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Institute of Political Studies of Paris"Doctoral School of Sciences-poDoctoral program of political scienceSTAKEPhd in political science - political TheoryCo-supervision of thesisFreie Universit?t BerlinLinz Politik- und SozialwissenschaftenOTTO-SUHR-INSTITUTEDissertation zur Erlangung of akademischen GradesDoctor rerum politicarum (Dr. rer. pol.)Cotutelle-VerfahrenKleros?&?Demos:?The theory of the draw in politics to the test bench the practice of the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens.Die Theory of Losverfahrens in der Politik auf dem Prufstand der Praxis der Planungszelle und der?jury citizenAntoine VERGNEThesis directed byGil DELANNOI, professor of political science, Science-Po ParisUniv. - Prof. Dr Gerhard GOHLER, Professor Emeritus, Freie Universitat BerlinDissertation, the November 07, 2011 - JURY:Mrs. M. H. Bryan Kozman, Professor, Western Paris Nanterre La Defense, Pre-rapporteurMR. H. BUCHSTEIN, Professor,?Universitat Greifswald, Pre-rapporteurMR. G. DELANNOI, professor of political science, Science-Po ParisMR. G. GOHLER, Professor Emeritus,?Freie Universitat BerlinTable of contentsFrench TextTable of illustrations ........................................................................................................... 11Genre...........................................................................................................................Summary - Abstract ............................................................................................................... 17Avant-propos....................................................................................................................Introduction....................................................................................................................Part 1: The theory of the prize draw in policy ........................................................ 33Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw ............................................................................. 351. The drawing within the procedures of choice ...................................................................... 361.1?"?Who gets what, when and how???.............................................................. 361.2 Selection Procedures and procedural blocks ................................................................... 381.3 The specificity of the draw: the random moment ........................................................ 411.4??Lotteries "natural?"?and?"?artificial?"................................................................. 431.5 Balance Sheet ........................................................................................................................ 442. The hardware operation or the black box of the draw .......................................................... 452.1 The?"?price?"?and the pool of options ........................................................................... 452.2 The pool of sorteables ............................................................................................. 462.3 The random moment or palos ...................................................................................... 472.4 The confirmation and the margin of maneuver .............................................................. 512.5 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 523. The draw in context: the intellectual operation ............................................................... 533.1 The justification, or the reasons of the draw .................................................................. 543.2 The receipt, or the interpretations of the draw ........................................................ 643.3 The existence of frames anything economically exploitable ..................................................................... 694. To prototypes of drawing ......................................................................................... 694.1 Review of existing typologies ............................................................................... 704.2 A typology in terms of prototypes ....................................................................... 754.3 Proposal of typology ........................................................................................... 7625. Conclusions ................................................................................................................ 88Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometrics ......................... 911. Methodology ................................................................................................................. 921.1 Delimitation of the corpus ...................................................................................................... 921.2 Thematic distribution of texts ............................................................................... 931.3 Analysis scientometrics of the corpus ......................................................................... 942. The descriptive texts and historical ................................................................................ 982.1 The wide-field: Random, statistical and literature .................................................... 982.2 Historical texts and descriptive studies ................................................................ 993. Explore the potential of drawing ....................................................................................... 1034. The texts containing proposals ........................................................................... 1044.1 Lotteries: distribute goods and evils by drawing ................................................. 1054.2 The drawing as a method of rational decision and fair ................................ 1074.3 Distribute the power by drawing: The proposals of sortition .............................. 1095. The emergence of a new paradigm within the political philosophy ? ................. 1145.1 Hypothesis .................................................................................................................. 1145.2 Bibliometric indicators that confirm effect you may estimate a particular project .................................. 1155.3 The development of a network d'acteurs ................................................................ 1226. Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 125Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random ........................................................ 1271. Definition of the field investigations ......................................... ............................................................................. 1281.1 Corpus ................................................................................................................. 1281.2 Structuring was debate of being studied ................................................................ 1282. The?"?crises?"?of the political system liberal .................................................................. 1292.1?"?A crisis of representation that never ends not??.................................. 1292.2 The (non)-participation ............................................................................................ 1342.3 Deconstruct the foundations of liberal regimes ............................................... 1372.4 A crisis of legitimacy generalized ........................................................................ 1432.5 Best Practices, of Athens mini-publics ....................................... 1443. A new democratic era .................................................................................... 1453.1 Represented by the drawing .............................................................................................. 14633.2 Participate in the lottery ............................................................................................ 1513.3?"?Politicize society??.............................................................................................. 1533.4 A new company, without?"?new man?" on.......................................................... 1563.5 A common line face the criticism ................................................................ 1604. Diversity and differences ............................................................................................... 1624.1 Representation and deliberation .............................................................................. 1624.2 The citizen competence in debate .................................................................... 1654.3 The intellectual affinities varied .................................................................... 1675. Put into perspective .................................................................................................... 1695.1 Precursors, pioneers and smugglers: a historical perspective ................ 1705.2 Various approaches: a highlighted theoretical .......................................... 1736. Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 177Part 2: Aix and Poitiers, the theory in the roadtest ....................................................... 179Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmatic ... 1811. Overview of a gradual renaissance .......................................................................... 1821.1 A myriad jobs ............................................................................................. 1821.2 Limitation of the field investigations ......................................... ...................................................................... 1852. Planungszelle and Citizens Jury, models pioneers of mini-publics ......................... 1862.1 Methodology: a study of diffusion of innovations .......................................... 1862.2 1969 - 1979: the emergence of a political innovation ............................................. 1872.3 1979 - 2002: a slow process of maturation ..................................................... 1982.4 2002 - 2009: Crisis and stabilization ....................................................................... 2023. Apparitions, dissemination and hybridisation: the multiplication of models of mini-public. .2053.1 Two original models ....................................................................................... 2053.2 The hybrids: a constellation of models more or less ambitious .................. 2083.3 The mini-public arrive in France ........................................................................ 2104. Reasons for the choice of the models Planungszelle and jury citizen ....................................... 2124.1 Analytical Return ..................................................................................................... 2124.2 Models adapted to the empirical test ................................................................. 2185. Operationalization of research: Aachen and Poitiers ............................... 2205.1 The reasons for the choice of these examples .................................................................... 2205.2?"?Eine neue Abfallgebuhrensatzung as Aachen??................................................. 22145.3?"?Assessment of regional action in the fight against climate change?" on2286. Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 232Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action ? ................................................ 2351. Methodology ............................................................................................................ 2361.1 The arrangements put in place Aix-la-Chapelle (A) ................................................... 2361.2 The arrangements put in place in Poitou-Charentes (SC) ................................................ 2381.3 Translate the expectations ............................................................................................. 2402. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? ................................................................. 2402.1 A Stellvertretung really more faithful ............................................................ 2402.2 A tilt relative to the mandate ....................................................................... 2462.3 A proper accountability in the eyes of actors ................................. 2683. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation ? .................................................................... 2713.1 All and not everyone:?"?We have a small end of the world has our table??........... 2713.2?"?The opinion of Mr. all-the-world?"?? .......................................................................... 2743.3 The empowerment of citizens .................................................................................. 2783.4 Become the decisive voter: The power of individual citizens .............................. 2834. The mini-public, the new mini-companies ? ........................................................ 2854.1 Make the power to the people ................................................................................... 2854.2 The mini-public and its environment: the question of legitimacy ........................ 2924.3 A new society without new Man ............................................................. 3005. Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 307Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne ........................................................ 3131. Hagen has Sydney and Vancouver has Wenling: The potential of mini-publics ........... 3141.1 Methodology ............................................................................................................. 3141.2 The Reprasentation ................................................................................................. 3151.3 The participation ..................................................................................................... 3181.4 The deliberation and the power of the people ................................................................. 3201.5 Toward a new society ..................................................................................... 3221.6 Balance Sheet .................................................................................................................... 3242. What institutional engineering for the mini-public ? ............................................. 3252.1 Exceed the weaknesses in based on practices ......................................... 3252.2 Toward the criteria of quality renewed ................................................................ 32852.3 Open questions ............................................................................................ 3383. The conditions for achieving the policy aleatorienne ............................................. 3393.1 A change desirable? .................................................................................... 3403.2 A desired change ? ....................................................................................... 3453.3 Balance Sheet .................................................................................................................... 3484. What agenda for the theory of the draw in politics ? .................................................... 3494.1 The scenarios of change ................................................................................. 3494.2 Research Questions ........................................................................................ 3535. Conclusions ................................................................................................................. 355Conclusion......................................................................................................................1. Inputs of being studied ........................................................................................................ 3571.1 A typology relevant ....................................................................................... 3571.2 The emergence of a theory of democracy random .......................................... 3581.3 The mini-public: An innovation come Germany. .......................................... 3591.4 A theory that past the roadtest ..................................................................... 3602. Limitations and open questions ....................................................................................... 3612.1 A typology incomplete .................................................................................... 3612.2?"?The age of the draw?" on?is it?"?on us?"?? ................................................................. 3622.3 The limits of the methodology ............................................................................ 3632.4 Some of the unfulfilled expectations ................................................................................. 3643.?"?Create the world of tomorrow?" on..................................................................................... 366Bibliographie...................................................................................................................Annexes.........................................................................................................................1. Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... 3972. Documents relating to chapter 4 ................................................................................... 3982.1 Questionnaire sent to members of the network Planungszelle ................................ 3982.2 Estimation of the number of Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and derivatives ...................... 3992.3 Estimation of the number of conferences of citizens in France ................................ 4003. Documents relating to chapter 5 ................................................................................... 4013.1 Arrangements put in place Aix-la-Chapelle (A) ............................................................ 4013.2 Mechanism put in place in Poitou-Charentes (SC) ................................................ 4136Deutsche ZusammenfassungZusammenfassung - Abstract ............................................................................................ 429Einführung.....................................................................................................................Eine Renaissance, die Fragen aufwirft ....................................................................... 431Stand der Forschung .................................................................................................... 432Method und Aufbau der Arbeit ...................................................................................... 433Le Teil 1: Die Theory of Losverfahrens in der Politik .......................................................... 437'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of Losverfahrens ......................................................................... 439Losverfahren als Auswahlverfahren ................................................................................... 439"Wer bekommt was, wann und wie?" .......................................................................... 439Die Besonderheiten der einzelnen Auswahlverfahren ................................................. 441Der prozedurale Block ................................................................................................ 443Blackbox Losverfahren .................................................................................................... 444Der Pool der Items, der Ausgange und der Kandidatinnen .......................................... 444Das aleatorische Moment, oder Palos ......................................................................... 445Die Bestatigung ........................................................................................................... 447Das Los im Kontext: Rechtfertigung und Rezeption of Verfahrens ................................ 448Pro und kontra Kleros: die Rechtfertigung of Losverfahrens ..................................... 448Die Interpretation of Zufalligen und die Rezeption of Losverfahrens ...................... 454The Prototypen Losverfahrens ........................................................................................... 455Ubersicht der existierenden Typologien ...................................................................... 456Die Theory der Prototypen ....................................................................................... 458Vorschlag einer Typology ........................................................................................... 459'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrische ........ 465Korpus.......................................................................................................................... 465Deskriptive und erkundende Text ................................................................................. 466Befurwortende Text ....................................................................................................... 468Lotterien .................................................................................................................... 468Das Los als Instrument rationaler und fairer identifiable ...................................... 4697Posten, oder Sortition und elektives Losverfahren ....................................................... 470Ein neuer Ansatz in der politischen Philosophie? ............................................................. 472Hypothesis ..................................................................................................................... 472Methodik ..................................................................................................................... 473Ergebnisse .................................................................................................................. 474Zusammenfassung ........................................................................................................... 478'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischen ................................................ 481Die Krisen of liberalen politischen Systems ................................................................... 481Reprasentation und Partizipation in der '............................................................. 481Die Dekonstruktion der Fundamente der liberalen Demokratie .................................. 483Eine neue party spectrum comprises Ara ........................................................................................... 485Eine gerechtere Stellvertretung und eine neue Form der Reprasentation ..................... 485Gone, nicht jeder: die Partizipation durch das Losverfahren ......................................... 487Die Entpolitisierung der Gesellschaft .......................................................................... 488Eine neue Gesellschaft ohne "neue Menschen" ........................................................ 489Vielfaltigkeit und Diskrepanzen .............................................................................................. 489Die Debate um die genaue Bedeutung von Deliberation, Reprasentativitat und Kompetenz................................................................................................................................ 490Die Vielfaltigkeit der Diskurse und Instrumented ........................................................... 490Zusammenfassung ........................................................................................................... 492Le Teil 2: Aachen und Poitiers, die Theory auf dem Prüfstand ........................................ 494'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischen ........... 496Kurzer Uberblick einer Renaissance ................................................................................ 496Planungszelle und Citizens Jury als a Pioneer der Minipopuli ....................................... 4961969 - 1979: "Neue Entwicklungen fordern ein neues Instrumentarium" .................. 4971980 - 1991: zwischen begrenzter Verbreitung und Vorzeigeprojekten ....................... 4991992 - 2002: partizipativer Boom und Anerkennung ausl?ndischer Flüchtlinge international ............................ 5002002 - 2011: 'und Beginn eines neuen Zyklus ................................................... 502Begrundung der Auswahl der Planungszelle und der jury citizen .................................... 504Die Vermehrung und Verbreitung der ALLE MODELLE von Minipopuli ................................. 504Planungszelle und jury citizen als geeignete Instrumented der Forschung .................. 5078Aachen und Poitiers: Prasentation und Begrundung der empirischen Forschungsfelder ... 508Begrundung der Auswahl ............................................................................................ 508Eine neue Mullgebuhrensatzung fur die Stadt Aachen ................................................. 508Evaluierung der regionalen Klimapolitik der Poitou-Charentes Region ....................... 510'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion? ............................................................ 512Method ................................................................................................................................ 512Teilnehmende Beobachtung (A1 - A2 / P1 - P2) .................................................. 512Schriftliche Evaluierung (P2) ..................................................................................... 512Interviews (A2 - A3 - A4 / P3 - P4 - P5) ............................................................................. 513Dokumentanalyse (A5 / P6) .............................................................................................. 513Nacherhebung (A6 / P7) ............................................................................................. 513Anpassung der Erwartungen year das Forschungsfeld .................................................... 513Reprasentieren durch das Los und die Deliberation ............................................................. 514Eine Stellvertretung, die tatsachlich reprasentativer ist .................................. 514Die Reprasentation der basis in den Minipopuli ................................................. 516Eine ausreichende accountability ...................................................................................... 518Partizipieren durch das Los und die Deliberation ............................................................. 519Gone, nicht jeder: "We have a small piece of the world has our table" .......................... 520"The opinion of Mr. tout-le-monde?" .................................................................................... 521Die Minipopuli als Ort der Selbstbefahigung .............................................................. 522Die "entscheidende Wahlerin" .................................................................................... 524Der Minipopulus als neue Minigesellschaft? .................................................................... 525Die tatsachliche Macht der ausgelosten Burgerinnen ................................................. 525Die Legitimitat ............................................................................................................ 527Eine neue Gesellschaft ohne "neue Menschen" ........................................................ 529Fazit........................................................................................................................... 531'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer aleatorischen Politik .................................................................... 532Von Hagen bis Sydney, von Vancouver bis Wenling: das Potential der Minipopuli .......... 532Method .................................................................................................................... 532Ergebnisse .................................................................................................................. 533Welches institutional Design fur die Minipopuli? ............................................................ 536Schwachen und best practices .................................................................................... 536Hin zu erneuerten Qualitatsstandards ......................................................................... 5379Offener Kanal Fragen .............................................................................................................. 541Realisierungsbedingungen der aleatorischen Politik ........................................................... 541Ist der servers are restarted] Wandel wunschenswert? ...................................................................................... 541Ist der servers are restarted] Wandel erwunscht? ........................................................................................... 542Welche Agenda fur die Theory der aleatorischen Demokratie? ....................................... 544Szenarien of Wandels ............................................................................................... 544Neue theoretische und empirische Forschungsfragen ................................................. 545Fazit...........................................................................................................................10Table of illustrationsTable of illustrationsIllustration 1: The procedural block ...................................................................................................... 39Illustration 2: Divination by the spells (kleromanteia) in the presence of Athena - in this case, lithobolie or jet stones. Source: Wikimedia ..................................................................................................... 44Illustration 3: The different procedures of choice. ............................................................................ 44Illustration 4: The kleroteria machine or a pull to the fate. Photo Credit MR. Girod-Laine .......... 49Illustration 5: representativeness and weak law of large numbers, an example ...................................... 50Illustration 6: The random moment or Palos is surrounded by precautions deterministic and intentional aimed a check the procedure and whittle away the contents of the random draw. ............................................ 53Illustration 7: The goddess Fortuna. Source: Wikimedia ............................................................................................. 65Illustration 8: The types of hardware operations, summary. ........................................................ 78Illustration 9: The prototype as a result of the cross between a hardware operation of drawing and a way to justify and interpret slights ............................................................................................. 79Illustration 10: The procedure of choice as the result of a hardware operation and of an intellectual operation. ................................................................................................................................Illustration 11: Summary of prototypes. The question marks correspond to the crossovers either unlikely either for which it has not yet found a prototype. ............................................. 87Illustration 12: thematic distribution of the texts of the corpus .................................................................... 95Illustration 13: Calculation of the density of the matrix of citations. ........................................................ 96Illustration 14: Summary of proposals concerning the sortition of legislative items .......................... 113Illustration 15: Evolution of the number of annual publications. .......................................................... 115Illustration 16: cumulation of annual publications .................................................................................. 116Illustration 17: The annual number of cross-citations ......................................................................... 117Illustration 18: Cumulative cross-citations ............................................................................................... 117Illustration 19: annual share in % of written quotations and cross ................................................ 117Illustration 20: Relation between the share of writings and share of cross-citations. A negative number indicates that the number of cross-citations is proportionately greater than that of publications ....... 118Illustration 21: Rate of intercitation and annual average in % ................................................................... 118Illustration 22: Density of the matrix of citations .............................................................................. 119Illustration 23: centrality of publications ........................................................................................... 119Illustration 24: centrality of the authors ................................................................................................. 120Illustration 25: The Matthew effect: number of citations received by the authors of the matrix ................ 120Illustration 26: relative share of types of texts in the corpus ............................................................ 122Illustration 27: Dienel (dr.) and his collaborators before the models proposed by the citizens during the project on the future of the city center of Cologne - 1980 ......................................................................... 198Figure 28: Number of projects of Planungszellen in Germany. Own Calculations ......................................... 201Illustration 29: Number of Planungszellen in Germany. Own Calculations ........................................ 201Illustration 30: Estimate of the number of Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and derivatives in the world. Cal11Table of illustrationsCul propres.........................................................................................................................Illustration 31: Members of the German network of promoters. Own Calculations ....................................... 203Illustration 32: The dissemination of mini-public. ................................................................................ 215Illustration 33: The report citizen ................................................................................................... 225Illustration 34: The rehabilitation of the Burgergutachten has Aix-la-Chapelle: In the background, the participants. Before has left the mayor of Aix-la-Chapelle. Right H. Lietzmann of the FBPUW .............................. 225Illustration 35: Calculation of the tax depending on the pricing model with three examples for 2007.................................................................................................................................Illustration 36: The program of work of the Planungszellen ............................................................ 227Illustration 37: The official handover of the opinion (right to left: two participants, the chairman of the regional council, the vice-president in charge of the environment and the vice-president in charge of democracy). ................................................................................................................................Illustration 38: The program of work of the jury of citizens of Poitou-Charentes .................................. 231Illustration 39: Place of residence of the persons interviewed in Poitou-Charentes .............................. 239Illustration 40: geographical origin of participants has Aix-la-Chapelle .......................................... 241Illustration 41: geographical origin of participants in Poitou-Charentes ...................................... 242Illustration 42: population structure of participants has Aix-la-Chapelle ..................................... 243Illustration 43: population structure of participants in Poitou-Charentes ................................. 243Illustration 44: distribution by gender of the participants has Aix-la-Chapelle. ........................................ 243Figure 45: distribution by gender of the participants in Poitou-Charentes ....................................... 244Illustration 46: occupational distribution of participants in Poitou-Charentes ....................... 244Illustration 47: feeling of participants on their representativeness. ................................................. 245Illustration 48: presumed Interests and/or defended by the actors has Aix-la-Chapelle ............................ 249Illustration 49: presumed Interests and/or defended by the actors in Poitou-Charentes ....................... 250Illustration 50: the citizens at work has Aix-la-Chapelle ................................................................. 253Illustration 51: evaluation Questionnaire of the jury citizen picto-charentais ...................................... 255Illustration 52: Title for a plan of action has Aix-la-Chapelle:?"?that sorts, benefited!??............................... 258Illustration 53: a proposal which exceeds the mandate is the favorite of the participants (in down on the sheet rajoutee).......................................................................................................................Illustration 54: Example of questionnaire for the work in a small group. ......................................... 266Illustration 55: a participant has Poitiers, working on?"?the climate crisis?" on. ............................ 276Illustration 56: Activity socio-political participants .................................................................... 