on the right flank of the Twelfth, something of an obstacle. The Cemetery Ridge extended in a westerly and southerly direction, gradually diminishing in elevation until it came to a very prominent ridge called Round Top, running east and west. The Second and Third Corps were directed to occupy the continuation of the Cemetery Ridge on the left of the Eleventh Corps. The Fifth Corps, pending the arrival of the Sixth, was held in reserve.While these dispositions were being made, the enemy was massing his troops on an exterior ridge, distant from the line occupied by us from 1 mile to 1 1/2 miles.During the heavy assault upon our extreme left, portions of the Twelfth Corps were sent as re-enforcements. During their absence, the line on the extreme right was held by a very much reduced force. This was taken advantage of by the enemy, who, during the absence of Geary's division of the Twelfth Corps, advanced and occupied a part of his line.With this exception, the quiet of the lines remained undisturbed till 1 P.M. on the 3d, when the enemy opened from over one hundred and twenty-five guns, playing upon our center and left. This cannonade continued for over two hours, when our guns, in obedience to my orders, failing to make any reply, the enemy ceased firing, and soon his masses of infantry became visible, forming for an assault on our left and left center. He assault was made with great firmness, directed principally against the point occupied by the Second Corps, and was repelled with equal firmness by the troops of that corps. . . . This terminated the battle, the enemy retiring to his lines, leaving the field strewn with his dead and wounded, and numerous prisoners in our hands.On the morning of the 4th, reconnaissances developed that the enemy had drawn back his left flank, but maintained his position in front of our left, apparently assuming a new line parallel to the mountains.On the morning of the 5th, it was ascertained the enemy was in full retreat by the Fairfield and Cashtown roads. . . .July 5 and 6 were employed in succoring the wounded and burying the dead. . . . I determined to follow the enemy a flank movement, and, accordingly, leaving McIntosh's brigade of cavalry and Neill's brigade of infantry to continue harassing the enemy, put the army in motion for Middletown, Md.The result of the campaign may be briefly stated in the defeat of the enemy at Gettysburg, his compulsory evacuation of Pennsylvania and Maryland, and withdrawal from the upper valley of the Shenandoah, and in the capture of 3 guns, 41 standards, and 13,621 prisoners; 24,978 small-arms were collected on the battle-field.Our own losses were very sever, amounting, as will be seen by the accompanying return, to 2,834 killed, 13,709 . . . wounded, and 6,643 missing; in all, 23,286. . . .It is impossible in a report of this nature to enumerate all the instances of gallantry and good conduct which distinguished such a hard-fought field as Gettysburg. . . . I will only add my tribute to the heroic bravery of the whole army, officers and men, which under the blessing of Divine Providence, enabled a crowning victory to be obtained, which I feel confident the country will never cease to bear in grateful remembrance.Very respectfully, your obedient servant,Gen. G. Meade,Major-General, CommandingBrig. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas,Adjutant-General, U.S. Army, Washington D.C.[From The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, vol. 1, part I (Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1889), pp. 305, 307–9, 324–25.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Click here for sample answers | Read the document againObservation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?ROBERT E. LEE'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG, JULY 31, 1863Please read this document and answer the following questions.HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIAJuly 31, 1863GENERAL: I have the honor to submit the following outline of the recent operations of this army, for the information of the Department:The position occupied by the enemy opposite Fredericksburg being one in which he could not be attacked to advantage, it was determined to draw him from it. The execution of this purpose embraced the relief of the Shenandoah Valley from the troops that had occupied the lower part of it during the winter and spring, and, if practicable, the transfer of the scene of hostilities north of the Potomac. It was thought that the corresponding movements on the part of the enemy to which those contemplated by us would probably give rise, might offer a fair opportunity to strike a blow at the army then commanded by General Hooker, and that in any event that army would be compelled to leave Virginia, and, possibly, to draw to its support troops designed to operate against other parts of the country. In this way, it was supposed that the enemy's plan of campaign for the summer would be broken up, and part of the season of active operations be consumed in the formation of new combinations, and the preparations that they would require. . . . Actuated by these and other important considerations that may hereafter be presented, the movement began on June 3. . . .Preparations were . . . made to advance upon Harrisburg; but on the night of the 28th, information was received from a scout that the Federal Army, having crossed the Potomac, was advancing northward, and that the head of the column had reached the South Mountain. As our communications with the Potomac were thus menaced, it was resolved