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ISSN 0827 3383
International Journal
of
Special Education
VOLUME 23 2008 NUMBER 3
• Attaining Development Goals Of Children With Disabilities:
Implications For Inclusive Education
• Inclusive Education For Students With Disabilities In Nigeria:
Benefits, Challenges And Policy Implications
• Ethnic Minority Pupils In Swedish Schools:Some Trends In Over-Representation
Of Minority Pupils In Special Educational Programmes
• Improving Teacher Awareness Of Fine Motor Problems And Occupational Therapy:
Education Workshops For Preservice Teachers, General Education Teachers
And Special Education Teachers In Canada
General Or Vocational Curriculum: LD Preference
• The Effect Of Teachers’ Attitude Toward Inclusion On The Practice And
Success Levels Of Children With And Without Disabilities In Physical Education
-
• Self-Talk In Wheelchair Basketball:
Τhe Effects Of An Intervention Program On Dribbling And Passing Performance.
-
• The Development Of A Canadian Instrument For Measuring Student Views Of Their Inclusive School Environment In A Rural Context: The Student Perceptions Of Inclusion In Rural Canada (SPIRC) Scale.
• Expanding The Boundaries Of Special Education Preservice Teachers:
The Impact Of A Six-Week Special Education Study Abroad Program
• Inclusion In The East: Chinese Students’ Attitudes Towards Inclusive Education
• Turkish Mothers’ Verbal Interaction Practices And Self-Efficacy Beliefs Regarding Their Children With Expressive Language Delay
• Institutional Autism In Children Adopted Internationally:Myth Or Reality?
Experiences Of Parents Of Pre-K To Grade Four Children With Food Allergies
• -
• Are Special Education Teachers Prepared to Teach the Increasing Number of Students Diagnosed with Autism?
• Impact Of Chess Training On Mathematics Performance And Concentration Ability Of Children With Learning Disabilities
• Promoting School-Wide Mental Health
• Using The Harp As A Communication Channel With Children With Autism
International Journal of Special Education
REVISED EDITORIAL POLICY from 2007
The International Journal of Special Education publishes original articles concerning special education. Experimental as well as theoretical articles are sought. Potential contributors are encouraged to submit reviews of research, historical, and philosophical studies, case studies and content analyses in addition to experimental correlation studies, surveys and reports of the effectiveness of innovative programs.
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Articles should be single spaced (including references). Submit one original only. Any tables must be in MS-WORD for IBM Format and in the correct placement within the article. Please include a clear return e-mail address for the electronic return of any material. Published articles remain the property of the Journal.
E-mailed contributions are reviewed by the Editorial Board. Articles are then chosen for publication. Accepted articles may be revised for clarity, organisation and length.
Style: The content, organisation and style of articles should follow the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, Fifth Edition. An article written in an obviously deviating style will be returned to the author for revision.
Abstracts: All articles will be preceded by an abstract of 100-200 words. Contributors are referred to the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, Fifth Edition for assistance in preparing the abstract.
Responsibility of Authors: Authors are solely responsible for the factual accuracy of their contributions. The author is responsible for obtaining permission to quote lengthy excerpts from previously published material. All figures submitted must be submitted within the document.
JOURNAL LISTINGS
Annotated and Indexed by the ERIC Clearinghouse on Handicapped and Gifted Children for publication in the monthly print index Current Index to Journals of Special Education (CIJE) and the quarterly index, Exceptional Child Education Resources (ECER).
IJSE is also indexed at Education Index (EDI).
The journal appears at the website:
The editor can be reached at marcsapo@interchange.ubc.ca
VOLUME 23 2008 NUMBER 3
I N D E X
Attaining Development Goals Of Children With Disabilities:
Implications For Inclusive Education ………………….…………………………………….……..…...1
Okey Abosi & Teng Leong Koay
Inclusive Education For Students With Disabilities In Nigeria:
Benefits, Challenges And Policy Implications …………………………..………………………….…11
Paul M. Ajuwon,
Ethnic Minority Pupils In Swedish Schools:Some Trends In Over-Representation
Of Minority Pupils In Special Educational Programmes………….……………..…..….……………..17
Girma Berhanu
Improving Teacher Awareness Of Fine Motor Problems And Occupational Therapy:
Education Workshops For Preservice Teachers, General Education Teachers
And Special Education Teachers In Canada……………………………………………………………30
Teresa Chiu, Melissa Heidebrecht, Susan Wehrmann,Gerry Sinclair & Denise Reid,
General Or Vocational Curriculum: LD Preference………….……………………………………….. 39
Errol Dupoux
The Effect Of Teachers’ Attitude Toward Inclusion On The Practice And
Success Levels Of Children With And Without Disabilities In Physical Education………………..…48
Steven Elliott
Article removed…………..…………….………….56
-
Self-Talk In Wheelchair Basketball:
Τhe Effects Of An Intervention Program On Dribbling And Passing Performance.…………………..62
Thomas Harbalis, Antonis Hatzigeorgiadis, & Yannis Theodorakis,
Paper
Withdrawn by request……………………………………………………………………….….………70
-
The Development Of A Canadian Instrument For Measuring Student Views Of Their
Inclusive School Environment In A Rural Context: The Student Perceptions Of
Inclusion In Rural Canada (SPIRC) Scale ……………………………………………………………78
Tim Loreman, Judy Lupart, Donna McGhie-Richmond & Jennifer Barber
Expanding The Boundaries Of Special Education Preservice Teachers:
The Impact Of A Six-Week Special Education Study Abroad Program ………………………….….90
Laura E. Johnson & Rosemary Battalio
Inclusion In The East: Chinese Students’ Attitudes Towards Inclusive Education .……………….101
Olli-Pekka Malinen & Hannu Savolainen
Turkish Mothers’ Verbal Interaction Practices And Self-Efficacy Beliefs
Regarding Their Children With Expressive Language Delay ………………...……………....……..110
Ibrahim H. Diken & Ozlem Diken
Institutional Autism In Children Adopted Internationally:Myth Or Reality?……..………….……...118
Boris Gindis
Experiences Of Parents Of Pre-K To Grade Four Children With Food Allergies ..……………….124
Cecilia Obeng & Alison Vandergriff
Paper withdrawn for editing reasons………………………………….. ………………...…………130
Impact Of Chess Training On Mathematics Performance And Concentration
Ability Of Children With Learning Disabilities …………………………………...………………..131
Markus Scholz, Harald Niesch, Olaf Steffen, Baerbel Ernst, Markus Loeffler, Evelin Witruk, & Hans Schwarz,
Promoting School-Wide Mental Health …………………………………………………….………142
Robert P. Trussell
Using The Harp As A Communication Channel With Children With Autism……………………...149
Lori Kissinger & David W. Worley
ATTAINING DEVELOPMENT GOALS OF CHILDREN WITH DISABILITIES: IMPLICATIONS FOR INCLUSIVE EDUCATION
Okey Abosi
Teng Leong Koay
University of Brunei Darussalam
Education has three main roles: it is developmental because it develops the unique qualities of a child; it differentiates between learners because it treats every child as an individual, appreciating individual differences; and it is integrative because it accommodates people of varying backgrounds (culture, beliefs and values) thereby allowing for a cooperative approach in problem solving (Abosi, 1996). It is therefore absolutely necessary that the components of the curriculum for teacher training programs, teaching and learning at all levels should reflect these roles, if we are to attain the development goals which include education for all. The development goals for individuals with disabilities will include elimination of poverty, acquisition of practical and survival skills, employment, empowerment and total integration in the social world. All these could be achieved through a well planned inclusive education system. Special education provides opportunity for education for all. Special education is part of general education which treats every one involved in it as individuals. Special education identifies problems which are specific to individual learner and adopts relevant personnel, methods and materials to overcome the problems. Special needs education ensures that everyone has equal opportunity to participate in classroom and play activities. This paper examines how special needs education uses the inclusive aspect of it to fulfill the aspiration of fundamental human right to education for children with disabilities. This paper will also examine some issues involved in inclusive education in some developing countries with specific reference to issues such as the concept of inclusive education, historical perspective, policies, barriers, the impact of culture, traditional values and beliefs on inclusive education, solutions and the current practice of inclusive education.
The concept of special needs education such as what it is and how to deal with it in developing world remains in a state of confusion. This may account for the poor provisions that have been made by the various governments. In fact, the state of education for persons with disabilities in developing countries has been a source of concern for professionals. (Alur, 2001; Potts, 2000; Villa, 2003) The provision for children with disabilities across developing countries has often been regarded as a privilege rather than a right (Alur, 2001). Abosi (2006) noted that proper attention has not been given to special needs education in terms of planning and organization. Its planning, organization and management have been characterized by lack of vision and commitment, inadequate funding, lack of cooperation among experts, negative attitudes influenced by traditional values, and culture. Most developing countries, if not all pay lip service to the issue of special needs education in formulation of national policies in special education. Some of the policies have such recommendation as to give concrete meaning to the idea of equalizing educational opportunities for all children irrespective of their physical and mental conditions (Alur, 2001; Ogbue et al., 1986). Some countries for example Botswana, Nigeria, even included in the policies that such children should be educated along side their normal counterparts in the ordinary schools. Despite these, the dreams of most people with disabilities in areas of adequate educational provisions, employment, and support services are yet to be realized.
The aim of this paper is to highlight the state of special needs education in developing countries with specific reference to inclusive education. It is hoped that this paper will not only generate discussion but also interest that will lead to the development of the right spirit for the promotion of effective inclusive education that will result in education for all on equal basis.
Who are we including?
The major problem confronting education and welfare of person with disabilities in the developing world is ignorance of the society about who the disabled are and the kind of provision that could be made to ensure equal opportunities.
We all in one way or the other require special needs services. On daily basis we are confronted with situation that affects our performance at work, school and other social events that require us to be at our best. However there are many people in the society whose special needs demand special attention and planning. Look around you, you will find persons who are wearing glasses and who may not be able to read or move around if these aids are removed from them. We really do not have to look far to appreciate the seriousness and the importance of special needs education. However as we plan for inclusive education, we have the following categories of special needs in mind; visual impairment, hearing impairment, mental retardation, learning disabilities, physical and health impairment, speech and language difficulties, behaviour disorders, gifted and talented. These special needs pose major challenges to teachers in the classroom.
Other Children Requiring Special Needs
The concept of special needs education has recently been broadened. In a UNESCO (1999) workshop held in Dakar, Senegal, an African expert group broadened the concept of special education to include marginalized group. The marginalized group included children with HIV/AIDS, abused children, children from poor homes, gifted children, abandoned children and children on the street. The issue of HIV/AIDS has become one of the most sensitive discussions in world today because the prevalence of the condition has become a source of worry to most governments. The HIV/AIDS manifests itself in different forms. Children who have aids or who come from extreme poverty background, or who have been abused by the step parents find it difficult concentrating on their studies.
Concept of Inclusive Education
The ultimate aim of education of children with disabilities is to make them live independent life in any given community. This means that they are expected to live the life of give and take. The current trend in education of children with disabilities is integration or inclusive education, which will enable children with disabilities to be included in all social activities. In most countries where inclusive education has been well organized, it has been found to bring about equalization of opportunity to education and social life.
However, inclusive education has been defined from different perspectives. Zalizan Jelas (2000) described the term inclusive education as an integration issue whereby participation of students with special needs is provided for in the mainstream education.
The South African Educational System defines inclusive education in two ways:
• Learning environment that promotes the full personal, academic and professional development of all learners irrespective of race, class, gender, disability, religion, culture, sexual preference, learning style and language.
• In the Education White Paper 6 on Special Needs Education: Building an Inclusive Education and Training System (2001), inclusive education was also defined as:
• Acknowledging that all children and youth can learn and that all children and youth need support
• Accepting and respecting that all learners are different in some way and have different learning needs which are equally valued and an ordinary part of our human experience.
• Enabling education structures, systems and learning methodologies to meet the needs of all learners.
• Acknowledging and respecting differences in learners whether due to age, gender, ethnicity, language, class, disability or HIV status.
• Changing attitudes, behaviour, teaching methodologies, curricula and the environment to meet the needs of all learners.
• Maximizing the participation of all learners in the culture and the curricula of educational institutions and uncovering and minimizing barriers to learning.
• Empowering learners by developing their individual strengths and enabling them to participate critically in the process of learning.
• Acknowledging that learning also occurs in the home and community, and within formal and informal modes and structures.