286Illustration 57: Aix-la-Chapelle. The recommendations of the citizens and their implementation ................ 291Illustration 58: Associations between drawing, vote and a series of concept ................................................ 302Figure 59: Summary of the results of the empirical study ........................................................... 311Illustration 60: Corpus of empirical studies of mini-publics .............................................................. 315Illustration 61: Criteria of qualities for the mini-publics .................................................................. 329Illustration 62: Prototypes of procedures of choice. .......................................................................... 358Figure 63: Estimated number of Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and derivatives. Detail by country.?12Table of illustrationsCalculations propres.........................................................................................................................Illustration 64: French Experiences of conferences of citizens. Estimate the 04.01.10 . 400 .............Abbildung 65: Die Unterschiede zwischen den Auswahlverfahren. ................................................... 443Abbildung 66: Der prozedurale Block ....................................................................................................................... 444Abbildung 67: Fortuna. What: Wikimedia ....................................................................................... 454Abbildung 68: Die Prototypen of Losverfahrens. Fragezeichen bedeuten, dass kein passender Prototyp wurde........................................................................................................................... stations are included inAbbildung 69: Verteilung der Text der : inleidende studie ........................................................................................ 466Abbildung 70: Deskriptive Text - Zusammenfassung ....................................................................... 468Abbildung 71: Ubersicht der Vorschlage fur die Sortition der legislativen Posten ............................... 472Abbildung 72: Can be sampled again der Publikationen pro Jahr ............................................................................ 474Abbildung 73: Can be sampled again der Publikationen insgesamt .......................................................................... 475Abbildung 74: Can be sampled again der Publikationen, thematisch geordnet ............................................................ 475Abbildung 75: Dichte der Zitationsmatrix ............................................................................................. 476Abbildung 76: Zahl der wechselweisen Zitationen pro Jahr ................................................................... 476Abbildung 77: Zahl der Zitationen wechselweisen insgesamt ............................................................. 476Abbildung 78: Rate der wechselweisen Zitationen in Prozent ............................................................. 477Abbildung 79: Zentralitat der Veroffentlichungen ............................................................................. 477Abbildung 80: Zentralitat der Autorinnen ............................................................................................. 477Abbildung 81: Can be sampled again der Planungszellen in Deutschland. PROGRAMNAME Berechnung .................................. 500Abbildung 82: Can be sampled again der Planungszellen-Projekte in Deutschland. PROGRAMNAME Berechnung .................... 501Abbildung 83: Can be sampled again der Planungszellen, Citizens Juries und Ableitungen you can look up SAES. Schatzung.. 501Abbildung 84: Die Arbeit in der Planungszelle ................................................................................... 509Abbildung 85: Geographische Verteilung der Teilnehmenden in Poitou-Charentes .............................. 515Abbildung 86: Altersstruktur der Teilnehmenden in Aachen .............................................................. 515Abbildung 87: Altersstruktur der Teilnehmenden in Poitou-Charentes . ............................................. 515Abbildung 88: Berufssoziologisches Profile der franzosischen Teilnehmenden ..................................... 516Abbildung 89: Gefuhlte Reprasentativitat der Teilnehmenden. ............................................................ 516Abbildung 90: Vertretene / angenommene Basis der Akteure in Aachen ...................................... 517Abbildung 91: Vertretene / angenommene Basis der Akteure in Poitou-Charentes ....................... 517Abbildung 92: Commitment der Teilnehmenden ................................................................................ 525Abbildung 93: Die Ubergabe of Burgergutachtens in Poitiers. Von Links nach Rechts: Die Vize-Prasidentin as Demokratie, die Vize-Prasidentin fur Umweltfragen, die Prasidentin, und zwei Teilnehmerinnen .................................................................................................................................................. 528Abbildung 94: Korpus der Falle , und' rules on advertising by fur die Kontextualisierung ....................................... 533Abbildung 95: Zusammenfassung der Qualitatskriterien fur die Minipopuli ....................................... 540Abbildung 96: Prototypen von Auswahlverfahren. ........................................................................... 54913KindKindMake a co-guardianship has collateral effects interesting. I had written my memory of end of studies entirely in the masculine, by setting aside the question of the kind by a short preliminary remark and was referring to citizens. My studies and my research in Germany have taught me has use the form double, that of?BurgerInnen. By returning to France for my memory of master i was using then in French the form citizens-born, more consistent but widely more complex has employ due to the agreement of adjectives in French. In the articles published since I have been in the habit - what a coincidence - to solve the problem by a drawing of lots. For the thesis, the workpiece has turned once again, and it is finally the male who is out. The German text is written with the female form.?15SummarySummaryThe thesis takes as field of investigation a corpus of texts in which are located the proposals for introduction of the draw in politics and poses the question of their consistency and of their relevance: the publications do they form a whole that could be described as?"?theory of democracy?" on random?? If yes, the expectations formulated by its proponents vis-a-vis the practice are utopian or, on the contrary, are they carried out in experiments using the draw of participants, such as the?"?mini-public?" on?? The quantitative and qualitative analysis of the corpus leads to the conclusion that was well case was the emergence of a theory which is built around a frame was debate collective and common set of expectations: the draw would be the solution to the crises damning the liberal democracies. Its use would achieve a better formal representation and substantial, a participation qualitatively and quantitatively increased, and reorganize the democracy on a new legitimacy, more procedural and dynamic. The thesis then answered the second question in passing the theory to the test bench of the practice of a?Planungszelle?and a jury of citizens, two models of mini-public in which citizens are recruited by drawing in order to develop recommendations for public policy. The empirical survey qualitative allows you to move forward that most of the expectations are fulfilled, but in a framework has limited scope, which raises the dual question of conditions of realization of the theory and of the possibilities of improving systems for mini-public through a new institutional engineering.Keywords: prize draw, sortition, democracy theory random, mini-public, deliberative democracy, participatory democracy,?Planungszelle,?Citizens Jury, jury of citizens.17AbstractThe field of investigation of this thesis is a corpus of texts containing proposals for the introduction of random selection schemes in politics. The thesis questions the relevance and coherence of argument texts: do the publications form a theoretical whole that could be equivalent labelled as a "theory of aleatory democracy"? If so, do the expectations raised by its supporters remain merely utopian gold do they stand the test of the political practice? The quantitative and qualitative analysis of the text corpus leads to the conclusion that we are in fact dealing with the emergence of a theory and that tea we provide assay services authors develop a common frame was debate and common expectations: the use of random selection in politics could be a solution to overcome the crises of liberal democracies. Its use would allow a better formal and substantiel representation, has qualitatively and quantitatively anacronym participation, and give birth to a new, more procedural and dynamic form of legitimacy. Thesis expectations are then tested with the help of two mini-public, that is to say, experiments in participatory democracy that use random selection to recruit their participants: has?Planungszelle?and a Citizens' Jury. The qualitative empirical investigation shows that most of the expectations are Yorkers, although only in a limited geographical, social and political frame. Thesis results raise the double issue of the conditions for the realization of the theory and of the possible improvement of the mini-public mechanisms through institutional engineering.Keywords: random selection, sortition, theory of aleatory democracy, mini-public, deliberative democracy, participatory democracy,?Planungszelle, Citizens Jury,?jury of citizens.ForewordForewordThis is in May 2001, either there are more than ten years that I have been for the first time faced in the prize draw in politics, when going from one room of course has the other i fell on a poster announcing a conference of?"?Roger Sizif??, at the center of which was the following text:Stochocratie, n.c. Polit. : System in which parliamentarians and rulers are designated by the drawing of lots. This system, invented in France at the end of the twentieth century, was gradually adopted by the western countries as a whole, the fact of its excellence and its effectiveness. Syn. Democracy-loto, lotocratie.???Extract from the?universal Dictionary of the twenty-first century.The idea attracts me immediately and i decided to go see this conference. Unfortunately, it was already passed since a week. The subject, him, continua has me work ; a tel point elsewhere that i decided to make it the theme of my memory of end of study two years later, pompously entitled?"?The democratic stochocratie: proposal to resolve the crises of liberal democracy and achieve has a regime truly democratic?" on. The latter - headed by Claire Conte and?"?Roger of Sizif???itself - ended by the next call:?"?Stochocrates of all countries let us all unite! Let the revolution stochocratique!??This impassioned appeal had in fact nothing new and, without knowing it, I was only reinvent as others before and after me a frame was debate that I have finished by define in this thesis as?"?theory of democracy random??. Numbers of academics but also citizens have in effect, based on the ancient democracy or the republics venetian and florentine, handed over in debate to the question of election as monopolistic tool of choice of representatives and have proposed to reintroduce the draw in the methodological arsenal of the democratic party. On arriving in Germany the following year, I put in head to begin a thesis on what i much managerial astuteness in the meantime the?"?neodemocratie?"?and which was to be the continuation of the work of memory. Two major elements have yet given a tower entirely new has this project. First, I began to discover the works such as those of John Burnheim and Barbara Goodwin, who opened a world undreamt of research and reflections on the draw in politics. The?"?stochocrates???existed, under the name of?kleroterions, a mailing list by electronic mail bringing together a?21ForewordSmall number of interested and founded by off remarks": Conall Boyle in 2004. And each year brought her batch of new texts supporters and exploratory which were worth the trouble to be approaches under a systematic angle. Secondly, I realized by a happy coincidence that existed in Germany for more than thirty years a model of democracy in which the selection of participants was done by lot: the?Planungszelle. Once again, opened a field full of research and experiments which, beyond the?"?planning cell?" on, comprised a series of process gathered today under the term of?"?mini-public?" on. I'd come in contact with the network of promoters of the German model and learned to know the practice of?Planungszellen. The confrontation of these two worlds made me appear with great fanfare that they were very little related. The cross search between the theoretical and empirical approaches were rare; but above all, the question of the consistency and relevance of the theory of the draw on the ground was not asked even when the experiments suitable for the test were booming: my thesis subject was born.Today, the mailing list has been thought, the research on participatory democracy have flourished, those on the printout are exponentially developed and approaches crossing theory and practice of the draw are proliferating. For my part I have learned to take a critical position vis-a-vis the drawing tool. The enthusiasm of departure is still present, but if I consider the?kleros?as a valid instrument in the palette of democratic procedures, it does seem to me for a long time more as the miracle solution to the challenges of democracy of the twenty-first century. This is the great contribution that has given me this research work.***The whole of the work would not have been made possible without the support of my two research directors, Gerhard Gohler of 2004 and Gil Delannoi from 2005 onwards. Their critical remarks have enabled me to make progress in the definition of my object of research, in my methods, in my reflection on the draw and in the learning of the scientific method. In this context, I would also like to thank Danielle Cabanis' dream which allowed me to follow a master opening the doors of the enrollment in thesis in France.I had not originally planned to carry out an empirical study, but the meeting of actors of land in France and in Germany has prompted me to do this not. In Germany, Susanne Buy link22ForewordBerg, Marc Schulz and Hans Lietzman i was greatly helped and supported in the monitoring and study of?Planungszellen?of Aix-la-Chapelle. Marion Ben-Hammo , Sophie Bouchet-Petersen , the team of public tasks as well as Yves Sintomer, I have launched and then accompanied on the runway of the jury picto-charentais and on the roads in the area during my interviews. It is the occasion to thank all the participants to the two experiences with which I have been able to exchange during the sessions and which I have for many of them and greeted them for talks and se are submitted in good grace in the inquiry in writing then.The family Dienel, Hans-Liudger Dienel in particular, has offered me the unique opportunity to be able to work in the bottom of Peter Dienel has Elstal. This work of literature review and cataloguing, albeit that imposing by the quantity of material (120 cartons of moves) has helped me to understand the history of the emergence and dissemination of mini-public by the prism of one of the major players in their development. The seminar of Elstal has made this research possible in welcoming the bottom and me putting its material means a provision.The?Kleroterions?have played a central role in the evolution of my research, they should be thanked here, any specially Connall Boyle who helped me in a lot of translations into English, but also Barbara Goodwin, Oliver Dowlen, Peter Stone and Hubertus Buchstein. My interest for the?Planungszelle?was first awakened by Peter Dienel, optimistic drinker that I had the chance to know. During our first meeting, he asked me if I wanted to translate his book of 1978 in French to publicize better the?Planungszelle?in France. The project has not yet been completed, but the work done on the manuscript did much to advance my knowledge on the model and its employment. The group of promoters of the?Planungszelle?has also been a fruitful forum of exchange, i think including a Hilmar Sturm, Benno trutken and Ilse Burgass. On the other side of the Atlantic, my thanks go to Ned Crosby with which I have been able to exchange in long e-mails on the emergence and development of?Citizens Juries.Beyond these exchanges, work has fed countless discussions between friends on the draw and democracy and valuable corrections, critical remarks and readings working versions of the thesis. For its support day after day and for more than three years I want especially to thank Sara Iglesias. For their presence despite the distance, my parents and my family. Maximilian Girod-Laine , Chi-Huy Tran, Marius Haber23ForewordLand, Nicolas Schaeffer, Karen Schierhorn, Lisa Carstensen and Anna Langenbruch who have read and reread my text in French and patiently corrected my german up until the last day.If the scientific work feeds on discussions, the scientist must him to eat, just short. That is why I again thank my parents for their financial support, the orna (Interdisciplinary Center for Study and Research on Germany) for his scholarship of short duration, the Heinrich-Boll foundation who granted me a research grant of three years as well as the Region of Ile-de-France through its device SETCI (Support has the framework of thesis in International Doctoral) which have helped to carry out the project.?24IntroductionA renaissanceWe observed since a quarantine of years the publication of texts of more and more many dealing with the prize draw as a method of selection and distribution. A part of the studies is of a historical nature and traces the jobs gone from what the Ancient Greeks were appointing?kleros, the venetians of the?brevia renaissance?and the Spaniards from the time of the Reconquista?, insaculacion. Another group of texts is interested in drawing in more exploratory and seeks to understand the logic, the nature and the compares to other selection procedures such as the elective vote or the market. In a last set of publications, the authors of the texts take a position more committed and are supporters or even activists of the circulation: they propose to introduce, or rather to reintroduce, the draw policy to distribute goods rare, important political positions, or even to take decisions1.This development represents a sort of?"?renaissance?". The draw, after a long eclipse in practice stretching of the liberal revolutions of the 17th century until the end of 1960 becomes little has little a center of interest of the academic research. What is equally exciting is that publications which it is question here are very close to each other in their construction was debate and their corpus of examples and historical references, but have - until very recently - developed in a manner largely independent of each other. The authors cite very few conversely and do not seem to consider - and be considered - as a coherent whole, as part of a common corpus. It is this paradox that emerged from the first issue of the thesis:?the multiplication of research and publications on the draw does it mean that emerges from a theory of the prize draw in politics, consisting of a common foundation of references, of anything economically exploitable frames shared and similar expectations vis-a-vis the political practice?1The term policy will be taken here in a broad sense including both the distribution of scarce resources that the process of collective decision-making has mandatory character.IntroductionIn addition, in the political practice, the drawing seems to have been reborn from its ashes. Since the end of the second world war, it has been, and is still used, to distribute goods rare such that of organs, to select of conscripts, to distribute permissions to stay, social housing or admissions to the university. He has also been a new employee to select of the citizens in order to occupy political posts in the framework of models that were grouped today under the designation of?"?mini-public?" on. However, and this is still an interesting paradox, the renaissance of the practice that observed for forty years is long performed very independently of the theory. When Peter Dienel shall meet in 1973 for the first time, a group of 25 citizens learned the fate on the registers of inhabitants of the town of Schwelm business unit in order to discuss the garbage, he does not know that Robert Dahl had proposed three years earlier, in a book published in the United States, the creation of a deliberative assembly pulled to the fate. And this same Dahl does not mention in 1987, when he reformulated more precisely its proposal by qualifying it as a?"?mini-populus???that the?Planungszelle?of Dienel has already been used a hundred times in Germany. And yet in both cases, it is a matter of combining of citizens by the drawing of lots to deliberate on the policy and make recommendations. It was the intuition that the reasons are relatives, that the expectations and motivations of the practice from sticking to those developed in the theory. It is from this observation that is born the second research question of the present work: the?mini-public could they be a privileged terrain to test the theory of the prize draw in politics, if there is such a theory exists?Research QuestionBy putting in parallel the two questions that I have just been present, it is in a position to formulate the overall question of the thesis:?the proposals of the reintroduction of the draw in politics which has been increasing for a quarantine of years are they only of modern utopias or do they have a real potential for the future of the liberal democracies? And do they get the test bench of the practice??It is as well to put in the center of the work the whole discursive constituted by the proposals pro-drawing in order to test their consistency and their relevance in the context of actual models of participation based on the draw.26IntroductionState of researchTo this day, two publications only seem to have qualified the texts on the draw of coherent body. The first is an article by John Snider (2007) who called?Yale School of Democratic Reform?a group of sponsors around Dahl (1970) including for example Fishkin (1995) and O'Leary (2006). According to Snider, the main idea of this school of thought is that?"?a large, randomly selected sample of American voters could be brought together to deliberate in such a way that some of the most intractable problems of America's representative democracy could be solved?"?(Snider 2007, 3). Article of Snider is particularly interesting because it highlights very well before the frame was debate presented in a large part of texts supporters regarding the draw of representatives. He did not know however that the majority of the proposals are not derived from academic north-Americans and that the distribution of posts is not the only area of reflection of the supporters of the draw. These dimensions are however taken into account by the second publication, that of Buchstein (2009a) which qualified the whole text of?aleatorische Demokratietheorie?- theory of democracy random - and which he defines as?"?normative ein Projekt mit dem Ziel, die Rationalitatspotentiale of Zufallsprinzips as modern Demokratien nutzbar zu machen?"?(Buchstein 2009a, 343). The approach of Buchstein, more broad and comprehensive terms, represents a solid basis for the purpose of answering the first research question, the one concerning the emergence of a theory of the prize draw in politics, but should be supplemented and deepened by a more systematic approach given that his approach is not quantitative and thus ignores a part of publications.The question of the relevance of the mini-public as a tool for testing the proposals of random democracy was for the first time dealt with by Carson & Martin (1999) which, starting from the proposal of?"?demarchie???formulated by Burnheim (1985) mobilizing then their experience of facilitators of mini-public (Citizens' Juries) in the aim to prove the merits of the theoretical construction. The comparable publications post resume the same schema in starting the more often in the history of the drawing before to be interested in the mini-public who are regarded as being the contemporary application the most promising of the principle of the prize draw. This is for example the case of Schmidt (2001) or Sintomer (2007). Other publications are opting for a reverse pattern and begin by dealing with the mini-public as an instrument of participatory democracy and deliberative before formulating a?27IntroductionTheoretical proposal more ambitious (Gastil 2000 ; Ackermann & Fishkin 2004). Considered in their entirety, these publications reinforce the intuition that the mini-public could be a suitable field test. But they earn has be supplemented because most take as input door the theory of deliberative democracy and leave to one side of the central concerns expressed in the theoretical propositions of the theory of democracy random, what we will see in detail in the work.Finally, the overall question of the potential of the prize draw in the liberal democracies has been recently addressed by the books of Dowlen (2008a) or Stone (2011) and more generally by all the sponsors supporters of the draw but has not yet received a response based on an empirical study. That is why it is the center of interest of this research work.Approach and MethodologyThe crossover approach the political theory and political science empirical in order to test the theoretical expectations grace has the qualitative study of two models with recourse to the prize draw. From a methodological point of view we decided to alternate between an inductive approach and deductive method: the process of research has thus begins with the census and the reading of the theoretical propositions, continued with two field studies conducted of inductive manner, before building the theory in student quantitatively and qualitatively the corpus of theoretical texts and then analyze the empirical material in view of the expectations and assumptions contained in the theory. Finally, a subsequent investigation has enabled us to complete the empirical study of deductive. More specifically, the thesis mobilized four methodological tools corresponding to the successive questions of the work.The first chapter of the thesis takes the form of a typological work inspired by the linguistic theory of prototypes (Rosch 1973 ; 1978), defined as?"?a medium form, characterized by the attributes the more typical???(Girard 2006, 296) in order to propose a classification dynamic and flexible forms of draw on the basis of the existing typologies, as they are intrinsic (Sher 1980; Goodwin 2005), procedural (Bromberger & Ravis 1987; Elster 1987), functional (Buchstein 2009a) or combined (Delannoi 2010 ; Sintomer 2007). This work will provide the analytical basis for entering, to order and to put in relationship the forms of drawing that we will meet in the course of the work as a whole.?28IntroductionThe second methodological tool mobilized in the thesis, and which constitutes the object second chapter, is the scientometrie, that is to say the?"?measure of scientific activity in a particular area?"?(Gingras 2008, 3). It will be the basis of the quantitative study to answer the question of the existence of a coherent body of texts dealing with the draw. This analysis, corresponding to the second chapter, will be in two distinct steps. We will begin by identifying inductive manner all of the texts having to main subject the draw in order to build a database of 318 texts which, once cleaned of duplicates (multiple publications of the same book or translations), of gray literature (manuscripts) as well as of the earlier texts has 1945 will constitute a corpus of 205 texts. These will be then submitted has a bibliometric study systematic (Havemann 2009) which will confirm, from a quantitative point of view, the assumption of the existence of a theory of democracy random.We can then, in the third chapter, to apprehend in qualitative as the corpus of texts and we will restrict to do this the examination to the proposals concerning the drawing of political posts because they are the most numerous and that they present the spectrum of arguments and expectations the more broad. The study will see that the speech of the sponsors supporters of the drawing may be densified in the form of theory which we will detail the presuppositions, the frame was debate and hopes vis-a-vis the practice.This theory of democracy random may then be passed to the test bench of the practice through an empirical study which will constitute the second part of the thesis and will begin logically by the identification of a suitable land in the fourth chapter. We will blaze has this effect the field of jobs contemporaries of the drawing before to focus on the uses of type mini-public in due first to the affinity between theory of democracy and random mini-public that we will put in before. This choice also based on the fact that the majority of the proposals concern of deliberative posts and on the observation that the distribution of posts is a phenomenon which has truly undergone a renaissance since the end of the second world war, while most of the other practices have existed without interruption since longer. Finally, the mini-public are complex constructions which allow you to test a wide range of theoretical expectations. The choice of specific models and areas of research in the category of mini-public will be successfully carried out by the detour of a study of dissemination of social innovations inspired?29IntroductionThe approach of Rogers (2003), based on the results of the archive, and the indexation of the substance Peter Dienel constitutes of documents on the?Planungszelle?but also on all the variations of mini-public because of the centrality of this researcher in the field. We will choose then informed the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens as test patterns. The first for its pioneering nature, standardized, history and because it remains the most employee has this day and the second for its youth, its aspect strongly hybrid, its character of first in France (policy evaluation) and its anchor in a political context and different discursive (including its greater proximity with the theory of democracy random). Finally, attention will be given to the two lands forming the base of the empirical study.Chapter five will be devoted to the project of?Planungszelle?"?eine neue Abfallgebuhrensatzung as Aachen??2 achieved in 2007 has Aix-la-Chapelle and the jury citizen?"?assessment of regional action in the fight against climate change?"?organised by the regional council of Poitou-Charentes in 2008. The empirical study will be based on the counting of a qualitative survey comprising two participating observations carried out in November 2007 and June 2008, a series of 57 semi-structured interviews carried out with all the players present (participants, organizers, facilitators, politicians, administrative), two questionnaires (the first during the sequence of mini-public and the second respectively three years and two and a half years after) as well as a study of media impact and that an analysis of texts produced during the two projects (steering committees, record of sessions,?Burgergutachten, opinion citizen, administrative documents and policies). The exploitation of the results of the survey will enable us to judge the achievement of the expectations of the theory within the limited framework of the two experiments.In a last chapter, it will be to contextualise the empirical research by means of a comparative study by passing a twenties of experiences of mini-public similar to those of Aix-la-Chapelle and of Poitiers in the sieve of the grid of reading of chapter five. The result of this study will allow the formulation of recommendations for institutional engineering concerning the mini-public. We then continue the contextualization at the theoretical level by posing this time the question of conditions of realization of the theory of democracy random within liberal democracies before concluding on a possible research agenda in this area.2"?A new system of pricing of household garbage for Aix-la-Chapelle?" on.30Part 1: The theory of the prize draw in politics(Kleros)"?I would propose the creation of what might be called a mini-populus. Its members would be a group of randomly selected citizens, who would serve for a limited period: let us say a thousand citizens serving for a year, when they would be replaced with a new mini-populus. More than one mini-populus would be desirable. One might decide on the agenda of issues, while several others might each pesticidal concerned with one of the major issues. A mini-populus could exist at any level of government, national, regional, or local. ... During their year members would be attended, again by means of telecommunications, by an advisory committee of scholars, and has staff monitored by the advisory committee. At the end of its year, has mini-populus would indicate the preference ordering of its members among the most under alternatives in the policy area assigned to it. A mini-populus would not be a lawmaking body, however, goal would director-generalor what the public would prefer pesticidal if the public were as well informed as their fellow citizens in the mini-populus had become during their period of service. If decision makers were to disagree with a mini-populus, they would need to explain the reasons for their disagreement.??Dahl (1987, 205-206).Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawThe concept of drawing lots seems at first sight intuitive because it is known to all of us and used in everyday life. As well, during a loto, of a jury or judicial before a football match, lots are drawn. However, quote these three examples is sufficient to sow doubt: we realize that it is in fact a procedure that takes the faces greatly different to the consequences extremely varied. Understand the draw need therefore to be interested has its multiple uses, has what the differential treatment, the closer, allows you to compare, define. To enter the nature simple and yet complex of the draw we will choose a modular approach and we will begin by defining it as a procedure of choice based on the use artificial and controlled of the random (1.1 and 1.2 ). We will then forward its specificity in relation to other types of procedures (1.3 and 1.4 ) This will open the?"?black box?"?of the process to clarify the operation?"?physical?" on, hardware drawing (2). We focus then has the intellectual environment that surrounds any concrete use of draw (3). To finish, we will be discussing the possibility of formulating a typology (4) based on the work already achieved (4.1 ) and propose the formulation of?"?prototype?" on?drawing (4.2 ).Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw1. The drawing within the procedures of choice1.1 "Who gets what, when and how? ""?But we will try now to deal with a background of the establishment of the judiciaries. The differences may relate only to three terms various whose combinations should give all possible modes of organization. These three terms are: first the voters, in the second place the eligible, finally the mode of appointment.?" On?Aristotle (Politics, book IV, chapter 12).During the democratic era of the ancient Athenian, the 500 advisers of the trackball??were chosen according to a procedure which we today is well known: its members (the?boulotai?or bouleutes) were drawn out each year from among all the citizens of the city, older than 30 years, through shelves of bronze coins minted in their name1. Suite has this draw the citizens chosen spent the?dokimasia?(docimasie), a procedure during which the potential bouleutes should respond has a series of questions before the outgoing Council regarding their family, their ambitions but also any question that the Council saw fit to ask. The end of the docimasie consisted in a vote has freehand on the approval or rejection of the candidate. If one thinks in terms of procedure, such a conduct raises at least four questions in echo has those posed by Aristotle: what is distributed / allocated? How, that is-a-say between which, by whom and on what terms? Why? And with what consequences? To answer, you have to be interested in the concept of procedure of choice which is - according to the formula remained famous - the same definition of the policy as activity of distribution of limited resources, also called items. In short, "??who gets what, when, and how?"?(Lasswell 1935). The items shall take three forms: that of batches, that of posts and that of decisions,2. Even prior to detail these three alternatives, it is necessary to clarify what is meant by?"