to prevent his farther progress in that direction by concentrating our army on the east side of the mountains. Accordingly, Longstreet and Hill were directed to proceed from Chambersburg to Gettysburg, to which point General Ewell was also instructed to march from Carlisle.The leading division of Hill met the enemy in advance of Gettysburg on the morning of July 1. Driving back these troops to within a short distance of the town, he there encountered a larger force, with which two of his divisions became engaged, Ewell, coming up with two of his divisions by the Heidlersburg road, joined in the engagement. The enemy was driven through Gettysburg with heavy loss, including about 5,000 prisoners and several pieces of artillery. He retired to a high range of hills south and east of the town. The attack was not pressed that afternoon, the enemy's force being unknown, and it being considered advisable to await the arrival of the rest of our troops. Orders were sent back to hasten their march, and, in the meantime, every effort was made to ascertain the numbers and position of the enemy, and find the most favorable point of attack. It had not been intended to fight a general battle at such a distance from our base, unless attacked by the enemy, but, finding ourselves unexpectedly confronted by the Federal Army, it became a matter of difficulty to withdraw through the mountains with our large trains. At the same time, the country was unfavorable for collecting supplies while in the presence of the enemy's main body, as he was enabled to restrain our foraging parties by occupying the passes of the mountains with regular and local troops. A battle thus became in a measure, unavoidable. Encouraged by the successful issue of the engagement of the first day, and in view of the valuable results that would ensue from the defeat of the army of General Meade, it was thought advisable to renew the attack. . . .The preparations for attack were not completed until the afternoon of the 2d. The enemy held a high and commanding ridge, along which he had massed a large amount of artillery. . . In front of General Longstreet the enemy held a position from which, if he could be driven, it was thought our artillery could be used to advantage in assailing the more elevated ground beyond, and thus enable us to reach the crest of the ridge. That officer was directed to endeavor to carry this position, while General Ewell attacked directly the high ground on the enemy's right, which had already been partially fortified. After a severe struggle, Longstreet succeeded in getting possession of and holding the desired ground. Ewell also carried some of the strong positions which he assailed and the result was such as to lead to the belief that he would ultimately be able to dislodge the enemy. The battle ceased at dark.These partial successes determined me to continue the assault next day. Pickett, with three of his brigades, joined Longstreet for the following morning, and our batteries were moved forward to the positions gained by him the day before. The general plan of attack was unchanged excepting that one division and two brigades of Hill's corps were ordered to support Longstreet.The enemy, in the meantime, had strengthened his lines with earthworks. The morning was occupied in necessary preparations and the battle recommenced in the afternoon of the 3d, and raged with great violence until sunset. Our troops succeeded in entering the advanced works of the enemy, and getting possession of some of his batteries, but our artillery having nearly expended its ammunition, the attacking columns became exposed to the heavy fire of the numerous batteries near the summit of the ridge, and, after a most determined and gallant struggle were compelled to relinquish their advantage, and fall back to their original positions with severe loss.The conduct of the troops was all that I could desire or expect, and they deserve success so far as it can be deserved by heroic valor and fortitude. More may have been required of them than they were able to perform, but my admiration of their noble qualities and confidence in their ability to cope successfully with the enemy has suffered no abatement from the issue of this protracted and sanguinary conflict.Owing to the strength of the enemy's position, and the reduction of our ammunition, a renewal of the engagement could not be hazarded, and the difficulty of procuring supplies rendered it impossible to continue longer where we were. Such of the wounded as were in condition to be removed, and part of the arms collected on the field, were ordered to Williamsport.The army remained in Gettysburg during the 4th, and at night began to retire by the road to Fairfield, carrying with it about 4,000 prisoners. Nearly 2,000 had previously been paroled, but the enemy's numerous wounded that had fallen into our hands after the first and second day's engagements were left behind.The highest praise is due to both officers and men for their conduct during the campaign. The privations and hardships of the march and camp were cheerfully encountered, and borne with a fortitude unsurpassed by our ancestors in their struggle for independence, while their courage in battle entitles them to rank with the soldiers of any army and of any time. Their forbearance and discipline under strong provocation to retaliate for the cruelty of the enemy to our own citizens, is not their least claim to the respect and admiration of their countrymen and of the world.I forward returns of our loss in killed, wounded, and missing. Many of the latter were killed or wounded in the several assaults at Gettysburg, and necessarily left in the hands of the enemy. I cannot speak of these brave men as their merits and exploits deserve. Some of them are appropriately mentioned in the accompanying reports, and the memory of all will be gratefully and affectionately cherished by the people in whose defense they fell. There were captured at Gettysburg nearly 7,000 prisoners, of whom about 1,500 were paroled, and the remainder brought to Virginia. Seven pieces of artillery were also secured.Respectfully submitted.R.E. LeeGeneral.