Jackson, P. (2008) Pierre Bourdieu, the “Cultural Turn” and the ...

Jackson, P. (2008) Pierre Bourdieu, the "Cultural Turn" and the practice of international history. Review of International Studies, 34 (1). pp. 155181. ISSN 0260-2105 Copyright ? 2008 British International Studies Association A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge The content must not be changed in any way or reproduced in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder(s) When referring to this work, full bibliographic details must be given



Deposited on: 18 March 2013

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Review of International Studies (2008), 34, 155?181 Copyright British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S026021050800795X

Pierre Bourdieu, the `cultural turn' and the practice of international history

PETER JACKSON*

Abstract. The rise of the `cultural turn' has breathed new life into the practice of international history over the past few decades. Cultural approaches have both broadened and deepened interpretations of the history of international relations. This article focuses on the use of culture as an explanatory methodology in the study of international history. It outlines the two central criticisms often made of this approach. The first is that it suffers from a lack of analytical rigour in both defining what culture is and understanding how it shapes individual and collective policy decisions. The second is that it too often leads to a tendency to exaggerate the importance of the cultural predispositions of individual or collective actors at the expense of the wider structures within which policymaking takes place. The article provides a brief outline of the social theory of Pierre Bourdieu ? which focuses on the interaction between the cultural orientations of social actors and the structural environment that conditions their strategies and decisions. It then argues that Bourdieu's conceptual framework can provide the basis for a more systematic approach to understanding the cultural roots of policymaking and that international historians would benefit from engagement with his approach.

Over the past few decades the study of international history has been enriched by cultural approaches to the subject. The `pervasive rise of culture', both as an object of study and as an explanatory methodology, is widely characterised as the most important development in the sub-discipline for many years.1 This trend began with analyses of the way culture has been used as a tool of state policy in the ideological battle for `hearts and minds'. Latterly, however, it has expanded to a much broader approach embracing the role of ethnicity, race, gender, race and religion in shaping the social imagination of policymakers. Such an expansion is most emphatically to be welcomed. Cultural approaches have both broadened and deepened our understanding of the nature of international politics and the sources of policymaking. They have helped to breathe new life into the study of international history ? often viewed as `the most conservative branch of a conservative discipline'.2 But there is little

* The author would like to thank Rod Kedward, Hidemi Suganami, John Ferris, Ian Clark, Jackie Clarke, Jan Ruzicka, Talbot Imlay, R. Gerald Hughes, Martin Thomas and Michael C. Williams for their helpful comments on various drafts of this essay.

1 Patrick Finney, `Introduction: What is International History', in P. Finney (ed.), Palgrave Advances in International History, pp. 2 and 17. See also Jessica Gienow-Hecht, `Introduction', in J. C. E. Gienow-Hecht and Frank Schumacher (eds.), Culture and International History (Oxford: Berghahn, 2004), pp. ix and 3?26.

2 Quotation from Charles Maier, `Marking Time: The Historiography of International Relations', in Michael Kammen (ed.), The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1980), pp. 355?82.

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agreement among practitioners as to the best way to study the role culture. This discord reverberates in the vigorous debates that are ongoing among international historians. The crucial disagreements are both philosophical and political. They are philosophical because they usually involve questions of epistemology and ontology. Scholars disagree not only over the extent to which historians can make truth claims about the past, but also over whether a past `reality' exists at all. The disagreements are also political because they revolve around contending visions of what should and should not be considered the proper study of foreign policy and international politics as well as what can and cannot be considered plausible explanations for change and continuity in world politics.

