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Extract from a good level 5 assignment on Social Policy, Inequality and Inclusion (with a focus on class).This paragraph sets the scene…In 1999 the New Labour government launched their ‘Bridging the Gap’ initiative. It was promised that social inclusion would be a priority and the key idea was to maximise training and learning for young people with the hope that this would stop them from leaving education. This was considered to be the best proactive factor against social exclusion (Williamson, 2005). This essay will look at ....... and consider whether....This paragraph demonstrates knowledge of relevant policies and initiatives and we start to hear the writer’s ‘voice’…This led to various programmes designed to attempt to offset the advantage some young people have over others. Some of these programmes were well publicised such as: Sure Start nurseries, Working Tax Credits, Education Maintenance Allowance, and the Aim Higher Programme. Apart from Aim Higher (which was based around whether or not one of a child’s parents studied at university), these policies were based around income. It would appear that some of these schemes were less successful than others:36195060325“One third of Oxbridge places are given to pupils from approximately 100 different schools – 80% of those are private.” (Guardian, 2007)00“One third of Oxbridge places are given to pupils from approximately 100 different schools – 80% of those are private.” (Guardian, 2007)Tutor Comment (TC: No need to indent / single space this quote as it is a short, direct quote. It could be included in body of text. If it is to be presented as a longer quote then inverted commas are not required) Could it be that once again, the government’s (TC: which government? ) refusal to acknowledge class values has resulted in a set of policy being rolled out ‘half cock’? (TC: too colloquial- is it a quote?) As mentioned above, The Office for National Statistics has put routine occupations in group 7. Some people in a routine occupation, for example a Coal Mine Operative, can be earning over ?40,000 per year (Thisismoney, 2010) (TC: is this the author? Not clear) and yet the only piece of policy from the list above that would apply to their child is the Aim Higher Programme. This is of course only if neither they nor their spouse studied at higher education.This paragraph includes examples from practice linked to theory, and with the writer’s perspective…Other projects such as Millennium Volunteers were initially intended to be part of New Labour’s ‘Social Inclusion agenda’ ( TC: needs reference ?) . However, having spoken with staff and students, this project, along with The Duke of Edinburgh’s Award Scheme, seemed to be taken up by less excluded and disadvantaged groups of young people as a way of boosting their qualifications. It has been proposed (Williamson, 2005), that this could lead to the increasing marginalisation of the already marginalised and it could be avoided if class was taken into account as a factor of social exclusion. The projects could be targeted more, as the acknowledgement of class would have created that target. However, it could be argued that....This section introduces own view and experience, with justification and good reflection…Could it be that the failure to acknowledge class in the planning and implementation of these initiatives and projects lead to them not engaging those most at need? It would appear so and this could be due to a certain level of success that the Connexions service has had. When I first looked in to how the Connexions service targets young people, I assumed that they were targeting the socially excluded as part of the social inclusion agenda. This seemed to be the case but whether they meant to or not it became apparent that they might actually be guiding their targeting based on class. They were targeting the new underclass.1828805080The idea that Britain and other late capitalist societies are witnessing the rise of an ‘underclass’ of people at the bottom of the social heap, structurally separate and culturally distinct from traditional patterns of ‘decent’ working-class life, has become increasingly popular over the past ten years”00The idea that Britain and other late capitalist societies are witnessing the rise of an ‘underclass’ of people at the bottom of the social heap, structurally separate and culturally distinct from traditional patterns of ‘decent’ working-class life, has become increasingly popular over the past ten years” (MacDonnald, 1997) (TC: Needs page number if available)The Connexions service targets NEET (Not in Employment, Education or Training) young people. They aim to work with these people, some on an intensive basis. They aim (TC: repeated use of ‘they aim’) to help them find work, training or help them back into education. It is important to make it clear that this is not suggesting that NEET young people form part of an ‘underclass’, nor that it is helpful to think in terms of ‘an underclass’ being an additional class. What can be argued though is that some NEET young people do fall into ‘the underclass concept’ (Williamson, 1997) (TC: needs page number if available) and that by targeting these young people, Connexions is acknowledging that this concept of a class within class is socially excluded. Furthermore, Connexions has up until recently been praised by the government and by OFSTED, (Williamson, 2005). This leads to the conclusion that if this is so, other groups within class are also socially excluded; another justification for accepting that class barriers must be featured in youth work. However, there has been much criticism of the Connexions service. Smith (2009) cited flaws in the initiative ranging from the service being hastily put together (leading to a lack of proper planning of the service delivery), through to the idea that actually, Connexions had less effect on young people gaining entry into employment, education or training than external factors, such as the sustained growth of the economy and new policy initiatives being rolled out into schools.However, it could be argued that young people who fall into the NEET category are less likely to be supported by a growing economy and support from schools (Jones, 2010). This is due to a’ high rate ‘of low engagement’ ( TC: needs reference) with schools and the fact that a growing economy can lead to there being more middle class jobs as opposed to jobs for young people who had gained vocational qualifications, or no qualifications at all. This idea is challenged by Proctor.....This section concludes and makes recommendations for own practice, linked to assessment criteria…Over the course of this essay, Thompson’s (2007) PCS model has been used to explain how oppression and discrimination occurs and replicates itself. I have also explained various ways we look at class. I have also mentioned the possibility of an underclass in our society. I have looked at how all of this ties in with young people and youth work. The conclusion drawn from all of this is that the best way to fight social exclusion might be to acknowledge it. Then society can work towards planning work that not only lends itself to social inclusion, but that helps to create it. There are many areas of social inequality; each one is different but results in similar consequences – disempowerment and oppression. As I have found, constraints streaming from class are not only powerful, but combined with constraints streaming from other areas of inequality. Class can often be about cultural values. Not only does society not seem to recognise the barriers to, for example, higher education for somebody from a working class background, but they may well be unsupported by their family and their values. This is compiled with other forms of discrimination i.e. gender, sexuality, race. The biggest problem with class inequalities though is that class is often ignored. My practice concerning working towards social inclusion and working against inequality and discrimination is driven by the Brighton and Hove equality and inclusion policy. And to quote this:255270-457200local authorities will be able identify disadvantage associated with race, gender, disability, religion or belief, sexual orientation and age (the six equality strands) (2008)00local authorities will be able identify disadvantage associated with race, gender, disability, religion or belief, sexual orientation and age (the six equality strands) (2008) (2009) (TC: needs author and page number) This part…questions own stance and perspectives, in light of the reading, and more reflection…It is interesting that this statement doesn’t (TC: avoid contractions – does not) mention class. So, are traditional class constraints are no longer relevant? Do I, as a youth worker – an agent of social change – have no place using class to help me identify young people’s needs? Or, do I do what I can in my position to make sure that I acknowledge that class and its associated barriers do matter to how I work with young people, and allow that to effect (TC –should be affect) the way I work? Although class has an indirect effect on the work that I currently do; as of yet I have not used ‘class’ to plan and design sessions or projects, or to assess the needs of young people. Maybe there is a need to wait for the new Coalition governments’ Big Society’ idea to mature. This aims to decentralise services with the aim of communities running them. Does this mean youth workers are going to be freer in the future to base more of their delivery around class inequalities? Or does it mean that services will be created by those who are more included, for those who are more included? It is hoped that it won’t (TC: avoid contractions – will not) be the latter.This paragraph is a summary and closing statement…For now though, I will use my small amount of knowledge of such a vast subject to guide me in doing what I can to help redress the balance and to prepare young people for the barriers that they may face, as well as the middle class ambitions that may well be imposed upon them in years to come. ................
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