Inclusive education therefore gives all children the opportunity to learn together without discrimination. This means that schools where inclusive education is taking place must be sensitive to the differences in the needs of various children with disabilities. For example, different provisions should be made for different inclusive situations-a class that has a deaf child must have such support services as an interpreter fluent in sign language, speech trainers, speech therapist, and school audiologist. The class should also be equipped with loops and the child should be given a hearing aid. In case of visually impaired children, they would need brailing equipment and brailist, mobility aids, tape recorders, and optical devices, such as magnifiers for those with residual vision. They will in addition require the services of mobility instructor and resource teacher of the blind. The mentally retarded perhaps is the most difficult to deal with. Their inclusion must be carefully planned. The class size must be drastically reduced; level of inclusion will depend on the severity of the disability. The services of the following must be provided, teacher aide, resource specialist who assists with the development of the individualized educational programme (IEP). The physically and health impaired will need some modification of the physical environment and the provision of mobility aids such as wheelchairs. It is also advisable that close and proper assessment be carried out before admission into the school because children with physical and health impairment have been observed to have other conditions like epilepsy, spinal bifida, cerebral palsy, reparatory problems, tuberculosis and heart conditions.
Inclusive education also offers both academic and social advantages. Many experts maintain that inclusive schooling is the most effective means for building solidarity between children with special needs and their peers. Zalizan Jelas (2000) found in her study in Malaysia that teachers and parents place higher value on the development of social skills gained by children with disabilities in inclusive system and were willing to trade off special education benefits such as specialized curriculum, access to specialized services and individualized instruction. We must not also loose sight of the fact that there are many children with severe disability who may not benefit from inclusive education. Some children with severe disability may be disruptive in the class.
Children with disabilities who may not benefit from ordinary schools due to the severity of their disability should be educated in special schools. Such children should however be given the opportunity somewhere along the line or on part-time basis to enjoy inclusive education. Provision for inclusive education should run across all levels of education e.g. primary, secondary and university. Relevant and adequate provision should be made to ensure effective inclusive education.
Historical Background of Inclusive Education
Early effort to educate persons with disabilities in developing countries in general was made by missionaries. Since then, the various governments have become more sensitive and committed. Special schools, classes, units and resource centers have been built. Teacher training facilities have been established locally in some cases, and more teachers have been trained locally and abroad. All these efforts notwithstanding, most developing countries have been caught in the web of international controversy of acceptable approach to effective education of persons with disabilities. Two schools of thought have since emerged-special school approach and integration and the recent, inclusive education approach. The special school approach has been with us for a long time and has its merits and demerits. Abosi (2002) notes the existence of both systems throughout developed and developing countries. In Singapore for example, special education services are organized along a continuum ranging from total segregation to partial integration to total integration. (Lim & Tan, 1999) Similar systems are practiced in Malaysia, China, America, Nigeria, Botswana, India (Zalizan Jelas, 2000; Potts, 2000; Alur, 2001; Villa et al., 2003, Abosi, 2002). The inclusive education system is current and has been adopted in most countries of the world including many countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America though without proper planning.
Inclusive education emerged by insisting that all children with special needs be included in the traditional classroom. Before the emergence of the inclusive system, it was the concept of integration or mainstreaming, which was practiced. The concept of integration is based on integrating children with disabilities according to their needs and severity of their conditions. Some children with disabilities could benefit from total integration, while others benefit from units/special class or resource rooms. However since the middle of the nineties, the American system of inclusive education has spread like fire across the world.
Development Leading to Inclusive Education
The issue of inclusive education is no more a matter for debate. The 1990 Jomtien World Conference on Education for All with its Declaration and Framework for Action to Meet Basic Learning Needs was a turning point in global education. It re-emphasized that education is a fundamental right for everyone, irrespective of physical, social, economic and psychological conditions. It specifically stated that the learning needs of children with disability require special attention and that steps should be taken to provide equal access to education to every category of disabled persons, as an integral part of national education endeavors. The UNESCO World Conference on Special Needs Education (Salamanca, Spain 7-10 June, 1994) reaffirmed the Jomtien Declaration on Education for All and specifically recognized the necessity and urgency of providing education for children, youth and adults with special educational needs within the regular education system.
Existing Policy Provision in Some developing Countries
Most developing countries have developed and adopted policies, which strongly support education of children with disabilities. (Malaysia, India, Singapore, China, Vietnam, Botswana, etc - see Zalizan Jelas 2000; Alur 2001, Lim & Tan, 1999; Potts 2000;Villa et al., 2003; Abosi, 1999) Also, Special Education Policy Guidelines (1997) of Brunei Ministry of Education clearly states that all children of school age including those with special needs should be provided with 12 years of education. The policy statement went on to say that a student requiring a special education programme will be provided with a programme appropriate for the student’s needs, age, and level of educational achievement. However, a number of governments’ especially those in Africa, attitudes towards the education of children with disabilities could be said to be unclear. There is also a conflict between socially desired intentions and the implementation of those intentions due to value placement of the disabled. For example, while the various government attitudes towards the education of the disabled are enlightened, favorable and worthy of commendation, in reality, these laudable attitudes are hardly seen in the implementation of Special Education Policies. Some of these conflicts are quite clear when it comes to budgetary allocation. The allocation to Special Education is usually insignificant and does not reflect the expectation of the various National Policies on Special Education, which guarantee equal educational opportunities for all citizens. In fact, some policies have gone further to say that children with special needs must be educated alongside their able- bodied counterparts (Brunei, Malaysia, Botswana, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Kenya and Zambia, South Africa) to mention but a few countries.
Barriers to Education for All and Offered solutions:
A number of factors constitute barriers to education for all. These factors include:
1. Negative attitude influenced by traditional values, beliefs and culture
2. Lack of statistics of the number of persons with disabilities
3. Inadequate funding
4. Lack of cooperation among specialist administrators
5. Adopting policies that are difficult to implement
Negative Attitudes Influenced by Traditional values, Beliefs and Culture
We cannot fully talk about education of children with disabilities without reflecting on the tenets of traditional life and its attitude. It is only through such reflection that we can understand and appreciate how a typical African or Asian or Latin American conceptualizes disability. The attitude of a given community to disability can affect the kind of provision that could be made for people with disabilities within the community. An average Motswana, Malai, Indian, Nigerian, Zambian etc for example attaches something bad with disabilities. A group of special education student teachers in University of Botswana were asked the following questions:
1) How many of you would like to work with the disabled?
2) How many of you would like to have a disabled person as a friend?
3) How many of you would like to marry a disabled person?
All the students responded that they will like to work with the disabled justifying why they are in the profession. Only 30% of the students said that they would like to have a disabled person as a friend but not as a boy/girl friend and less than 1% will be prepared to marry a disabled person. The same questions were put to some Malai students. The responses were not different. This reflects the kind of lip service we all pay to the welfare of people with disabilities both as individuals and as a community (Abosi, 2006).
The traditional African approach to inclusion of children with special needs for example is influenced by African belief, culture and attitude. Mba (1987) observed that among the factors contributing to the general apathy and neglect of children with disabilities in emergent African countries are superstitions that regard disability as a curse from the gods. Disability in Africa is regarded as a continuous tragedy. Many people regard disability as a stain in their social status. Families with disabled children tend to hide them. Many Africans associate disability with bad luck and therefore would not like to visit special schools, or have them learn alongside with their children in the same classroom. This type of situation has implication for inclusive education
In Vietnamese culture, it is not general expectation that children with disabilities could learn. Children with disabilities are kept at home and considered unteachable or children who cannot be taught in schools. (Villa et al., 2003).
Alur (2001) found that in India, families saw having a disabled as a question of My karma, a result of past deeds, an individual responsibilities: It’s my fate and I have to bear it and it is my fault. The Indian community’s flawed negative attitudes reflects on their feelings that some day God will forgive them and their child will be normal again The Indian society and the State had no role to play and never saw it as any one else’s responsibilities. Even at policy making level in India, disability was not seen as something normal or natural. It was seen as an evil eye Guilt, Stigma, and fear dominated the family. (Alur 2001)
An on the spot survey carried out in Brunei, shows a lot of similarity between the Brunei traditional belief system and that of Africans. The Brunei traditional system is greatly influenced by Malay traditional value system. In Brunei the presence of a child with disability in the family is not well received. It is seen as a disgrace and accounts for why children with disability are generally hidden from visitors. The traditional value and belief system become important. One Bruneian teachersinterviewed attributed some of the difficulties encountered in the implementation of the inclusive education policy to shortage of specialist teachers but when asked if he would marry a girl with disability, he said he was already married but even if he was not married, he would not. (Abosi, 2007. unpublished interview).
Abosi and Ozoji (1985) found in their study that Nigerians in particular, and of course Africans in general, associate causes of disabilities to witchcraft, juju, sex- linked factors, God-mediated and supersensible forces. The situation in some other developing countries is not different. In Ghana, the intake of some food is linked to the cause of disability. In Brunei such actions as pushing things under the door, breaking the bone of a chicken, being unkind to a child with disability are all linked to the causes of disabilities (unpublished interview with students).
A sampled opinion in Botswana has not been different too, for example in Botswana; albinos are generally regarded as spirits. Among the Bangwato tribe, they believe that a pregnant woman is likely to give birth to a child with disability if she
• Loves or hates a child with disability
• Drinks water while standing
• Uses her foot or feet to pick up things
• Eats colon (the males' sexual organ will be long or big).
They also believe that a child may become mentally retarded if the biological father/mother has a sexual relationship with a different man/woman before he/she could make love with the biological father/mother.
The cultural belief among Bakwena, Boteti, Kalangas, and Batawana are not different. These beliefs have consequences for the way children with disabilities are treated and provided for in ordinary schools in Africa or other countries in the developing world. The negative attitude and belief must be taken into consideration when planning for integration of persons with disabilities into the mainstream. People from the third world must be made to understand that causes of disabilities are more of physiological than cultural.
Throughout Africa, disabled persons are seen as hopeless and helpless (Desta, 1995). The traditional beliefs in most other developing countries, has not made matters easier. The belief of avoiding whatever is associated with evil has from history affected people's attitude towards people with disabilities simply because disability is associated with evil. (Alur, 2001). Most of these negative attitudes are mere misconceptions that stem from lack of proper understanding of disabilities and how they affect the functioning of the affected. These misconceptions stem directly from the traditional systems of thought, which reflect magico-religious philosophies that can be safely called superstition.
Lack of Statistics on Incidence of Special Learning Needs in Developing countries:
One major problem facing education of children with disabilities in developing countries is the lack of statistics on the number of children with disabilities. The exact number of children with disabilities in the third world is unknown. Figures given by researchers in various countries are usually based on estimate. The United Nations also maintains that where there is no definite figure of children with disabilities, the 10% figure of school-age children should be used as estimate. Eleweke and Rodda (2001) maintain that the majority of people with disabilities live in developing countries and estimate the number of children with disabilities in developing countries to be 150 million. In Brunei, the issue of statistics for persons with disabilities should not be a problem because the government has both the money and the political will to provide the best services for people with disabilities.
Inadequate funding
Special education is expensive to run and yet it is part of general education. Its budgetary allocation is derived from whatever is given to general education. Special education therefore survives on the kindness and understanding of whoever is in-charge of the ministry. In most cases it is the droppings or leftovers that are given to Special education despite the high cost of its maintenance. In one African country for example, a Member of Parliament once remarked We don’t have enough to deal with normal children before talking about people with disabilities. This might not be different from what obtains in other developing countries. Although the right of a child with disability to an education is theoretically no longer questionable in many developing countries, but a question that is still being asked by the man in the street is why should the government or public spend a lot of money on the education of children with disabilities when in fact many of them with severe disabilities will be unable to hold competitive employment after education In other words, what is the rationale for educating children with disability. This situation definitely influences the government’s attitudes when it comes to budgetary allocation to special needs education.
Lack of Cooperation among special education administrators
Special education has often been used as a stepping stone for achieving personal ambitions by many people who are not really in special education. It is not uncommon to find many units, departments or divisions responsible for special education being manned by individuals without the relevant qualifications, interest and experience. This situation often results in lack of confidence, defensive behaviour, aggression and antagonistic behaviours on the part of the concerned officers, hence, resulting in lack of cooperation, constant quarrelling and lack of vision for the development of special education.
Policies that are difficult to implement
Inclusive education emerged by insisting that all children with special needs be included in the traditional classroom. Before the emergence of the inclusive system, it was the concept of integration or mainstreaming which was practiced. The concept of integration is based on integrating children with disabilities according to their needs and severity of their conditions. Some children with disabilities could benefit from total integration, while others benefit from units, special class or resource rooms and partial integration. The issue of integration is traceable to America, when in 1975; the American Congress approved Public Law titled Education for All Handicapped Children Act. The law was meant to make education free and mandatory for all children with disabilities. Children with disabilities were to be provided with individualized education programme in a least restrictive environment.