?limited resources?" on. In effect, in a theoretical framework or the resources are endless and completely equal, the problem of the distribution does not arise real1See(Blackwell 2003 ; Hansen 1999 ; Headlam 1891). The example of the ball will serve as a wireless operator to the developments in this chapter.2Elster (1987, 108) speaks of decisions, of resources, of stains and loads. The last two words seem to refer to the same object, a post office, but interpreted in a neutral manner in the first case and negative in the second. See infra, p. 37.361. The drawing within the procedures of choiceFaithfully. In contrast, when the items are different and/or are not infinite (or divisible has the infinite) and/or that it is important to know that the will in the first, it is located in the presence of limited resources (Goodwin 2005, 59).The group of batches is divided classically between batches hardware (a computer) and intangible (a right of entry has a computer fair). The group of posts is an area much more vast but that the you can enter in a functionalist perspective as a set of tasks to be accomplished. We can divide between political posts (concerning therefore mainly the distribution of limited resources) and non-political. The posts not policies represent the vast majority of this category and correspond to the jobs (jobs). The theory is granted has distinguish 6 groups of functions in the political posts. The statutory items (1) whose proponents have to stain to formulate and adopt the whole of the laws governing a political body. When it comes to the law supreme, there is talk of posts of the constituent power (2). The executive posts (3) whose purpose is for the persons exercising to implement the laws. The judicial positions (4) whose proponents have to function to check the adequacy of laws has the law supreme (constitutional judge) and punish non compliance with the laws in force (judicial court). The advisory positions (5) which the holders have to role of help by the discussion and deliberation the proponents of the other functions in their work, without having them-even a power of decision. The elective posts (6) which allocate has their holders the function to carry out a procedure of choice concerning another node3 authority. The group of decisions returns as he was the concept of adoption of an alternative that is-a-say of a course of action plan4. Lots, positions and decisions are therefore the three types of items that can be subjected to a procedure of choice. We will talk about in the first two cases of distribution and decision-making in the third.As will be seen later in detail, but it is not useless to clarify now, that the name given to the items varies according to the interpretation positive, negative or neutral only in font the actors in the presence during the distribution. When it comes to the distribution of the lots, there will be talk of?"?goods?"?or?"?evils?"?; with regard to posts we will be talking of honors or of loads. The decisions may sometimes receive the qualifier of?"?tragic?"?(Calabresi & Bobbit 1978) or?"?difficult?"?( Ullman-Margalit 2007). Finally, an item may be divisible or not and indi3ThePosts giving the function to distribute the lots would be of an executive nature (administrative).4And to know if we will go to the left or right at the next junction, we can draw a stack or face or watch the signs. In the first case the decision is made by a drawing and in the second by an examination.37Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawIndividual or collective. If the second case includes by itself - there is a fundamental difference between individual decisions and collective decisions or private lots and lots collective - the divisibility called a note. People advance in effect often that a well divisible is not a problem of distribution, because that it is enough to divide it into as many parts as there are pretenders. This assertion is valid but neglected that we might want to give more has some that has other or that it may be important to know who will be the item first.These elements allow you to answer the question of?"?what?" on, concerning the procedure for the selection of bouleutes: it was a post, consultative and individual. The consultative nature coming from the fact that the Council had for role to prepare the proposals of law which were then submitted to the people's assembly (Bleicken 1995).1.2Selection Procedures and procedural blocksRepeating now the complete process, one can be interested in the second question related to the activity of distribution of limited resources, that of the?"?how???. The literature is granted has define a procedure of choice or selection, also called allocation procedure (Buchstein 2009a) as a process of reduction of a set of items has a single item, "??moving from many options to just one?"5. Elster offers a definition based on two successive filters: the first allows you to limit the number of possible items to that of plausible items and the second to reduce has a these derniers6. By applying these definitions, the distribution of posts of bouleutes comprised three distinct stages and successive reduction to arrive at the final set: the drawing of the names of potential bouleutes on the lists of citizens, a docimasie conducted by the outgoing council and a vote has freehand for rejection or acceptance. This distinction is however problematic given that it is located face has three different procedures within the same in a larger process, which opens the door has a regression has infinity (spiral without end) concerning the beginning and the end of the procedure5Ullmann-Margalit & Morgenbesser (1977). This definition also applies when one chooses several items of the set if it is considered that the choices are successive (the first bouleute, the second, etc). See also Stone (2007b) and Thiele (2008).6Elster (1984, 76):?"?To explain why a person in a given situation behaves in one way rather than another, we can see his action as the result of two successive filtering processes. The first has the effect of limiting the set of abstractly possible actions to the feasible set, i.e. the set of actions that simultaneously satisfy a number of physical, technical, economic and politico-legal constraints. The second has the effect of singling out one member of the feasible set as the action which is to be carried out.???We will come back on this process in 2.1 and 2.2 , p. 45 and following).381. The drawing within the procedures of choiceLasts: who establishes the lists of citizens? According to what procedures? Who decides on the criteria for the review and by what procedure? How this vote has freehand? With what majority rule? As the note Dowlen (2008a, 219), the draw has been - from a historical point of view - used most of the time in combination with other procedures and it must take into account this context. In fact it seems necessary to differentiate between two levels - that of the procedure and that of the procedure within the procedure - what we propose to do in introducing the concept of procedural block which corresponds to a logical articulation of one or several procedural steps7 and that we can illustrate using the example of the bouleutes:Step concreteVerification of the nationality and ageDraw in the medium of bronze plaquesDocimasieVote has hand liftedProceduresReview on political criteria and biologicalPrize DrawConsideration on the basis of a maintenanceVoteProcedural BlockSelection of bouleutesIllustration 1: The procedural block.Two additional examples should help to clarify this idea. During the years 60, the United States government was distributing plots of land that can contain the oil through a draw against the purchase of a ticket at a fixed price. The winners of the plots had the right to resell them at the end of a year (Haspel 1985). In this block we sees a draw procedure surrounded by two market procedures. Another good example is the procedure for the selection of jurors in France which begins with a review (nationality, age), continues through the drawing and ends by a review (capacity, empechements). The advantage of the concept is that it allows you to cut out the actual procedures in order to analyze, without losing sight of that they fit together in the reality.The use of such a tool requires however the census of the different types of procedures that can articulate in a block. The literature regarding the types of procedure of choice is, as the note Buchstein (2009a, 232), relatively diffuse. Itself distinguishes seven methods: the vote, the drawing, the cooptation, the auction, the strict rotation, the temporality and the monopolized distribution (distribution on the basis of benefits, of abilities or7Elster ( 1987,108 ) speaks of?"?higher-order decision?"?but its concept focuses on the fact of knowing which decides to use the draw and under what procedure. It does not take into account the procedural sets real, nor does it include the steps subsequent to the decision.39Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawNeeds). Elster as has offered him a division between drawing, egalitarian distribution, allocation according to the needs, productivity or contributions, market procedures, queue, rotation and statut8. Kornhauser & Sager (1988) distinguish four types: the vote, the tender (on the merit or need), the market and the tirage9. Saunders (2008, 361) distinguishes between selection, draw and auction. The intersection of these four lists and consolidation of their common categories allows you to propose a typology centered around four procedures. The first - that we have already discussed in the example of bouleutes - is the vote, that the Greeks were appointing?psephos?(Delannoi 2003). The vote has been widely studied and explored in its procedural aspects, but also historical, mathematical, social and cultural rights.10 however. This is the standard procedure of selection of the representatives in the liberal democracies and we will see that it is strongly linked to the draw procedure in some frameworks/contexts. The second procedure corresponds to what Buchstein calls the auction and Elster the market and that the Greeks were appointing?agora.?This type was not present in the choice of the bouleutes but is often central during distribution process. A procedure of market based on the allocation through the meeting of an offer and a request, all expressed in the form of prices. Market procedures have been and are still the subject of much research and controversy that it is not for us here to detail. The third type of procedure is the consideration or the?dokimasia11. A review is a procedure during which the candidates are judges on a list of criteria that they must fulfill in order to be chosen. This type covers categories co-optation, strict rotation, temporality and monopolized distribution developed by Buchstein and the egalitarian distribution, the allocation according to the needs, of the productivity or of contributions as well as the queue, the rotation and the statute described by Elster. This broad coalition is understandable if one considers that all of these categories are in fact of the criteria for a review procedure. As well, we may have a review which the criterion is the merit, or the fact of being come first (queue at8Elster(1987, 128) does not consider its list as complete and is only concerned with the first four.9Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 483) :?"?In Western, industrial societies thesis procedures fall into three somewhat crudely drawn categories. Two of these are common and carry with them familiar justifications from political philosophy. Adjudicatory mechanism measure claims for benefits or for relief from burdens against standards of social value gold entitlement ... Markets permit persons to trade toward benefits gold away from burdens ... The third category of allocative device is neither common nor easy to locate on the map of political philosophy. Lotteries are distinguished most prominently by the fact that they eschew "rather than embrace identifiable elements of personal desert gold social value; lotteries are driven by chance, not reason?" on.10It is impossible to do here is an overview of the literature concerning the vote as it is vast.11Dowlen (2008a) speaks of?screening, Delannoi (2003, 2) of appointment and Molino ( 1987,144 ) review.401. The drawing within the procedures of choiceAttempts) or even the fact of not yet having had the item (rotation or strict rotation). The fourth type of procedure is the one that we are most interested: it is the pulling or?kleros. As we shall see later, it is based on the principle of the random, i.e. on a moment of indeterminacy.How can we differentiate now these procedures (psephos,?agora,?dokimasia,?kleros) of each other? The stain is much more difficult than it seems. That is why, while we will try to demonstrate the particularity of the?kleros?in detail, we will confine itself to a of elements of an approach to the other selection procedures.In the first place the vote. It is a procedure which goes through a time of choice - the vote itself - during which individual preferences will aggregate to become a collective preference (Thiele 2008, 22). Following the vote and by the application of a rule of count (for example the simple majority or consensus or even the proportional), one obtains the collective choice which will be retained. The market process has the same processing operation of a preference in choice through a price and suite has an auction. The review is a procedure more difficult to enter because the transformation of preferences in choice is done through the application of criteria very varied, cumulative and highly subjective. In the three types as well defined, one sees the implementation of a process of transformation of the preference in choice by using a tool (the vote, the price or a series of criteria). This process is, in the case of the draw, interrupted.1.3The specificity of the draw: the random momentIn any drawing not rigged12 there is a moment of complete indeterminacy. This time is the specificity of the draw, its originality deep. Dowlen (2008a, 11-30) is called the?blind estate?(the moment blind). Stone (2011, 22) speaks of non-predictability:?"?It is unpredictability, then, that characterizes a lottery, setting it apart from other processes.?" On?The draw is a time the actors lose control completely on the procedure. They cannot - at this precise moment - not the influence. The draw is?"?completely free of intent?" on?and is opposed to the other procedures which?"?melt the result intentionally.??13 It is not a tool that12Given that we thought about here?"?all things being equal?", this accuracy is made only once. We are talking here of prints not fudged but also of votes or markets not fudged.13Schmidt (2000, 369) :?"?In man dem Selbstverstandnis ... der Moderne, dann is connected ihre Zuruckhaltung gegenuber Losentscheiden vor german Master Corporal Daran, dass sie anspruchsvoller ist, es besser machen will ( ... ). Man begnugt sich nicht mit irgendeiner Regierung, irgendeinem Tater, irgendeinem Gelehrten, es sollen) for nach Mog41Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawCan transform the preferences in choice. That is why it seems justified to draw a line between the drawing and the other three methods of selection. Whereas in the vote, the market and the examination, the actors keep control throughout the process, they are brought has the losing in a draw, would-what a fraction of a second. This property of the draw comes from the fact that it is a procedure of?"?chance organized??, a?"?spacecraft?"?or?"?mechanism of chance?"?; it?"?reflects an intentional choice to take a decision through a mechanism not intentional?" on14. In short, the specificity of the prize draw is that it appeals to the principle random. We will define this last crossing in two dimensions which the first returns to the formula of Cournot (1851, 30) that reduces a random event has the?"?meeting of two causal chains independent?" on. The second is based on the approach of Chaitin which defines a series of random numbers such as that which cannot be described by a simpler formula that it itself, i.e. which cannot be reduced to an algorithm: it is not possible to put in place a method of prediction of the result. Chaitin takes as example two sets of figures: 01010101010101 and 011010110111100. While the first series can be written?"?7x01?" on?the second must remain such that elle15. These two elements - the independent channels and the inability to predict - represent the heart even of the concept of random.As to the word coincidence often used to describe the same phenomenon, it seems to be equivalent, even if it may have in French a connotation less neutral in French. We will therefore by the suite of preference the second term, that of random, leaving to one side the adjective risky and password randomization which have a connotation negative16.Lichkeit die richtigen breast, und welches die jeweils gegebenen richtigen sind, ergibt sich aus der Know selbst, der Kompetenz und Eignung der Bewerber, unserem gemeinschaftlichen bekundeten Willen, usw. ; Kurz, aus Grunden, die das Ergebnis begrunden intentionnelle, vom ersten bis zum letzten Schritt auf bewusst getroffene identifiable zuruckzufuhren konnen, statt es der Willkur against eines bestimmten Richtung folgenden, ganz und gar intentionsfrei funktionierenden Entscheidungssubstituts zu uberlassen.??14The first expression,?organized chance is to?Goodwin (1984, 190), the second,?chance device ,of Aubert (1959, 2). The quote is from Elster (1987, 108) :?"?Lotteries reflect year intentionnelle choice to make the decision by a nonintentional mechanism.??15In the first case it was a transmission of the message in terms of understanding and the second in terms of expansion: the first leaves place has an interpretation, the second non- (Christmas 1991, 201).16What the passage shows an interesting paradox of the French language: the FTAA is risky and the random is random.421. The drawing within the procedures of choice1.4" Lotteries natural' and 'artificial'The draw is therefore a procedure by which the reduction of the set of options has a unique option is done by using the random. But it must still clarify what exactly we mean recourse has the random. There seems to be two options. The first corresponds to what most of the writers call the?"?lottery?" on artificial?and corresponds to the procedures in which the involved to agree has the time on the appeal in the random principle but also on the overall results possibles17. Has the reverse in some prints the parties agree only on the use has the random; these are the are the?"?natural lottery??. An illustration of this dichotomy is given by Molino (1987, 140) :?"?There is the trace of a fundamental opposition between the procedures for drawing (of, buds) and the procedures based on the production of a configuration (divination by the sand, the reve, scales).???If found in both cases a random moment, in the second, the margin left has the interpretation is much stronger. When a process based on the reading in the bowels of an animal (haruspice), we do not know the number of options and the person in charge of the interpretation of the result a great deal of freedom. In the case of a launch of in contrast we formalized the procedure in terms of probabilities. If the latter has six faces, the probability of obtaining each of the faces is 1/6: it is, if we resumed the term of Stone, in a lottery uncertain. If the two types of draw can also be random one than the other, that which changes, it is the control of actors on the procedure. In a draw?"?natural?" on, the limits of the control are blurred, in a draw artificial, the actors set the set of limits of their influence. We must therefore introduce a distinction even from within the group of procedures for drawing. In one case, one can refer to the word?kleros?(cleros) that the Greeks used to designate the draw in the framework of the distribution of legacies but also of political posts (among other the trackball)18. It is located opposite has a procedure containing a random moment, but whose possible outcomes are known, it is the lottery artificial. In the second case it refers rather has the interpretation of an event which has been produced by the random and that the Greeks were appointed by the name of?kleromanteia, the17Elster speaking of lotteries formal and informal (1987, 107). Stone offers the same dichotomy in differentiating between the?"?lotteries uncertain?" on?which are those where the number of exits is known and the?"?lotteries has risk?"?or they are not (Stone 2008a, 21).18It should be noted in this connection that, initially, the word?kleros?meant has both the land distributed by drawing and the drawing itself. An analogy which is found with the English word "batch" which comes from the Germanic?hlot?designating also the field allocated by draw. Cf. Fienberg (1970, 255).43Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawCleromancie, i.e. the divination (mantike -?semantics) based on a draw (kleros - cleros), it is the lottery naturelle19.1.5Balance SheetThus, the draw or artificial cleros is one of the four methods of choice has available to distribute batches, positions and decisions within a community politique20. In opposition with the other types of procedure - vote, market and review - it contains a time more or less important to indeterminacy during which the actors voluntarily lose control on the procedure. In practice, the drawing is nested with other types of procedures in procedural blocks.Procedure of choiceReduction ToolMoving from many options ...Psephos - voteAggregation of preferences through a vote + calculation mechanism....... To one.Agora- marketConfrontation of preferences until the balance through the price.Dokimasia - docimasieReview of the adequacy with the predefined criteria (which correspond to the preferences of the allocators).Kleros - clerosRandom MomentKleromanteia - cleromancieRandom Moment + interpretationIllustration 3: The different procedures of choice.These distinctions help answer has two of the four questions concerning the bouleutes that we asked ourselves at the beginning of this chapter: the counselors were chosen during a procedural block comprising a cleros, a docimasie and a vote (the?"?how??" On?the departure) to fill a deliberative function and individual (the?"?what????Of departure). We do not know however not yet how the cleros itself operates, which is located in the?"?black box?" on?the draw, that we will now open, in the hope that it is not transformed into Pandora's box.19The semantics was not necessarily preceded by a draw, for example when the divination was based on visions or dreams.20Now that the distinction is made between draw natural and artificial we will use the word prize draw in the second sense, unless otherwise indicated.44Illustration 2: Divination by the spells (kleromanteia) in the presence of Athena - in this case, lithobolie or jet stones. Source: Wikimedia.2. The hardware operation or the black box of the draw2. The hardware operation or the black box of the drawIn the procedure of choice of bouleutes, the draw was grace has the employment of the?kleroteria?and tablets of bronze. This procedure is it a particular type of cleros? Or all prints are similar? More generally, how can we distinguish of steps at a draw? Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 485) have proposed a redistricting in three steps on which we will build to describe the hardware operation of drawing i.e. is the specific moment or between in game the random:?"?A lottery allocates a benefit (sometimes called a "prize") among a designated group of potential profits ( "candidate" who understood a "pool") according to a stipulated procedure (the "pay-off condition" ).???In incorporating these elements, we can identify four?"?moments?"?when the hardware operation of circulation: a first step is to define the item or?"?price?"?as well as the possible options (2.1 ), a second corresponds to the definition of the pool of??candidates (2.2 ). Then between in game the random moment, designated here as we will see by the term of?palos, corresponding to the condition of profitability ( pay-off condition) evoked by Kornhauser & Sager (2.3 ). Finally, the process will complete eventually by a confirmation (2.4 ).2.1The "price" and the pool of??optionsMost often, an operation of drawing begins by the fixing of the item (lot, post, decision) or?"?price?"?as well as the list of possible options and of the selection conditions or rejet21. For example, when the draw of a of has six faces the options will be 1,2,3,4,5 and 6 and may decide to assign the digits peers has a condition of selection and the odd has a condition of rejection. By this operation, each item therefore receives a probability of realization. In the case built here, each option receives an equal probability was 50 %. The definition of a series of options also allows you to create multiple allowances. As well, if there is a ballot box with the white balls and black and that we assigned the option black has a choice and the white option has a rejection, we can organize a massive draw. Once this pairing achieved, one may be interested in candidates, i.e. the group of sorteables.21The definition of pool and options is done in the reality the simultaneously (Elster (1987, 109).45Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw2.2The pool of??sorteables22"?I know of no instance of social lotteries without some pre-qualification gold scrutiny on the basis of need, merit, and the like.???Elster (1989, 67-68).The constitution?ex ante?of the group among which we will draw the fate is at the time the step the more complex and probably the most influential of the physical operation of drawing. In theory one could imagine a drawing without qualification, but this case does not seem to exist in practice, as the stressed Elster (cf. highlights). In the case of bouleutes for example, two conditions were necessary: it should be an Athenian citizen and having more than thirty years. A inductive review of all the rules of existing qualification seems impossible, that is why we will present a series of deductive criteria:1.Voluntary Participation against mandatory participation: items in game?can-they or?must-they take part in the prize draw? More participation is mandatory, more the level of qualification is low since the items must participate even against their will. The mandatory can be cultural in nature. Thus, if the participation in the prize draw for the trackball seems to have been voluntary, it does not seem unreasonable to think that the dominant political culture of this time made this participation rather obligatory (Bleicken 2005).2."?All, some, a?" on?: this famous Aristotelian alternative on the number of rulers also applies for the qualification. More than the relative number of items has take part in the prize draw is large, the more it has a level of qualification down.3.Natural Qualification against gained: the first corresponds to the characteristics data (be a human, large, small, a woman, etc) and the second has the qualities acquired in the course of time (buy a ticket of entry, pay a cens, be holder of a minimum score has a review, etc. ).22This term is the translation of the?losberechtigt?of Buchstein (2000, 170) and returns to the equivalent?"?eligible?", or?"?saleable?" on?other types of procedure.462. The hardware operation or the black box of the draw4.Active Participation against passive: more than the item must act to enter in the pool, the more one can consider the level of qualification as high. For example the candidates has a place for a football match of the world cup must fill out a form before you have the right to participate. On the contrary, the jurors of the judicial panels in France have nothing to do, it comes out.It can be argued that the interaction of these factors determines a sort of overall level of qualification. For example, a printout optional concerning a few - say the two kings of the Nordic fable unfolds in Ekeland - would have a level of qualification haut23. On the other hand a printout mandatory on all passengers of a canoe in distress to know who will be eaten would have a low level of training.2.3The random moment or?palos2.3 .1Draw pure, weighted, or with quotas"?Two terms ancient Greeks shall designate the draw: cleros and palos. Cleros applies to both the object used in the prize draw, the draw itself, has this which is assigned by the draw and, especially, has the share of property and more still has the one receives in inheritance. The etymologistes the related has a radical cla, signifying the breakup, so that cleros would nominate materially a piece of wood. Palos, him, proceeded to a root pe/ol meaning shake so that if one of the names comes from the object uses and covers the whole field semantics, the other fact of first reference has the act of drawing.??Pralon" (1987, 151)It is located at the heart of the machine random, at the actual time of the?blind estate?that we will appoint?palos?has the result of Pralon. One can distinguish between three types of palos. The first is what is called in statistics a draw pure or equiprobable, i.e. the one in which the deterministic phase (the agreement of participants) stops after the choice of items, options and the pool of sorteables: each item receives in this case an equal chance. However, it may happen that the competitors want play a more active role in the process by influencing the chances of occurrence of a result. In this case, they will be able to use a weighted draw in which some sorteables will have more chances than other beings chosen. By23Ekeland (1991, 13) :?"?Torstein Frode tells that in Hising was a city had linked are fate earlier has Norway and earlier has Sweden. The two kings then agreed that pull the fate has that it would be tantamount: they would launch the of, and the winner would be the one who would have the highest total.??47Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawExample, if one wants to promote the selection of women for a post can be put two times more female names that of male names in the pool24. But the competitors may want to go even further and decide you want to influence not the probabilities of outcome, but the latter directly using quotas (Elster 1989, 96-97). In this case, they secure the pool of sorteables and then assign the objectives determined at the result of the?palos, for example the parity. The?"?paper?" on?learned of the bag returning has the category?"?man?"?or?"?woman?"?cease to be taken into account once the quota reached (50% in the case of parity). The difference between the two modes of control may seem innocuous, it is nevertheless a fundamental: then that the weighting system prevents theoretically not that 100% of the chosen are all of the same of men (rare but not impossible), the quota system blocked this possibility by introducing of the determinism in the heart even of the?palos?whose contents random decreases without disappearing completely. In effect, if we know that we will have 50% of women, it is not known which (except if the number of candidates is equal to or less than 50% of the number of women's spaces to occupy) nor what woman will get the post in first, which can be crucial.2.3 .2FormalizationLet us assume that a driver lost decided to resort to the draw to decide if it will run to the left or right at the next intersection. He can follow the first blue car, play a stack or face or even launch a random number generator (hand to left and odd for right for example). These three modes cover the palette of possibilities of formalization, i.e. the degree of research aware of a process entirely random. The first type is what Elster appoints the prints epistemic (2000, 242). The second corresponds to prints made with an instrument non-exclusive given that the piece, if it can serve as a draw, has not been created for it; this is not its primary function. The generator on the other hand is a dedicated instrument in the draw. Of the same that the??Greek kleroteria or the?imborsione?florentins25. These degrees of formalisation are - just as the three types24 An interesting case of drawing of this type is reported by Elster (1987, 123):?"?In the United States ... the supplementary draft for the National Football League, the rights to choose players are allocated by year inverse weighted lottery. The Champions get their name placed in a hat ounce. The last-place team (twenty-eighth) get their name placed in the hat twenty-eight times.??25The instruments created respectively by the Greeks and by the Florentines in the sole purpose of achieving the prize draws.?482. The hardware operation or the black box of the drawDrawing presented above - the means of controlling the amount of indeterminacy content in the?palos. A random generator search in a targeted way - and this is not obvious - has create a random result responding to the laws of the statistique26. A draw epistemic capacities in contrast can be virtually non-random without that it does gene the actors who do not seek?"?the random objective?"?but?"?the impression of random??, because, as one can show through the example above, one could imagine that a factory of blue cars is located on the right hand side of the road and that the cars out to be sold in the garages of the city is located at the end of the road to the left. In this case, it can be reasonably assumed that the probability that a blue car Vienna on the left will be lower than the reverse and the draw will not equiprobable.The formalization can be an important issue concerning the procedures for drawing. We know, for example, that the fact for a sonar to poll 1000 people of epistemic manner in its street will give results less random in terms of representativeness sociological that a procedure through the drawing of thousand addresses on the whole of the territory by a random generator. Some epistemic prints are similar even to natural prints (cf. supra, paragraph 2.3.2 ): the driver previously cited cannot assign probabilities has its options because they do not know how many blue cars could come from left. In addition, it is not even what is a blue car : should it be entirely blue? It is sufficient that the cover is blue? The driver has a wide margin of interpretation.2.3 .3The representativenessAny drawing leads, according to the mathematical theorems in force, has the creation of a sample more or less representative of the whole of departure (the so-called universe). The re26AProduction of a series of number mathematically random is an exercise particularly complex because of the difficulty has exclude any constant algorithms and formulas for the calculation. On this point see Ekeland (1991, 20-37).49Illustration 4: The?kleroteria?machine or a pull to the fate. Photo Credit Maximilian Girod-Laine .Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawPresentativite depends on factors that we have already mentioned such as the quotas, the weighting or formalization, but also operations post-palos that we will see by the result. As well the establishment of quotas may increase the representativeness of the sample but can also decrease, if the quotas do not correspond to the actual characteristics of the base population. Similarly, the conditions of entry into the pool?, that is to say in the statistical universe, influence the representativeness of the latter and therefore the final representativeness. There is, however, a mathematical relationship inescapable, that of the weak law of large numbers which states that the representativeness of a sample depends not on its size but of the confidence interval (i.e. the probability that a result is consistent with expectations) chosen regardless of the universe of departure (see illustration 5, p. 50).Either a territory or live 100 million inhabitants (universe of the study, note N). Among them, 60 million are sorteables (note A) and 40 million are consequently not sorteables (note B). The proportion of sorteables is thus 60% 0.6 (note p) and that of non-eligible to 40% 0,4 (note q).If the drawing of the sample is performed with discount, the frequency fn=X/n of individuals was observed on the sample has to mathematical expectancy p and for gap-type?npq/??.It is sought to designate a representative sample (note n) which has a percentage of chance to be representative of the population N called confidence interval (note c). We cannot know with certainty the exact value that will take each item drawn within the confidence interval, that is why it employs an interval length (noted t) which is a measure of the uncertainty on the actual position of the true value of the parameter estimates. With these assumptions and applying the weak law of large numbers, the following formula will allow us to determine the sufficient sample size n:We know p (0.6) and q ( 0.4 ). We must set c has our liking. We want an interval equal to 99 %. To find t, it refers to the table of the binomial distribution, or to simplify, has the table of the normal law: for that the sample has 99% of chance to be in the confidence interval, it must take t= 2.33 . By applying the formula one obtains 13029,3 . For a population of 100 million inhabitants, of which 60 million sorteables, it must pull 13030N(people for having a 99% chance a representative sample was 99 %. If we drop these thresholds at 96% (for c) and 96% (for t) either t= 1.75 , one obtains n= 459.3 . With a sample of 460 people, we will be able to represent the 60 million sorteables with 96% of representativeness and with 96% chance that this representativeness is effective.Illustration 5: representativeness and weak law of large numbers, an example.502.33?