The article that follows will outline the two central criticisms made of the `culturalist' literature. The first is that is its unsystematic approach to understanding the nature of culture as a source of policymaking. The second is a tendency to exaggerate the role of cultural predispositions at the expense of wider structures that condition policy choices. Too often the subjective beliefs and perceptions of decision-makers are considered as almost independent of the other elements in the policy process. The result is frequently an exaggeration of their role in policymaking. The central argument of the article is that the social theory of Pierre Bourdieu provides a more rigorous and systematic approach to understanding the cultural roots of policy formulation and decision-making than those deployed to date by culturalist international historians. The central aim of this essay is to illustrate how Bourdieu's theoretical insights can shed light on the nature of cultural beliefs and practices and thus provide a framework for analysing the dynamic relationship between the cultural predispositions of policymakers and the external structures that limit their policy choices. Deploying Bourdieu's concepts could therefore allow scholars to overcome the two chief criticisms made of the cultural approach and to provide more comprehensive analyses of social dynamics of international politics.

`Culturalist' international history and its discontents

Cultural approaches have enriched the study of international history in three ways. First, they have enhanced our understanding of the role of culture as a tool of international policy. The path-breaking studies in this regard have been conducted mainly into the history of the Cold War. These studies focus on the projection of culture as a means of furthering the policy objectives of the state.3 A second approach examines the role of cultural encounters outside formal state structures. Akira Iriye has played a central role in the development of this approach, which focuses on the role of private individuals and non-governmental institutions as actors in the

3 This literature is large and growing all the time. For a useful guide to the American context see Jessica Gienow-Hecht, `Cultural Transfer', pp 257?78; Akira Iriye, `Culture and International History', in M. Hogan and T. Paterson, Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, 2nd edn. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 241?56; and Susan Carruthers, `Propaganda, Communications and Public Opinion', in Finney (ed.), Advances in International History, pp. 189?222.

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international sphere.4 Historians using culture in these ways can and do use a variety of methodological approaches informed by various epistemological and assumptions about the nature and import of the evidence they are using. The focus of this essay, however, is on a third manifestation of the `cultural turn': the use of culture as an interpretive framework for understanding human behaviour. `Culture' in this approach, which will be defined as `culturalist' for the purposes of this essay, is less a form of power than the context which conditions (and for some determines) its use.

The rise of culturalist international history is part of a wider `cultural turn' that has developed within the historical discipline since the late 1970s. This development, which was influenced by engagement first with anthropology and then with the emerging disciplines of cultural studies and literary theory, was a reaction against the perceived elitism and `assumption of unchanging rationality' at the heart of `traditional' political and diplomatic history.5 With its emphasis on practices and representations, the cultural turn was also a reaction against `the tyranny of numbers, of monocausal explanations, of totalization and closure' that many scholars perceived in Marxist-inspired approaches to economic and social history.6 The focus of culturalist international history, as part of this wider phenomenon, is on the cultural context in which politics happen and in which policy is made.7 Historians employing this approach borrow concepts from cultural and literary theory, postcolonial studies, anthropology, sociology and from the `history of mentalities' school that first emerged in France during the 1960s. The fundamental assumption at the heart of this approach is that action in the international sphere springs from culturally constructed beliefs about the world. Culturalist international history explores the way constructions of national identity that are based on ethnicity, race, religion and gender shape the way actors perceive and respond to international politics.8 The influence of late-structuralist and post-structuralist thought, in particular the theoretical perspectives of Michel Foucault, Richard Rorty and Jacques Derrida, leads to an emphasis on discourse and text. Culture thus becomes a kind of `syntax' or a `software' which is used to interrogate texts.9 In this way culturalist international history has real affinities with more traditional empirical approaches that also work through a close engagement with textual evidence.10 Crucial importance, however, is attributed to the destabilising effects of language as a medium for transmitting

4 For an overview, see Iriye, `Culture and International History', pp. 241?56; for an example of this

approach see his Cultural Internationalism and World Order, 2nd edn. (Baltimore, MD: Johns

Hopkins University Press, 2001). 5 Quoted in Peter Burke, What is Cultural History? (Cambridge: Polity, 2004), p. 2. 6 Cited from Peter Mandler, `The Problem with Cultural History', Cultural and Social History, 1

(2004), p. 95; see also Burke, What is Cultural History?, pp. 23?5, 30?46 and 112?16. 7 The term `culturalist' is used throughout in Andrew Rotter, `Culture', in Finney (ed.), Advances in