In 1978, the British came up with a similar programme based on the Warnock Report. The Warnock Report specifically recommended the integration of children with disabilities into ordinary schools. Since the 1970’s, the mode of education has been modified and improved, thus reducing the basic hardships experienced in schools by the children with disabilities. Most European countries that run integration/inclusive education have ensured that relevant and adequate provisions are made to support children in inclusive education. Developing countries were quick to adopt this programme without adequate preparation. The questions that remain unanswered in the third world include:
1. Do we understand what inclusive education is all about?
2. Have we made available relevant provisions in all inclusive schools?
3. Are schools equipped with resource teachers?
4. Are disabled children adequately assessed before being admitted into ordinary schools?
5. Do we have enough positive attitudes to accommodate children with disabilities in ordinary schools?
6. Do countries from the third world have enough financial resources to support effective inclusive education?
7. Are there avenues for experts from the third world to meet and discuss issues involved in inclusive education?
Wyman (1995) outlines what we should bear in mind if we are to formulate effective inclusive education policy:
• A climate in which acceptance is the key. In the context of developing countries, this becomes very relevant considering the attitude, beliefs and culture.
• Focus on everyone's abilities and possibilities.
• Cooperation between/among school staff, parents and students
• Incorporating teacher strengths with student needs rather than criticize.
• Incorporate a variety of learning modalities.
The gains of inclusive education cannot be over emphasized. The conflict that exists in the educational system in the world must be resolved if we are to make headway in inclusive education. The various governments, both in the developed and the developing countries lay a lot of emphasis on standard and quality on education. Jayanthi, Epstein, Polloway, and Bursuck (1996) report that the practitioners and researchers in United States of America have expressed some concern about including students with disabilities in general education classes at a time when the forces of the reform have been ardently calling for increased commitment to educational excellence and rigor. In Asia in general and Singapore in particular and else where, it is feared that schools are becoming increasingly selective in their students intake in order to improve academic outcomes in the face of growing inter-school competition (Gewirtz, 1996). There is also tempting shift of resources away from special needs towards high-achieving children who are more likely to contribute to school performance in league-table. Children with disabilities are seen as liabilities rather than assets in the market place. (Bowe & Ball, 1992; Gewirtz, 1996; Ball; 1994, Astin, 1992; Lim & Tan, 1999; Evans & Vincent, 1997). Potts (2000) further notes that in China it is very difficult to use the individualized educational programs in the mainstream because the State Education Commission set identical standards for all students. This means that varying the standards for some students is informal.
The issue of inclusive education is one that must be considered with care and detachment if we are to avoid frustration for the disabled and discourage inequality in the educational system. Many teachers have expressed reservation about integration of the disabled people despite its advantages. Schumm and Vaughn (1991) found in their study that many general education teachers perceived classroom adaptations as being more desirable than feasible. Despite the pronouncement of various governments on integration of the disabled in ordinary schools, no concrete plan has been put into force in order to achieve effective and meaningful inclusive education. Abosi and Molosiwa (1997) point out that integration of children into ordinary schools have many implications for teachers and planners. It requires attitude change, provision of additional teaching materials, resource teachers, modification of infrastructure and flexible curriculum. Placement of a child with disability in a regular school without relevant provision could be frustrating for both the school and the child.
Including Inclusive Education in Teacher Training
The need for the development of training facilities in developed and developing countries for teachers of children with special educational needs to reflecting inclusive education cannot be over-emphasized. Teacher training programme in most developing countries for special educators has not been given proper attention in its establishment and structure. This has caused acute shortage of special educators and negative attitude among ordinary teachers towards inclusive education. If teachers who should be responsible for implementation of inclusive practice have unclear perception of their role; it may seriously undermine the effects of maintenance of restructuring programs towards inclusion. Trained teachers are more positive to inclusion. Villa et al (2003) noted in their study in Vietnam the effect of training on teachers. They found out that there were changes in teachers’ attitude towards children with disabilities mainly in their beliefs in the feasibility of inclusive education. It has been noticed that a number of countries are beginning to make considerable progress in this direction of establishment of training facilities within local institutions. In Brunei for example, the Sultan Hassanal Boikiah Institute of Education runs three programs for special educators (Certificate, B.Ed, and M.Ed) for serving teachers. His Majesty’s Government has requested the university to start additional pre-service Diploma program in special education for school leavers. A number of developing countries (India, Malaysia, Singapore, Botswana, Ghana, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Zambia, etc) have also established similar programs locally to train special educators. Training special educators locally in their various countries of origin has a big advantage because the curriculum will be designed to reflect the cultural expectations and the resource limitations.
Expected Attitude of the Government Leading to Effective Inclusive Education
The first attitude expected of any government toward children with disability is the disposition toward planfulness. Government preoccupation should be to work out a detailed scheme for attaining the objective of education for ALL children including children with disability. This attitude embodies a systematic arrangement of the requirements for efficient education for children with disabilities.
The second attitude required of the various governments is the unquestionable acceptance of the education of children with disabilities as a legal obligation, this entails that the governments should take a more concrete step towards implementing the wishful intentions in their policies on education of children with disabilities. This includes integrating children with disabilities into the ordinary schools and unconditional commitment to equalizing educational opportunities for all children irrespective of their physical condition. However, the general requirements for effective inclusive education should include identification of children with disabilities, enabling programs and services, resources, funds, legislation, public education etc. The demands of each requirement should be properly understood, articulated into a system and used as a master plan in the education of children with disabilities.
Vocational Oriented Curriculum
Education of children with disabilities should aim at assisting the children to acquire survival skills. This means that any curriculum that is designed for the participation of children with disabilities must be vocational oriented. Academic ability children are to be encouraged to pursue education in line with their abilities while children whose disabilities pose difficulties for excellent academic achievement should be encouraged to pursue a vocation of interest and ability. The curriculum of an inclusive system should include training in skills such as carpentry, sewing, telephone operating, computers, art work, home economics, and music. The normal children will also benefit from such a curriculum.
An Effective Inclusive Education Should Start with Attitude Change
Apart from the influence of traditional beliefs on the way teachers and students perceive children with disabilities, studies have shown that teachers, administrators and students do have negative attitudes towards children with disabilities due to lack of relevant support and availability of adequate provisions.(Cook et al, 1999, Cook, 2001, Smith, 2000). However, attitudes are changeable and it's on this understanding that a critical dive into ways of changing identifiable negative attitude will be undertaken. It should be noted that most of these attitudes are devoid of ill will and are expressed with a great deal of sympathy. People pick up these attitudes during the process of growing up without any conscious intention to perpetuate them. They become more organized in one's mind. Today, new information based on scientific knowledge of causes of disabilities and the effect of disabilities could alter already held attitudes.
New information can be boosted through propaganda in selected information, in the area of informal knowledge about disabilities and their causes. It has also been observed that information-giving techniques improve expressed adult attitudes towards the disabled. This can be achieved through lectures, symposia, seminars, teach yourself leaflets and through persuasive appeals organized in a structured manner.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Inclusive education provides opportunity for children with disabilities to be taught in a regular classroom with their normalcounterparts. This approach has social advantage and parents have expressed satisfaction with the progress of their children in this direction. A number of factors such as poor planning, traditional practices and beliefs, attitudes of teachers, administrators, and students affect the implementation of inclusive education. If we are to make progress in inclusive education, and attain the development goals for children with disabilities, the issues raised and addressed in Salamanca must be revisited. We therefore recommend that the various governments should:
• Give the highest policy and budgetary priority to improve their education systems to enable them to include all children regardless of individual differences or difficulties.
• Adopt as a matter of law or policy the principle of inclusive education, enrolling all children in regular schools, unless there are compelling reasons for doing otherwise.
• Develop demonstration projects and encourage exchanges with countries having experience with inclusive schools.
• Establish decentralized and participatory mechanisms for planning, monitoring and evaluating educational provision for children and adults with special education needs. Encourage and facilitate the participation of parents, communities and organization of persons with disabilities in the planning and decision-making processes concerning provision for special education needs.
• Invest greater effort in early identification and intervention strategies as well as in vocational aspects of inclusive education.
• Ensure that, in the context of a systematic change, teacher education programs, both pre- service and in-service, address the provision of special needs education in inclusive schools.
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INCLUSIVE EDUCATION FOR STUDENTS WITH DISABILITIES IN NIGERIA:
BENEFITS, CHALLENGES AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS
Paul M. Ajuwon,
Missouri State University
This article analyzes the philosophical, sociological, and legal imperatives of including students with disabilities in ordinary schools. Some important global events that support inclusive education are discussed. The author reflects on Nigeria’s newly revised National Policy on Education with its emphasis on inclusive education (2008), and the Universal Basic Education policy (1999). The article concludes with recommendations to improve the status quo.
Introduction
In recent years, the debate about inclusive education has moved from high-income countries like the United States and Canada to a low-income country like Nigeria, where an official policy of educating children and youth with disabilities alongside their peers without disabilities in ordinary schools has been adopted (National Policy on Education, 2008). There is a growing recognition that including students with disabilities in general education can provide them with the opportunity to learn in natural, stimulating settings, which may also lead to increased acceptance and appreciation of differences. Thus, the debate continues among educators, local, state and federal policy makers, parents, and even people with disabilities in Nigeria regarding the efficacy of inclusion and the inevitable restructuring of general education that will need to occur to make learning meaningful in an inclusive environment. The perception has been that the debate has resulted in pressure greater than ever before for most students with disabilities to access the general curriculum and attain the same standards as typical students. It is against this background that the author has decided to elucidate on the dimensions and implications of the practice of inclusive education.
Defining the parameters of inclusive education
As currently implemented in the industrialized world, inclusion or inclusive education can be interpreted as the philosophy and practice for educating students with disabilities in general education settings (Bryant, Smith, & Bryant, 2008; Lipsky & Gartner, 1997; Rogers, 1993; Salend, 2001). The practice anchors on the notion that every child should be an equally valued member of the school culture. In other words, children with disabilities benefit from learning in a regular classroom, while their peers without disabilities gain from being exposed to children with diverse characteristics, talents and temperaments.
Supporters of inclusion use the term to refer to the commitment to educate each child, to the maximum extent appropriate, in the school and classroom he/she would otherwise attend. It involves bringing the ancillary services to the child, and requires only that the child will benefit from being in the class (rather than having to keep up with the other students). This is a salient aspect of inclusion, and requires a commitment to move essential resources to the child with a disability rather than placing the child in an isolated setting where services are located (Smith, 2007). For the child with a disability to benefit optimally from inclusion, it is imperative for general education teachers to be able to teach a wider array of children, including those with varying disabilities, and to collaborate and plan effectively with special educators.
There are obvious benefits to the inclusive education paradigm, i.e. children are more likely to learn social skills in an environment that approximates to normal conditions of growth and development. Children during their formative years develop language more effectively if they are with children who speak normally and appropriately (Mitchell & Brown, 1991). Often, it is gratifying that where school and community environments can be made physically and programmatically accessible, children and youth with physical disabilities can function more effectively than would otherwise be the case. It is also apparent that such modifications to the environment often enable others who do not have disabilities to access their environment even more readily (Ferguson, 1996). In recent years, the principle of universal design (Center for Universal Design, 1997; Waksler, 1996), has evolved to describe physical, curricular and pedagogical changes that must be put in place to benefit people of all learning styles without adaptation or retrofitting. Failing to accommodate the environmental and accessibility needs of persons with disabilities in the society will inevitably inhibit their participation in educational, social, recreational and economic activities (Harkness & Groom, Jr., 1976; Steinfeld, Duncan, & Cardell, 1977). Therefore, architects, product designers, engineers and environmental design researchers should use their best judgment in early programming and design decisions.
However, for inclusion to achieve its objectives, education practices must be child-centered (UNESCO, 1994). This means that teachers must find out where each of their students are academically, socially, and culturally to determine how best to facilitate learning (Gildner, 2001). A logical consequence of this realization is that these teachers will need to acquire skills in curriculum-based assessment, team teaching, mastery learning, assessing learning styles, cooperative learning strategies, facilitating peer tutoring, or social skills training. Given that children have varied learning styles or multiple intelligences (Gardner, 1991), both general and special education teachers must plan and coordinate classroom instruction to capitalize on each child’s needs, interests and aptitudes.