√ 0.6?0.4n?1-, 990.6?0.4n≤( 0,012,33 )2n≥ 13029,3T√pq/n≤1-c.2. The hardware operation or the black box of the draw2.4The confirmation and the margin of maneuver2.4.1 ConfirmationWe have seen that after the draw in itself, the potential bouleutes has had to submit to the docimasie which corresponds to a measure of control of the procedure?ex post?that we can call confirmation (Delannoi 2003). The latter is an additional injection of determinism within the random procedure. However, it has a particular character in relation to the checks carried out before and during the procedure in the sense that it can have a retroactive effect. In affirming or reversing a elected by lot, outgoing advisers will leave the possibility of a change that the random has produced.In theory, one can imagine printouts without confirmation, but the procedural blocks concrete that we met in politics seem to be almost never free. The confirmation takes several forms non-exclusive that you can enter by using a series of four criteria, without pretension to completeness:1.Formal confirmation or substantial. The first case returns for example has the practice of conscription by drawing during which only the name of the person concerned must be confirmed. The second is located between other during the docimasie of bouleutes. The Council may ask any question that seemed pertinent, i.e. enter into a substantive examination of the characteristics of the candidate.2.Confirmation simple or complex. This criterion is at best illustrated by an example: during the Italian renaissance, the Doge of Venice was elected at the end of a procedural block containing 12 steps mixing votes, prints and exams (Boursin 1991). It is what we might call a complex process. A single confirmation is located for example in the case of a procedural block in which the draw is the only step (a lottery for a place of university for example).3.Confirmation passive or active. In some cases, for example when the draw for a jury of citizens, the chosen must confirm their desire to participate. In others they have been fetched, as is the case in the judicial panels.4.Confirmation internal or external. In the first case are the chosen them-even which confirm their election. In the second, a body is responsible for this task.51Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw2.4 .2margin of maneuver of participantsBeyond the confirmation step and when the item in game is a post distributed has a person, the latter has, if it is selected, a certain margin of maneuver which influence its control over the procedure and seems to be able to take three forms, of which the first is the refusal (Elster 1990,78 ). When the draw for the juries french judicial, the participation of citizens is mandatory (Roumier & Decocq 2003) even though there are a few exceptions. Conversely, many prints are optional. This distinction is, as we shall see in the following chapters, fundamental when interest is to the achievement of the expectations of the authors who write on the draw. Secondly, the contestation. In central Sardinia, the distribution of the lots of inheritance is done by means of a draw (Carosso 1987, 286) which the children should participate. However, each heir has the right to challenge the result of the drawing up to three times. Thirdly, the replacement. In the context of the conscription by draw which took place in France in the nineteenth century, the persons elected had the right to find a replacement (Bohigas 1968).2.5Conclusion"?But, as it (the prize draw] is faulty by itself, it is has the resolve and has the correct that the great legislators have outdone themselves?"?(Montesquieu, the Spirit of Laws, Book 2, Chap. 2).We can now better understand what is happening inside the black box of the circulation: it is located in the presence of an indeterminate time, of a?blind estate, carefully surrounded by mechanisms for regulating its content random. Even if it is impossible to list exhaustively all these mechanisms, a chronological distribution of the procedure allows you to get an idea of the possibilities of ex ante control??by the fixing of the pool of options and sorteables,?ex post, by?means of the confirmation and the margin of maneuver, but also so far in the same time of the drawing, the?palos, by the means of the weighting, in quotas and formalization. If using the example of the ball we realize as well that it was a massive draw, with a threshold of qualification relatively low, a draw pure and formalized through a dedicated instrument, the?kleroteria. The confirmation about it was substantial, simple and passive. The learned the fate had apparently little room to maneuver: they could not challenge the result of the drawing or find a substitute. We had?522. The hardware operation or the black box of the drawTherefore well case has a particular type of?palos?and cleros that the actors of then had constructed so aware and which was probably the result of an intense discussion. It seems high time to take an interest in the?"?great legislators?" on?ladies has Montesquieu and immerse in the context of the intellectual procedures of drawing.Illustration 6: The random moment or?Palos?is surrounded by precautions deterministic and intentional aimed a check the procedure and whittle away the contents of the random draw.3. The draw in context: the intellectual operation"?The random procedures in the culture are at the same time hardware manipulations and strategies intellectual???(Molino 1987, 141).In political practice, all?kleros?takes place in a context which gives him its foundations and discursive determines in large part its form. The actors develop??strategies "intellectual?" on?first by building elevator pitches pro- or anti-draw it is-a-say by creating a regime of justification (3.1 ). In parallel they tend to interpret the procedures they employ and their results; it discerns the presence of a regime for reception (3.2 ). Justification and interpretation are combined in the form of frames anything economically exploitable (3.3 ).53Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw3.1The justification, or the reasons of the draw"?If social innovations are a functional prerequisite of society, so are normative patterns bestowing legitimacy upon thesis innovations. Man cannot just act; he must be capable of giving reasons for his actions. And he must be capable of giving reasons before he acts.???Aubert (1959, 10).The concept of justification refers to the question of?"?why?" on?the selection procedures: what is it that pushes the actors has to want to organize the prints? The participants has support the procedure or on the contrary has the challenge? We are going here - on the basis of an enumeration of inductive type27 - seek the discursive elements surrounding the draw, the?"?reasons for?"?and the?"?reasons against???(Engelstad, 1989)28. The?"?normative justifications for the drawings?"?(Elster 1987, 159) and the?normative patterns?(cf. highlights) advanced by the proponents and the objections raised by their detracteurs29. These arguments are not intrinsically true or false, they are fair mobilized by the actors in the political arena. For example, say that the drawing allows the mathematical equality of participants is not true if the pull is done on the basis of quotas.3.1.1 Equality, fairness and justiceThe argument pro-main draw which is the most recurrent but also the most complex concerning equality and its variations in the form of equity and justice (Goodwin 2005, 44). The equality can be understood as procedural, that is-a-say that the drawing gives the same chance has all the participants or as substantial if the draw allows an effective equality after the procedure when the drawing is repeated and that each item (batch, person or decision) eventually be chosen over the long term (Goodwin 1984, 195). This reasoning also implies that each draw is unequal in a certain sense, since paradoxically, absolute equality that would accrue a division in equal share is replaced by an equal chance because at the end some of the candidates obtain the item and other non (Elster 1987,27The list incorporated in this paragraph relies mainly on the work of Buchstein (2009a), Delannoi (2010), Elster (1987), Engelstad (1989), Goodwin (2005), Schmidt (2000) and Sintomer (2007).28Goodwin (2005, 51) speaks of?"?theoretical arguments for and against using sortition as the basis for social distribution.???Buchstein (2009a, 295) of?"?funktionalen argued fur und gegen Lotterien.??29This regime of justification is well on this for all of the selection procedures. Cf. Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 484).543. The draw in context: the intellectual operation128)30. Thus, if the money is to be distributed by drawing a social housing there will be, during the first cleros, a procedural equality between the candidates wishing to obtain but a substantial inequality since only one person will obtain the well (instead of the share between all this which would create a substantial equality). On the other hand, if it repeats each week the drawing with the same candidates, on the long term, everyone will get (in theory) the housing and it will tend toward a substantial equality. From a justice perspective, the argument is that the drawing allows you to create all parts an equality which does not pre in order to eliminate any perceived differences as injustes31. The draw does not know as well the wishes, needs and the merits of participants (Goodwin 2005, 56) and rule by the same the delicate problem of the concrete measure of such magnitudes. During a review, one is forced to resort to a battery of criteria in order to differentiate which of A or B is more deserving. But perform the measurement may prove particularly tedious or even impossible (Broome 1984). Use the draw allows you to make a clean sweep.Such a vision is of course highly polemic and returns has two opposing concepts of social justice, with on one side a liberal vision in which the latter takes the form of equity (justice geometric of Aristotle) is-a-say?"?from each, according to its contribution?"?(Elster 1987, 170). In the eyes of the proponents of this vision, the printout may be assimilated to a?"?denial of humanity?" on32. Other authors argue, however, that a system based on merit actually strengthens the inequalities caused by birth, the greatest of all loteries33. To correct this situation and establish a greater justice, it is based to redistribute periodically the social roles. By using a prize draw, we can introduce the30 The only alternative here would be to not choose or distribute.31In this context, the drawing is put in place, "??weil die doch naturlich bestehenden Unterschiede keine Rolle Maxxi spielen+lernen sollen) for???(Schmidt 2000, 364). When on the other hand the differences do indeed play no role or do not exist, it may refer to a rational argument, "??weil sie de facto keine Rolle Maxxi spielen+lernen?" on. This argument is repeated more than bottom in the form of the rationality of second order (see 3.1.4 , p. 58).32Wolfle (1970, 1201) :?"?It is a denial of man's humanity; each man is reduced to a cipher, distinguished from other ciphers only by the uniqueness of the combination of digits that identify his records.??33Goodwin (1984, 192):?"?However, the problem for liberalism is that the biggest chance distribution of all takes place when we are born and is beyond our control - the distribution of health, beauty, intelligence and other natural endowments. In societies where a strong class system operates, social status can also be regarded as a 'natural' endowment. Under these circumstances, a merit-based system of social justice straighten merely to reinforce natural advantages disadvantages gold.??55Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawJustice the or there was not avant34. More than that, we can achieve a distributive equality?ex ante?in the form of the equal division of chances35. In summary:"?This can be simply stated: if the structure of society is partly or wholly determined in certain respects and necessarily entails inequalities (I. e. different roles with different intrinsic values and/or different rewards attached to them), and if people are more equal than are the roles (I. e. roles and rewards are highly differentiated, people less so) injustice will result from any ounce-for-all distribution. In such a case, justice related in a repeated chance allocation and re-allocation of individuals to the various roles with their concomitant rewards?"?(Goodwin 1984, 193).However this justice - procedural on the short term and noun in the long term - is done in depends on a justice based on merit. The debate concerning the character of the flattening drawing has often been put forward by the opponents of the drawing, for example by Socrates in his commentary on the choice of rulers by the Faba bean and it is probably, from a historical point of view, the debate the more keen on the draw from the antiquity athenienne36. It is also around this character levelling frame that is focused and is still focusing the debate concerning the draw in his report has democracy as we will see ulterieurement37.3.1.2 UnpredictabilityDuring a draw, it is impossible to know which batch will be assigned a who, what decision will be finally taken, who will be chosen. If defenders and critics of the drawing are in agreement on this fact, he did not draw the same conclusions. For the first, the unpredictability makes the strategic calculations on the procedure much more difficult and expensive, this has the advantage of reducing the incentives to bribe as well as the manipulations designed to influence the outcome, making the drawing a perfect tool to fight against the factions (Lockard 2003a ; Vergne 2006) because of the prints and successive independent eliminate any schema.Such a lack of predictability pushes the detractors of the draw has criticize his character?"?arbitrary?" on?which?"?exposes people to a high degree of risk and uncertainty?"?(Goodwin (2005, 78). It is by the-same incompatible with a vision of human action based on the volun34"?Randomness appears to be a way of bringing some fairness into an inherently unfair situation?"?(Broome 1984, 40). Of synthetic manner:?"?The justification for adopting the lottery as a distributive procedure resets on the choice of equality as the proper basis for socially just distribution.???(Goodwin 2005, 122).35Kornhauser & Sager (1988) and Wasserman (1996) have developed this point in detail.36According to the words of Socrates reported by Xenophon:?"?It is madness to choose with a broad bean the magistrates of a republic, while nobody would like to use a pilot designated by the Faba bean, or an architect, or a player of flute, nor any of these men, whose sins are yet much less harmful than the errors of those who govern States?"?(Xenophon, memorable, I. 2.9 ).37See Chapter 3. See also Dowlen (2008a, 218-219)?563. The draw in context: the intellectual operationTE:?"?People become passive containers of equal chances rather than active seekers of equal opportunities?"?(Fishkin 1983, 112). Thus subjected to the FTAA, the human beings are being hindered in their freedom, especially when the draw concerns of significant items such as the entrance to the university and when the possibility exists to pull several times on a ticket perdant38. The proponents argue that the introduction of a non-cumulation or rotation of mandates or batches distributed eliminate this possibility.3.1.3 EconomyThe economy of time and resources is often mentioned as a reason for recourse to the cleros (Broome 1984, 40; Delannoi 2010, 18; Schmidt 2000, 367). A drawing appears -?ceteris paribus?- quicker and easier than an examination procedure, to market or to vote. We could resume here the example of the blue car: the decision to bifurcate may be taken in organizing a debate with the other passengers on the direction to take, or more quickly by pulling a stack or face. More generally, the argument of economy has been defended by the current of the rational choice (rational choice theory) in the following form: it is rational to use a draw when the cost of classification of alternatives exceeds the benefit from choose the one which is actually the best (Bunting 2006, 168). Therefore the draw allows you to solve the problem of the cost of the marginal information. This reasoning has been pushed to its extreme by proponents of the theory of public choice who have argued for the benefit of decision-making draw, as we will see ulterieurement39. The argument of economy also comes in the form of accuracy,?Treffsicherheit40, since the drawing does not produce - as we have seen - of equality between the options. There is no zero match possible and after the prize draw each is fixed on its fate.False economies! Declare its detractors. The draw, driven in reality of hidden costs because it ignores the deliberation and discussion (Buchstein 2000, 99). It does not solve the causes of conflict but only their symptoms. A decision coming from the outside and without consultation of stakeholders provides a fertile ground for conflict. In addition, the economy of means does not prevent that we should select the pool of??sorteables.38Boyle (2010) reports of cases of repeated refusal has the entry of universities which illustrate well this criticism.39See chapter 2, 4.2 , p. 107 et seq.40Schmidt (2000, 367):?"?Was immer das Problem, die Entscheidung ... the ist. Sind die Wurfel einmal gefallen, wissen went unmittelbar Beteiligten', was nun zu tun oder welches hpc Los ist.??57Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawAnd as long as a y be, as much directly choose the best. But this is not all, the drawing also entails costs for the society as a whole by a suboptimale allocation of resources. A distribution of jobs by a lottery, such as the one presented by Goodwin (2005), may thus lead to the consequence that a talented individual in a domain, for example a great physicist, pulled a ticket of orchestra leader. In this case, the company loses a good physicist and will not earn any good orchestra leader (Engelstad 1989, 32).3.1.4 Rationality of second order"?In pester France reinsten Form erscheint das Auxiliarmotiv beim Losen. Wer durch Einsicht nicht mehr imstande ist, sich fur eine von mehreren Handlungsweisen zu entscheiden, kann das Los zur Hilfe rufen, oder, was dasselbe ist, in formloser Weise erklaren, er killed eben?"?irgend etwas.???(Neurath 1913, 63).The draw might be a central tool of metarationalite. For Neurath (1913, 63), the cleros is the purest form of a?"?auxiliary reason?", that is, a procedure that allows you to take a decision in a framework or lack any rational basis for decision. It allows you to exceed the?"?pseudo-rationality?"?(Neurath) also called?"?hyper-rationality?"?by Elster (1989), for which, ignore the?"?limits of reason?" on?returns has to submit a?"?ritual?" on?of the reason. Recognize the borders of rationality should motivate the use of the draw in certain situations that Elster identified using the four criteria non-cumulative: the insecurity, the indifference, the indeterminacy and the incommensurabilite.The opposition has this vision relative to the rationality focuses on the fact that a draw represents in fact?"?an abdication of moral responsibility?"?(Bellioti 1980, 255). But also, and especially, that the there is a risk of opening the Pandora's box: the area of the rationality of first order risk to disappear in favor of a system as depicted by Borges (1944) in its fable on the lottery has Babylon in which the draw ends by directing all the social interactions. Indeed, why bother to find reasons to act if the pull can we fully exonerated from any responsibility? HAS see limits on the rationality everywhere, there is a risk to submit to the arbitrary control of the random. The draw despises the rational choice and moral judgment individual ; it is?"?an act of the most despicable cowardice???(Godwin 1793, VI, Chap. 10).583. The draw in context: the intellectual operation3.1.5 ExternalitiesAt a draw, no one is responsible for the choice made. It is a consequence of the random moment. This argument is defended in two main forms: those in which?"?person?" on?does the choice and that in which?"?someone outside?", that is to say a God for example, is responsible for this choice. This second case is interesting because it denies the principle even of gambling within the procedure for the reduce has an intentional decision external. However, the argument exists and the draw has been used frequently for the precise reason that it allowed to leave the choice has a power superieure41. In the case where this externalities is?"?person?" on, the organizers cannot be made responsible for the choice, nor the elected bragging about it. The?"?fate is a way to elect that has afflicted person ; it left has every citizen a reasonable expectation to serve his fatherland???said Montesquieu (the Spirit of Laws, II, 2). And everything has a time,?"?sortition eliminates the feeling of entitlement that comes from election or selection by merit?"?(Goodwin 1992, 20). It protects and limited to the time the ego of participants, cut the link of responsibility. The latter contribution of the drawing may be crucial in the context of tragic decisions when there is a desire that no person should be made responsible for example when it comes to the selection of the deckhand who must be eaten.The externalities can be view as particularly debilitating, because it eliminates any possibility of accountability. In addition, they are not the best items that are chosen but well any whom: the qualities and individual faults are ignored. The supporters of the draw note, however, that the votes, reviews or mass markets lead to the same result: in such frameworks, the individual character is lost in the whole.3.1.6 Impartiality"?Krc sperencia tenim vist that los regiments called fate y of sach conferences my al good vuire, saludable Régimen e administracio of the ciutats y vile that los altres speeds that iron acostumen per eleccio, electric percola tor com its my continuous y iguals, passifichs y apartats of tota " passio.???Ferdinand II (circa 1495)42.41This reason is related to a mode of interpretation of the random, as we will see later (cf. infra, p. 64).42"?We know by experience that the so-called regimes of fate and bag confer a better life, a regime and an administration more healthy from towns and cities that the other schemes which are characterized by the election, because they are more continuous and egalitarian, peaceful and detached from the passions.???Cited in Nels (1972, 132). Personal Translation.59Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawThe printout does not takes part for person since he is not gifted with a own determination. It is neutral, outside the passions and human manipulation. The argument of impartiality has been presented by Dowlen (2008a, 15) in the form of a-rationality and by Stone (2009a, 377) in the form of the effect hand sanitiser. At a draw, the reasons (good or bad) not to count more. In systemic terms, the printout appears then dispose of a large?"?procedural autonomy?"?(Buchstein 2009a, 299) which gives him great benefits when one wants to make sure that bad (or good) reasons do not influence the choice. The time of loss of control on the procedure at the heart of the drawing makes the attempts of manipulation lapse and the procedure is therefore?strategy proof, unlike its rivals: the actors earn nothing has adopt a strategic position hiding their actual preferences being data that these are not taken into account, not more than the preferences exprimees43. This justification of impartiality seems to have been particularly important in the Italian republics of the renaissance (Dowlen 2008a, 134) but also in the Aragon of Ferdinand II (cf. highlights).However, the impartiality returns has ignore the needs and merits which can be regarded as the base of the equity (Goodwin 2005, 56). It causes even a bias in favor of the mathematical equality because it ignores the capacity of some members of society:?"?In times of battle gold catastrophe, a triage officer exclusive tea ill and wounded who most need, and who are most likely to respond favorably" would be inserted to prompt medical attention. A physician is surely more competent than a pair of dice to make such decisions and to determine which patients should be given access to limited medical resources?"?(Wolfle 1970, 1201). In addition, the drawing does that?"?hide?" on?the one-sided decision. In effect, for its detractors, it does not render the choice impartial, but moves the time of bias, as the stressed Brown (2005, 8) :?"?Casting lots is deceptive because, although lotteries purport to be random, they are frequently preceded by by non-random decisions that result in important distributional effects that the lottery masks.???As well, using the example of the Italian Renaissance, it may be noted that the prize draw will be made on closed lists of notables of the city excluding?a priori the?poorest.43The term?strategy proof is?predominantly employed by proponents of the theory of public choice. For details, see chapter 2, 4.2 , p. 107.603. The draw in context: the intellectual operation3.1.7 Rotation"?We do not consider less fort top talent to know also obey and order ; and it is in this double perfection of command and obedience that we place ordinarily the supreme virtue of the citizen.?" On?Aristotle (Politics, III-2).In the context of repeated prints on a same population and for a same item, the draw resulted in a rotation of items or lots which may be regarded as a means of distributive justice and to fight against the monopolization of power. The rotation caused by a draw repeat also has the consequence of reducing the incentives to the conspiracy (Engelstad 1989, 30) given that the conspirators of today have a chance to become the leaders of tomorrow. The rotation gives as well body has the Aristotelian ideal to govern and to be governed in turn (cf. highlights). An important consequence of this aspect is that the rulers and the haves, more generally the decision makers, are pushed to take account of the position of their fellow citizens because they themselves will be subject to the decisions taken, according to a principle of reciprocity reflexive (Goodwin 2005, 124):?"?submit to what you choose and choose only that to which you yourself would willingly submit?". Finally, when the leaders are drawn at random, they cannot form a political class and monopolize power, recurring theme that we will address in detail in chapter 3.This potential of the draw in fact for some procedure a reject because it causes instability of the social and political system. The people drawn at random will feel less responsible to the company and if they cannot be corrupted before their accession to power, they are more likely to be after since they were not of auditors has make. In addition, a draw does not ensure that the best would come to power:"?Every thing ought to be open; goal not indifferently to every man. No rotation; no appointment by lot; no mode of election operating in the spirit of sortition gold rotation, can be normalement bas good in a government conversant in extensive objects. Because they have no tendency', direct or indirect, to select the man with a view to the duty, or to accommodate the one to the other.???(Burke 1790, 92).3.1.8 Constitution of a representative sampleWe have seen that a draw multiple allows you to get a sample more or less representative (cf. 2.3.3 ,p. 49). The drawing is then think?"?as a means to select, a sort of microcosm which can nodding, evaluate, judge and possibly decide on behalf of the community,?61Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawThe or not all can take part in the deliberation and or the social heterogeneity forbidden to believe that all individuals are interchangeable?"?(Sintomer 2007, 138). The obtaining of such a sample is also has the work when it comes to justify the remedy has a draw for achieving an opinion poll. This reason revet a modern character in the direction or the possibility of thinking the drawing as a tool for creating a representative sample has been able to develop that with the discovery of the?"?geometry of chance?"?(Schwartz 1993, 18; cf. infra, 3.2.1 , p. 64)44. Numbers of modern defenders of the draw consider this justification - we will see in the following chapters - as the heart of the argument in favor of the use of such a method of selection in politics.The detractors of the prize draw were not opposed to front has this justification for a reason quite evident: with the current mathematical, it is impossible to refute the character more or less representative of a sample drawn at sort45. It is rather, as we shall see, on the meaning to be given to the concept of representation that concentrates the criticism.3.1.9 Procedural PreventionUnder this term is hiding a reason quite paradoxical: the use of a draw is brandished in order that the potential participants opt for another method of choice. A good illustration is that of the right of custody of children, liv?ee by Mnookin (1975, 290) :?"?The effect on negotiation would depend on each parent's risk preferences and on how much each wanted the child. Because each parent would face a 50 per cent chance of losing, this might encourage private compromised if both wanted the child and were very risk-averse?" on. A form particularly radical for this reason plays a role in the practice of the decimation46 : the soldiers are forced to fight without restraint because a defeat means the holding of a decimation on which they have no control, unlike the one they may have during a fight. A final declination of the procedural prevention is one in which the instigators of the draw want to produce a spill-over effects??on other decisions. Goodwin (2005, 210-211) reports as well the case of the?death-lottery?organized by the detainees in several Brazilian prisons in 1985. These der44Manin(1996, 59) put forward the hypothesis that the Greeks had suspected already of this possibility.45In the past this opposition at the draw was able to be the desire to resort instead to the?"?wise choice?" on?to constitute samples. In 1925, the international statistical institute still hinting the draw or the wise choice as the two methods of constitution of a sample (Schwartz 1993, 32). This last was in fact has a review carried out by the persons responsible to constitute the sample.46The decimation was a practice of the Roman army which consisted of a pull to the fate, following a defeat, a legionnaire on ten which was then set to death by his companions.623. The draw in context: the intellectual operationNiers threatened to - and eventually - kill several of their fellow inmates was the result of a draw in order to protest against their deplorable living conditions. The choice of this instrument was designed explicitly to show the injustice of the situation, its irrationality. The employment of a vote or a review based on the law of the strongest would probably not had the same effet47.For his detractors this reason is another form of the rationality of second order and constitutes just as it an abdication of reason before the random and its arbitrary. She cannot argue further that in the case where one presupposes the human beings as having a significant aversion against risk. In reality, it may well be a fact that the parents of the previous example take the risk of losing custody of their child through a lottery, or even that while being hostile to risk, they consider their chances of success more high at a draw that through another procedure (Duxbury 1999, 129-130) or want avoid a long and arduous negotiation (Mnookin 1975, 291).1.3.10 Heuristic ValueThe drawing can also be justified in a very simple manner by its heuristic value which allows its instigator to discover his real preference but unconscious (Duxbury 1999, 159). And when you do not know spontaneously if the we should go at the restaurant or at the cinema, we can achieve a draw and to realize that the result is not good for us. It was then able to tell the actual preference which existed before but was not articulated.For critics of the draw, this argument is rejected because it corresponds to a selflessness of reason and of the capacity of human beings to choose in knowledge of causes and suite has a reflection su the in-game options.1.3.11 Value inclusive or exclusiveBecause at a draw each of the sorteables obtains a probability to be chosen, the draw played a role inclusive symbolic and real (Gohler 2010, 99). In Renaissance Florence, the candidates to the offices were chosen by drawing lots after a process of nomination48. During this last some names of candidates were eliminated of lists by47This assumption would be a check. However, it is known that following these events, the government took a series of important measures and that he did on the other hand virtually nothing after the Carandiru massacre which provoked in 1992 the death of 111 prisoners, killed by the police during the assault of the prison (Hilbig 2006) and during which detainees had expressed so?"?classic?"?(combat and hostage).48Elster (1987, 140). For a similar argument, see Dowlen (2008a, 95).63Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawNominateurs and were not included in the bags to draw in a secret vote. The excluded do not therefore knew not that they were out-game and continued reasonably to believe in their chance of getting a job, which reinforced their symbolic inclusion in the city. Those who were actually chosen were included in fact.The detractors of the prize draw consider that not only this effect remains greatly symbolic, but it means in reality that the draw excluded in fact all non-selected without apparent reason and therefore in an arbitrary manner.3.2The receipt, or the interpretations of the drawOf the same that the actors argue for or against the draw, they interpret the latter and the stowed in the broader framework of their vision of the world. To understand the procedure, it is therefore imperative to discern in every job the place that the respective corporation gives the concept of random, often called random in this case, which is the heart of the prize draw. If the stain is beyond the scope of this work, however, it seems possible to open a few tracks of reflections. So very schematic, it seems that the accident has been up to now interpreted in three main directions: manner of finalist, deterministic and probabilistic (3.2.1 ) which can have important implications on the existence and the probability of the establishment of schemes to draw in practice policy (3.2.2 ).3.2 .1The modes of interpretation of the random"?As Well if introduced necessarily in the analysis the system of thought which is ours and we have the problem of the validity of our clipping: what we call random appears-it itself as such in the eyes of those whose we analyze the practices and institutions????(Molino 1987, 137).Molino rightly pointed out that interest has of practices of drawing requires to take into account?"?the meaning of chance?"?that is to say the interpretative dimension of subjective what is the random, of?"?conceptual schemes?" on?helping to understand?"?how the random is lived?" on. The literature tends to distinguish three broad categories of interpretation. The first could be characterized of finalist and corresponds to cases in which the random is inter643. The draw in context: the intellectual operationReady?"?as the revelation of the will of God?" on49. The actors do not conceive simply not the existence of a lack of causality, they see in a draw the intentional decision of one or several Gods or Destin50. This is an interpretation which linked the chance has the purpose and which excluded the?blind estate. It is thus that we can understand the character of the Roman goddess?Fortuna?-?Tyche?in Greece - which under the guise of the random fact and defeated the human destiny (cf. illustration 7, p. 65). In the second scheme, qualified by Molino?"?scheme of the causal imputation??, the actors are trying to reassemble the causal chains of any event. If dimension finalist, in the center of the reception mode precedent, is less present in this type of interpretation, it remains that the shuffle is perceived of deterministic way: one can understand the coincidence and its result in dating the causal series; everything is a question of knowledge (Ekeland 1991, 14). Finally, a third category of interpretation corresponds to this that Moscovici (1991, 11) calls the?"?social representation of the random based on the chaos?" on?that he opposed has one based on the destiny which we treat previously. It is a reception?"?probabilistic random???(Bromberger & Ravis 1987, 129) which is based on the idea of a world fundamentally undetermined which cannot be apprehend only in terms of probability and statistics, in which the chance has a value in itself.Most of the authors instruct the three schemes argumentatifs on a time scale which would begin with a vision strongly religious of the random, based on an interpretation finalist and deterministic. Thus, Eckhoff (1989, 18) argues:?"?No doubt, the official interpretation of …lotteries in ancient Israel was that decisions were left to god.??This ? dominant vision began to crumble in the 18th century, time at which?"?two visions of the world opposed …seem to separate?" on. There are still?"?on one side a world full of meaning, or the random is never the simple application of a principle of probability but always a sign of a destiny, that divination ... is given for stain to read.??However ?, emerged from the other side?"?a world full of49Elster (1987, 117):?"?We should consider, finally, a very different interpretation of selection by lot as the revelation of God's will.??50 Elster (1987, 173):?"?To have it both ways, we can tie our decision tb natural causality in the hope that it will reflect some underlying purpose or pattern in the universe, such as fate, God's will, however the natural interconnections among all things.???See also Aubert (1959) or Bromberger & Ravis (1987, 130).?65Illustration 7: The goddess?Fortuna. Source: Wikimedia.Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawScience or the chance is that the likely, or contingency, the accidental are only illusions, demonstrations of oddly logical which remain a discover???(Bromberger & Ravis 1987, 129). This new reception was born with the invention of the?"?geometry of chance?", that is to say the statistics, by scientists such as Pascal51 but - even before these advanced mathematics - in the course of considerable controversy on the concepts of luck, chance, fortune, of drawing including a central step has been crossed by Gataker who in his book?of the Nature and Uses of Lots?proposed the division follows:?"