[From The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, vol. 27, part I (Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1889), pp. 114–19.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.Click here for sample answers | Read the document againObservation1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?Expression3. What do you find interesting or important about this document?4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?Connection5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?Observation1. Which individual items within the picture are drawn to your attention?2. List the characters, objects, and / or action in the photograph.Expression3. What is your overall impression of this photograph?4. What is this photograph attempting to convey to the viewer?Connection5. What does this photograph tell you about this period in America History?Harvest of Death.Chapter 16 Reconstruction: North And SouthChapter Study OutlineI. America after the Civil WarA. Effects of the war on the nation1. Questions facing the nation after the war2. Development in the Northa. Morrill Tariffb. National Banking Actc. Subsidies for transcontinental railroadd. Homestead Act of 1862e. Morrill Land Grant Act of 18623. Impact on the Southa. Property destroyedb. Confederate currency and bonds worthlessc. Loss of $4 billion that had been invested in labor—the slavesd. Problems of postwar agriculturee. Transformation of southern societyB. Special problems of the freedmen1. Freedmen and the confusion over citizenship2. Hardships3. The Freedmen’s BureauII. Lincoln and ReconstructionA. Lincoln’s lenient 10 percent planB. Loyal governments not recognized by CongressC. Arguments over ReconstructionD. The Wade-Davis BillE. Lincoln’s philosophy of ReconstructionF. Lincoln’s assassinationIII. Johnson’s plan for ReconstructionA. Johnson’s background and personalityB. Johnson’s philosophy of ReconstructionC. Johnson’s plan1. Comparable to Lincoln’s2. The wealthy excluded from Johnson’s amnesty proclamation3. Additional requirements for southern statesD. Southern states’ response to Johnson’s requirementsIV. Southern intransigenceA. Southern states had elected many ex-ConfederatesB. Southern states had passed “black codes“C. In reaction, Radical Republican strength grows in NorthV. Radical Republican ascendanceA. Partisan interests of Radical Republican Reconstruction1. Support of African American suffrage2. Disenfranchisement of former Confederates3. Forfeited rights of southern statesB. Johnson’s battle with Congress1. Johnson’s waning power and influence2. Johnson’s first veto of Freedmen’s Bureau bill upheld3. Johnson’s veto of Civil Rights Acts of 1866 overridden4. Johnson’s veto of revised Freedmen’s Bureau bill overridden5. The Fourteenth Amendmenta. Citizenship rights for all Americans, including African Americansb. Guarantees of due process and equal protection under the lawc. Tennessee ratifies firstd. Race riots in Memphis and New OrleansVI. Congressional ReconstructionA. Johnson’s loss of public support1. Midwest speaking tour2. Huge veto-proof Republican gains in 1866 electionB. Congress moves to limit Johnson’s power1. Command of the Army Act2. Tenure of Office ActC. Other measures of Congressional Reconstruction1. Military Reconstruction Act2. Second Reconstruction Act3. Congress protects its program from Supreme CourtVII. Impeachment and trial of JohnsonA. Johnson’s removal of secretary of war Edwin Stanton1. Violation of Tenure of Office ActB. House of Representatives impeaches JohnsonC. Senate trial fails to convictD. Effects on Radicals and JohnsonVIII. Republican rule in the SouthA. New governments established in southern statesB. Georgia’s readmission rescindedC. Fifteenth Amendment protects right to voteD. The Union LeagueE. Blacks in the Reconstructed South1. Faced animosity from white southerners as well as northerners2. Effects of military service3. Separate churches4. Black families5. Black schools6. African Americans in southern politicsa. Blacks in high positionsb. Extent of black influence in Reconstruction governmentsF. White Republicans in the South1. Carpetbaggers2. ScalawagsG. The Republican record1. Achievements2. CorruptionIX. Religion and ReconstructionA. Christians for racial justiceB. “Apostles of forgiveness“C. Differing religious perspectivesX. Grant administrationA. Positions of parties in the 1868 electionB. Grant’s unwise cabinet appointmentsC. The government’s debt1. Debate over monetary expansion versus monetary restriction2. Public Credit Act (1869)a. Greenbacks withdrawn from circulationb. Debt to be paid with goldD. Scandals in Grant’s administration1. Jay Gould and Jim Fisk and the gold market2. The Crédit Mobilier scandal3. Other scandalsXI. Further challenges to the Grant administrationA. Southern resistance to “Radical rule“B. Formation of Ku Klux KlanB. Terrorist activities of Klan and similar groupsC. Prosecution of such groups under new federal lawsD. Republican reformers and the election of 1872E. Conservative