International scope of the debate
Ideas and strategies about the best way to educate children, especially those with disabilities in developing countries, are generally influenced by external rather than internal circumstances. This is largely due to the historical ties between the developed and developing countries, the open door policy that characterizes the educational system of developing countries, and the impact international development agencies continue to exert on recipients of funds and services. It is this type of relationship that has shaped Nigeria’s policy on education over the years, and is clearly reflected in the newly-revised National Policy on Education with its focus on inclusive education of children and youth with special needs in ordinary schools (National Policy on Education, 2008). The National Education Policy document, among other things, calls for access of special needs children, with their varying abilities to education in conducive and less restrictive environments, as well as the education of such children to enable them to achieve self-fulfillment. Thus, the inclusive education paradigm in Nigeria (like that of other countries) has evolved out of the realization that all children have the right to receive the kind of education that does not discriminate on the grounds of disability, ethnicity, religion, language, gender, or capabilities.
Low-income countries like Nigeria are now becoming cognizant of the gross inequalities in educational opportunities for their special needs populations. This is understandable given that less than 10% of these children currently have access to any type of formal or non-formal education. Yet, Nigeria as well as other countries of Africa, Latin America and Asia have, in principle, adopted several international protocols that seek to promote equal access to appropriate quality education as enunciated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), the World Declaration on Education for All (1990), the Standard Rules on the Equalization of Opportunities for Persons with Disability (1993), the UNESCO Salamanca Statement for Framework for Action (1994), and the World Education Forum in Dakar (2000)
Of particular importance is the Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action (1994) which, inter alia, asserts that:
Regular schools with inclusive orientation are the most effective means of combating discrimination, creating welcoming communities, building an inclusive society and achieving education for all (Salamanca Statement, Art. 2).
A closer examination of the above statement reveals the urgency for a fundamental policy shift to facilitate successful implementation of an inclusive education program that will adequately meet the learning needs of all children, youth and adults, especially those who are vulnerable to marginalization and exclusion. According to this framework, schools should accommodate all children regardless of their physical, intellectual, social, emotional, linguistic or other circumstances. Indeed, the policy is a clear recognition of the need to work towards schools for all. In a sense then, the ideals enunciated in the Salamanca Agreement can be seen as being in consonance with the goals of Nigeria’s Universal Primary Education (UPE) scheme of 1976, and the Universal Basic Education (UBE) scheme of 1999.
Nigeria’s National Policy on Education
Since the launching of the first National Policy on Education (1977), there has been a plethora of activities aimed at improving special education services for children, including: the establishment of additional residential primary schools for children with disabilities in most states of the federation, the increased attendance of students with disabilities in secondary and higher institutions, and the preparation of special education teachers in select tertiary institutions in the country. There has also been a rise in the number of advocacy organizations of and for people with disabilities. These initiatives have however been met with mixed outcomes, with dually-trained special educators (i.e. those holding certification in an area of special education and a subject-matter discipline) not properly deployed to work with students with disabilities. Other persistent problems over the years include: lack of up-to-date teaching devices, and organizational and leadership crises that have militated against reform of the special education sector.
Interestingly enough, Section 7 of the revised National Policy on Education (2008) explicitly recognizes that children and youth with special needs shall be provided with inclusive education services. The commitment is made to equalize educational opportunities for all children, irrespective of their physical, sensory, mental, psychological or emotional disabilities. Undoubtedly, these are lofty goals intended to improve the quality of special education services, but much more is needed to translate the goals into concrete action.
Universal Basic Education Scheme
In response to the needed reform in the education sector, Nigeria launched the Universal Basic Education (UBE) scheme in 1999. In 2004, the Federal Government enacted the Universal Basic Education Law in which it makes a provision of 2% of its Consolidated Revenue Fund (CRF) to finance the UBE program. Thus, the compulsory free Universal Basic Education Act, 2004, provides a legal framework within which the Federal Government supports states towards achieving uninterrupted nine-year compulsory Universal Basic Education for all children in primary and junior secondary school levels throughout the country ().
Some observers see the UBE scheme as a mechanism to revitalize the failed Universal Primary Education project of 1976, and to bring Nigeria into conformity with a number of international protocols that seek to enhance quality educational and social services for its citizens. In the views of Adepoju and Fabiyi (2007), there have been many attempts to revamp the education sector in the past four decades with no appreciable results.
().
Adepoju and Fabiyi alluded to the goals of the UBE program as specified in the implementation guideline by government in 1999 thus:
-Developing in the entire citizenry, a strong conscientiousness for education and a strong commitment to its vigorous promotion
-Provision of free Universal Basic Education for every Nigerian child of school-going age
-Reducing drastically the incidence of dropout from the formal school system
-Catering for young persons, their schooling as well as other out-of-school children or adolescents through appropriate form of complementary approaches to the provision of UBE
-Ensuring the acquisition of appropriate levels of literacy, numeracy, manipulative, communicative and life skills as well as the ethical, moral and civic values needed for laying a solid foundation for lifelong living
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The goals just outlined indicate that children and youth in general have every right to an education that will inculcate in them the requisite knowledge and survival skills in society. Some will argue that although the UBE scheme does not specifically reference children and youth with disabilities, such youngsters are invariably subsumed under the law, since they constitute part and parcel of society and have every right to basic education and other essentials of life. If we accept this premise, then, the various stakeholders must begin to provide adequate financial and human resources to actualize what it truly means to bring children and youth with special needs within the education fold. As a starting point, teacher and administrator understanding and commitment must be fostered, followed by parent and community involvement and support. More fundamentally, it must be recognized that the task of including the needs of students with disabilities, and those of their families, in any national policy on education is important and carries life-long implications.
However, we might want to pause for a moment to consider a basic question, i.e. What direction should a low-income country like Nigeria follow in its quest to provide quality inclusive education for special needs learners? This is no doubt a complex question to answer, given past initiatives that have been plagued with multiple problems including, but not limited to: extreme politicization of education, disagreement over the role of religion in public education, inadequate funding, low and irregular teacher salaries, and limited involvement of the private sector and philanthropic citizens. It is crucial that all stakeholders understand that education is a social process that is concerned with more than the traditional academic domains, and everyone should recognize that education deals with developing in children an increasing sense of independence, personal responsibility and belonging to their diverse community.
Recommendations for future action and research
With the current focus to include children and youth with special needs in ordinary schools in Nigeria, there are key lessons to be learned from the experiences of industrialized countries, and from the administrative and programmatic pitfalls that have worked against the successful implementation of past educational policies.
1. Develop positive attitudes toward disability: As a first important step, there is need to change the attitudes that prevent any sort of interaction with children, youth and adults who have disabilities (Ajuwon & Sykes, 1988). Public enlightenment work in schools must begin the process of educating the school and the general community in order to eradicate superstitions about causation of disabilities, and to modify the fears and myths about children with disabilities that create misunderstanding and inhibit normal interaction. In the process of changing attitudes, it is recommended that successful and well-placed persons with disabilities in the society be used as agents of attitudinal change.
2. Identify the scope of children and youth with challenges: Before inclusion is adopted as a blanket policy, there is need to document the number, characteristics and specific geographic location of students required to be in inclusive programs, the number of specialists who will support their instruction, the necessary amount of in-class and out-of-class collaboration between special and general education teachers, and the optimal type and extent of support from ancillary staff.
3. Conduct comprehensive, methodologically-sound research into effects of inclusion: Researchers must determine empirically the educational and social-emotional impacts of inclusion on students with differing characteristics. The Special Needs Section of the National Policy on Education identifies students with all types of disabilities, and the degree of their disabilities ranges from mild through profound. The exceptional population also includes students in nomadic and other special programs, as well as students identified as gifted. We need to carry out quantitative and qualitative studies on the specific needs and interests of each group.
4. Determine the efficacy of inclusion on general education students and their teachers: There is need to undertake rigorous research into the needs of the large number of general education students, and to assess how inclusionary practices will impact the general classroom atmosphere. Such studies must also investigate the attitudes, knowledge and skills of pre-service and in-service teachers, and the required knowledge and skills to make inclusion meaningful.
5. Apply the principle of universal design to school building, curriculum and pedagogy: As new buildings are constructed under the UBE scheme throughout the 774 local government areas, designers should anticipate needs so that changes after construction are unnecessary, thereby creating maximum accessibility for all students, not only those with special needs. It is cost-effective when at the initial stage planners are guided by the seven principles that make designs universally usable – equitable use, flexibility in use, simple and intuitive use, perceptible information, tolerance for error, low physical effort, and size and space for approach and use (Center for Universal Design, 1997).
6. Creating a culturally-responsive school environment: As more and more students with differences enroll in ordinary classrooms, the need for pedagogical approaches that are culturally responsive cannot be overemphasized. Teachers must create a classroom culture where all students regardless of their cultural or linguistic background or ability are welcomed and supported, and provided with optimum opportunity to learn.
7. Respect dissenting views: In a pluralistic and democratic society, the views of those individuals who have reservations about inclusive education practices should not be ignored. Even in the United States and other advanced economies, some parents fear that their children will be teased or that they will learn inappropriate behaviors in general education settings. They express the concern that the needs of their children with disabilities cannot be met adequately in a general education classroom. Further, some professionals question whether the general education setting truly can be the least restrictive environment for some pupils, especially when general education teachers also must meet the needs of thirty or even more other students in the class, and the availability of a special educator is limited or nonexistent.
Adepoju and Fabiyi (2007), citing three demographic studies, highlighted serious shortcomings of past educational policies in the primary education sector in Nigeria which revealed, among other things, that 12 percent of primary school pupils sit on the floor, 87 percent of classrooms are overcrowded, while 77 percent of pupils lack textbooks. They also noted problems associated with poorly motivated teachers as well as lack of community interests and participation in management of schools. Similarly, Asagwara (1997), observed that those who planned the UPE scheme in 1976 apparently forgot to consider the importance of the availability of qualified teachers, adequate learning environments, equipment and textbooks, classroom management and supervision, and the content of the curriculum. Even with increased budgetary allocations to the Universal Basic Education scheme, it is doubtful that the quality of education will substantially improve to a meaningful level needed to achieve the goals enunciated in the UBE plan.
8. Extend inclusion to the community: There are compelling reasons to embark on such a measure. Children with disabilities may be isolated within the milieu of general education, given that the very structure of the classroom may not lend itself to interaction. The most common method of instruction in Nigeria is the teacher-directed, whole-class arrangement, which usually restricts the amount of interactions among children. We often hear teachers cautioning children not to talk with each other and to respond directly to the teacher instead. Therefore, after-school programs and community-based activities may permit typically developing children opportunities to interact with those with disabilities in ways that often do not occur during the school day.
Summary
It is clear that the Nigerian education system is in the midst of a major reform, with the policy to include students with special needs in regular classrooms. As an important first step toward ensuring long-lasting success, there is need to eradicate all forms of superstitious beliefs about disabilities that have for so long inhibited involvement with people with disabilities in education and the community. In this regard, the need for proper documentation of children and youth with disabilities for effective programming cannot be overemphasized. Also, the proper deployment of available trained special educators at primary and secondary school levels must be a priority for all school management officials. For ethical reasons, these school officials and law-makers must resist political pressures to make insufficiently informed decisions about special education or even general education services. It is not sufficient for government officials to merely endorse international protocols of special needs education that have not been adequately researched or tested in developing countries. In the debates and discussions that will occur, teachers, administrators, other school personnel, law-makers, students with and without disabilities, and their parents must be cognizant of the responsibility of educating all students so they can reach their full potential. The bottom line for students with disabilities should be equitable access to opportunities that will guarantee successful outcomes in education, employment and community integration.
References
Adepoju, A. & Fabiyi A. (2007). Universal Basic Education in Nigeria: Challenges and Prospects. Retrieved March 4, 2008 from: .
Ajuwon, P. M. & Sykes K. C. (1988). Community involvement with the disabled: Some theoretical and practical considerations. Ife Journal of Theory and Research in Education. Vol. 1, No. 1. 5-11.
Asagwara, K. C. P. (1997). Quality of Learning in Nigeria’s Universal Primary Education Scheme - 1976-1986. Urban Review Journal. Vol. 29, No. 3. 189-203.
Bryant, D. P., Smith, D. D., & Bryant, B. R. (2008). Teaching Students with Special Needs in Inclusive Classrooms. Boston, MA: Pearson Education, Inc.
Center for Universal Design (1997). University Design. Raleigh, NC: North Carolina State University.
Federal Ministry of Education. Community Accountability and Transparency Initiative. Retrieved February 6, 2008, from:
Ferguson, R. V. (1997). Environment design and quality of life. In R. I. Brown (Ed.): Quality of Life for People with Disabilities: Models, Research and Practice. Cheltenham. U.K.: Stanley Thornes. 251-269.
Gardner, H. (1991). The Unschooled Mind. New York: Harper-Collins.
Gildner, C. (2001). Enjoy Teaching: Helpful Hints for the Classroom. Lanham, MD:Scarecrow Press, Inc.