?God does not determines the events that in the most general sense: the fall of a of is not more providential that the sunrise and the role of God is not greater in the accidental events that in The events constant and necessary.?" On?such a design?"?neutralized well the coincidence, which then becomes liable to a scientific analysis: the track is open for the calculation of probabilities?"?(Molino 1987, 138). The latter is indeed develop little by little and the random receives a definition of less and less finalist up has eventually become the famous?"?meeting of series independent causal??. However, just as the interpretation previously mentioned, the approach?"?not consequentialist?"?is based on the idea of a deterministic world and the goal then becomes to reassemble the causal series. In this approach, the chance is reduced has a lack of knowledge which pushes Laplace (1812, 177) has write:?"?We attribute the phenomena which seem to us arrive and will succeed without any order has of the causes variables and hidden, whose action has been designated by the word random, word which is at the bottom as the expression of our ignorance.??52 Such a vision was spreading rapidly in the 19th century and becomes a dominant mode of reception of the aleatoire53. Which Mode is however quickly criticized by scientists such as Heisenberg and its principle of indeterminacy before being supplanted in the 20th century by an interpretation of the random that we appoint probabiliste54 previously. This receipt seems to be become the most widespread in the western world (Buchstein 2009a, 230) and is opposed strongly enough to the two51On this development, see Schwartz (1993, 17).52Voltaire expressed the same idea when he wrote:?"?We know that the accident is nothing. We invented this word to express the known effect of any unknown cause?"?(Voltaire 1766, XIII).53We found this time intuitions great. And Godwin (1793) who note:?"?Strictly speaking, we know of no such thing as contingency. Purpose, so far as recounted to the exercise of apprehension and judgment on the perticular question to be determined, all decision by lot is the decision of contingency.???While keeping within a deterministic vision of the random, it seems enter the indeterminate character of the draw.54Brown (2005, 24):?"?In modern times, the general perception of the batch as a method of discerning God's intentions has been replaced by a more analytically critical interpretation of casting lots and of randomization as merely one of several decision-making devices.??663. The draw in context: the intellectual operationOthers, such as the note Ekeland (1991, 63):?"?It is therefore the probability model that appears to be the antithesis of the deterministic model. Two of them, they are the poles between which oscillates our understanding of the world: a measure that the we are moving away from the one, we are getting closer to the other. A world strictly non-deterministic must be perfectly probabilistic.???It poses however a particular problem, of?"?second-order?"?in the direction or the statistics themselves are subject has interpretation55.This very fast sweep and succinct of the reception and social epistemological of the random does certainly not to understand or to trace evolutions and complexities of the perception of chance in human societies in its complexity. It allows however to advance the minimum assumption that random chance can be interpreted very varied ranging from a vision finalist has a probabilistic vision in passing by a deterministic vision which has consequences for the use of the draw in politics.3.2 .2Consequences of the perception of the chance on schemes of drawingThe taking into account of the subjective vision (at the level of the individual and societal) of chance plays an important role not only on the design (engineering) of the hardware operation but also on the construction of the speech of justification for the use of the draw. This is particularly true when the deterministic interpretation fits in conflict with the probabilistic interpretation. So it goes to the possibility even of resort has a draw at a procedure of choice. It is only to remind the religious controversies on the permitted uses or non-of the draw conducted by Thomas Aquinas or Gataker for which there were legal prints because they were not asking for the intervention of God in human affairs and other illegal because they would require, under the guise of coincidence, a divine intervention. This vision of the draw had therefore directly influence its use. The same when games of chance were banned in a large number of countries at the turn of the 19th century for reasons of morality and negative interpretation of the drawing (Goodwin 2005).Many authors go further and hypothesize that the reception is a factor explaining even the appearance and disappearance of schemes based on the drawing. And Goodwin (2005, 170) note:?"?Religious belief and the work ethic have united to generate year opposition to lotteries which can still, at times, be virulent??. Elster (1987, 158) for its part wrote:?"?Batch55ForDetails on these differences, see the texts of Stone (2010) and Wasserman (1996, 30).67Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawBatteries are more common when they can be interpreted as the expression of God's will. ... Thus understood, the outcome of a lottery is not a random event goal the result of year intentionnelle act.???On a more general level, Thomas (1971, 790) also considers that one of the causes of the decline of the practices of divination based on the printout is a change in the perception of chance in the form of greater tolerance vis-a-vis the indetermination56. These assumptions would require additional research but seem intuitively reasonable under two conditions. First, the three types of interpretation (finalist, deterministic, probabilistic) are not exclusive. Very often in the reality a reception is probabilistic mixture has a life expectancy of type deterministic. So trivial, the loto is often accompanied by rituals designed to?"?force the chance?"?(Ricciardone 1987, 330-334). And more generally, fortuitous events but notable are interpreted as signs of the destiny or as a consequence of a own action then even that they are the result of a draw perfectly and officially aleatoire57. It is also what could explain that a draw mathematically equiprobable could not be perceived as such (Tversky & Kahneman 1974, 1124).Secondly, the different perceptions of the prize draw are not strictly chronological. If the?"?concept of the mathematical probability?" on?was well abroad to the Athenians, and that they could not think in terms of?"?statistical probability?" on58, it remains that most analysts today to say that they did not use the cleros as tool of revelation of the will of the gods but rather as a tool of secular political and that they had developed an interpretation of the civil hasard59. More generally, it is certainly true that the current science is largely based on a probabilistic interpretation of the accident and that the divination in the middle ages was based on a vision strongly finalist and deiste of chance. But this last category has not disappeared by the magic of the56Thomas (1971, 790):?"?One cause of the decline of magic in the late is the editor of seventeenth century was the increased ability to tolerate ignorance, which has been defined as an essential characteristic of the scientific attitude.??57On this point, see the articles by Lerner & Miller (1978) and Rubin & Peplau (1973) on the reactions of conscripts by drawing which blame themselves the result even though the latter was random it is-a-say independent from them.58Buchstein (2009a, 105) :?"?In unserem heutigen mathematischen Verstandnis wirkungsvoll begegnen wir dem 'Zufall of Loses' mit einer statistischen Wahrscheinlichkeitsannahme. Zufallig kann nur etwas, das against Kausalitat unterliegt …den damaligen Athenern war sharps Konzept der mathematischen fremd which it is concluded.??59 On this point see the discussions among non deviant subcultures (1927, 1462), Staveley (1972, 56), Dowlen (2008a, 33-34) or Buchstein (2009a, 87 and 104-108). It is interesting to note that the discussion on the reception of the draw by the former has itself reflects several interpretations of the random phenomenon. As well up to the end of the 19th century, historians of ancient Greece interpreted the drawing greek before just as a religious phenomenon before that other historians argue an interpretation based on a random civilian.683. The draw in context: the intellectual operationDiscovery of statistics and many schemes of current draw are always interpreted according to a religious line or at least morale60.3.3The existence of anything economically exploitable framesThe previous developments have allowed us to identify the part of the intellectual operations of drawing of theoretical manner. In reality, however, the reasons for the draw just as its interpretation are mixed in an infinite number of constellations and it would be necessary, to understand each employment, to trace the debates and the reactions of the actors. This approach has already been carried out for some historical cases such as ancient Greece or the Italian cities medieval61 but the history of a large number of uses concrete remains yet to be written. Beyond these case studies, however, the question arises whether it is possible to detect regularities in the combination of some arguments pro- or against-drawing which would form the?"?figures anything economically exploitable???(Buchstein 2009a, 295), of anything economically exploitable frames of justification and interpretation. This task has been undertaken regularly by a series of authors who have proposed typologies of draw in politics that we will focus now.4. To prototypes of drawingThe previous developments have shown that the drawing is a flexible object which combines an intellectual operation and hardware in a discursive framework and of receipt given. This complexity seems to render futile any attempt to create an inductive typology of different types of drawing. It seems more appropriate to take the problem has upside down and begin by addressing the existing typologies (4.1 ) before the combine between them and with the previous analyzes in order to build?"?prototypes?"?of drawing (4.2 ).60 See the article by Olson et al. (2003) which deals with the political debate around the introduction of gambling in the state of and which has mobilized arguments based on an interpretation finalist and moral of the draw:?"?Summary: In this article we offer a history of the religious aspects of the lottery debate in South Carolina and an empirical look at the relationships between religious factors and support for the lottery among South Carolina voters.??61See the classic work of Headlam (1891) on Athens and recent studies of Manin (1997), Dowlen (2008a) or Buchstein (2009a) which also deal well of Athens that of Florence and Venice.?69Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw4.1Review of existing typologiesA review of the literature on the subject allows you to identify 16 proposals typological dividing into four groupes62. The authors of the first group are concentrated on the question of the nature of the draw and attempt to delineate its own characters, that is why these typologies will be here characterized of intrinsic. In counterpoint to this approach have been presented typologies of procedural, that is, if interesting to different objects of the draw and has its forms as hardware operation. In an approach focusing more on the intellectual operation, some authors have proposed typologies functional. Finally, some authors intermixed the approaches and propose typologies combined.4.1 .1typologies intrinsicIn this approach, the typology is intended to identify the line of demarcation between the drawing and the other types of distribution process, focusing on the question of the nature and specific characteristics of the drawing. The authors adopting this approach differentiate first between procedures non-random (market, vote, review) and random, then prints between natural and artificial or between prints has risk and uncertain (Stone 2009a, see also point 1.4 , p. 43)63. They are continuing with the identification of the intrinsic properties of the draw, in particular that of prints?"?fair?" on. And Sher (1980) he argued a series of criteria to differentiate the drawings fair and unfair. An approach followed also by Kornhauser & Sager (1988) or Stone (2006). The presentation the most systematic of this type of categorization has been performed by Goodwin (2005). However, by focusing on the intrinsic nature of the draw, these typologies are at risk to minimize the fact that the latter is in large part determined by extrinsic manner (by the games engineering procedural, justifications and interpretations) and that the notion of justice is subject to controversy.4.1 .2typologies proceduralIn this type of approach, the focus is on the hardware part of the operation and the drawings are classified according to their?"?object?"?and according to the?"?uses?" on, it is-a-say depart of ques62ForFor bibliographic items more systematic, cf. chapter 2. In addition, some authors use a different typologies. In this case, they are presented here according to the importance they attach to one or the other approach.63See also supra, p. 41 et seq.704. To prototypes of drawingTIONS of the?"?what?"?and the?"?how?" on. Bromberger & Ravis (1987, 130-135) propose as well to separate the drawings in two?"?major types of procedures?" on?: the first?"?which fall within the jurisdiction of the prints to the spells?" on, it is-a-say in which it is to distribute a well or a position, and the second grouped under the designation of?"?games of chance and of hardworking??, category which is understandable to itself. The difference between the two residing mainly in the fact that the?"?players?"?are voluntarily in a draw, unlike the?"?actors?"?of the first category who are returning because they are members of a?"?group?" on. Most of the players are participating in the drawing by a implementation of substance, agreed in advance that the outcome of the game is translated into inequality and have the option to go out and get into the game at any time. Elster as has him, begun in his seminal article (1987), reprinted in a book later (1989, p. 78 and s.) by will install two general questions on the draw the first of which concerned its usages64. It performs has this title a first division between drawing has individual use and has social use. Further, it separates the prints has social use depending on the item distributed: stains, resources and expenses. It distinguishes finally a pool of six cases of uses in politics: to choose the representatives, to choose the laws, to choose who to sue, to choose the judges or jurors, to choose the verdict and the penalty and to choose which punish. Dowlen (2008a, 215-232) in focusing on the distribution of political posts, trace several lines of hyphenation. The first, temporal, between the practices of type Athenians and those of commons medieval and republicanismes post-medieval. The second, systemic, between the political entities that have used the draw in a systematic manner and those having employee on an occasional basis. Finally the last located at a higher level between?"?uses strong?"?in which the nature arationelle the draw is a sine qua non??and positive and uses?"?weak?"?in which the nature arationelle is secondary, it is-a-say is not required or is in conflict with other principles (Dowlen 2008a, 11), as this may be the case at a draw to decide between two candidates after an election. The contribution of these typologies procedural is central to a comprehensive understanding of the circulation: they isolate the hardware part of the operation and to concentrate on the practices in pulling clear lines depending on the item in game, for example. Thus the division between drawings concerning property, posts and the decisions made by Elster64 Elster (1987, 108):?"?First, when aer lotteries actually used to make decisions and to allocate tasks, resources, and burdens? ... Second, under which conditions would they seem to be normatively allowed gold prescribed it grounds of individual rationality or social justice???71Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw(1989) and resumed at the beginning of this chapter is particularly relevant by its simplicity and its synthetic aspect. However, in highlighting both the emphasis on the procedure, they tend to relativize the discursive section of the draw.4.1.3 The functional typologiesIt is precisely to answer this question of the speech that se are employees a series of authors by adopting a functional approach of the draw as well in its dimension of?"for?what?" on?that of?"?why?". The functional typology is interested therefore has the purpose of the prize draw. And Aubert (1959) does he propose four functions of the circulation: communication with the supernatural, innovation and creativity, the representativeness and the equality and justice. On his side Wasserman (1996) differentiates between a function of distributive equality?ex ante?(division of chances of receiving the batch) and a prophylactic function, i.e. which avoids that bad reasons fall into the decision process. It also identifies a function?"?expressive?"?which corresponds to the fact that the drawing may, under conditions, to express that the organizers undertake to treat applicants equally. More recently, Buchstein (2009a, 295-335) presented a?"?typology mit sieben Argumentationsfiguren, die sich einzeln oder in Bundeln zu Gunsten of Loses vorbringen lassen?" on?which he has faced has a?"?Kaskade kritischer Einwande?" on65. These schemes which it has already presented the elements in a dispersed manner in the beginning of the chapter are the following:?"?das Los ist ein neutraler und verfahrensautonomer Mechanismus (1), es ist unbedingt treffsicher (2), es ist kostengunstig (3), es Entscheidungstrager entlastet und Entscheidungsunterworfene (4), es produces Kreativitat und produktive Unsicherheiten (5), es schafft M?rkte gesellschaftliche Stabilitat (6) und es verfugt uber eine Art Rationalitat zweiter Ordnung, die in bestimmten Situation eine Entscheidung erst uberhaupt moglich macht (7)?" on66. Without dwelling on the discussion of the figures they-even, it will be noted that this typology allows to include combinations of arguments that give meaning to the operation of justification of the draw. It is in the presence of65"?I arrived as well has a typology comprising seven figures anything economically exploitable which are - alone or in groups - presented in favor of the prize draw. Subsequently, these seven schemes supporting documents are confronted with has a cascade of critical remarks???(Buchstein 2009a, 295).66"?The draw is a neutral mechanism and be procedurally autonomous (1), it is without specific conditions (2), it is economic (3), it partially discharging the decision makers and the persons subject to the decisions (4), it generates the creativity and the insecurities productive (5), it creates political stability (6) and it has a rationality of second order, which - in certain situations - is only one has even make decision-making as possible (7)???(Buchstein 2009a, 296).724. To prototypes of drawingActual anything economically exploitable frames that we will resume later in the formulation of prototype drawing. The whole of these taxonomies has the great advantage of allowing an understanding of the speech on the printout, and in relation to each other. But they have two limitations which the first is logical: in is interesting has the discursive dimension of the operation, they leave physical handling in the background. Very often, however, these latter play a crucial role in the procedural blocks based on the drawing. A block based on a draw with possibility of refusal of the result relativizes any argument based on the character of inclusion. In addition, it seems clear that the prize draw has often been used in an intuitive way. It is a procedure repeatedly reinvented and happens often of articulated speech. The second limit of functional typologies has been put forward by Molino (1987, 142) :?"?In other words, after you have isolated the operations based on a random regarded as immutable reality and clear, it goes directly to the study of functions, and we tried to explain the use of the operation through its functions by not giving the meanings experienced that a role annex, secondary. But it is important not to remain the and see what means the chance for the men of a given culture.???In effect, it seems that the attention given to the functions of the draw tend to minimize the importance accorded to the reception, it is-a-say has the interpretation of the random phenomenon, by the actors.4.1.4 Typologies combinedThe Treaty on the spells of Thomas Aquinas (Of Sortibus) opens on a announced a plan very clear:?"?We are going to examine in what place are the spells, what is their end, their mode, their virtue, and finally if the Christian religion allows you to use.???Are thus crossed a procedural approach (in what places and depending on what mode), functional (their end and their virtue) and?"?interpretative?"?concerning the right to use it. Be procedurally, Aquinas distinguishes (chapter 3) the acts of prophecy, of necromancy and?"?certain experiences they (the people drawing lots] attempt, as a certain proof of the event that they are waiting?" on67. Functionally, it divided between?"?the sharing of terrestrial objects, which then refers to the fate?divisoire?",?"?what must be done, which depends on the fate?consultatoire?"?and?"?the preaching67As an example of the first category Aquinas cited the fact to be?"?lit in a dream?"?by God. The second category refers for example to the fact to base its predictions?"?on the movements and the cries of some animals or the manner in which it sneezes?" on. As an example of the third category, Aquinas cited the fact of putting?"?of tickets in a ballot box, which each bear a registration and others are in white, and that it is drawn at random, to know what should happen?".73Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawFor the future, which, in this case, belongs to the fate?divining???(chapter 4). While noting earlier that the function and virtue main spells is to reveal the?"?divine providence?" on. Finally Aquinas defines two additional categories, that of spells allowed and not allowed (Chapter V). Four centuries later, Gataker has also proposed a joint typology based on?"?nature?"?and the?"?practice?" on?the draw. Regarding the nature, it identifies the drawing natural and artificial. When he is interested in the uses, it divided - as Aquinas - between?"?legal?"?and?"?non-legal?" on?the?"?eyes of God?". It is to know in what cases it is legitimate to use the spells. Molino (1987, 140-141) has proposed a typology has two dimensions. The first, procedural, the led has distinguish seven usages: distributing goods, distribute the roles and social functions, highlight the guilty, predict the future, indicate what decision an individual must take, play and bet. It complements this list by an intellectual dimension centered on the question of the receipt and identifies five?"?schemes?" on conceptual?to understand?"?how the random is lived?" on. Sintomer (2007, 135-139) is limited to the distribution of loads and functions and formula a grid of analysis in terms of??logical "policies?" on, five in number:"?The prize draw can be interpreted in a religious perspective or supernatural, in particular as a divine sign ... the random selection can also be thought as an impartial method to resolve a controversial issue ... The draw can still be conceived as a procedure favoring the self-government of all by all, each being a tower of role governing and governed ... in a slightly different way, the prize draw can be seen as ensuring that the power on all is assumed by everyone, i.e. by individuals interchangeable with other because having recourse to the?"?common sense?" on. (One last logical think the prize] as a way to select a representative sample of the population, a sort of microcosm which can nodding, evaluate, judge and possibly decide on behalf of the community, or all may not take part in the deliberation and or heterogeneity social prohibited to believe that all individuals are interchangeable?" on.More recently, Delannoi (2010) presented a typology combining?"?uses?"?and?"?use values?" on. The first are five in number: the polls, the rotation, the neutralization of a procedure, the allocation of resources, the saving of time and means. The second, the values of use, focus on five effects: consultative, deliberative, impartiality, participatory and as a response to the scarcity. By crossing the two dimensions, it puts forward what uses are combined with what effects. The rotation is married well with the participation and the impartiality but less suitable to the consultation and has the deliberation.?744. To prototypes of drawingThis review allows you to draw three conclusions. First, the typologies combined appear to be of the most has same to account for the complexity of the operations of drawing because they bring into relationship its different dimensions in a dynamic manner. Secondly, the analysis has shown that each of these taxonomies is concentrated (voluntarily or not) on an aspect of the drawing by leaving aside a part of the items, a part of the proceedings, justifications or of the reception. It is therefore, thirdly, based on existing typologies and in supplementing them by the results obtained in the first part of the chapter concerning the material operations of drawing and the question of justification and of the interpretation that we will be able to continue the typological work.4.2A typology in terms of prototypesThe practice of drawing modern and old, theoretical and have existing for common point of insertion into procedural blocks more or less complex which was presented the main dimensions. In the course of this work it became clear that the drawing is a process that has no own nature. There is a whole dynamic of justifications coupled has a series of procedures and subject to interpretation. These characteristics prevent the construction of a standard typology aimed has create categories exclusive, necessary and sufficient. That is why we have opted for an approach inspired by the theory of prototypes in the cognitive sciences, originally developed by Rosch (1973 ; 1975). A prototype can be defined as the best example of a lexical category in a language community. It is?"?a medium form, characterized by the attributes the more typical???(Girard 2006, 296). The sparrow will be as well in Europe most often cited that the ostrich as a prototype of the category bird. Such an approach allows you to focus at the representativeness of the categories and leaves their borders open. This helps to show a continuum in which each case is special approach of the one or the other prototype, or even of several. As the said Rosch (1978, 36) :"?In the terms of the principles of categorization previously proposed, the cognitive economy imposes that the categories tend to be seen as the most distinct from each other and according to the cuts the net more possible. One of the ways to achieve this lies in the establishment of criteria that are necessary and sufficient for membership categorial ( ... ). Another way to achieve a clear separability between categories that are, in fact, ongoing, is to design each category in terms of its most obvious cases rather than in the context of its borders?" on.75Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawIt is therefore in search of the case prototypiques of drawing that we will we start now. It will not be possible to find the illustrations for each intersection of categories but this is precisely the interest of the work with the prototypes.4.3Proposal of typologyThe construction of the typology incorporates the elements of the whole of the chapter for the combine according to a series of large lines of division, the most basic is the one between hardware operation (4.3.1 ) and intellectual (4.3.2 ) of the prize draw.4.3 .1The hardware operation4.3.1 .1Prints natural and artificialThe analysis of the physical operation has enabled us to formulate a succession of divisions that will be repeated here and the first of which is the one between prints natural and artificial (cf. supra, point 1.4 , p. 43). Therefore, there is a side the reading and interpretation of a configuration produced by the random (natural draft) and on the other the establishment of a prize draw with options (draw artificial).4.3.1 .2Prints political and non-politicalThe second division is the one between political practices and non-politiques68. The first aim the distribution of limited resources. The second include first of all the whole of fun practices which have a purpose of entertainment and specific characteristics such as the fact of having to build or to be of nature facultative69. The drawings non policies also include the cleros in the framework of scientific experiments, including medical (Schwartz 1991). The drawings made in the framework of polls are a problem. They are not directly policies since they do not aim that the obtaining of a representative sample according to the scientific method. But they can be included in a procedural block highly political. We must therefore make the difference by taking into account the object of the survey in question.68See Bromberger & Ravis (1987, 130-135) or Elster (1987, 108).69However, there is a relationship at least has two levels between these two categories. First, historically the games of loto have their origin in the lottery policy genoise (Bellhouse 1991) and secondly, the draw in politics is often perceived and criticized as a?"?game of chance?"?or a lottery and this association probably has an important influence on the reception of the draw in these frameworks.764. To prototypes of drawing4.3.1 .3lotteriesThe previous distinctions allow to focus finally on the heart prints policies, those in which it is to distribute the limited resources. By combining the analysis made at the beginning of the chapter (points 1 to 3) with the typologies outlined then (4.1 ), we can identify three types of drawing by differentiating according to the item they concern. As well when it comes to distribute batches of material and immaterial, we will take the term lottery that is??intuitively and usually associated with this type of procedures. A further distinction can be made between the cases in which it is necessary to distribute the?goods?- organ transplants or the places was the university for example - and those in which it is necessary to distribute of evils such as??this may be the case when the conscription. Sometimes, the lotteries operate according to the principle of the?mors tua vita mea,?that is, the distribution of a well has a person is automatically compensated by that of a poorly has another (Cireze 1995).4.3.1 .4The advisory printsIn the framework or the item submitted a distribution is a decision between several alternatives, the term of Thomas Aquinas of?advisory drawing?seems appropriate. The advisory prints seem to be able to divide between two major categories outlined by Elster: the drawings?individual and social??. This division is not the only possible but it seems very relevant given the difference between the two areas. The case of social decision-making by drawing seem be largely absent from the practice then that individual decisions are much more repandues70.70The best known example of the drawing social is probably that of the Swedish parliament which had in the years 60 recourse to the draw to decide the adoption or rejection of texts because of a perfect equality of seats between two opposing political parties.77Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawHardware Operation: the types of drawingNatural Draft - CleromancieDraw non-policyLots and DecisionsPostsDraw policyLotteryPropertyHeadacheAdvisory DrawingIndividualCollectiveSortition and drawing electiveLegislative / constitutionalExecutiveJudicialDeliberative / advisoryElective PostDraw artificial - ClerosDrawing not policyLots and DecisionsPostsDraw policyLotteryPropertyHeadacheAdvisory DrawingIndividualCollectiveSortition and drawing electiveLegislative / constitutionalExecutiveJudicialDeliberative / advisoryElective PostIllustration 8: The types of hardware operations, summary.4.3.1 .5The drawings elective: Sortition and drawing of PostsThe printout may finally be employee to elect someone, i.e. choose among a group of candidates a person in particular. We can differentiate between two situations. The first when the draw is used to distribute political posts - loads or honors - in which case there will be talk of?sortition71. The term is a neologism in French but it is widespread in the literature anglo-saxon and it will subsequently. The sortition is the category which we more interested in the result of the work and we will have the opportunity to return to them in detail. It brings together a wide range of practices that can be decline in resuming the classical separation mentioned above (cf. 1.1 , p. 37). The second case concerned71Carson & Martin (1999, 1) :?"?Finally there is the term "Sortition," which means the act of casting lots, which can be used to refer to choosing decision makers by batch, lottery, or random selection.??784. To prototypes of drawingThe election has functions of non-political, that is commonly called the jobs (the?joblottery?for example). We can also place in this category the case of prints for a post of?"?voluntary chosen to office?", for a dangerous mission for example.4.3 .2The intellectual operationThe intellectual dimension of a draw returns just as much has the justification (cf. 3.1 , p. 54) that has the reception (cf. 3.2 , p. 64) of the latter. By incorporating the elements of analysis previously proposed and grace at the crossing of existing typologies, it is possible to identify a series of?"?frames" on anything economically exploitable72 which correspond to the combination between a series of arguments in favor of the draw and a certain tendency in his interpretation (finalist, deterministic, probabilistic). To avoid repetition, we put his feet from now the frames anything economically exploitable with the physical operations in order to introduce directly the final series of prototypes of the draw in politics (marked in bold in the following and summarized in the illustrations 9, 10, and 11, p. 79 and p. 86-87).Physical Dimension of the drawIntellectual Dimension of the drawSeries of arguments for the draw + type of receipt= Frame was debate=>Hardware Operation=>PrototypeIllustration 9: The prototype as a result of the cross between a hardware operation of drawing and a way to justify and interpret it.4.3.2 .1The frame finalistThe first prototype of frame was debate focuses on the cases in which the drawing is seen in such a way as finalist, i.e. as a result of the will exterior of a higher power. This frame resumes for example the first logic proposed by Sintomer (2007, 135-139). The reasons for resorting to the prize draw are then based on the explicit will to obtain the opinion of God(s) x). Very often, the drawing employee is natural, that is, it corresponds to the interpretation of a given configuration by the coincidence. The first pro72"?Schemes?"?for Molino (1987),?"?logical?" policies?for Sintomer (2007),?"?figures anything economically exploitable???for Buchstein (2008), dipped between?"?values?"?and?"?use values?" on?for Delanoi (2010).79Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawTotype in this frame,?the ordeal, concerns the distribution of evils: by immersing the arm of the accused in boiling water and in interpreting the status of the wound three days later, we asked the opinion of God on the guilt. The individual decision making can correspond here to the practice of drawing of Bible verses??reported by Niederer (1987, 336). The collective decision-making could refer to the prototype of the?haruspice, allowing to read the will of the Gods in the bowels of animals. It is this type of practice that also relates Aubert (1959, 2)73 and that is found in the framework of the decisions non-policies in the form of tarot??(they let counselor by fortune tellers who interprets the cards). The sortition subject has this frame was debate mainly takes the form of?the elected?of God(s) who receives a signed or whose destiny is written and is revealed by some random phenomenon, and this, as the drawing either natural or artificiel74. Lastly, concerning lotteries, one can take as a prototype?the land of Israel?(distributed between the 12 tribes was the result of a printout, Joshua 21.1 -42).4.3.2.2Mors tua vita mea?: The frame of tragic choiceThe second frame was debate that we can identify is encountered in the case of?"?tragic choice??, that is to say in which it is matter of life and death, when the distribution will have fatal consequences for certains75. The series of justifications for resort to the prize draw is characterized by a beam comprising the impartiality, the externalities and the procedural equality. In effect when such choices, candidates have the same claims and one must ensure that the distribution not hurt personne76. There is also often in this frame the arguments of heuristic value and of procedural prevention: by using or threatening to use a draw at a tragic choice, it obliges the actors has revise their strategy. That is precisely the case in the first prototype, the one concerning the decisions and that73Aubert describes as well the hunting practices of the Naskapi of Labrador:?"