International History, pp. 267?99. 8 Susan Brewer, ` ``As Far As We Can'': Culture and US Foreign Relations', in Robert Schulzinger

(ed.), A Companion to American Foreign Relations (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), pp. 15?30. 9 See the discussions in Frank Costigliola, `Reading for Meaning: Theory, Language and Metaphor',

in Hogan and Paterson (eds.), Explaining the History, pp. 279?302; Rotter, `Culture' especially

pp. 268?74; Anders Stephanson, `Commentary: Considerations on Culture and Theory', Diplomatic

History, 18:1 (1994), pp. 107?19. 10 See, for example, the argument put forward by Carla Hesse, `The New Empiricism', Cultural and

Social History, 1 (2004), pp. 201?7.

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meaning and on the subjective character of all constructions of `security threats' and formulations of the `national interest'.11

The result has been a host of exciting new perspectives on the international history of the last 150 years. Scholars have used gender theory to argue that conceptions of masculinity played fundamental roles in the American decision to make war against Spain in 1898, the consensus to pursue a firm policy towards the Soviet Union in the 1940s and the robust posture of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations in fighting the Cold War during the 1960s.12 Race has been used as a category of culture to provide an alternative reading of US foreign policy, particularly with regard to the non-aligned states and the `Third World'.13 A concern with the construction and reconstruction of national identities has suffused this literature. Scholars have homed in on constructions of `self/other' dichotomies. These function to create, reaffirm and often to recreate national, ethnic, gender or racial identities which, in turn, shape the political imagination of both policymakers and popular opinion.14

A particular benefit of this literature has been to illustrate, in terms similar to Marxist critiques of `false consciousness' and `bourgeois mystification', the way

11 Marc Trachtenberg rightly characterises this approach as part of a `constructivist challenge' to the epistemological foundations of traditional historical practice. He is very critical of this phenomenon in The Craft of International History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), pp. 7?14. For a more positive representation, see especially Costigliola, `Reading for Meaning' and Michael H. Hunt, `Ideology', in Hogan and Paterson (eds.), Explaining the History, pp. 221?40.

12 For examples of gender-based analyses of US foreign policy, see Andrew Rotter, `Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947?1964', Journal of American History, 81 (1994), pp. 518?42; Michelle Mart, `Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948?1960', Diplomatic History, 20 (1996), pp. 357?80; Frank Costigliola, `The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance', Diplomatic History, 21 (1997), pp. 163?83; idem, `Unceasing Pressure for Penetration: Gender, Pathology and Emotion, in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War', Journal of American History, 83 (1997), pp. 1308?39; Kristin Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998); and Robert Dean, Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2002). For general discussions of this literature see Glenda Sluga, `Gender', in Finney (ed.), International History, pp. 300?19, and Marc Frey, `Gender, Tropes and Images', in Gienow-Hecht and Schumacher (eds.), Culture and International History, pp. 212?20.

13 See, for example, the `Symposium' on `African Americans and US Foreign Relations', in Diplomatic History, 20 (1996), pp. 531?650. See also, among many others, Alexander De Conde, Ethnicity, Race and American Foreign Policy (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 1992); Thomas Borstalman, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and US Foreign Affairs, 1935?1960 (Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina University Press, 1996); R. L. Doty, Imperial Encounter: The Politics of Representation in North-South Relations (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), and Eyes Off the Prize: the United Nations and the African American Struggle for Human Rights, 1944?1955 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

14 This literature is large, amorphous, and seems to increase daily. Any attempt to summarise it here would lead to misrepresentation. A good starting point for the history of US policy is the essays in Hogan and Paterson (eds.), Explaining the History. International relations theorist David Campbell made an important contribution to this debate with Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity, 2nd edn. (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1998); see also the thoughtful discussion in Andrew Rotter, `Saidism without Said: Orientalism and US Diplomatic History', American Historical Review, 105:4 (2000), pp. 1205?17. In the British context Linda Colley's Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707?1837 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994) is a seminal text. For a trenchant criticism of the use of `national identity', see Mandler, `The Problem with Cultural History', pp. 109?13.

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