Harkness, S. P. & Groom Jr., J. N. (1976). Building Without Barriers for the Disabled. N.Y., N. Y.: The Architects Collaborative.
Lipsky, D. K. & Gartner, A. (1997). Inclusion and school reform: Transforming America’s classrooms. Baltimore, MD: Brookes Publishing Co.
Mitchell, D. R., & Brown R. I. (Eds.). (1991). Early Intervention Studies for Young Children with Special Needs. London: Chapman and Hall.
National Policy on Education (2008). Section 7: Special Needs Education. Abuja, Nigeria.
Rogers, J. (1993). The inclusion revolution. Research Bulletin. no. 11. Bloomington, IN: Phi Delta Kappan, Center for Evaluation, Development, and Research. May.
Salend, S. J. (2001) Creating Inclusive Classrooms: Effective and Reflective Practices for All Students. Fifth Edition., New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc.
Smith, D. D. (2007). Introduction to Special Education: Making a Difference. 6th edition. Boston, MA: Pearson.
Steinfeld, E., Duncan, J. & Cardell, P. (1977). Towards a responsive environment: the psychosocial effects of inaccessibility. In M. J. Bednar (Ed.), Barrier-Free Environments. Stroudsburg, PA: Dowden Hutchinson & Ross, Inc.
UNESCO (1994). The Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action on Special Needs Education. Adopted by the World Conference on Special Needs Education: Access and Quality. Salamanca, Spain, 7-10 June.
UNESCO (2008). Inclusive Education. Retrieved March 18, 2008 from:portal.education/en/ev.php-URL_ID=11891&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html.
Waksler, R. (1996). Teaching strategies for a barrier free classroom. Journal on Excellence in College Teaching, 7 (2). 99-111.
ETHNIC MINORITY PUPILS IN SWEDISH SCHOOLS:
SOME TRENDS IN OVER-REPRESENTATION OF MINORITY PUPILS IN SPECIAL EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMMES
Girma Berhanu
Göteborg University
The way categories, labels, and taxonomies are used depends upon national ideologies and nationally specific conceptions of citizenship and normality. Ethnicity, differences, disability and deviance are social constructions. Underachievement or overachievement in social (cognitive) performance or overrepresentation in special educational placements of certain groups of students is as much the product of categorisation or definitional processes as it is the workings of institutional procedures, patterns, and intransigence. In particular, schools’ inability to accommodate difference and diversity causes exclusion and alienation. Globalisation and hegemonic neo-liberal ideology make it difficult to create a genuinely inclusive society, to produce complete citizens, and to promote equity. This study analyses the placement of ethnic minority students in special education programmes. It begins with a review of empirical reports that problematise the phenomenon of overrepresentation of students with immigrant background in special schools for intellectually disabled students. The analysis that follows is conducted through the prism of a number of perspectives, including sociocultural/historical theory, the inclusive education movement, multicultural education, and critical pedagogical theories. While there is no evidence to suggest that such overrepresentation is nationwide, the phenomenon can be identified in large cities where there are concentrations of immigrants. Analysis demonstrates that the problem is related to, among other factors, unreliable assessment procedures and criteria for referral and placement; lack of culturally sensitive diagnostic tools; the static nature of tests, including embedded cultural bias; sociocultural problems, family factors, and language problems; lack of parental participation in decision-making; power differentials between parents and school authorities; institutional intransigence and prejudices; and large resource inequalities that run along lines of race and class.
Construction and Deconstruction of Ethnicity
Social science research of the last two decades strongly points to a more social construction view of difference and diversity (Gergen, 2001; Hacking, 1999). This view of diversity, disability, and difference is not just a humanistic approach, but is, rather, grounded on valid research and evidence that lends support to the conclusion that conceptions of differences are deeply entrenched in language use, discourse, history, context, culture, and ideological forces and power relations (Gergen, 2001; Thomas & Loxley, 2001). With regard to this, one good example is the way Great Britain and France define/understand ethnicity and how that conception is related to official taxonomies, educational policy, and practices. These are, in particular, linked with nationally specific conceptions of citizenship. Based on ethnographic research and a closer examination of the relevant research carried out on the two aforementioned countries, Raveaud (2003) revealed that the treatment of immigrants and their descendants is related to national ideology. The UK through its Multicultural Model uses typologies and classifications related to ethnic minority, colour, and race, whereas France avoids these terms and prefer to use the term immigrants or nationality as a marker (Raveaud, 2003; also van Zanten, 1997). The French Republican Model refuses to recognise the existence of majorities and minorities (van Zanten, 1997). Whether or not the French indifference to difference/diversity or the British emphasis on multiculturalism, diversity, and difference is the appropriate measure remains to be seen and is hotly debateable on both sides of the Channel. As two big European nations with a long history of colonialism and immigration, it is imperative that we use their experiences as a point of departure for our analysis of the Swedish experience here.
Sweden appears to find itself somewhere in between these two countries’ ideological spectrums. It explicitly adopts multiculturalism and cultural diversity in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance; however, terms such as ethnicity, colour, and race are obscure both in official taxonomies, educational policies, and practices in schools. In fact, it is during these 10 years that the terms, in particular the term ethnicity, began to be widely used in academia as well as in the media. The most common typologies/categories used to refer to minority ethnic groups are immigrants (invandrare), students with immigrant background (elever med invandrarbakgrund), and foreigners (utländskar).
While the concept of ethnicity is not new, its widespread use in Swedish social and educational policy discourse is a very recent phenomenon. In that sense there is some similarity with the French model. Accordingly, the research landscape, taxonomies, discourses at different levels, and political intentions are shifting rapidly with regard to policies aimed at the integration and inclusion of immigrant students in the mainstream educational process. A good example in this domain is the reasons given for the underachievement or over-representation of ethnic minority students in special educational placements. In a recent report issued by the Swedish school authority (Skolverket, 2004), it is indicated that most of the academic difficulties ascribed to immigrants can be attributed to socioeconomic factors. When such factors are being controlled for, most of the group differences are eliminated.
It is interesting to note the similarities of findings that came out of the educational authorities in France (Ministry of Education statistics department, 1995 in Vallet and Caille, 1995) and the diametrically opposite conclusions drawn from the British studies (see, e.g., Gillborn & Youdell 2000; Gillborn & Mirza, 2000; Gillborn & Gipps, 1996; OFSTED, 1999) about the causal factors attributed to underachievement of ethnic minority students, which emphasised the significant role ethnic belonging plays and that social class accounts for only part of educational inequality. The above three studies were conducted by researchers financed by their respective ministries/authorities of education. It is safe to conclude that Sweden appears to be entangled along this continuum between constructing ethnic differences and deconstructing ethnic differences to an extent considering it to be a social artefact as in the case of French Republican traditions. In this paper by leaning on the use of such terms as ethnicity, difference, and diversity, I am embarking on a social construction philosophical flight. The above introduction is simply to illustrate how national ideologies and research directions influence each other and that both are social constructions that, in turn, shape the conceptualization of difference.
In this paper, ethnic minority pupils and pupils with immigrant background are used interchangeably. Actually, most of the studies analysed here, when referring to overrepresentation of ethnic minority pupils in special educational placements, usually meant those immigrants who had migrated to Sweden within the past 20 years. In many cases, these pupils were born outside Sweden and can be termed as new arrivals. (It is notable that Sweden has five National Minorities: Jews, Roma, Sami (also an indigenous people), Swedish Finns and Tornedalers. The historical minority languages are: Yiddish, Romany Chib (all varieties), Sami (all varieties), Finnish, and Meänkiel (Tornedal Finnish).
Current Swedish Educational Policies and Their Contradictory Messages
The decrees, statutes, and policies that have evolved in the early 90s in Sweden are characterised by contradictory messages related to conception of knowledge, social justice and equity and equality issues. This has also had an effect on student achievement profiles and marginalized a large segment of the student population from ordinary educational settings. This is not an accidental phenomenon. It is part and parcel of global phenomena in our late modernity (Bauman, 1992), high modernity (Giddens, 1990) and /or late capitalism that is deeply entrenched with values of effectivity, competition, standardisation, freedom of choice, and increasingly individualist and elitist culture. The notion of special needs is intimately linked to the rise of the worldwide inclusive education movement, in Sweden named A school for all in the 1980s. Paradoxically, in the footsteps of the introduction of inclusive education, the number of pupils labelled as having special needs increased dramatically (Persson, 1998; Rosenqvist, 2007; Skolverket, 2002). Teachers found themselves incapable of dealing with pupil diversity in the classroom and to meet everyone’s individual needs. This has often been regarded as schools’ failure to meet the diverse needs of pupils, manifesting itself in resignation and distress among teachers and pupils not achieving set targets. However, it might be questioned whether the inclusive school is anything more than a structural or organizational phenomenon resting upon political rhetoric with little or no anchorage in public policy (Barton, 1997; Emanuelsson, Haug, & Persson, 2005; Nilholm & Björck-Åkesson, 2007).
This fragmentation of educational policymaking has excluded in particular the already vulnerable groups such as the disabled, ethnic minority students, and the socially disadvantaged segments of the population. Bauman (1992, 1998, 2001) argues eloquently that globalisation has produced a shift from social rights to competition, productivity, standardisation, and efficiency, and a shift from public to private and from social responsibility to individual (or family) responsibility. As a process, globalisation is not linear, but contradictory and contested. Its impacts are unequal and differ on the basis of regions, classes, and people. The neo-liberal economy is dominating the world especially after the end of the cold war, and its particular form of capitalism is characterised by deregulating markets, reducing or changing the role of the state and most importantly, reducing social expenditure, including expenditure on education. This phenomenon has also been witnessed in the past 15 years even in Sweden in tandem with rising unemployment, issues of security, alienation, marginalisation and exclusion, creating a discourse of resentment along the lines of them versus us. I presume, on the basis of a large number of indicators, that over the next decade Swedish society will become increasingly multiethnic and multilingual and the number of disadvantaged children will substantially increase. An estimated 20 % of the Swedish population has an immigrant background. It is expected that the demographic landscape in the year 2020 is that 30% of all working age individuals in Sweden will have had their roots outside of Sweden (Leijon & Omanovic, 2001; Statistics Sweden, 2004).
Many, many students are at greater risk of needing special education services when they are poor or of a minority race or language. The need for addressing and reviewing scientific and methodological problems explaining overrepresentation and educational outcome differences related to race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status becomes imperative. (The rule of thumb is that a group is considered overrepresented if their enrolment in special education is equal to or greater than 10% of their proportion in general education; CEEP, 2004, Nov.).
Problems that need to be addressed will include (a) defining terms with precision and accuracy, (b) examining epistemological considerations such as ethnic/race categorisation and explaining group differences, and (c) developing unbiased research methodology and procedures for sampling, instrumentation, and measurement (see Obiakor, 1994; Obiakor & Utley, 1997).
Theoretical Perspectives and Research Genres
This analysis is anchored within a two-pronged theoretical perspective. The first is the perspective of inclusive education within discourses on special educational research and provisions (Clark, Dyson, & Millward, 1995; Thomas & Loxley, 2001) and the second is a sociocultural perspective within Vygotskian as well as neo-Vygotskian tradition. In the first vein, the last two decades of research shows not only the lack of well founded and sound theories in special education (see, e.g., Clark et al., 1995; Emanuelsson, 1998, 2000a, 2000b; Persson, 1998; Skrtic, 1991, 1995) but also the crisis in special education knowledge. In particular, the overrepresentation of minority pupils in special educational programmes has been a cause for concern and debateable issue. It has been noted in a number of countries that ethnic minority groups are disproportionately represented in special classes and schools. (See Berhanu, 2001; Brady, Manni, & Winnikur, 1983; Coard, 1971; Gillborn, 1990; Losen & Orfield, 2002; Dyson & Gallannaugh, 2008). Also some Swedish reports, e.g., Bel Habib, 2001; Bloom, 1999; Hahne Lundström, 2001; Lahdenperä, 1977; Skolverket, 1998, 2003, 2005a; SOU, 1977, and a number of student theses). (Although, in the case of Sweden, a very recent study conducted by Jerry Rosenqvist and associates (2007), commissioned by The Swedish Institute for Special Needs Education, has not supported the hypothesis that there is overrepresentation at a national level).
Although these studies show that marginalized, subaltern, and ethnic minority groups are overrepresented in those special services all out of proportion to their number, they do not tell us much about the possible causal factors that can be accountable for their lag in the regular school system. One purpose of this article is, therefore, to elucidate the process of special educational placement and to highlight the major causal factors that may be responsible for the observed overrepresentation based on some experiences from Sweden. For the purpose of this study, the term special educational placement or programme refers to schools and classrooms for students with severe learning disabilities (särskolan). The paper also discusses the paradox and dilemmas that characterize the changing identities of special education in the light of the current catchy phrase inclusive education.