?The magical practice consisted of an examination of heating bones of animals over hot coals, usually ... has bone of the kind of animal which the Naskapi are about to hunt. When heated, the bone cracks. It is then fitted into a wooden handle, and ... the cracks of the bone are read so as to give directions for the hunt. ... Tea practice reserves to increase the likelihood of successful hunting under conditions where game is scarce customer servicecheck and where tea animals tends to learn from previous experience with hunters. The Naskapi are, however, quite unaware of the randomness resulting from thesis decisions. They believe that they are seeking, and getting, guidance, from the supernatural.??74See for example the presentation made by Cireze (1995, 99) of the legend of Ulysses.75Kilner says people (1981, 245) :?"?In such boxes, a decision must be made as to who may live and who must die.??76For a more detailed analysis of this kind of case, see Katz (1973), Kilner says People (1981) and Mavrodes (1984).?804. To prototypes of drawingThe one could designate by the expression of the judgment of Solomon?77. In the framework of a lottery we can identify the prototype of the?organ transplant?which has widely been discussed in the years 70 and who returns to the problem of the choice of a recipient when the number of applicants far exceeds the number of lots and that the lives of candidates is at stake. A good illustration of this type of argument is located among Rescher (1969, 183) :"?This introduction of the element of chance-in what could be dramatized as a "lottery of life and death" must be justified. The fact is that such a procedure would bring with it three substantiel priviledges. First ... the introduction of the element of chance prevents the results that life-and-death selection are made by the automatic application of an admittedly imperfect selection method. Second, has recourse to chance would doubtless make matters easier for the rejected patient and those who have a specific interest in him. ... The introduction of the element of chance has insured like handling of like boxes over the widest possible area that msfss "reasonable in the circumstances. Third (and peut least), notamment has recourse to random selection does much to relieve the administrators of tea selection system of the awesome burden of ultimate and absolute responsibility. Thesis three considerations would seem to build up a substantial case for introducing the element of chance into the mechanism for Exotic Medical Lifesaving Therapy selection.??Finally, equally as tragic is looming in the framework of the drawings elective non-political the prototype of?the short straw?made famous by the popular nursery rhyme that is-a-say that of the choice of a person has sacrifice on a raft has the drift and which are also found in proven cases of shipwrecks that in countless historical references and culturelles78.4.3.2 .3The rationalist frameThis combination of arguments has been mainly put forward by Neurath and Elster. It is based on the central idea of the existence of a rationality of second order that it would be possible to achieve through the draw. The justifications advanced focus in addition on the impartiality, the externalities and the economy. The prototype the more clear of this frame concerning the lots is the figure of the?stack or face. There is located the face has a series of lots non-vital or candidates who are judged equivalent and a recourse to the draw to lift this situation of indeterminacy (Elster 1989). Found this prototype in the framework of individual decisions. In the framework of social decisions, it was rather a do has a remedy in last ins77ItResumes the expression?"?Solomonic judgment?"?given in this kind of situations by Elster (1989), particularly concerning the decision of the custody of children who has a tragic character even if it is not a question of life or death of the child. Duxbury (1999) speaks of decisions?"?in the shadow of a lottery?" on.78The case of sinking the most discussed is that of Holmes vs United States (1842). For a reference more old but which has occupied many commentators such as Thomas Aquinas or Gataker, see the opinion of Augustine on the drawing of lots in the case of persecution (the example is cited in Elster 1987, 118).?81Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawImportance because the other decision procedures were not successful and that we find ourselves faced has a blocking decision making. We can talk about the prototype of the Swedish parliament??in reference to the latter which took several decisions by drawing due to a perfect equality between two political parties (cf. note 69, p. 76). Concerning the sortition, the prototype is rather that of the?tie-breaker, very widely used in politics in ultimate instance, during an equality of votes for example, and this, whatever the type of workstation (Buchstein 2009a).4.3.2 .4The utilitarian frameThe frame utilitarian prolongs the rationalist frame while having a focal length more important on the issue of the economy. In summary:?"?Allocation by lot will commend itself to the utilitarian if and only if the costs of allocation by a more conventional mechanism exceeds its utility-seeking advantages, resulting in a lower social utility net of allowances costs than the expected yield of a lottery?"?(Kornhauser & Sager 1988, 484-485). Often this economy is coupled has other justifications considered secondary but necessary as the procedural equality or neutrality. In the field of lotteries, the US's green card??seems to constitute a satisfactory prototype. The administration of migration wants in this case recruit a number of workers by ensuring a procedural justice but without wishing to employ means judges too substantial and unnecessary (for the purpose) in order to differentiate the candidates. The case of elective prints seems to be able to be summed up under the prototype previously mentioned of the?stack or face?when the issue at stake is lesser, i.e. in the drawings of all days: the cost of the decision is then low and a solution is quickly found. In the area of the sortition, two prototypes from theoretical propositions could be mobilized: the?W?hlerspezialisierung?of Horn (1980) and the?modest proposal for election reform?of Abrams & Settle. In the first case, it is a question of forming small groups to vote the laws in order to save the cost of national referenda (legislative post) and in the second to choose a?representative pool of constituents?responsible to vote to ensure that the electoral process is faster and less expensive (elected office). Finally, if the justification?"?representativeness?"?is included in the frame, we can raise the survey??to the rank of prototype of utilitarian uses the draw, in the sense that it is more economical but equally effective to work on a representative sample that of questioning the whole population (Delannoi 2010).?824. To prototypes of drawingIn a perspective totally utilitarian and highly controversial we can also think of the prototype of the?survival lottery?in the framework of loteries79.4.3.2 .5The democratic frameIn a optical profoundly different and far from the utilitarian theories, is located a series of three frames that are interested in the political system as a whole. The first can be described as democratic and relies on a system of justification center on the idea of equality in its components procedural and substantial. It is also call has the idea of rotation and inclusion80. This frame is mainly present during the sortition and the classical Athens seems from this point of view present the major prototype and this all the more if to remember the characteristics of the physical operations in game then (rotation, no accumulation of mandates, pool of sorteables very wide). Thus, with regard to the posts and deliberative legislative one could talk about the?ball?(in a modern version we could talk of?Citizen Legislature has?the Callenbach & Phillips 1985), concerning the executive posts of judges??; the?dicastes?would thus the prototype of posts judiciaires81. For the drawings elective posts of non-political, the democratic frame returns the?joblottery?proposed by Goodwin (2005). In the framework of lotteries, the prototype is the one of the conscription??when it is an evil. All citizens are equal before the rights and duties imposed on them by their membership in the body politic. And we can move forward the image of the?inheritance?when the batch is a well: all children should receive an equal share of the inheritance.4.3.2 .6The republican frameThe frame republican - in its direction of?res publica -?is based just as the democratic frame on the idea of equality and of rotation, but it emphasizes especially in before the justifications of impartiality, externalities, of neutrality and unpredictability. It is to protect the public thing against the factions. This frame can shimmer in shades rather aristocratic when equality is seen as the property of a few and not to all. We found this frame of prototypical manner in the sortition of the republics Florentine and Venetian.79See chapter 2, 4.1 , p. 105.80Is found here the third logic of Sintomer (2007) or the second combination of Delannoi (2010).81On the trackball as a prototype of democratic institution end of the drawing, cf. Manin (1997).83Chapter 1: a typology of the prize drawThe?florentine drawing?allowed to keep the political balance fragile of the cite82. In a judicial framework can we talk of the?jury?as a prototype: a random selection of individuals which ensures impartiality but in which there are citizens with a minimum of competence83. Concerning the sortition elective, the?lottery voting?of Amar is adapted: it begins with a vote based on the electoral competition before proceed to draw. Concerning the lotteries, the republican frame could also apply to the?lottery school, that is to say the distribution of places of education by drawing if the latter includes a weighting through a review on criteria of academic competence.4.3.2 .7The frame " aleatorienne "This frame was debate is based mainly on the idea of justice, representativeness and inclusion. It is also call has justifications as the externalities and impartiality. The drawing is seen as an instrument of first resort, a necessary condition and is differentiated in this of the previous frames which consider the draw tool as?"?lack of better?". She also has the particularity to be deductive, i.e. not from existing examples as the other frames but to build on the contrary its elevator pitch from the theory: its proponents offer them-even prototypes of what could be the tools based on the printout. We will detail the foundations and the arguments of the frame aleatorienne in chapter 3 and the prototypes that accrue in the chapters 2, 3 and 4. We can however, already deliver a succinct overview. Regarding the lotteries, an example in which the frame aleatorienne is preponderant is the?school lottery?(Boyle 2010): all citizens should have a chance to access the best possible education regardless of their original environment (chapter 4, 1.1.1 , p. 182). Concerning the sortition for statutory items, it is the?citizens assembly?(chapter 3, 4.3.5 , p. 112). The?mini-public seems?the prototypical example of distribution of advisory positions based on reasons aleatoriennes (chapter 3, point 4.3.4 , p. 111 et seq. and chapter 4, 4.3.5 , p. 112 et seq. ). The judicial positions refer to the?deliberative lottery?(Bunting 2006, chapter 2, 4.3.1 , p. 109) and the executive posts has?the anti-council?(Schnapp & Vi82Dowlen(2008A, 94) :?"?The aim was not to produce random individuals, goal to obtain an unpredictable mix such as would keep all parties interested in maintaining the system.??83This vision of the jury is partly outdated in the facts, but the prototype seems however take. And this all the more if one is interested in the hardware operation which is often a procedural block with an examination not only?ex ante?but also?ex post .844. To prototypes of drawingDAL-Naquet 1969, chapter 2, 4.3.3 , p. 110). The drawings elective policies could be illustrated by the proposal of?riding random?(Rehfeld 2005, chapter 2, 4.3.2 , p. 110) and the elective posts non-political as has them are at best described by the?joblottery?(Goodwin 2005, chapter 2, 4.1 , p. 105). We also find in this frame a prototype for collective decision by draw, the?probability voting, presented by Frey (1969; 2010, chapter 2, 4.2 p. 107). In an extreme version, this frame could refer to the prototype of the lottery?in Babylon, portrayed in the work of Borges (1944) ; a world in which the company is based on a regular rotation of the whole of social positions, of the king to the prisoner.?85Illustration 10: The procedure of choice as the result of a hardware operation and of an intellectual operation.Hardware Operation:The types of drawingIntellectual Operation: The frames anything economically exploitableRather finalistRather non-finalist (deterministic or not)Tragic ChoiceRationalistUtilitarianDemocraticRepublicanAleatorienneNatural Draft - CleromancieDraw non-policyThe tarot?Draw policyLotteryProperty??HeadacheOrdealDrawAdvisoryIndividualBiblical VerseCollectiveHaruspiceSortition and drawing electiveElectedDraw artificial - ClerosDrawing not policyLots and Decisions?Games and scientific printsPostsThe ElectedShort straw??Joblottery?JoblotteryDraw policyLotteriesPropertyLand of IsraelOrgan TransplantStack or faceGreen cardInheritanceSchool LotterySchool LotteryHeadacheSurvival LotteryConscription?Organ TransplantDrawAdvisoryIndividual?Judgment of SolomonStack or faceStack or face???CollectiveSwedish ParliamentPoll??Probability votingSortitionAnd drawing electiveLegislative /ConstitutionalThe Elected?Tie-BreakerWahlerspezialisierungTrackballFlorentine DrawingCitizen AssemblyExecutive?MagistratesDogeAnti-councilJudicial?DicastesJuryDeliberative LotteryAdvisory?TrackballFlorentine DrawingMini-publicElective PostPool of voters?Lottery VotingRandom RidingIllustration 11: Summary of prototypes. The question marks correspond to the crossovers either unlikely either for which it has not yet found a prototype.Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw5. ConclusionsThe whole of the discussions conducted throughout this chapter has allowed us to better grasp the complexity which is hidden behind the intuitive simplicity of the drawing. Four points appear essential. First, the drawing (cleros and cleromancie) is a procedure of choice whose specificity is to be based on a moment of indeterminacy irreducible - the random moment - on the contrary of its rivals that allocative efficiency are the vote, the market and the examination. Secondly, this time - the?palos?- is framed by a series of technical measures prior and subsequent to control the degree of random. Thirdly, the drawing is inseparable from its discursive context (reasons for and against) and of the reception that are the actors (how they interpret the principle random). Fourthly, the drawing is in practice included in a procedural block, a logical articulation of procedures (for example a review followed by a draw or a market and then a draw). It follows from these four elements that the draw was not of intrinsic nature. It has been seen that its specificity, the indeterminacy, may be severely limited or challenged. Thus, there is no indeterminacy for a person who believes that the result of the drawing corresponds to the divine will. In the same way, at a draw weighted in a pool very restricted to sorteables or one of the candidates receives 90% of chances of winning, the random is located he reduced to the minimum. The cleros may therefore bear all the characteristics that he ready, or no depending on the manner in which the procedural block comprising the draw is built.Based on this flexible design, it has been possible to formulate - in referring to the typologies already existing - a series of frames anything economically exploitable and of categories of hardware operations concerning the draw. The crossing of the two dimensions has enabled us to propose a typology based on the idea that there are prototypes of draw, i.e. combinations of intuitive frames anything economically exploitable and hardware operations. This work of exploratory nature was the establishment of a framework for comprehensive analysis of the problematic of the prize draw in politics. This markup will now allow to be of particular concern was a series of authors who have designed and proposed the use of patterns to draw in politics since a quarantine of years.88Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsIn the same way as the draw in policy has been widely used and repeatedly reinvented, it has regularly been proposed as a solution to one or the other problem encountered in politics. It is located as well - if we resumed the schema of the first chapter - in the presence of proposals of hardware operations coupled has frames anything economically exploitable. It is has the identification, classification and a quantitative analysis of these proposals that the present chapter is dedicated. It is organized to do this along four stages, the first is the delineation and characterization of the corpus of texts in which the draw is studied, whether it is employment policies or not (1). This presentation allows you to be interested then in detail the texts describing the schemes of draw (2) or the analysing of exploratory manner (3) and those in which are formulated concrete proposals for introduction of political processes based on a cleros (4). An analysis scientometrics of the whole corpus (5) allows finally to raise the question of its coherence around the hypothesis of the emergence of a new current within the philosophy politique1. The entire work is based on a quantitative approach, supplemented in chapter 3 by a qualitative analysis.1This chapter is published partially in Delannoi & Dowlen (2010). In addition, due to the nature of the research, the bibliographic references are given in chronological order and non-alphabetical.Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometrics1. Methodology1.1Delimitation of the corpusThe corpus of texts taken into account in the work aims to include all the writings dealing with the prize draw by taking into account four limits. The first is of a linguistic nature and research has the se limit has five languages: English, French, German, Spanish and Italian. Some texts are translations which have enabled as well to include references not available d2" Panel. The second limit is of a thematic nature since the texts in which the drawing is only mentioned that superficially have summers left out. This limitation applies mainly for the writings dealing with the concept of chance and statistics or many of the drawings in the context of the games. However, some references have been retained because they are needed as references for other auteurs3. The third limit is chronological: the texts concerning the draw in politics have indeed been published since the remotest antiquity and up to the time of writing, making an exhaustive work impossible. That is why the window of quotation (Havemann 2009, 21) has been reduced to the period 1945-2010, a choice based on the finding?ex post?that the vast majority of writings have summers published since a quarantine of year. The texts of the pre-war included in the study are those who have remained as references in the subsequent legislation, i.e. which have had a significance beyond their time. For 2010, the deadline is a juillet4. The fourth criterion of classification of texts has taken the form of a division of references between a database and a corpus. The first is more widely defined and includes texts of gray literature and/or non-published, of references to translations, reprints of books or reissues of articles as well as the earlier references has 1945. The corpus in contrast includes only the first publication of the texts of after-war in their original language. Thus, whereas the database includes three texts of Goodwin2For example the texts in latin of Bruni, translated into English.3See for example Bennett (1998).4Between April 2010 and the finalization of the manuscript it has identified a dozen additional texts including six font proposals for introduction of the draw in politics. These texts are embedded in the presentation (Paragraphs 2 to 4) but they could not be included in the calculations of the analysis scientometrics. It is of Harcourt (2007), Peonidis (2009), Delannoi & Dowlen (2010), Boyle (2010), Saunders (2010), Buchstein (2010), Sintomer (2010), Zakaras (2010), Dryzek & al. (2011), Pluchino & al. (2011).921. Methodology(1984 ; 1992 ; 2005), the corpus there are only two, the rerelease of the book?Justice by Lottery?of 2005 not falling into consideration. Same for the first text of Crosby which dates back to 1976 but in the form of a manuscript whose first official publication date of 1986. It is therefore this last date which is retained in the corpus. Taking into account the whole of these limits is to obtain a corpus of 205 texts within a database that account 318 references5.1.2Thematic distribution of textsThe underlying trend that seems to be emerging is that of a division between four types of texts. In the first case, the author focuses on the description of a specific use of the drawing which can be past, present or imagined. Thus Gudian (1971) book is there a detailed study of the operation of the distribution of lands when of legacies in antiquity and Catani (1987) undertakes he the same study in the framework of the Italy of the contemporary south. These studies are of history type and/or ethnological. There is also in this category the literary descriptions of uses imaginary as the famous?"?solar lottery?"?of Dick (1955). Often, however, the authors do not simply describe the process but add a level interpretive and analytical has their descriptive study. They compare different uses, weigh the for and against of the procedure, have the theoretical characteristics. They explore the area of the drawing in itself, that is why they will receive here the name of exploratory texts. Some authors are a further step as they propose to (re)introduce schemes to draw in the political systems and contemporary design of the corresponding tools. This proactive attitude could be described as a partisan in the direction or the authors defend and support the establishment of instruments based on the tirage6. In the same optical partisan but with other means, a series of authors have done militants of the prize draw. They often adopt a satirical view of the policy prior to propose the drawing as cure miracle7. These texts have a place questionable in a work of census because they tend to lack of analytical depth. However, they play an important role5See the synthetic table, infra p. 95. The complete list of references is available and downloadable at the following address: (visit the August 28 2011).6Elster (1987, 136) proposes this distinction in employing the word?advocative?that will result here by the term supporter:?"?Even today the proposal of random selection of candidates is often discussed, and sometimes advocated.??7The activists are also the people who are creating the circles of thoughts, movements?"?clerocrates?"?or?"?stochocrates??. For more details, see chapter 6, 4.1.3 , p. 351.93Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsBecause they show that the idea is disseminated and that it exceeds the circles intellectuals and scholars. That is why some of them are contained in the corpus of study, particularly those who are taxed as references among the other sponsors of the corpus8. The others are present in the database. This splitting into three groups of texts can be crossed with the distinction made in the previous chapter between the different types of hardware operations to draw. In effect, the writings are often concentrated on one type of drawing, sortition and posts, lottery or decision-making.1.3Analysis scientometrics of the corpusThe corpus and the database and put in place have been subject to an analysis scientometrics whose it should be quickly present the conduct and the interest. However it should be noted that some additional restrictions have been made to the number of texts from the corpus. He has in effect seems to be relevant to collect certain publications and to integrate some additional. As well, the book of Peter Dienel, Die?Planungszelle, has experienced five editions cited indifferently by the authors post and has therefore received only one entry during the study scientometrics. Conversely, the book?A Theory of Justice?Rawls, cited by numerous publications, has been integrated well that it deals only little of the matter of the draw. The same logic has pushed a integrate certain texts of pre-war included in the database. Once these patches applied, the matrix scientometrics includes 318 texts in the database and 254 of the corpus (cf. illustration 12, p. 95).8This is the case of Burnheim (1985) or of Callenbach & Phillips (1985).941. MethodologyText TypeDatabaseCorpusTexts on the coincidence, the statistics or the games.Texts published before 1945.640Descriptive texts or literary5042Exploratory Texts8066Texts supportersLotteries2423Advisory Drawing2423Sortition and elective8058Under total supporters912497Under total exploratory and supporters204163Total318205Total with correction for the analysis scientometrics318254Illustration 12: thematic distribution of the texts of the corpus.1.3 .1Tools employeesWe can define the scientometrie as?"?the measure of scientific activity?"?in a particular domain (Gingras 2008, 3). In the present context, two sets of tools have seems appropriate. The first is a bibliometric analysis it is-a-say centered on the production of scientific publications and is based on the calculation of four indicators:1.Evolution of the number of publications on the period, classified according to the diagram presented above. It is here of descriptive statistics.2.Analysis of citations. This traditional tool of the bibliometrics is has done an analysis matrix of citations that a text?"?given?"?and then?"?receives?" on?subsequently in order to highlight the degree of intertextuality, of a corpus in the form of its density and of the evolution of the latter (see illustration 13, p. 96).3.Analysis of centrality of texts and authors. More than a text receives of citations, more it is central. It is here to make the sum of citations received by each text/author in order to identify the works/authors headlights.4.Analysis of intercitation. This indicator allows you to measure the degree of integration of a set of texts. It is calculated by establishing for each text the ratio between the total of its references and the number of references that are part of the matrix. Thus,9The sub-total is less than the sum of the proposals, a difference which comes from the fact that the texts including proposals in different areas have been counted only once to avoid a distortion.95Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsIf a text includes 100 references 50 of which are in the matrix, its rate of intercitation will be 50 %. We can formulate the hypothesis that a rate of intercitation high is a sign of a significant integration of a network of texts / authors.The density D measure the number N of cross-citations between X texts, reported to the Y number of citations possible between these texts. To calculate Y it is necessary to multiply X by itself and then divide the result by 2. In effect, it is assumed in bibliometrics publication as a first quote (so each text is quoted at least itself, of or the square of the number of texts) but no text can quote texts later (therefore it is necessary to divide the final result by two). The formula is therefore:D = N / Y = N / (X2/2)For the database (DBD) and the corpus (DC) the density is therefore has calculate:DBD = N / (3182/2)DC = N / (2542/2)N is obtained as the sum of references of each text to previous texts of the matrix.Illustration 13: Calculation of the density of the matrix of citations.The second series of indicators concerning the interactions within the group of authors in the form of three additional elements. In the first place, it has carried out an analysis of accompaniers thanks certain texts and referring directly to other authors of the corpus which can provide valuable indications on the interactions within it. In the second place it has carried out an analysis of the co-editors. It is here to see what authors of the database have written together. It can be assumed that a large number of co-editors is the sign of an important integration of the network of authors (Havemann 2009). In the third place, it has identified the places of discussion, such as the scientific symposia or the discussion forums the authors of the corpus were taken and take part.?961. Methodology1.3 .2interest of the approachTHE bibliometric analysis is a scientific method often controversial and it seems important to emphasize here the limits and the inputs before continuing. The most important criticism is quite logically that of the aspect too in the quantitative approach which tends to neglect the qualitative depth of scientific output. A limit to which the qualitative analysis in chapter three should answer. The second weakness of the bibliometrics, as of any statistical approach, is that it is subject to distortion effects that should make us consider the figures with a certain critical distance. Among these distortions, we found:1.The effect of exponential growth in the literature (Havemann 2009, 23) which tends to relativize the impression given that a scientific field?"?exploded?"?when the number of publication grows exponentially.2."?The Matthew effect?" on. In a whole bibliographic, the authors most cited tend to be increasingly cites (Havemann 2009, 43)10.3.The effect of network. If one is interested only in the literature on the printout, we leave aside the other search fields and it is not possible to make comparisons of the evolution of other areas of interest of the political philosophy. It therefore becomes difficult to judge the real impact of the corpus on the whole of the discipline.4.The impossibility of completeness. The criteria for the construction of the corpus presented in beginning of chapter have already made this limit visible.5.It is also certain that the subsequent classification is partly arbitrary. It may be as well that a first edition of a text is not the one who had a scientific impact or that conversely a year is fruitful in texts but that none of them do is really necessary.The whole of these limits should not however make us forget the interest of the approach and the direction that may bear a quantitative analysis in this area when it is coupled to other outils11. The calculations are used to assess the internal growth of the corpus, of its phases of10Name given by Merton has this phenomenon which returns has the gospel according to Matthew:?"?We will give to the one which has, and it will be in the abundance, but was the one who was not hath even what he has.??11As the said Havemann (2009, 10) :?"?Es ist deshalb zu fragen, wie Publikationsstatistiken uberhaupt sinnvoll interpretiert werden konnen. Als wie verschieden sich auch die Bedeutung eines Forschungsresultats herausstellt - sie steht keineswegs von Anfang year und fur immer fest - so ?-sterreich zeigt die Publikation year doch, dass Verfasser, Gutachter und Herausgeber hmi ein notwendiges Minimum year Bedeutung zugemessen haben. Davon kann bei der Interpretation statistischer Verteilungen von Publikationszahlen Voraussetzungen werden, ganz so wie bei der Interpretation von Bevolkerungsstatistiken, bei denen auch unterschiedliche NC: Hoechst ? [demands?97Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsStagnation or recession. It is possible to identify cycles, trends. It is also possible to measure the degree of coherence of a set of texts and to put in before the evolution of its integration within a coherent whole.2. The descriptive texts and historicalThe set of descriptive texts, which represents 20.8 per cent of the database of 20.5% of the corpus), is thematically very varies. For the sake of clarity we will begin by presenting the bibliographic field wide around a few important works concerning the accident as well as the publications resulting from the literature, which are the most cited by the authors working on the draw (2.1 ), before then present the books mostly descriptive of chronological manner around five major historical blocks/thematic (2.2 ). Some historical texts contain proposals for introduction of schemes of prints, but because of the limits set out above, they will be treated here.2.1The wide-field: Random, statistical and literatureWe have seen previously that the prize draw is based on a time aleatoire12. It is therefore not surprising that most of the authors is interesting has one also looks on the other. In this framework, two books font figure of reference13: on one side, the article of Chaitin on the random defined in terms of mathematical algorithms (1975) and on the other the book of Bennett (1998) on the notion of hasard14. In a optical more concentrated on the history of the understanding of the concept of chance and that of the development of statistics, we found the books of Hacking (1975 ; 1990) and Bellhouse (1988) as well as the monograph of Thomas (1971) on the history of divination in Europe as a prism of the evolution of the reception of the concept of chance. Beyond these academic books, most authors is interesting the draw by policy cite and take as a basis was debate of literary works. The most often cited is without a doubt the new of Borges (1944) on the lotteryGone als Einwohner einer Stadt, z. B. , gezahlt werden. Und wie eine Bevolkerungsstruktur nach Geschlecht, Alter, Einkommen usw. ' ' ERHOBEN ' ' werden kann, so haben auch Journalaufsatze Merkmale, die es lohnt, in die Analysis einzubeziehen.??12See chapter 1, 1.3 , p. 41.13The term?"?reference?"?refers here to the authors of the corpus, it is not question of general reference.14Chaitin has pursued this idea in two other texts, Chaitin (1988) and (2001).982. The descriptive texts and historicalHas Babylon which is the basis of innumerable comments and marks the starting point for many reflections. The news of Jackson (1949), Dick (1955) and Greene (1985) just as the novel of Rhinehart (1972) are also often cites15. There are still a few texts which deal with the circulation of literary manner without being of references to the authors of the corpus: it is so with Wells (1903), Klein (1968) or Clarke (1986)16.2.2Historical texts and descriptive studiesThe draw was used in very many historical frameworks; it has therefore been introduced and commented on not only by subsequent authors but also contemporary. We found as well in each of the historic blocks and/or thematic sources of primary and secondary sources.2.2 .1Athens or the golden age of the drawThe Athenian democracy classic is not only the first case widely documented for the use of the draw in politics; it is also the most studied of all. Almost all the authors of the corpus font reference has the city-state in one form or the other.17 indeed. The primary sources concerning major circulation has Athens are located in the texts of Aristotle, Herodotus, Plato, Xenophon and in the Pseudo-Xenophon 18. The most valuable of all these texts for the current knowledge of the mechanisms of prints employees then, it is certainly the constitution of Athens, or constitution of the Athenians, found 1879 and assigned to Aristotle. In an interesting way, the first book modern secondary dedicated has the study of the prize draw policy has Athens (Headlam 1891) is published the same year that the first publication of the Constitution.19 when doing so it. What is more, the ancient text confirms the hypothesis15Rhinehart is a pseudonym. The adventures of Luke Rhinehart in?The Dice Man?is continuing in three other novels in 1993 and 2000. The first novel had caused numerous reactions when its publication and quickly became a best-seller?. It is cited nine times in the corpus, which the range in place 20 of the texts the most quoted.16It should be noted in this respect that they are the authors of science-fiction which most often have the developed the idea.17It is i.e. either by citing the primary sources or secondary. The policy of Aristotle is mentioned 36 times in the database which in fact the 3e text the most cited. The constitution of Athens arrives it at the 8th rank and Plato's Republic to the 12e.18However, it is true that some of the classic authors grant a central importance in the draw while other do that the mention. Aristotle (politics, books IV, 15 and VI, 2; rhetoric, 1393b3 ; constitution of Athens, 43-55 and 63-65), Herodotus (Histories, book III, ?§ 80-84), and Plato (republic, 557a-558 and 562a-564e; Laws, 740a, 741b, 745e, 759b-c) are part of the first category. The Pseudo-Xenophon (I. 2, 10-12 and I. 3, 1-3) and Xenophon (memorable, I. 2.9 and III. 9.10 ) belong rather to the second.19Headlam was working on his book for several years it is-a-say before having taken knowledge of the contents of the constitution.99Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsDeveloped by Headlam that the drawing Athenian was largely independent of any religious motivation, an opinion then particularly minoritaire20. The discovery of the function of the?kleroteria?by Dow (1940), complemented by the work of Bishop (1970) fortified this vision in the following decades and the majority of current studies presents the Athenian sortition as a central pillar of democratic practice ancient. Bleicken (1995, 313) characterizes and of?"?Sicherung der demokratischen Idea?"?(securing the democratic idea) and Hansen (1991, 51) judge the assumption of a drawing based on a religious motivation as a theory?"