resurgence1. Ku Klux Klan weakened black and Republican morale2. Diminished northern commitment to ideals of Reconstruction3. Collapse of Republican control and Radical Republican regimesF. The beginning of the panic of 1873G. The Specie Resumption Act of 1875XII. The election of 1876A. Republicans nominate Rutherford B. HayesB. Democrats nominate Samuel J. TildenC. Tone of the campaignsD. Disputed electoral vote count1. Congress forms special Electoral Commission to resolveE. The Compromise of 18771. Election goes to Hayes2. Reconstruction ends with last federal troops withdrawn from SouthF. The legacy of ReconstructionFocus Questions1. What were the different approaches to the Reconstruction of the Confederate states?2. How did white southerners respond to the end of the old order in the South?3. To what extent did blacks function as citizens in the reconstructed South?4. What were the main issues in national politics in the 1870s?5. Why did Reconstruction end in 1877?WILLIAM A DUNNING EXPLAINS THE FAILURE OF RECONSTRUCTION IN TERMS OF CORRUPTION AND FAILURE OF GOVERNMENTS (1901)Please read this document and answer the following questions.The leading motive of the reconstruction had been, at the inception of the process, to insure to the freedmen an effective protection of their civil rights,—of life, liberty, and property. In the course of the process, the chief stress came to be laid on the endowment of the blacks with full political rights,—with the electoral franchise and eligibility to office. And by the time the process was complete, a very important, if not the most important part had been played by the desire and the purpose to secure to the Republican party the permanent control of several Southern states in which hitherto such a political organization had been unknown. This last motive had a plausible and widely accepted justification in the view that the rights of the negro and the "results of the war" in general would be secure only if the national government should remain indefinitely in Republican hands, and that therefore the strengthening of the party was a primary dictate of patriotism.Through the operation of these various motives successive and simultaneous, the completion of the reconstruction showed the following situation: (1) the negroes were in the enjoyment of the equal political rights with the whites; (2) the Republican party was in vigorous life in all the Southern states, and in firm control of many of them; and (3) the negroes exercised an influence in political affairs out of all relation to their intelligence or property, and, since so many of the whites were defranchised, excessive even in proportion to their numbers. At the present day, in the same states, the negroes enjoy practically no political rights; the Republican party is but the shadow of a name; and the influence of the negroes in political affairs is nil. This contrast suggests what has been involved in the undoing of reconstruction.Before the last state was restored to the Union the process was well under way through which the resumption of control by the whites was to be effected. The tendency in this direction was greatly promoted by conditions within the Republican party itself. Two years of supremacy in those states which had been restored in 1868 had revealed unmistakable evidences of moral and political weakness in the governments. The personnel of the party was declining in character through the return to the North of the more substantial of the carpet-baggers, who found Southern conditions, both social and industrial, far from what they had anticipated, and through the very frequent instances in which the "scalawags" ran to open disgrace. Along with this deterioration in the white element of the party, the negroes who rose to prominence and leadership were very frequently of a type which acquired and practiced the tricks and knavery rather than the useful arts of politics, and the vicious courses of these negroes strongly confirmed the prejudices of the whites. But at the same time that the incapacity of the party in power to administer any government was becoming demonstrable the problems with which it was required to cope were made by its adversaries such as would have taxed the capacity of the most efficient statesmen the world could produce. . . . No attention was paid to the claim that the manifest inefficiency and viciousness of the Republican governments afforded a partial, if not wholly adequate explanation of their overthrow. Not even the relative quiet and order that followed the triumph of the whites in these states were recognized as justifying the new regime.[From William A. Dunning, "The Undoing of Reconstruction," Atlantic Monthly, October 1901, pp. 437–38.]PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS.OBSERVATION1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)2. For what audience was the document written?EXPRESSION1. What do you find interesting or important about this document?2. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising?CONNECTIONWhat does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?Grand Review of the Union TroopsObservation1. Which individual items within the picture are drawn to your attention?2. List the characters, objects, and / or action in the photograph.Expression3. What is your overall impression of this photograph?4. What is this photograph attempting to convey to the viewer?Connection5. What does this photograph tell you about this period in America History? ................
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