Most of the above studies and a large number of other similar studies indicated the significance of inclusive education, cultural diversity and intercultural education as central themes in the educational arena. As cultural pluralism becomes increasingly a social reality, education authorities are grappling with the new phenomena to reconcile the conventional monolithic educational approach with the emerging pluralistic trends – cultural, racial and ethnic diversity – that require accommodation to the cultural norms of pluralism. The conflicts between the culture of the school and the culture of the home, minority-majority relationships, values, identity matters, and language and cognitive styles and strategies have become a new focus of attention (Berhanu, 2001, 2005a,b, 2006). Artiles (2003) recently noted that minority overrepresentation and inclusion pose important challenges to special educators understandings of culture, the role of culture in visions of disability, and the creation of a research ethos that is mindful of cultural differences (p. 165).
The second perspective applied in this study is a combination of the sociocultural-historical theory of cognitive development (Vygotsky, 1934, 1978; Valsiner & Van den Veer, 2000) and the social theory of learning model (Wenger, 1998). Both perspectives take social interactions into account and focus on the structure of activities as historically constituted; and meaning, practice, community, and identity are treated as major components necessary to characterise social participation as a process of learning and knowing. The particular relationship between culture/ethnicity, special education, exclusion/control, feeling of rootlessness, and family disintegration is complex and deserves close scrutiny and thoughtful analysis. The issue of over identification of minority students for special education is not a new concern and has been discussed in special education literature for some time. However, it is important to remember in the context of what we are discussing here that many of the problems with special education are outgrowths of larger problems with education generally and must be treated as such. It is no coincidence that many of the communities struggling with special education challenges are the same communities plagued by general education deficiencies.
Disproportionality in special education placements occurs through a process of social construction by which decisions about disability and its appropriate treatments are negotiated according to official and unofficial beliefs and practices. To discover what lies behind disproportionality, research must use methods that can document the social processes that lead to it. Statistical analysis can be used to provide a powerful teasing out of the variables that are associated with disproportionality (see Losen & Orfield, 2002). Oswald, Coutinho, and Best (2000) proposed two general hypothesis on the phenomenon of disproportionality; the first one being tied to real differences in socioeconomic outcomes between social groups. That some groups (or minority students) are deeply disadvantaged (in social and economic experiences), marginalized, susceptible to diseases, and disabilities; and the second hypothesis is that a significant portion of the over-representation problem may be a function of inappropriate interpretation of ethnic and cultural differences as disabilities (p. 2). As we see later in the paper there is sound evidence to support the hypothesis (See also Dyson & Gallannaugh, 2008 for similar observation in England).
The Phenomenon of Over-Representation of Minority Pupils in Special Educational Placements
One in five compulsory school pupils in Sweden are judged to be in need of special needs education according to Persson (2002). At the same time, the number of pupils enrolled in special schools for the intellectually disabled (särskolan) has increased from .9% up to 1.4% during the last 5 to 6 years (Skolverket, 2002). From 1992 to 2001 the number of students registered in schools and classrooms for students with severe learning disabilities . . . has increased by 67% (Rosenqvist, 2007, p. 67). This means that around 200,000 pupils in Sweden receive some kind of special educational support during the school year. Besides, as mentioned earlier, the Swedish society has become and will become increasingly multiethnic and multilingual. Reports indicate that the number of children and youth living in poverty has substantially increased over the last few years, and there is a significant increase in the number of homes where children speak a primary language other than Swedish. Students are at greater risk of needing special needs education services if they are poor and/or belong to a minority group.
Segregation at the metropolitan level creates an effective barrier between people. Suspiciousness, a mutual sense of outsiderness, and the construction of We/Them boundaries can be nourished by the separation of social spaces. For many native-born citizens, places like Alby, Bergsjön, Fittja, Rågsved, Ronna, and Tensta surely sound as far away as Istanbul, Addis Ababa, Santiago, and Teheran. They are places one has never visited but whose names make their way through the media buzz, often associated with negative news…(T)he segregated city ought to be regarded as much the cause of social processes as the result of residential and moving decisions made by different groups (Andersson 1997, p.20).There are currently 6,579 people dwelling in Hammarkullen (a suburb of Göteborg). Seventy percent are of foreign background. Unemployment in the area is estimated at 90 percent (Holm, 1997). At the same time, unemployment among Somalis in Hammarkullen was put at 99 percent. (cited in Allan Pred, 2000).
Although the situation of immigrant children and youth in Sweden is not as extreme and dramatic as experienced by ethnic minority students as in, for instance, Israel and USA, some parallel patterns and aspects of the phenomena can be discerned even in Sweden (Berhanu, 2001). Some recent studies conducted in Sweden indicate over-representation of immigrant students out of all proportion to their numbers in special schools and classes (see, for instance, Bel Habib, 2001; Hahne Lundström, 2001; Lahdenperä, 1997; SOU, 1997, 2003). However, extensive and longitudinal studies have yet to be carried out in this specific problem area (see Rosenqvist, 2007) and there is a need for a coherent cumulative body of disproportionality research.
A few decades ago, special education was focused on addressing the special needs of physically, mentally, and socioemotionally affected segments of the student population. Currently, the needs to be addressed by special education have widened. And in fact as some sporadic Swedish statistics showed, two decades ago minority and immigrant students were slightly over-represented in special education programmes. The over-representation has not only persisted but has also dramatically increased (see the references in the paragraph above).
The over-representation is not a new phenomena. What is new is that new forms of exclusionary measures are taking place while the force of rhetoric toward inclusive measures is gaining substantial momentum in the pedagogical discourse. This Swedish experience is exactly similar to the practices in England as captured in the words of Florian and Rouse (2001): whilst the government calls for more inclusion and a greater recognition of diversity, it continues to promote social and educational policies that are not supportive of the development of inclusive schools. Indeed, many of the existing market place reforms ignore diversity and stress priorities that make it hard for schools to accept children who will not help them to meet their academic targets (p. 400). Although extensive studies have yet to be carried out, the already existing but sporadic studies (see, e.g., Bloom, 1999; Ilic-Stanisic, 2006; Källstigen, Riviera, & Özmer, 1997; Källstigen, Ohlin, & Setkie, 2002; Nilsen & Ström, 2003; Skolverket, 2005a,b; SOU, 2003; Tideman, 2000) indicate that immigrant students are over-represented in special educational settings out of all proportion to their number. That observation is documented in big cities with large immigrant enclaves. My analysis of the phenomenon of over-representation is based on these limited materials.
General Factors: Sociocultural Problems, Budget Slash and Institutional Intransigence
In a recent report of the Swedish National Agency for Education (SOU, 2003; Skolverket, 2003) the over-representation of minority pupils in special schools has been outlined, and the indications are that the situation is alarming and there is cause for concern. The report based its analysis of the situation on two studies conducted in two big Swedish cities, Malmö and Göteborg. The report points out, among other things, that wrong/inappropriate assessments, classifications, and procedures infiltrate placement decisions (also Dagens Nyheter, 2007). This is in part due to the educational staff’s lack of knowledge of the students’ home, sociocultural, and language backgrounds. As the report pointed out, the most probable reason for their misplacements, misdiagnosis, may be linked to the difficult and traumatic experiences endured by the children and their families before arriving in Sweden. And, these experiences coupled with the new acculturation process might have curbed their normal school adjustment. Both the official report and a number of other studies including student theses (e. g., Bloom, 1999; Hahne Lundström, Nilsen & Ström, 2003,2001; Ilic-Stanisic, 2006; Källstigen et al. 2002; Skolverket, 2005a ; Tideman, 2000) have pointed out that budget cuts or reduction could be one major factor that contributes to a general increase of students placed in special schools. This rise in special school placements has equally affected native Swedish students or ethnic Swedes. Tideman (2000) reminds us that these consistent budget cuts that have beset Sweden for the past 15 years have lessened/reduced tolerance for differences/diversity.
All the materials analysed here indicated that the groups whose representation has increased by over 80 % in compulsory special schools are borderline cases, children with concentration difficulties, children with immigrant background, older students, and students with autism and autism related situations. The major reason ascribed to this increase is budget reduction. The cuts have brought about a rise in class size in ordinary schools, which in turn caused a decreased student-teacher ratio and a reduction in the numbers of special educators and special educational services at primary school level. This development takes place in parallel with the school authorities/politicians’ demand to achieve the target goal designed for older students in higher grades, junior high school (6-9). The demand to fulfil the set goals, the quest for excellence, good test scores and examination results and a strong tendency for national systems of assessment and testing appear to have contributed to exclusionary pressures, ignoring issues of disadvantage, diversity, and equity.
According to the above cited studies, the decentralization process that took place in the 1990s giving local governments (municipalities) jurisdiction or full responsibilities to run schools is also said to have had an impact on the emergence of this dramatic over-representation. Accordingly, the phenomenon of over-representation also varies between municipalities. The local school authorities or schools have considerably varied evaluation parameters or procedures. Different districts have different interpretations of who is to be placed or entitled to be placed in special schools. There is generally locally designed evaluation practices of categorizing and labelling, the material basis of which is extremely questionable.
On the other hand, there are some who argue that the rise in the number of special school placements is a sign that placements in special classes/schools are dedramatized; that regular schools and special schools have come under a single school management (e.g., Nilsen & Ström, 2003; Ilic-Stanisic, 2006; Bloom, 1999; Skolverket, 2005). Therefore, the rise is more a consequence of the closer working relationship between these entities than disengagement between them.
According to Bel Habib (2001), the discourse in Sweden about ethnic minority pupils swing between a collectivized and culturalised discourse as, on the one hand, expressed in the form of special needs children and, on the other, as in the form of pathological category, expressed as individual diagnosis tied to developmental delays. The author argues further that the school imposes its discipline-based exclusionary procedures and power techniques through turning structural/institutional-based teaching problems into cultural difference or individual focused handicap. This problem-shifting strategy (i.e., attaching the problem with the individual child or its culture or labelling procedures) has helped the school to avoid a critical evaluation of its own institutional practices and a change in its pedagogical and classroom management approach (Berhanu, 2005a). Lahdenperä’s (1997) study with tens of Swedish teachers who work with immigrant /minority students strongly indicate that most of the teachers associate these students’ educational difficulties with the individual students, and accordingly, the teachers’ reaction to the problem is fundamentally based on how to correct the child or how to arrange compensatory mechanisms. Generally, my impressions that the studies conducted in Sweden are obviously not specific enough to explore questions of intent or that there is a purposeful discriminatory practice by which we mean blatantly discriminatory practices in policy or practice
Family Factors, Parents’ Educational Level and Power Distance
My review of the literature shows a great deal of similarities between the experiences of other Western countries and Sweden with regard to the phenomenon of over-representation (Berhanu, 2001). The imbalance in power relationships between parents of students in special education arrangements and the school authorities is well documented (Gillbourn, 1990; Gillbourn & Mirza, 2000; Losen & Orfield, 2002). A similar study (Bel Habib, 2001) conducted in one city in Sweden in which there is a high concentration of immigrant families has documented the huge gap in power relationships between school authorities and these families. The families have enormous respect for school authorities and they do not argue with or confront school leaders. Many of these parents have a low level of formal education and have limited experiences as to how to deal with the authorities and usually genuinely trust the procedures that lead to placement decisions. The school tells them what is good for their children and parents accept the recommendations without questioning. The parents interviewed were not informed about the consequences of special educational placements and what these entailed for the future. It is not difficult to understand the reaction of parents and their feelings of powerlessness when the special educational evaluations are presented to them as a set of discreet decisions based on scientific analysis and assessment (Armstrong, 1995; Losen & Orfield, 2002; Galloway, Armstrong, & Tomlinson, 1994).
Evaluation and Diagnostics Procedures
Surprisingly, the pattern observed elsewhere with regard to evaluation and diagnostic procedures bias is becoming increasingly visible in the Swedish context. Although the study I refer to here is based on one specific city, I fear that there is a tendency even in other parts of Sweden. The very latest study (Rosenqvist, 2007) has, as its primary finding, documented this deficiency in evaluation and diagnostic procedures (also Dagens Nyheter, 2007). According to Bel Habib (2001), who used quantitative methods to map out the magnitude of the problem of over-representation, the majority of the Swedish students (native/white Swedes) in special schools have clear, visible, medically proven or concretized functional handicaps, whereas minority students who are assigned to these special schools, as the researcher distinguished from diagnosis and referral files, were categorised in diffused, vague, symptom-based and pedagogical-related terms such as concentration and behavioural problems, speech and language difficulties, unspecified poor talent or developmental retardation.