?attractive but weakly founded?" on. We can quote a few more secondary sources important dedicated has the technical details of the use of the draw in Athens, particularly in the context of the ball as the work of Lang (1959), Alford (1985), Kroll (1972) or even Rhodes (1985) and Blackwell (2003).In comparison to this profusion of work, it is that very little research concerning other ancient custom of the drawing, which is in part of the lack of sources. The two major exceptions are the texts judeo-christians based on the bible and the studies on the Roman Empire which also did a wide use of tirage21.2.2 .2The Middle Ages and the RenaissanceThe documentation and the discussion on the uses of the draw during the middle age European are based mainly on the case of italian communes, Florence and Venice in particular. This situation is not only due to the good condition and has the quantity of their municipal archives but is just as the consequence of the fact that actors remained famous took direct part in the debate then. This is for example the case of Bruni or Guicciardini who have left of accounts-rendered very dynamic the lively debates which waved then Florence22, debates analyzed in detail by the subsequent work of Manin (1996) and Dowlen20See Glotz (1907) or Ehrenberg was inspired (1927). A remarkable exception is Heistebergk (1896), which followed Headlam in its conclusions from the beginning.21On the bible, see Lindblom (1962) and Boursin (1990). On the Roman empire see Meier (1956), Staveley (1982), Manin (1997), Rosenstein (1995) and Williams (1998). One of the sources the most comprehensive regarding both the bible that Rome remains - despite his age - the book of Gataker (1619).22Bruni (1421, Book V ; 1439), Guicciardini (1513, 1515). Machiavelli (1525) also mentioned the sortition in his writings - for example, the Bank plays a central role in its proposal for a constitution for Florence - but he does not discuss really the subject. Also note that the few authors cited here represent only the tip of the iceberg. There are a large number of writings of the period referring to the topic that would deserve to be studied closely.1002. The descriptive texts and historical(2008A) on the basis of historical studies conducted by Najemy (1982) concerning Florence and Lane (1973) and Finlay (1980) in the case of Venice.The kingdom of Aragon, who represents the other example of wide use of the drawing during the period of the European renaissance is on the other hand virtually ignored, even though theinsaculacion?(put in bags) has played a major role and constantly growing has all political levels from 1446. The use of the draw persisted in addition well after the end of the reign of Ferdinand II (in 1515) which had little has little imposed by the system. The the most extensive reviews are found among Bisson (1988), Nels (1972), Sesma Munoz (1978) and Vicens (1980). The subject has recently found a new interest (Weller 2010)23. Other studies still are interested has cases more scattered and less central for the use of the drawing in the Middle Ages and during the Renaissance, for example concerning the cases of land distribution (Gretton 1912) or that the elections has administrative positions and policies, including in Switzerland (Rambert 1889).2.2 .3The gradual disappearanceStarting in the second half of the 17th century and until the end of the 19th, the draw has not only gradually disappeared from the political practice but it has also been the subject of a decreasing interest in the theory, which is reflected in a literature always less abundant, the judicial jury being a case has hand (cf. infra). While authors like Harrington (1661), Montesquieu (1742) or Rousseau (1762) still saw the drawing as a political procedure standard in their ouvrages24, thinkers and actors of liberal revolutions does the thought more as a serious alternative to other methods of selection, in particular in comparison with the vote (Manin 1997). The main exceptions are to be found in certain North American colonies25 and in the elective process in Great Britain (Kishlansky 1986). There is also a series of proposals made during the French Revolution (Lanthenas 1792 ; Condorcet 1793) that have been studied in detail by Dowlen (2008a).23There are for the Aragon, just as for the Italian republics, a significant potential for a detailed search given the magnitude of the archives and sources.24 See in particular the proposal of Rousseau in the framework of his draft constitution for Poland:?"?Therefore as soon after the death of the King, that is-a-say in the slightest interval that it will be possible and that will be fixed by the law, the Diet of election will be solemnly convened; the names of all the palatal obturators will be placed in competition and it will be fired three lots with all possible precautions for that no fraud corrupted this operation. These three names will be a high voice declared in the assembly, which, in the same meeting and has the plurality of voices, will choose the one she prefers, and it will be proclaimed King of the same day?"?(Rousseau, "??Considerations on the Government of Poland?", Chapter 14).25See for example the?Fundamental Constitution for the Province of East New Jersey in America?in 1683.101Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometrics2.2 .4The case of the judicial juryAs previously noted, the jury judicial is a remarkable exception was the gradual disappearance of the draw in politics at the turn of the 19th century. The juries have been used, defended, criticisms and reforms many times since their creation, but the principle of the prize draw, applied for the first time in the 18th century, no longer has been abolished and has even been gradually expanded and deepened. The democratic potential of juries has been identified quickly and many theorists of democracy there are interested under the aspects of participation and citizenship, including Jacobsohn (1977), Levine (1984), Constable (1994), Hans & Vidmar (2001) or Abramson (2000) who are the main references of the authors working on the tirage26. In contrast, there are few studies that focus on the principle of drawing. A notable exception to this is a series of articles on the problem of the (non) representativeness of juries who are rather of nature partisane27.2.2 .5Uses transhistoriquesOne of the main features of the drawing is, as we have seen, that he has been?"?invented?" on?many times and in a variety of settings in order to reply to the concrete problems of distribution and selection and it seems everything has been likely that the vast majority of these uses has not been documented, in particular in the oral cultures but also because the draw was often a function?"?daily?" on?who is not worthy of special attention. An exception concerns some texts nature of anthropological and ethnological. In this context it may be noted the study of Bromberger & Ravis (1987) relating to European usages as well as several studies on the distribution of land by draw, especially in the course of the history of the United States of American contexts.28.26The book of Abramson is the 13th most cited in the database. The case of the judicial panels is treated in greater detail in chapter 6 (cf. 3.1.1.1 , p. 340).27See infra, p. 109 and following. See also Kairys & al. (1977) and Fukurai & al. (1991).28See Bohanon & Coelho (1998) for the United States . Other examples of distribution of land have been studied by Levy (1956) in the case of Greece and by Lobe & Berkes (2004) in the framework of the distribution of human sins in India. For an inventory very comprehensive of the distribution practices of lots by draw, see the work of Boyle (2005) or the shorter of Silverman & Chamlers (2001).1023. Explore the potential of the draw3. Explore the potential of the drawA number of authors have made a not important analytical in wondering about the potential of the draw as a policy instrument. These texts represent 32.2 per cent of the corpus (31% of the database) and therefore have a central place in the whole of the publications on the draw. Before detailing the development of the period which we are interested, it seems appropriate to mention two exploratory texts veterans which contain an analysis particularly precise and today still relevant in many respects of the potential of drawing. These two books, which are part of the basic references of the contemporary authors, are, on the one hand, the?Of sortibus?of Thomas Aquinas and on the other hand the?of the Nature and Use of Lots?of Gataker (1619)29.The first author of after-war which has presented a theoretical approach of the draw seems to have been Aubert in a text entitled?"?Luck in Social Affairs?"?in which he defines the drawing as a chance?device, that is to say a?"?type of institutionalized decision in which the chance is a clear feature?"?(Aubert 1959, 2). It is interesting to note that this text is probably the prime as treating the exploratory drawing since the publication of the book of Gataker in the direction or a real attention is scope has in defining the nature, characteristics and has the pros and the contre30. This seminal article is remains for a long time the only one to deliver such an exploratory panorama of the draw and of its uses until appear in 1984 two important articles, a prime of Broome (1984) which focused on the justifications for the use of the draw and the second of Goodwin (1984). In his text?"?Justice by Lottery?" on, the latter develops and supports the hypothesis that the drawing is an instrument of social justice which should be?"?a necessary part of any mechanism of distribution and any theory of justice?"?(Goodwin 1984, 1). A recovery position and presented extensively in the volume published in 1992 which is the first book devoted entirely to draw exploratoire31 manner. This book was part of a dis29SeeAlso the second edition (Gataker 1627) which contains many add-ins, and integrated responses has the criticisms made following the publication of the first edition. See also the edition modernized conducted by Boyle (Gataker 2008) that will be?infra?in the bibliometric analysis.30 We find this type of reflections under the pen of Montesquieu or Rousseau (or other) but in a manner extremely fast and without any real desire for discussion. The texts such as those of Headlam (1891) or Heisterbergk (1896) certainly leave an important part in the discussion on the printout, but always reported has the example of Athens and without real abstraction or theorising. It is also noted that the article remains long ignored the other sponsors. Of the 16 citations of the text, 50% dating from the last ten years.31See Goodwin (1992), reprinted in 2005. If one takes into account the two editions, the book is the 5th most cited in the database and the 3e of the corpus.103Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsMyan increasingly wide conducted within the political theory on the themes of the limits of rationality and social justice launched between other by Elster in a series of conferences and work from 198732. In another registry, but also resolutely exploratory, seems in 1996 the first edition of the book of Manin on the principles of representative government which marks the beginning of a discussion on the sortition or any of the less that treaty for the first time since the books of Headlam of the question of the complex relationship between election, pulling, democracy and aristocratie33. These works have been recently widely supplemented by two major monographs in the English language (Dowlen 2008a) and German (Buchstein 2009a)34. In a more global perspective, a series of authors have explored the relationship between drawing and fairness, posing including the question of the conditions of a draw juste35. Finally, other texts have approach the subject of reflexively in is interesting to publications on the draw and especially to those in which are located the proposals for introduction of the pull and indicators36.4. The texts containing proposalsAs noted previously, this analysis concentrates on the texts of after-war by ignoring the proposals more old, despite their interest certain37. The texts containing proposals represent half of the corpus treaty and come mainly in the form of articles (65.4 % )38, less often in the form of pounds (28.8 %) and even less in the form of chapters of books (5.8 % ). In most cases, a proposal is made for a type of use of the draw, that is-a-say concerning a batch (lottery), a decision (draw advisory) or a workstation (sortition and drawing elective). That is why they will be presented32 See Elster (1987, 1989). See also the series of articles in the?Social Science Review?which deals with different specific aspects of the topic: Kornhauser & Sager (1988), Eckhoff (1989), Engelstad (1989) and D'Hofstee (1990). These texts are all taxed as references by the suite.33See Manin (1996). In reality it seems that a first version of the book of Manin either published in 1992 under the title?the la tercera deputies dei moderniza tion. But he was - according to the author - not as comprehensive as the french and english issues of 1996 and 1997. That is why I have decided to skip this first publication in the corpus. On the relationship between election and drawing, see also Delannoi (2003).34For other exploratory approaches on the draw of the legislative power, see Engelstadt (1989) or Dowlen (2008a).35See in particular article of Sher (1980) and the more recent studies of Stone (2009a).36See Snider (2007) or Vergne (2009b).37See for example the texts of Guicciardini or Bruni or the texts as those of Leroux (1848).38The articles of Encyclopedia (2,4 %) and newspapers (0.5 %) are in this category.1044. The texts containing proposalsIn this way. More rarely, proposals are made in several areas, in which case the texts containing the will appear several times.4.1The lotteries: distribute goods and evils by drawingThe proposals concerning the lots represent 11.2 per cent of the corpus (25.7 per cent of the proposals) and their number has known of large variations during the period under review, mainly due to the emergence of academic discussions on issues of distribution of social goods. We can identify three clusters of texts. Chronologically speaking, the first proposals of after-war have arisen in the context of medical ethics, in order to respond to the problem of the distribution of the goods rare who became an important subject at the same time that were developing the possibilities of organ transplants and treatment of deadly diseases through the technique. The discussion seems to have begun with the proposal made by Rescher (1969, 183) to introduce the scheme next to the distribution of?"?exotic lifesaving medical therapies (ELT)???:"?The detailed procedure I would propose - not of race as optimal (for reasons we have seen), aim as eminently acceptable - would handset tea scoring procedure just discussed with an element of chance. The resulting selection system would function as follows: First the criteria of inclusion ... would be applied to constitute a first phase selection group - which (we shall suppose) is substantially larger than the number n of persons who can actually be accommodated with ELT. Next the criteria of selection ... are brought to bear through a scoring procedure ( … ). On this basis a second phase selection group is constituted which is only somewhat larger - say by a third or a half - than the critical number n at outcome. If this second phases election group is's periodical homogeneous hast eyes rating by tea scoring procedure - that is, if there are no really major disparities within this group (as would be likely if the initial group was significantly larger than n) - then the final selection is made by random selection?" on39.This proposal has led to many reactions direct40 before you fall into a forgotten certain and then to be widely discussed again from the end of the years 90 in the exploratory texts. Harris (1975) has formulated a proposal much more radical and theoretical ranging from in the same direction, to which he gave the name of?Survival Lottery?which has launched39The text of Rescher is mentioned 12 times in the corpus, which makes it the 17th most cited.40An anonymous author (Due Process in the Allocation, 1975) as well as Bassoon (1979), Mavrodes (1984) and Hirose (2007) have criticized the proposal. Childress (1970), Katz (1973) and Kilner says People (1981) as well as more recently Waring (1995) have defended and developed.105Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsA major controversy in the field of the ethique41. A short presentation of this lottery for the survival is made by Hanink (1976, 223) :"?Harris asks us to suppose that organ transplant procedures have been perfected. Having this Navigation pack - screen shots, we are urged to put ourselves in the place of Y and Z. They will die without, respectively, heart and lung transplants. Purpose we have no spare organs in stock. So Harris proposed a no-nonsense reform. We ought not to let Y and Z die; rather we ought to take A's heart and lungs, thus killing has, to save Y and Z. And never mind A's right to bodily integrity. Two for one, after all, is a bargain not to be missed. Moreover, we can quiet most of our moral scruples about this proposal by scientifically selecting A through a national lottery.??The second cluster of texts is that which concerns not more of the scarce but the distribution of headache. The recurring theme in this area is the question of conscription, which has given rise to proposals for introduction of the draw which the most famous is contained in the short text?on the Draft?signed by a collective of authors belonging to a?Harvard Study Group?in 1967, in reaction to the procedure in force alors42. The writing is not only interesting for its content but also by its creation process when it is known that John Rawls, Samuel Huttington or even Michael Walzer were members of the group. It also seems to have had an impact on the subsequent legislation concerning the procedure of conscription from 1970 (Buchstein & Hein 2009) which has itself been the subject of debates and proposals of reforme43. Proposals for distribution of other social ills - whether taxes or the distribution of a sentence by drawing after a judgment - have also been regularly formulated without provoking a debate of such a intensite44.The last cluster of texts concerned of new goods but non-vital, as the scientific funding (Abert 1972), the operating licenses (Haspel 1985), the spaces for the boarding school of medicine (Murphy 2001) or the nationalite45. Recently, the debate the more keen has concerned the admission school and university, which can be explained by the introduction since a few years of schemes of prints in this area in several countries in Eu41AmongThe authors who have taken part in the controversy, see Glover (1977), Singer (1977), Harris (1978), Green (1979) and Leiman (1983). The text of Harris is cited 17 times (12e more cited).42There was a possibility of escape recruitment by studying and having good notes, which on the one hand gave - in the light of the costs of the studies - a benefit to the children of the affluent and was putting on the other hand the fate of students between the hands of the rating of the part of their teachers.43See in particular Fienberg (1971) and Scheirer & Fienberg (1971). The conscription by drawing and its modalities, including that of the financial relief, has also been the subject of lively debates in the 19th century who have summers studied and presented by Bohigas (1968).44On the taxes see Stiglitz (1982) and on the distribution of sentences by drawing, see Lewis (1989).45Grotzinger (1998) proposed to create a second nationality which would be pulled to the fate has the birth. Each human being thus have a dual nationality and by the same occasion some of the related rights and obligations. Thus for example the duty to return 3% of his wages to the country of second nationality.1064. The texts containing proposalsRope46. The magazine the most comprehensive of the distribution of batches per draw and the discussions that result was made by Boyle (1998 ; 2005)47.4.2The drawing as a method of rational decision and fairDespite the fact that the decision-making seems to be the use the more commonly prevalent of the drawing, it is precisely this type of employment which seems to have the least attracted the attention academic, in all cases if one is interested not to descriptive works but well to the proposals for the introduction of schemes based on the tirage48. There is however an important exception which is articulated around the development of public choice theory in political economy. The year 1969 has seen the release of the first two proposals of this type (Frey 1969; Zeckhauser 1969) who have put forward the need to introduce the drawing as a method of decision-making in order to better take into account the preferences of actors in specific cases. The example of Zeckhauser is the following (1969, 697) :"?The 101 Club must choose a single form of entertainment for all club members. The membership rolls contain fifty football fanatics, Fiddy ballet aficionados, and a single lover of musical comedy. For the footballers who go to the musical is almost as bad as the ballet. For the ballet enthusiasts the musical is little better than football. By majority rule, using pairwise comparisons without lotteries, the musical will be chosen. If lotteries were permitted, a fifty-fifty football-ballet lottery would defeat the musical by any required plurality," up to 100 out of 101??.Zeckhauser note however in his text that the proposal has more disadvantages than advantages and ends by the reject in recital that the drawing will not impose?ex ante?as procedure of choice precisely because of the preferences of actors for other types of procedures not probabilistic. The draw will be losing at the time of the decision on the procedure for decision49. The short article of Zeckhauser has had a significant resonance in the discussion on the methods of rational choice and the corpus account and not less than nine direct reactions46For of ancient texts, see Simpson (1972) and D'Hofstee (1983). On the recent debate see Goudappel (1999), O'Hear (2007), Saunders (2008) Stone (2008d) or Boyle (2010).47See also the articles of Greely (1977) and Szaniawski (1991).48The texts containing proposals for the introduction of decision by drawing represent 11.2 per cent of the corpus and 9.5 per cent of the database.49"?Unfortunately, difficulties arise. No lottery can be chosen that will meet the standards which we usually require of those certain alternatives that are chosen in conventional majority procedures. In pairwise majority contests, no lottery can win a majority over every certain alternative and over every lottery there are certain alternatives?"?(Zeckhauser 1969, 697).107Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsHis proposal. The most immediate are those of Shepsle (1970) and Fishburn (1972a) who criticize certain premises of Zeckhauser and introduce a probabilistic analysis of the preferences of the actors. Most of these reactions lead to the same conclusion of the rejection of the drawing as credible alternative has the rule of majorite50. Three important exceptions are noted: the first from Nitzan (1975)51 who pleaded for the introduction of such a decision-making method while remaining skeptical about its feasibility, the second coming from Holler (1985) who proposed to draw lots to the method of counting the votes (simple majority, absolute majority, qualified majority, etc. ) before each vote in the parliament with the aim to prevent the strategic behavior on the part of the members but also in order to get on the long-term a?"?proportional representation strict?" on52. The third is to Frey himself who in his 1969 article argues in his conclusion that this mode of decision would be beneficial and that it would be good to put in place and which has reiterated its proposal in 2010 in the appointing?probability voting (?Frey 2010). The other texts of the group are interested rather to the theoretical models of calculations of the social choices in the presence of a draw more that has proposals concretes53. Outside of the discussion on the theory of rational choice, the proposals for the introduction of schemes of decision-making is concentrated around the more general question of equity. The first text in this field is that of Taurek (1977) which addresses the problem of the number in the following form:"?I can hear the incredulous tones: "Would you flip a corner were it a question of saving fifty persons or saving one? Surely in situations where the numbers are this alternatives you must admit that one ought to save the many rather than the few or the one." I would flip a corner even in such a case, special considerations apart. I cannot see how or why the mother addition of numbers should change anything. It seems to me that those who, in situations of the kind in question, would have me count the relative numbers of people involved as something in pesticidal of Significance?, would have me attach importance to human beings and what happens to them in merely the way I would to objects which I valued.??50 The argument in this case rests on the fact that the cost of a procedural block resistant strategies of actors - that is to say including a draw - is too high relative to the benefits that such a resistance provided.51Nitzan (1975, 100) :?"?At present, it seems unlikely that any society would adopt tea suggested Reasonning decision rule?" on.52See Holler (1985) and Berg & Holler (1986).53See Fishburn (1972b), Fishburn & Gehrlein (1977), Intriligator (1973), Gibbard (1977), Pattanaik & Peleg (1986), Ledyard & Palfrey (1994). A good indication of the strong interaction between these texts is delivered by Fishburn (1978, 133) :?"?Thanks in part to the paper by Zeckhauser ( … ), interest in the analysis of social choice lotteries has increased in the past few years?"?or by Gibbard (1977, 668):?"?It was Zeckhauser who broached the study of voting with lotteries as alternatives. Fishburn studies the subject further.??1084. The texts containing proposalsThis proposal has caused an important debate and many critical positions on the validity of a printout in the case or the alternatives represent different sizes, accompanied by counter-proposals centerd on the idea of prints weighted by exemple54.Finally, without reference to the problems of ethics, the recourse to the decision-making by drawing has also been proposed in a utilitarian perspective, i.e. in cases in which the cost of meeting an adequate information exceeds the gain of a decision-making not aleatoire55.4.3Distribute the power by drawing: The proposals of sortitionWhile the distribution of political posts by drawing has interested many of the authors of after-war, the proposals concerning the jobs non-policies remained rares56, a propensity which comes in part from the fact that the latter have often summers considered as lots. That is why they will not be discussed here and we will concentrate on the political posts following the distinction made in the chapter 1.4.3 .1extend the principle of the judicial juryThe judicial sphere is the area where the draw is the most widespread and the proposals most rares57. The first voice that amounted have concerned the reform of the jury itself within the framework of the controversies of 1970 on the representativeness of juries north-Americans: there is thus a series of articles proposing to improve this last by using cross-lists or by taking explicitly into account the ethnic dimension during the draw through quotas58. More recently and in a optical more radical, Bunting (2006) has proposed to extend the system of juries in such a way that the?"?state-court judges should be selected by a process similar to that currently used to select trial juries, where tea54See between other Parfit (1978), Kavka (1979), Sanders (1988) and Lawlor (2006).55See for example Wolff (1969 ; 1970), Sunstein & Ullmann-Margalit (1999) or Schmidt (2000). The texts of Wolff had a great resonance in the United States . The book of 1970 is quoted 13 times in the corpus.56The most notable exception is the work of Boyle. See in particular article of 1998. See also the?joblottery?of Goodwin (2005).57This raises the question of the correlation: the proposals are they rare because the draw is already present (the work is already done) or despite the fact that it is present (justice would be the area where the threshold of resistance is the lowest) ?58This controversy was conducted mainly in the fields of?Civil Rights?and will not developed here. For an example of these articles, see Alker & al. (1976).109Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsSet of possible candidates is now roughly defined as all members of the state bar?" on. Lichtman (1996) has proposed to fit the number of jurors has 24 persons present during the whole trial before draw lots 12 of them for the final deliberation.4.3 .2 "a modest proposal for reform" and "election-prints"The corpus account four proposals concerning either of the elected positions either voting procedures themselves. The oldest is the?Modest Proposal for Election Reform?of Abrams & Settle (1976, 45) who suggest to choose a pool of voters by drawing within the whole of the electorate in order to?"?substantially reduce election costs without appreciably altering the election outcome.??59 An idea which has remained isolated, in contrast to the proposal made in 1984 by Amar to introduce a system of?Lottery Voting, i.e.?a weighted draw between the candidates in the elections in order to decide the final winner. More recently, two proposals for reform of the system of elections north american have met a certain echo. The first (Gangale 2004 ; Tolbert, Redlawsk & Bowen 2009) focuses on the idea that it would be a good idea to pull the State in which should be held the first primary in the presidential. The second sees the establishment of electoral districts random or more exactly the allocation of voters has constituencies non-territorial randomly (Rehfeld 2005)60.4.3 .3An executive fired the FateThe corpus enables identification of six authors who have defended the draw for executive posts. The first proposal seems to be coming of 1969 of Vidal-Naquet (Schnapp & Vidal-Naquet 1969, 40) in the form of an?"?anti-administrative council?" on?the draw for the School practice of High Studies of Paris61. Subsequent proposals came from Emery (1976b) for the total posts in the?Government Service?; by Barber (1984) for the mayors and municipal officials; by Mulgan (1984, 555) to the executive within the associations and unions; by Burnheim (1985) for the whole of executive posts ; by Knag (1998) to determine which of the two best candidates for the presidential elections north american should ultimately govern. In a register near, Frey & Stut59InThe same direction see Horn (1980) who speaks of?Wahlerspezialisierung.60 The proposal of Rehfeld has given rise to a sustained debate, in particular in the form of a complete number of the magazine?Polity?with articles from Canon (2008), James (2008), Rehfeld (2008), Stone (2008b) and Williams (2008).61This in fact apparently the first proposal for the introduction of the draw of posts after the war.1104. The texts containing proposalsZer (2005) have proposed to give has a group of citizens drawn on power to control and allocate the executive powers of the international organizations.4.3 .4mini-public in theory and in practiceIt is in 1970 that Dahl has made the first proposal of introduction of deliberative body drawn by lot from among the population:?"?I propose that we seriously consider restoring that ancient democratic device and use it for selecting advisory councils to every elected official of the giant polyarchy - mayors of large cities, state governors, members of the US House and Senate, and even the President?"?(Dahl 1970, 149). A thought clarified, specified and slightly amended in two subsequent texts:?"?I would propose the creation of what might be called a mini-populus. Its members would be a group of randomly selected citizens who would serve for a limited period?"?(Dahl 1987, 207 and Dahl 1989). If the idea was not immediately met with an echo important, it has achieved little by little the status of reference in the matiere62. Many of the other proposals subsequent theoretical elsewhere make reference to the mini-public as a source of inspiration while ranging from the more often beyond, including providing for legislative prerogatives to the body in question63. The fact remains that the idea of mini-public has constituted the most fertile recruiting ground of the interaction between theory and practice. In fact, the development of the theoretical proposals is carried out in parallel to that of practical experiences. It is thus that Dienel and Crosby propose and then put in place 1973 of?Planungszellen?and from 1976 of?Citizens Juries. As these practical developments are at the center of chapter 4, here we will just mention the publications in which these practitioners have presented their innovations for the first time, in 1969 for Dienel and in 1976 for Crosby64. In the same vein, we also find Fishkin (1991, 1995) and its model of?Deliberative Poll, inspired according to him in part of the proposal of Dahl, unlike the two previous authors. If we now return to the theoretical realm, the proposal to introduce a new branch of the power that it is for62The studyBibliometric certainly shows that the first reference of the corpus to the text of Dahl is from 1972. However more than half of the 24 citations are dated after 2004.63See infra, p. 112 et seq.64See Dienel (1969). The publication of classic Dienel in which the template is presented in a manner developed is 1978 (Dienel 1978 ; reissues in 1991, 1992,1997 and 2002). Crosby introduced his model for the first time in 1976 but in a document not published officially, and then in detail in 1986 and especially 2003 (Crosby et al. 1986; Crosby 2003).111Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsCould appoint?"?deliberative?"?has recently been made by Carson & Martin (1999)65, by Gastil (2000) in the form of?Deliberative Elections?and by O'Leary (2006) and its?People's House .It will be noted that these proposals are late, which reflects the growing interaction between theory and practice that we will discuss ulterieurement66. Also, it should be noted that some publications on the subject are simply an exploratory approach as this may be the case of Rocke (2005) or Warren & Pearse (2008).4.3 .5draw lots to the legislative power: the "legislature random" to "?Loskammer?" in passing by "the Athenian option "67The proposals in this area are by far the most numerous and the most diverse, both in the models presented in the argument which underlies, as will be seen in the next chapter. Chronologically speaking, the first of the 15 proposals identified in the corpus is coming - just as in the case of decision-making - of authors close to school of choice public68. The article published by Muller, Tollison & Willet in 1972 put forward the following idea:?"?We would like to propose for consideration the selecting of a national legislature at random from the voting populace?"?(Muller & al. 1972, 50). Such a system would allow the authors to combine?"?tea priviledges of collecting decentralized information through polling with the efficiency of representation?" on. ARTICLE, several times reissued and widely quoted by the suite thus constitutes the starting point for an important series of proposals that we would confine himself to summarise (see figure 14, p. 113) in the accompanying two remarks. First it was integrated in the table the proposals subsequent to April 2010, secondly and as pointed out at the beginning of this chapter, some of the texts proposing the draw of the legislative body are based on an argument particularly militant. It is thus the case of the second text published after war, in 1976, by Becker, who proposed a?Half Random House?in order to65In their book Carson & Martin are supporters of the introduction of the draw in many other areas, but as regards the sortition, they favor a deliberative function.66It is also for this reason that the vast literature on participatory democracy has been excluded from the corpus but also of the data base. A further reason is that the majority of this literature is not interested in the prize draw as such as we the concepts in introduction. The exceptions have been made for the founding texts or for those who are focusing on the drawing in the participatory democracy, for example Coote & Lenaghan (1997).67Muller et al. (1972), Buchstein & Hein (2009), Barnett & Carty (1998).68The database includes 40 texts and the corpus 17. This significant difference is explained by the number of editions and reprints as well as the exclusion of texts activists.1124. The texts containing proposalsCounter the faults of the elective system and to obtain a?"?true?"?representation of the people against its?"?elites?"?(Becker 1976b, 183-185). This is also the case of more recent texts such as that of Weyh (2007) who wants to exile the political representatives on a deserted island before putting in place a parliament drawn by lot, or Amanrich (1999, 2006) which announced?"