As is the case elsewhere (see, e.g., Losen & Orfield, 2002; Dyson & Gallannaugh, 2008; Harry & Klinger, 2006) the special educational placement pattern for ethnic minority pupils is that these students are fairly represented (or in other words their representation is comparable to their number in the general society) in low incidence disabilities (e.g., visual, hearing, multiple and physical disabilities) and they are overrepresented in high incidence disabilities (e.g., emotional/behavioural disorder and learning disabilities). That means the observed overrepresentation is in subjective cognitive disability categories rather than in hard/visible disability categories (see Losen & Orfield, 2002). Not surprisingly, in light of current experience in the United States, children from different social and ethnic groups found themselves disproportionately placed in these categories….. (Dyson & Gallannaugh, 2008, p.36/37). Dyson & Gallannaugh (2008) uses the term nonnormative categories instead of subjective cognitive disability though. Certainly, there is some evidence from Sweden to support this instance.
This observation testifies to the fact, as Foucault (1979, 1984) consistently argued elsewhere in his extensive writings, that institutions, in this case the schools, function to maintain and even advance the practice of normality and deviance through instruments of power and knowledge relations that not only exclude a segment of the student population but also serve as instruments to construct identities and labels such as students with special educational needs (also Allan, 1995).
A similar study conducted by Kari Hahne Lundström (2001, in SOU, 2003) on the over-representation of immigrant students in upper secondary special schools has come to a similar conclusion, namely that many of those students enrolled in the upper secondary school for students with intellectual disabilities do not have a diagnosed intellectual disability. In addition, immigrant students are diagnosed far less often than are their Swedish peers. In most cases, they have undergone one single test, which in turn determines or is used as argument for their school placement.
The tests are of an ability testing type, are standardized, and are usually administered on a one time basis. This is a phenomenon that most minority students go through in many western countries (see, e.g., Berhanu, 2005a,b; Brady et al. 1983; Gupta & Coxhead, 1988; Hegarty, 1988). The tests are not culture free (Berhanu, 2007) and the evaluation does not sufficiently take into consideration the overall situation of the child. The test result tells very little about whether or not the child’s inability to give correct answers has to do with his/her language skills or whether there is a sociocultural element in the way they understand and answer the question. It is a well known fact that these so called standardised testing programmes consistently discriminate against disadvantaged and vulnerable groups (see also Hillard, 1990).
The above study (Kari Hahne Lundström, 2001 in SOU, 2003), which focuses on the Göteborg area, shows that the proportion of students with ethnic backgrounds other than Swedish is 45%, which is double that of their representation at national programmes in regular upper secondary school.
The reports analysed here, including a number of bachelor level student theses, clearly indicate that the evaluation reports upon which decisions were made to send students to special schools made do not provide a full picture of the problem that besets the individual student (e.g., Bel Habib, 2001). The students who are disproportionately represented never received a proper education support at primary schools and had limited participation in their overall educational process. The situation they were in, such as being in asylum shelters (immigrant reception centres) for many years, and the socialization/acculturation process during their temporary stay in the camps and life afterward may have been serious enough to have had severe repercussion on the children’s’ school adjustment. Lack of awareness of the complexities of these problems and their eventual outcomes plus a shortage of resources at primary school levels have aggravated the situation of these students. Their over-representation even in secondary special schools for young adults is therefore connected to this pitfall at the start of these students’ schooling rather than the students’ lack of cognitive ability or deficiency in their behavioural repertoire in any sense. As Gillborn and Youdell (2000, p.4) rightly pointed out, inequality is constructed:
We take the position that groups defined socially by class, gender, race, ethnicity and sexuality are inherently no less capable of educational participation and success. These groups are defined by social convention, not by inherent, fixed or natural differences….The processes by which these constructed differences come to be related to inequalities in experience and outcome are complex, varied and stable. (quoted in Slee & Allan, 2001)
The analysis indicates how the structure of schools as organisations creates special educational needs rather than differences or diversity between individual pupils. The lack of holistic, contextual, and ecological perspectives is visible because the measures used to send these children to special schools emerge from being entirely concerned only with pupils’ cognitive, emotional, and pathological problems. To rectify this misguided practice, we need to, as Artiles (2003) correctly argued, transcend the traditional individualistic perspective and infuse a social justice dimension so that the improvement of educational experiences and life opportunities for historically marginalized students are of central importance (pp. 194-95).
A Swedish study by Sonnander and Emanuelsson (1993) clearly indicated how children who were not diagnosed and labelled have managed both school life and professional/work life much better than those students with similar ability level (begåvningsnivå) but who were defined as in need of special support. One question, therefore, is why special schools should ever exist if this is really true (see also Persson, 2001). Although more research is needed, there are already credible indications that these schools and other special educational arrangements do more harm than good. In particular, what is tragic here is the situation of students with immigrant background who were subjected to dubious procedures, classification, and evaluation criteria both at regular primary schools, which focus on their cultural and ethnic background, and special schools, which focus on individual pathology (Bel Habib, 2001; Rosenqvist, 2007). This is a fertile ground on which to create structural/institutional discrimination unless it is rectified immediately (Labi, 2001).
To summarise, both the statistical and qualitative analysis, compiled in Losen & Orfield (2002, p. xviii) suggest some similar observations in the U.S.A. as in Sweden, although the statistical figures and the magnitude of the problem between these two countries vary considerably. These American studies suggest that racial, ethnic, and gender differences in special educational placements are due to many complex interacting factors, including unconscious racial bias on the part of school authorities, large resource inequalities that run along lines of race and class, unjustifiable reliance on IQ and other evaluation tools, educators’ inappropriate responses to the pressures of high-stakes testing, and power differentials between minority parents and school officials.
Future studies in Sweden should systematically evaluate the following area of problem or research questions (see Losen & Orfield, 2002):
1. What is the chain of events that sets certain students, from various backgrounds, in certain school districts on the road to special education placement or special schools?
2. Is there one or many patterns?
3. By what criteria do those responsible for special education placements evaluate students for these programs? (see Dagens Nyheter, 2007; Rosenqvist, 2007)
4. How is this cycle initiated and how can it be stopped?
5. What are the students actually like?
6. What are the criteria for referral and special educational placements?
7. What is the parental role or role of culture in this process, and how do parents perceive their responsibility?
8. To what extent do social factors override (special) educational efforts intended to rectify school failures?
Discussion and Conclusion
Throughout the different parts in this paper, there are threads that are well represented in the current tapestry of ideas associated with postmodern theorising on multiplicity of voices, the multiply constituted subject, and the social and historical construction of ethnicity and difference and its role in the distribution of power. What is too often missing in research in education is an integrated analysis. Researchers usually focus on one or the other component of a complex educational issue and give the erroneous impression that differences in social performance are due to differential cognitive differences among groups or individuals that are due to one or two factors. Some of the usual ones are linguistic factors, cultural deficits, cultural differences, and parent-child dyads (Berhanu, 2005a,b; 2006, 2007). What is often ignored are the effects of power discourse, institutional intransigence, teacher-student relationship, pedagogy, classroom interactions, and the dispositions that young people, for a whole variety of reasons, bring to their learning. The evidence produced by this work supports the conclusion that separate analysis of any one of these factors can provide neither a full picture nor an adequate explanation of problems related to something as complex as differential patterns of learning or disproportionality.
In this study, I adopted Vygotsky’s theory as a general framework. That is, cognitive development (learning) is a product of interaction with others in the presence of socio-historically developed tools that mediate intellectual activity. This is also in line with the philosophy of inclusive education in which the emphasis is on learning together within the regular educational framework. Vygotsky underlines the role of culture and social interaction as opposed to just interaction (as in Piaget) in the development of children’s cognitive processes. This belief in the role of social interaction led Vygotsky to formulate the zone of proximal development (ZPD), a concept of significant educational and instructional implications. The ZPD as a metaphor or construct has drawn great interest in the research community because of its dynamic developmental element that focuses on what a child can achieve with assistance of a more capable adult or peer. One of the implications of the ZPD in instruction and educational practices is that the conventional practices such as IQ tests, chronological or age-graded organisation or learning environments, competition, and speed cannot be congenial to all diverse cultural groups. In cultural-historical theory, developmental stages simply index age norms in a given sociocultural space and time. Education aimed at where the student is at takes on new meaning in societies with increasing ethnic diversity (Portes, 1996; Moll, 1990).
Although in the works of Vygotsky and his followers, institutional/social structural domains are mentioned as having significant impact on children’s dispositions towards their school performance, the process under which the impact is felt (power discourses, the subtle workings of institutional culture, which is intricately bound with the wider political, social, and economic as well as cultural meaning systems and moral, values) have not been made explicit. Thus in this work an attempt has been made to identify the influences of the institutional culture of schools that distort or retard learning progress. These include (a) an absence of knowledge, understanding and sensitivity on the part of schools to how students from different cultural backgrounds learn; (b) the application of unreliable (wrong) assessment (evaluation) procedures and criteria for referral and placements; (c) the lack of culturally sensitive diagnostic tools; and (d) the static nature of the tests, including the cultural bias embedded in the tests. The problem surrounding the overrepresentation of ethnic minorities in special educational arrangements in Sweden is complex, and some of the evidence presented here also points to problems surrounding the home environment, including poverty; sociocultural related problems, family factors, and language problems; the lack of parental participation in decision making and the huge power distance between parents and school authority; institutional intransigence and prejudices; and large resource inequalities that run along lines of race and class. Similarly, Dyson & Gallannaugh (2008) argued, based on a very recent research on proportionality in England, that ….although the identification of children as having special educational needs may result most immediately from the construction of difference at the school and teacher levels, that construction is itself a response to educational and social inequalities. It follows that a proper understanding of disproportionality, capable of generating effective means of combating it, requires an analysis not only of processes of construction but also of the underlying processes and structures through which social and educational inequality are produced (p. 43).
Barbara Rogoff’s statements in the concluding chapter of her widely acclaimed book (1990) parallel my observations and analysis. She underscores the problems encountered by students who are grounded in one cultural system while attempting to function in another which, if not simply indifferent, provides no recognition that a huge cultural divide exists:
If differences in values and practices are handled with respect, children can benefit from learning new cultural systems while maintaining their “home” approach. Unfortunately, children dealing with two cultural systems often face a less supportive contact between them. The dominant culture may be seen as competing with that of the home culture, with a goal of eradicating the features of the home culture rather than using them to build an understanding of the new approach. This eradication mentality, stemming from differences in status between two cultural approaches, may make it rare for children to have the opportunity to become bicultural (an opportunity that would be advantageous for majority as well as minority children). Rather, many children end up not becoming skilled in any culture, whether because their home culture is devalued and potential links are not exploited to help them learn the ways of the dominant culture, or because their home culture itself suffers such economic stress that the culture looses its strength and coherence, as may be the case for many very poor children. (pp.201-202)
Bauman (1992, 1998, 2001) argues eloquently that globalisation has produced a shift from social rights to competition, productivity, standardisation, and efficiency, and a shift from public to private and from social responsibility to individual (or family) responsibility. As a process, globalisation is not linear, but contradictory and contested. Its impacts are unequal and differ on the basis of regions, classes, and people. The neo-liberal economy is dominating the world especially after the end of the cold war, and its particular form of capitalism is characterised by deregulating markets, reducing or changing the role of the state and most importantly, reducing social expenditure, including expenditure on education. This phenomenon has also been witnessed in the past 15 years even in Sweden in tandem with rising unemployment, issues of security, alienation, marginalisation, and exclusion, creating a discourse of resentment along the lines of them versus us. This trend is inextricably intertwined with the dramatic increase of children and young people who are referred to special schools for intellectually disabled pupils (Särskolan). In this connection, the drive to improve standards and set a strict grading system is one area of problem that constructs special educational needs students as failing Yet at the same time, there is a drive to educate all students within mainstream schooling (i.e., inclusive education as witnessed already in post-war Swedish history). The standards agenda that emerged in the 1990s because of the changes in the political climate, and the resulting impact on school policy, is one of the most insurmountable barriers to learning for special education needs students.
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IMPROVING TEACHER AWARENESS OF FINE MOTOR PROBLEMS AND OCCUPATIONAL THERAPY: EDUCATION WORKSHOPS FOR PRESERVICE TEACHERS, GENERAL EDUCATION TEACHERS AND SPECIAL EDUCATION TEACHERS IN CANADA
Teresa Chiu
University of Toronto
Melissa Heidebrecht
St. Michael Hospital, Toronto
Susan Wehrmann,
COTA Health, Toronto
Gerry Sinclair,
Central Community Care Access Centre, Ontario
Denise Reid,
University of Toronto
Students with fine motor problems can benefit from occupational therapy. Yet not all students receive the services because of a lack of teacher awareness about the problems and the services. This study aims to evaluate a workshop designed to improve teacher awareness about fine motor problems and occupational therapy. The study involved three groups: preservice (N = 34), general education (N = 30), and special education (N = 19) teachers. Each group received a 2 ½- to 3-hour interactive workshop. They completed the Fine Motor Awareness Scale (FMAS) before, after, and one month following the workshops. Preservice teachers had the greatest learning needs on the topic. All three teacher groups showed significant improvements in the FMAS scores post-workshop, with the greatest change in the preservice teachers group, followed by the special education and then the general education teachers. Knowledge transfer principles contributed to the success of the workshops. Post-workshop evaluation showed teachers wanted more content and longer, multi-session workshops in future. Preservice, general and special education teachers need to know more about fine motor problems and occupational therapy. Knowledge-transfer workshops provided by occupational therapists can meet their learning needs and subsequently help their students to improve fine motor problems.
Background
Fine motor problems impact many aspects of a student’s life (Wehrmann, Chiu, Reid, & Sinclair, 2006). The problems often affect printing and writing, making it difficult for the students to form letters, write on the line, and keep proper spacing between letters and words (Bonney, 1992; Cornhill & Case-Smith, 1996). These students often have problems with arranging objects in their workspace and losing their tools for working in class. Organizing tasks, such as sequencing steps within a task is difficult for these students, and they are slow in keeping pace with the class work. McHale & Cermak (1992) found 30-60% of activities in each schoolday requires the use of fine motor skills. This represents a significant challenge to students who experience difficulty with fine motor skills because of a developmental delay or other medical problems. Everyday at school, they struggle with common classroom activities that require fine motor competence such as cutting with scissors, drawing, colouring, using rulers, applying glue, and folding paper. When performing these tasks, these students are often seen as being sloppy with their work, unable to work independently, or lazy in getting the task completed. The same underlying problems affect their self-care abilities such as tying shoelaces and doing buttons and zippers. These students may not perform well in gym classes that need gross motor competence. When experiencing daily frustration, their self-esteem may be affected, as well as their ability to interact and socialize with their peers. If these students do not receive early intervention, the fine motor difficulties can persist into adolescence. The unresolved problem subsequently leads to secondary mental health and educational issues resulting in poor social competence, academic problems, behavioural problems, and low self-esteem (Miller, Missiuna, Macnab, Malloy-Miller, & Polatajko, 2001).
A study of the Occupational Therapy School-based Consultation (OTSBC) service (Reid, Chiu, Sinclair, & Wehrmann, 2006) showed that an increase in teacher awareness can improve students’ fine motor problems. In the study, teachers worked in collaboration with occupational therapists to carry out strategies to help students improve their classroom performance. The results supported that when teachers had an improved awareness, their students’ performance in the classroom also improved and the teachers were more satisfied with their student’s performance. Similar findings were reported in a review of research, showing occupational therapy consultation to teachers can improve students’ performance in various functional areas (Kemmis & Dunn, 1996).
In Canada, teachers, parents, educational assistants and other professionals in the school receive consultation from occupational therapists about a student’s fine motor performance. However, not all students who need help receive it in a timely and effective manner. This gap occurs when teachers, principals, and school personnel are unaware of how fine motor difficulties impact a student’s classroom performance and what occupational therapy can do to help (Hammerschmidt & Sudsawad, 2004). A lack of awareness hinders referrals to occupational therapy and may result in the student receiving services too late or not at all. The delay or lack of service can lead to further difficulty for the student as they progress through the school system (Chiu, Reid, Sinclair, & Wehrmann, 2002). In the OTSBC study, teachers, parents, and occupational therapists who attended the focus groups made the following recommendations to address the concern (Reid et al., 2006): a) to improve teacher awareness of fine motor problems and occupational therapy, b) to provide early intervention to identify and treat students with fine motor problems, and c) to promote awareness to teachers, parents, and policy makers of how occupational therapy can help students. They identified teacher awareness as the top priority. This study attempted to follow up with the recommendations by developing education workshops for improving teacher awareness.
The purpose of this study was twofold: a) to test the hypothesis that education workshops would increase teacher awareness and b) to explore what contributed to the success of the workshops and identify areas for improvements. Teacher awareness refers to the teacher’s knowledge of fine motor problems experienced by their students and their knowledge of occupational therapy service for these students.
We have applied the knowledge transfer approach to design the workshops for improving teacher awareness. Knowledge transfer (or knowledge translation) involves disseminating research knowledge to the appropriate knowledge users (Jacobson, Butterill, & Goering, 2003). Knowledge users progress through four stages: from awareness to agreement, to adoption and finally to adherence (Davis et al., 2003). Lavis and Ross (2004) describe five principles that are important for successful dissemination: a) to begin with a clear message from the literature, b) to target the message to a specific population, c) to identify and address the barriers to knowledge translation, d) to deliver the message through a credible messenger, and e) to evaluate the success of the knowledge translation attempt, which is the most important principle. We have applied these principles to develop an interactive, education workshop provided by occupational therapists to teachers. The workshops have been designed to increase teacher awareness of fine motor problems and eventually gain adherence of the knowledge in classroom practice.
Method
This study used a mixed-methods design. Pre- and post-workshop measures were collected to evaluate the impact of the workshops on teacher awareness. Participants completed open-ended questions to identify what contributed to the workshop success and suggestions for improvement.
Recruitment and Study Sample
Unique to this study is the inclusion of three teacher groups: preservice teachers, general education teachers, and special education teachers. The first group, preservice teachers, was recruited from the Faculty of Education of the York University, Toronto. They were offered the workshop as a class in a course and given the choice of attending the workshop or completing an assignment to minimize coercion. The second group was general education teachers who taught junior kindergarten to grade 2 in the Toronto District School Board (TDSB). The TDSB Coordinator of Physical/Occupational Therapy distributed a flyer to the teachers at various schools within the Greater Toronto Area. The workshop was provided in one of the TDSB schools. The third group was special education teachers in the Toronto Catholic District School Board (TCDSB). In the TCDSB, Assessment and Programming Teachers (APTs) provide assessment and programming services for students with special needs within various classroom settings and provide consultation to all special education teachers throughout TCDSB. The Superintendent of Special Services at TCDSB distributed the flyer to all special education teachers about the workshop, which was provided at a regular meeting of the APTs.
Workshop Description
Three workshops, one for each teacher group, were provided between January 2005 and April 2005. Two experienced occupational therapists (SW and GS) provided the workshops with the help of a Masters occupational therapy student (MH). The first workshop provided to the preservice teachers was 3 hours long and involved a dyadic presentation, demonstrations, task experiences, and a display of tools and equipment. The content of the presentation included an introduction to fine motor skills, occupational therapy principles and techniques to facilitate printing and writing. Participants were provided with a manipulative baggie and handout. The manipulative baggie was a small package of different manipulative and interactive materials to provide the teachers with an opportunity for experiential learning during the workshops. Suggested activities for students with FM problems were provided. The second and third workshops for the general education and special education teachers were slightly modified based on the feedback from the first workshop. These two workshops were shortened to 2 ½ hours. The content was condensed, allowing more frequent breaks and more time for questions.
Data collection
Written consent was obtained before each workshop. Participants completed a demographic questionnaire and the Fine Motor Awareness Scale (FMAS) before the workshop. After each workshop, participants completed the FMAS again and an evaluation form. One month after the workshop, the FMAS was mailed to the participants. Pre- and post-workshop FMAS change score was tested using t-test. Bonferroni adjustment was made for multiple comparisons. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS; version 12) was used to analyze the data. The open-ended questions collected in the evaluation form were analyzed to identify salient themes. This study received approvals from the ethics review boards of the University of Toronto, York University, COTA Health, TDSB and TCDSB.
Measurement Instrument
The FMAS was developed in this study with a pilot test involving 14 elementary schoolteachers from the TDSB. The FMAS uses a three-point rating scale (2-Yes for sure, 1-Yes but Area for Growth, 0-Area for Growth). The 16-item FMAS has two subscales (See Appendix). The Fine Motor Subscale measures the teacher’s perceived knowledge about the special needs of a student with fine motor problems. The items were developed based on two sections of the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health Guidelines for Children and Youth (World-Health-Organization, 2001): the Activities and Participation section and Environmental Factors section. The Occupational Therapy Subscale measures teacher awareness of the role and benefit of occupational therapy services. The Cronbach’s alpha of the FMAS was 0.84 in this study.
Results
Ninety-three participants attended the workshops, with 34 preservice teachers, 39 general education teachers, and 20 special education teachers. Some participants did not complete the pre-workshop measure because they were late. The numbers of completed pre- and post-workshop FMAS are as follows: preservice teachers (N = 34), general education teachers (N = 30), and special education teachers (N = 19). The return rate of the follow-up FMAS was poor, with only 29 out of the 93 participants returning it.
Most participants were female (Table 1). The preservice teachers were younger (70.6% 20 to 39 years old), and 88% of them were in their first year program. The general education teachers had an average of 13 years (SD = 8) of teaching experience and taught students mostly in kindergarten or primary grades (87%). The special education teachers had an average of 25 years (SD = 5) of teaching experience, were mostly APTs (74%), and taught students of different age groups in special education classrooms. With respect to the experience with children with special needs, many preservice teachers had the experience (65%), while almost all general education teachers (97%) and all special education teachers (100%) had the experience.
Table 1
Characteristics of Workshop Participants
|Characteristics |1.Preservice teachers |2.General education |3.Special education |
| | |teachers |teachers |
| |(N = 34) |(N = 30) |(N = 19) |
|Gender | | | |
| |Female |59% |97% |100% |
| |Male |35% |3% |0% |
| |Missing |6% |0% |0% |
|Age group (years) | | | |
| |20-29 |38% |10% |0% |
| |30-39 |32% |17% |0% |
| |40-49 |27% |40% |42% |
| |>50 |0% |30% |47% |
| |Missing |3% |3% |11% |
|Current grades taught* | | | |
| |Kindergarten |N/A |37% |11% |
| |Primary grades | |50% |0% |
| |APT | |0% |74% |
| |Other | |13% |15% |
|Current teaching area | | | |
| |Special Education |N/A |40% |89% |
| |General education | |47% |0% |
| |Missing | |13% |11% |
|Experience with spec. needs children | | | |
| |Yes |65% |97% |100% |
| |No |35% |3% |0% |
* Kindergarten = JK, SK, K; Primary grades = 1-6; APT = Assessment and Programming Teachers; Other = grade 7 or above and special classes
Pre-workshop awareness – learning needs about the topic
The pre-workshop awareness measure reflected the learning needs of the topic. The preservice teachers were more in need of the learning. Figure 1 shows that they had the lowest pre-workshop FMAS score (Mean = 0.45; SD = 39), followed by the special education teachers (Mean = 0.92; SD = .28) and general education teachers (Mean = 0.97; SD = .37). A lower FMAS score indicates a lower awareness.
The preservice teachers had the greatest learning need for awareness improvement. They rated I know when and how to initiate a referral to occupational therapy services as the top area for growth (85.3%). I know how the problems may affect the student’s ability to organize tasks and materials in the classroom ranked second (73.5% as an area for growth), same as I know how the problems may make it difficult for the student to pay attention, follow directions, or remain on task (73.5% as an area for growth), and I know how to collaborate with occupational therapists in helping the student (73.5% as an area for growth).
The general education teachers rated the following two items as the most needed area for growth: I know the key factors that lead to effective changes of the students (63.3% as an area for growth), and I can explain to other colleagues about the special needs of students with fine motor problems (63.3% as an area for growth). I know how to collaborate with occupational therapists in helping the student ranked third (43.3% as an area for growth).
Even though the special education teachers had the lowest need for awareness improvement, about half of them rated the following three items as an area of growth: I know how to collaborate with occupational therapists in helping the student (47.4% as an area for growth), I know the key factors that lead to effective changes of the students (47.4% as an area for growth), and I can explain to other colleagues about the special needs of students with fine motor problems (47.4% as an area for growth).
Post-workshop awareness – improvement of knowledge
The post-workshop scores measured the changes in teacher awareness after the workshops. The results showed all three groups had a significant change post-workshop (Table 2). The preservice teachers had the greatest improvement in awareness.
Figure 1
Pre- and Post-workshop FMAS Scores by Teacher Groups
[pic]
Table 2
Mean FMAS change scores by teacher groups
| |Mean FMAS change score|df |p |
|Preservice teachers |1.13 |33 |< .000 |
|General education teachers |0.55 |29 | ................
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