?the death of democracy?" on. These texts are not taken into account in the corpus and are therefore not presented here.ReferenceName of the ProposalType of legislative body drawn by lotMuller & al. 1972Random LegislatureLower House of parliamentHorn 1980WahlerspezialisierungNational legislative bodyCannac 1983The just powerFrench National AssemblyBarber 1984Strong DemocracyLegislative Body local and regionalBurnheim 1985DemarchyLegislative Committees localCallenbach & Phillips 1985A Citizen LegislatureHouse of Representatives of the EUAMartin 1990Democracy without ElectionsAll the legislative bodiesLong 1996-All the legislative bodiesBailey 1997-National legislative bodiesBarnett & Carty 1998The Athenian OptionHouse of LordsSchmidt 2001Statistical DemocracyNational legislative bodySchmitter & al. 2004ACitizens AssemblyLegislative body at European levelSutherland 2004Deliberative National Legislative AssemblyHouse of Commons - United KingdomMc Cormick 2006Législatif e AssemblyNational législatif the USASintomer 2007SenateFrench SenateBuchstein & Hein 2009LoskammerSecond chamber of the European ParliamentPeonidis 2009The Case of alloted MpsPart of ParliamentAguileo Cancio 2010Camaras sorteadasSpanish ParliamentZakaras 2010Modest ProposalParliaments of the federated States the USADryzek et al. 2011Global Deliberative Citizens' AssemblyWorld Assembly citizenPluchino et al. 2011PWO's damgeParliamentIllustration 14: Summary of proposals concerning the sortition of legislative items.113Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometrics5. The emergence of a new paradigm within the political philosophy?5.1HypothesisThe presentation of all of the texts of the corpus has shown that there are interactions and discussions between the authors describing, exploring and proposing the draw in politics. Can we go further, however, and see in this movement the emergence of a current of thought or even a theory consistent within the political philosophy?Three authors at least have characterized the evolution of the field of publication in this sense. The first seems to have been Snider (2007, 1) who has proposed the designation of?Yale School of Democratic Reform?in so doing mainly refers to the work of Dahl and then of Fishkin, Leib and O'Leary, all four having taught and/or studied in this university and being authors - as we have seen - proposals for reforms based on the employment of the draw. Buchstein (2009a, 390) has for its part offers the term?aleatorische Demokratietheorie?it is-a-say theory of democracy aleatoire69. These two designations have, however, been confined to the field of the selection in the context of posts, mainly deliberative processes. Stone (2009, 375) is the third author who has offered an interpretation of the corpus in global terms without giving him the name of theorie70. Now we will test this hypothesis by analysing the results of the study scientometrics of the corpus presented in beginning of chapter (cf. p. 94 et seq. ).69Buchstein (2009a, 390) :?"?Angesichts dieser Konstellation lassen sich die call Varianten von zufallsgenerierten Gremien gleichsam als polling Bausteinen eines Demokratiemodells verstehen, das zwischen dem partizipativen Impuls of voluntaristischen Modells und dem rationalen Anspruchsniveau of epistemischen Modells eine Brucke ressective. Angesicht der in technischer Hinsicht vom Zentralen Busbahnhof - Rolle of Faktors Zufall in diesem Bruckenschlag Biergarten bietet alles sich dafur die Bezeichnung "aleatorische Demokratietheorie" year.??70Stone (2009a, 375-376) :?"?Within the past twenty-five years, there has been a surge of interest in the use of random selection techniques, gold lotteries, in decision making. Some authors have suggested that distributive justice may mandate the use of lotteries to allocate scarce customer servicecheck benefits and burdens. Others have advocated the incorporation of lotteries into democratic decision-making processes ... A handful of authors have attempted to survey the entire field of potential worn for lotteries …Scholars in a variety of disciplines - including political science, philosophy, economics, and law - thus now approved that lotteries may be more important than conventional wisdom suggests.??1145. The emergence of a new paradigm within the political philosophy?5.2Of bibliometric indicators that confirm the hypothesis5.2 .1an academic interest for the draw clearly in progressThe results presented in the following illustrations (cf. illustrations 15 and 16, p. 115) are used to make three observations. First, since the first text of after-War published in 1956, at least 318 texts have tackled the subject of the prize draw in politics. Among these texts can be regarded as a group of 254 form a corpus more united and center around the problems. Secondly, half of the texts of this corpus was published between 1956 and 1990 either in 47 years and the second half in the past 20 years ; not less than a third of them has even appeared in the last 10 years which is the clear sign of an acceleration of the number of publications on the printout. Thirdly, regardless of this evolution, there are cycles of approximately five to eight years which the peaks are located in 1976, 1984, 1991, 1998, and 2006 to 2009. This last year is also by far the most productive of the period (14 texts in the corpus). Some of the cycles are explained, as we have seen previously, by the existence of academic discussions by articles interposed. This is the case for example of 1976 which corresponds to the development of a debate in response to the proposal of?Survival Lottery made by Harris in 1975, torque has a debate within the rational choice on the proposal of Zeckhauser of 1969.19441946194819501952195419561958196019621964196619681970197219741976197819801982198419861988199019921994199619982000200220042006200820100510152025DatabaseCorpusIllustration 15: Evolution of the number of annual publications.115Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometrics1944194619481950195219541956195819601962196419661968197019721974197619781980198219841986198819901992199419961998200020022004200620082010050100150200250300DatabaseCorpusIllustration 16: cumulation of annual publications.5.2 .2a growing intertextuality,The analysis of citations gives three major results. First, as shown in the illustrations 1 and 18 (cf. infra, p. 117), 50% of cross-citations are on the last decile of time and 75% on the last third of the period, a sign of strong acceleration of the number of cross-citations. Then, it is noted that this acceleration is maintained in relative terms, when we reported the number of citations to the number of books (see illustrations 19 and 20, p. 117). In the period 1966-1986, the number of publications is proportionately larger than these cross-citations. Has the reverse on the end of the period, the number of cross-citations exceed in proportion the number of book which means that the authors are turning to the inside of the network of citations; they rely more and more on the other authors. Finally, the rate of intercitation71, knows of the peaks in 1970, 1978 1984, 1996 and 2009 explicable by sets of texts very interconnected because part of academic discussions. The overall evolution allows you to point out that the average rate increased steadily over the period: the authors refer therefore proportionately more and more to the publications on the printout.71For reminder, this indicator is calculated by doing for each text the ratio between the total of its references and the number of references that are part of the matrix.1165. The emergence of a new paradigm within the political philosophy?1944194619481950195219541956195819601962196419661968197019721974197619781980198219841986198819901992199419961998200020022004200620082010050100150200250300350400Illustration 17: The annual number of cross-citations.19441946194819501952195419561958196019621964196619681970197219741976197819801982198419861988199019921994199619982000200220042006200820100200400600800100012001400160018002000Cumulation of quotations croiseeillustration 18 : Accumulation of cross-citations.19441946194819501952195419561958196019621964196619681970197219741976197819801982198419861988199019921994199619982000200220042006200820100510152025Cross-Citations in %Publications in %Illustration 19: annual share in % of written quotations and cross-sell.117Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometrics1944194619481950195219541956195819601962196419661968197019721974197619781980198219841986198819901992199419961998200020022004200620082010-20-15-10-505Illustration 20: Relation between the share of writings and share of cross-citations. A negative number indicates that the number of cross-citations is proportionately larger than that of publications.194419461948195019521954195619581960196219641966196819701972197419761978198019821984198619881990199219941996199820002002200420062008201005101520253035404550Rate of intercitationMoyenneIllustration 21: Rate of intercitation and annual average %.5.2 .3a density increasing overall with peaksThe calculations for the density of the matrix provide the following results. In the first place, the overall density of the matrix of citations on the period 1945-2010 is 0.05 . This value seems to be able to be interpreted as consistent with the averages for this type of network of citations (see Havemann 2009). In the second place, the average density of the annual network of citations increases in a near-linear fashion over the period (0.1 to 0.3 ) then even that the gross number of publications increased: the authors cite proportionately more and more. In the third place, there are peaks of density, i.e. the years during which the texts are more strongly related to each other by their references (cf. illustration 21, p. 118). The three years the most dense are 2009 ( 0.22 ), 1992 ( 0.19 ) and?1185. The emergence of a new paradigm within the political philosophy?1999 ( 0.16 ). The top decile72 includes 5 years of the last decade and 8 of the 10 years the most dense are located between 1989 and 2010. There is therefore a real densification has the work for twenty years.Illustration 22: Density of the matrix of citations.5.2 .4centrality of texts and authorsThe analysis of centrality will be limited here to the first ten texts and authors the most cited of the database and of the corpus, presented in summary form.DatabaseCorpusPublicationQuotationsRankPublicationQuotationsRankRawls 1970441Burnheim 1985361Rousseau 1762382Barber 1984352Burnheim 1985363Elster 1989313Aristotle - The policy363Manin 1996294Barber 1984354Hansen 1991294Elster 1989315Fishkin 1995265Montesquieu - Spirit of Laws315Broome 1984256Manin 1996296Dahl 1970237Hansen 1991296Fishkin 1991228Arrow 1951296Carson & Martin 1999219Illustration 23: centrality of publications.72That is, the ten years the more dense.119194419461948195019521954195619581960196219641966196819701972197419761978198019821984198619881990199219941996199820002002200420062008201000.050.10.150.20.25Annual DensityAverage DensityChapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsDatabaseCorpusAuthorQuotationsRankAuthorQuotationsRankAristotle611Fishkin591Dahl592Dahl591Fishkin592Elster502Elster503Broome453Rawls464Goodwin394Rousseau464Burnheim365Broome455Dienel355Goodwin396Barber355Burnheim367Stone346Barber358Hansen347Dienel358Illustration 24: centrality of the authors.These results call six notes:1.Five of the flagship publications of the database are without surprise classics of political philosophy, even though they do not deal exclusively from the draw. A classification which is confirmed in part at the level of the perpetrators with Aristotle in first place and Rawls and Rousseau in fourth. This result is consistent with the bibliometric regularities and the Matthew effect (cf. supra, p. 97) is found here as elsewhere: few authors accumulate a lot of quotes and many authors are little cites (see illustration 25, p. 120).Illustration 25: The Matthew effect: number of citations received by the authors of the matrix.2.Six of the texts the most cited of the corpus are supporters and the book of Burnheim which is the most quoted is a text particularly radical in its proposals. A trend which?120FishkinGoodwinStoneAckermanPitkinMueller, Tollison & WilletTaurekHackingFienbergCoote and LenaghanScarce Customer Servicecheck Medical Resource AllocationAbramsonKornhauser & SagerGloverBrownEckhoffFrey & StutzerRhodesEmeryPopeBleickenNilsenBetween HerzbergBoycePratWarrenMavrodesGinsburgh & MichelCarsonSizifMartinGrozingerVicensStasz & StolkPattanaik & PelegLichtenstein & RabinowirtGudianCirezeBohanon & CoelhoUrfalino & DalgalarrondoSchweinsbergRiceLitvak-PoulinKingWilliamsDecocq & RoumierBerger010203040506070Quotations5. The emergence of a new paradigm within the political philosophy?Is reflected at the level of the authors with the presence of Burnheim, Goodwin and Barber all three particularly critical of liberal thought and supporters of the draw in politics. The group of authors is therefore turned resolutely toward a perspective of proposal and partisan of the draw.3.The intuition that the books of Hansen (1991), Manin (1996) and Elster (1989) are central in the field is confirmed in these figures (cf. supra, p. 103 et seq. ), even when the three publications are tardives73. The first case is explained because the book is the current reference on ancient Athens in a perspective of political science and that democracy ancient interested all the authors of the corpus by its role of example. The presence of Elster is explained because it is the first publication quasi-monographic centered on the draw in policy as a decision tool. The book of Manin is the oldest monograph on the draw in treaty policy in a comparative way.4.The presence of two publications of Fishkin is explained by the fact that most of the other authors cite in blocks the two publications. There is here an effect of separating cut which is found in the prominent place of Fishkin among the authors of the corpus.5.Fishkin and Dienel are both among the authors most cited. This result is particularly interesting when one considers that it is the inventors of practical models of mini-publics74. It confirms the hypothesis that these models are adapted to test the relationship between the theory and the practice of drawing. We note also that the book of Dahl of 1970 containing the idea of mini-public is at the seventh place, which demonstrates the centrality of this proposal.6.The set of results highlights the importance of two major topics around which revolve the discussions on the draw. Firstly the rational choice and its limits with Arrow, Elster, Goodwin and Rawls. Secondly the one on democracy with publications of - and authors such as - Aristotle, Barber, Burnheim, Dahl, Hansen, Manin or Montesquieu.73In effect, more a publication is late, the more the probability to be central at the time of the census is low.74The fact that Crosby, the inventor of?Citizens Juries?arrives in position 9 of the authors of the corpus, further strengthens this aspect, and this all the more if one takes into account the fact that there is little published.121Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometrics5.2.5 An increase in exploratory texts and supportersThe analysis of the details of the different types of publications and of the subjects provided an additional result,Namely that the share of publications descriptive tends to decrease while that of textsExploratory and supporters increases (see 26, 122). 30% Of the texts supporters and 45% of theExploratory texts have summers products in the past 10 years.Illustration 26: relative share of types of texts in the corpus.This structure of publications confirms the hypothesis that the interest for the draw in policyIs done more and more normative. The number of texts advocating for the introduction/reintroductionThe draw takes importance not only in gross terms but also proportionatelyThe number of publications. This remark is all the more true if one is interestedThe exploratory texts which have experienced a real boom.5.3 The development of a network of actorsBeyond these figures, the study of the dynamics of the network of the authors of the corpus gives ofElements allowing to test the assumption by the channels more qualitative.5.3.1 Coredactions and acknowledgmentsA traditional tool of the bibliometrics is to identify the written texts in common by actorsThe network of citations with the purpose of detecting networks of people. In effect, write12219561957195819591960196119621963196419651966196719681969197019711972197319741975197619771978197919801981198219831984198519861987198819891990199119921993199419951996199719981999200020012002200320042005200620072008200920100%10%20%30%40%50%60%70%80%90%100%Part of exploratory texts Share of texts supporters Part of descriptive texts5. The emergence of a new paradigm within the political philosophy?A text in collaboration presupposes a certain degree of confidence, and knowledge within a network. In the context of the texts of the corpus bibliometric we can identify 43 coredactions (16.2% of the texts) whose 19 7.1 %) are made with another author of the matrix. These figures are relatively low and may suggest that the authors do not work together that little between them. However, 25% of collaborations have taken place in the last decile of time (either 2003-2010) and more than half of the coredactions intra-network have been produced in the last 15 years. This trend could be interpreted as the beginning of a networking of the authors working on the drawing. The analysis of the appreciation nourishes this hypothesis: 27 texts contain acknowledgments concerning the authors of the matrix. 50% OF them are subsequent to 2002 which confirms the phenomenon of approximation of the actors who take on more and more support on each other. The acknowledgments made by Elster (1987, 107) at the beginning of one of its texts and in which are present seven of the authors of the matrix illustrate this point:"?Among the participants in the seminar, I am especially indebted to Fredrik Engelstad and Aanund Hylland for their constructive and critical contributions. Thanks are also due Torstein Eckhoff, Karl O. Moene, and Kirsten Sandberg. I received many useful comments when presenting earlier versions of thesis readings at seminars at the University of California at Davis, the University of Pittsburgh, Yale University, and the University of Miami. Earlier drafts have also been read by Akhil Amar, Robert Bartlett, John Broome, G. A. Cohen, J. Gregory Dees, Gerald Dworkin, Ed Green, Stephen Holmes, Mark Kishlansky, William Kruskal, Isaac Levi, Stephen Stigler, Cass Sunstein. I am grateful to them all for their comments and suggestions. I aussi merci King K. Tsao for competent research assistance?" on.5.3 .2scientific events and platforms of communicationThe academic activity is however not has publications and a live network of direct relations maintained between its members. For this reason, it was taken into account in this study scientometrics three additional elements. First, a quick review revealed that 5 of 6 scientific symposia (or panels within symposia) on the subject were held during the last 5 years. However this figure is to be taken with caution because of the limited visibility of symposia in comparison with that of the publications. It is therefore quite probable that some of them had escaped the census. The fact remains that the organization of panels devoted entirely to the draw in politics is a novelty. And this all the more if one is interested in their participants: the vast majority?123Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political philosophy, a study scientometricsStakeholders for the last three symposia in date are also present in the matrix of the authors.Another index which suggests has a growing integration is the structure of channels of publications. In effect for the past ten years an increasing number of texts supporters or exploratory summers have edited in the form of collections or of whole numbers of journals. An example is the series of articles published in the?Social Science Review?in 1989 or the one most prominent feature of the?Sortition collection in Public Policy?of the publisher?Imprint Academic?who is the real bearer of the texts on the draw, not only because it has published the majority of recent monographs, but also by his activity of re-publishing of books more anciens75.In Parallel emerges from a dynamic of discussion and direct communication in the form of an electronic mailing list coupled has a site of type blog. The first, created in 2003, has seen its number of members go from 9 in 2004 to 34 in 2010 14 of which are of the authors of the corpus76. The blog?Equality by batch?created in 2010 is animated by one of the authors the most central of the corpus and shows an important activity of direct discussions between the authors working on the tirage77.75 In particular the classic?On The Use of Lots?of Gataker, the book of Callenbach & Phillips or that of Goodwin.76A list created by Boyle, one of the authors also present in the corpus.77 (visit the 08.28.2011 ). The blog includes inputs and comments to authors of the central network as Burnheim, Stone or even Sutherland.1246. Conclusions6. ConclusionsThe presentation of the publications on the drawing as a method of selection / distribution in politics has put in before the diversity and interdisciplinary interest which he has been subjected since the end of the Second World War. The analysis of this evolution by the employment of methods scientometriques allows in addition to confirm the hypothesis of the quantitative development of a new center of thematic interest within the political philosophy since the end of 1960. The authors and publications on the draw moves closer, whether between-cite, increasingly rely on each other in their arguments, are and discuss: a real network is in training. The study does not prove however that it was not matter has the appearance of a?"?theory prize draw?" on?even if it reinforces the intuition that it exists. To confirm or refute the hypothesis definitively it is going to be detailed in the following chapter the discursive content of texts which have been shown the proximity and analyze frames anything economically exploitable employed by the authors is interesting in the draw in politics in order to see if the dynamic quantitative se double of a proximity qualitative leading to the emergence of a theory of democracy random.125Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomThis chapter is intended to confirm or deny the existence of a?"?theory of democracy?" on random, by analyzing the speech of authors supporters of the cleros in politique1. We begin by defining and structuring the search field (1). We will be interested then the analyzes made by the authors of the systems current policies (2) before to itemize their common expectations concerning the employment of the draw in policy (3), continued what we will put forward the differences and the diversity of arguments (4). This work will enable us to respond in the affirmative to the question of the birth of a theory of the draw in politics - here qualified to theory of democracy random - which we can then draw the contours through a development in historical perspective and analytical (5)2.1This chapter does not include critical analysis of proposals and expectations formulated in the texts of the corpus. The latter will be made in chapter 6.2It is for this reason that we will talk about?"?authors aleatoriens?"?or?"?theory of democracy?? random?throughout this chapter when the reference is made to the authors of the corpus.Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random1. Definition of the field of investigation1.1CorpusThe study was debate carried out here is based on the part of the corpus of chapter 2 including the exploratory texts and the texts supporters regarding the sortition3. Three reasons for this choice: first of all, the proposals of sortition are the more close to the real in the sense that they are for existing part, as we will see in the next chapter: there are hundreds of implementation of the proposal of mini-public (cf. chapter 4, p. 200 et seq. ) but any realization of the distribution of custodial sentence by drawing (Lichtmann 1996). Then, a discursive study of the entire corpus would exceed the framework of this work. Finally, the inclusion of exploratory texts allows you to retrieve a large part of the argument of the whole of the authors working on the drawing. Such a limitation reduces the number of texts taken into account here has 67. In agreement with the results of the previous chapter, include as a priority the authors the most central of the corpus4. In order to facilitate the reading, however, would be limited references has two or three for each argument.1.2Structuring was debate of the studyThe first characteristic that struck during the course of the observation is that the vast majority of texts considered follows a structure binary was debate, albeit often presented in a different order: either the author is interested primarily has one (or several) use past or present of the drawing before drawing any conclusions on its potential for the existing democracies, either he begins by identifying what seems to him to be the crises of the present political system before resorting to the draw as a solution, drawing on the historical examples and/or current use. In a minority of cases, the authors are a proposal ex?nihilo, that is to say directly with arguments a-historical. The rest of the chapter will resume this binary structure in the following form: we will begin by presenting the criticism made by the current political system (2.1 to 2.4 ) before looking quickly at the bottom joint3It is therefore in the context of the sortition, as defined in chapter 1, point 4.3.1.5 , p. 78 et seq.4As a reminder, the five authors the most central are Burnheim, Barber, Elster, Manin and Fishkin.1281. Definition of the field of investigationFor examples of uses of the draw mobilized by the authors (2.5 ). We will detail then the expectations they formulate regarding his employment in politics (3.1 to 3.5 ).2. The "crises" of the political system liberalThe authors took into account in the study discursive5 have a first common basis to criticize the representative system practice in democracies occidentales6. They focus their thoughts on the different aspects, causes and effects of what they call the crisis of representative democracy that we can study in four thematic clusters: the crisis of representation (2.1 ), that of the participation (2.2 ), the deconstruction of liberal notions of election and of competence (2.3 ) and transverse manner the crisis of legitimacy (2.4 ).2.1" A crisis of representation that never ends not "72.1 .1a criticism on the formAll of the attacks of the authors studied here against the political systems Western liberals must not allow them to believe that it is the same principle of representation they implicate but well its current form. In fact, in the vast majority of texts, direct democracy is certainly presented as an ideal but is rejected for its impraticabilite8. The authors of the corpus consider the representation as necessary to the proper functioning policy (Mueller, Tollison & Willett 1972, 57) :"?It has been generally accepted in political science literature that no matter the priviledges of full participatory (town meeting) democracy, for a wide polity, such as almost any country, this form of government is not feasible. Hence, it is purely technical grounds the closest that a country like the United States could come to a pure democracy would be representative government of some form.??95We present here the arguments common to the vast majority of authors. The points on which they are divided as well as the diverging opinions isolated are presented infra (cf. p. 162 et seq. ).6By linguistic facility we will employ interchangeably the terms liberal democracy, representative democracy, western political system liberal and their combinations and components because they are used by the authors to designate the political systems of most western countries, while remaining aware of the problem posed by these designations (Sen 2005). For an example of these designations, see Burnheim (1985, 188) :?"?Dahl has tea seems useful term "polyarchy" tb désigner tea regimes we usually call democratic in Western countries?".7Sintomer (2007, 15).8See for example Burnheim (1985, 91), Carson & Martin (1999, 28-30) or Horn (1980, 20 and 58).129Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomWhat then is the purpose of criticism, are the form and content of the representation politically involved.10. Most of the supporters of the draw deal with this problem based on the traditional division performed by Piktin (1967) between formal representation (standing for) and substantial (acting for) and adopt a broad approach to what should be the democratic representation.2.1 .2a formal representation overdrivenThe first catchment area of the representation concerned as well the?"?representation-figuration???representatives, i.e. their ability to reflect in a passive way the society in the form of the?Stellvertretung11. In this context, a?"?representation representative?"?should be a statistical reflection of the population as a whole. However, for the authors of the corpus, the western democracies are far from fulfilling this ideal. The first reason for the distortion comes to them the fact that the representation is constructed on a geographical basis - it is the principle of the constituencies - which encourages all kinds of manipulations, including the most well known is the?gerrymandering?(cutting of constituencies) and as a result high distortions in the representation of structural minorities. Added to this is the problem of localism which prevents the emergence of a general willingness at the national level or even international12.Beyond the geographic component, the?Stellvertretung?also suffers from through socio-economic which font that the representatives are not a true reflection of the society. Figures has the support, the authors compare the profile sociological, economic, cultural and ethnic background of elected13 has that of the whole of the citizens, and arrive at the conclusion that representatives and re9SeeAlso the calculations presented by Dahl (1970, 144-145) or Carson & Martin (1999, 1). The formulation of Burnheim (1985, 91) applies also to be cited:?"?There is no possibility of reaching reasonable conclusions about matters in which a diversity of interests and opinions are involved by voting or by the direct involvement of all those affected by the decisions. Most decisions have to be left to negotiators (Stockholm who enjoy a very wide margin of discretion about what to concede and what tb refuses to other parties. Realistically, then, the problem of democracy is that of selecting and controlling the representative who are to negotiate the various decisions that have to be made about matters of public policy and administration.??10In the same sense, the authors of the corpus do not criticize the principle of democracy, but its present form. Cf. for example Sutherland (2008, 32). See also the remarks of Barber (1984, XIX).11Cf. Rosanvallon (2008, 140) for details on this concept.12The first analysis of the phenomenon is located among Mueller & al. (1972, 59) :?"?Tying representation tb lease gives rise to the much discussed incentives to logroll for the home district, forcing the polity into negative-sum games. Purely national issues presumably have no representative except tea President and Vice-President?". For an analysis largely updated and thorough, cf. Refehld (2005, 13) or the discussion of the latter with other authors published in the magazine?Polity?(cf. chapter 2, note 60, p. 110). For an analysis regarding the European Union, see Buchstein & Hein (2009).13In the texts studied, the term elected is understood in a very broad sense and often designated in a comprehensive manner the elected national and local, legislative, executive and judicial and sometimes even the elected direct and indirect. We will keep this broad meaning.?1302. The "crises" of the political system liberalPresented have not large thing in commun14. For some this state of fact is a given intrinsic regimes of representative, rooted in their past the more lointain15. For others, it is rather a drift of the ideal of representative democracy:"?Americans are worried about Congress, and they are right to worry. The founding fathers intended Congress to be representative of all Americans "a portrait of the people in miniature". Purpose today 95% of its members are still white male property-owners, almost half of them lawyers.???(Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 1)16.Such figures, taken up by each of the authors in its national context, emphasize the existing imbalance between?"?people?"?and?"?elite?" on17, between circles popular and affluent minorities, between political class and citizens. This gap would, however, not an inevitability, say the authors, if the elect were at least the incarnation of the symbolic dimension of the representation, that is, if they were considered to be representative by their constituents, as is the case of charismatic leaders. Unfortunately, the texts of the corpus the stress polls has the appui18, the citizens do not feel represented by their political class and the conclusion is without appeal: the symbolic representation is in crisis and beyond the social and economic differences, it is the link between representatives and represented which is broken.2.1.3 The limits of the substantial representation"?There are two fundamental problems in American politics. The first is that most Americans do not believe that elected officials represent their interests. The second is that they are correct.???(Gastil 2000, 1).In its analysis, Pitkin noted that the?Stellvertretung, for central that it can be, is that a catchment area of representation since a representative ideal, in the liberal sense, must also be capable of acting on behalf of its constituents. The substantial representation or represented14SeeAmar (1984, 1284) :?"?The plight of discrete and insular minorities - paradigmatically, the poor and the blacks - who are systematically denied free access to the bazaar of pluralist politics posed a vexing problem in American democratic and constitutional theory?" on. See also Mulgan (1984, 555).15See for example the analysis of Manin (1996) or that of Mc Cormick (2006, 1).16A next on the texts activists is illuminating here. More than the writings are polemics, more than they focus on this aspect current socio-economic without genuine historical hindsight. Cf. Sizif (1998) or Weyh (2007). There are also analyzes which consider the non-representativity as sociological fact, without positive or negative value. Dienel (1971b, 155) offers a good example of this type of presentation:?"?Auf Verbandskongressen oder EIB Protestaktionen sind die Coming Up unter sich, im Supervisory die Fachleute, im Parlamentsausschuss die von den Karrieremechanismen der Parteien Selektierten.??17Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 3):?"?About half of the electorate, which does not vote, cannot readily be considered to be represented at all, and this group, of course, includes a Ontatio mass of's periodical disadvantaged people (something like a sixth of our population) who bear the brunt of our poverty and unemployment?" on. See also Sintomer (2007, 26).18See for example Gastil (2000, 41-50), Manin (1996, 248-250) or Sintomer (2007, 16).131Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomTION-delegation (Reprasentation?in german) will materialize according to Pitkin (1967, 124-127) on a scale ranging from the agent - an agent with little or no autonomy - the fake, that is to say on the person acting in complete autonomy in name and place of someone else in passing by the delegate, the commissionaire and the?trustee. But regardless of its powers, the representative must act in the interest of his authorised representative19 which must have a power of control. If the authors of the corpus differ on the ideal form that should take the substantial representation, they are in contrast to agree to say that it cannot be found that very superficially performed in political reality.First of all, concerning the defense of the interests of the agents, i.e. the voters, the authors argue the idea that the representatives have developed own interests who take their source in the professionalization of the policy and in its paradigmatic form, the system partisan20. Although any two are analyzed as deviations from the ideal representative, the political parties are the figure the more hated of authors of the corpus which characterized archaic, of oligarchic and inefficaces21. They are the channel quasi-monopoly of selection of candidates for elections. They decide who will be able to submit or. Given that the policy is professionalized, say the authors of the corpus, the selection of candidates is then for the party has choose internally the people who will serve the better its interests independently of those of citoyens22. The latter are reluctant to launch into the adventure, strewn with pitfalls: for count in politics, it is necessary to make a career in a party, fit the echelons of power, be capable of plotting and trahir23. All of these practices are in fact, noted most of the authors, a recurring event of the?"?iron law of oligarchy?" on?which is often mobilized as a category of analyse24. The combination of these factors - professionalization and monopoly party19SeeFor example the definition of Burnheim (1985, 107-108):?"?My representative should have at least as strong an interest in advancing my interests as I have, should be in a position to devote more time and effort to the task and bring to it superior knowledge and skill.??20See Aguileo Cancio (2010, 12), Carson & Martin (1999, 3) or O'Leary (2006, 34-54).21See for example Martin (1995, 20) or Sutherland (2008, 11 and 45) :?"?So political parties are not just useless, their role is actually counterproductive.??22See Buchstein & Hein (2009, 365), Burnheim (1985, 103) or Snider (2006, 1).23Burnheim (1985, 101) :?"?The reason many abler and better people give for not going into politics is that they are not well equipped to deal with the continual jockeying for influence and position in party life, the toadying to those already in positions of power, the necessity of discrediting others rather than co-operating with them, the subordination of issues to tactics and so on.??24 See Barber (1984, 205 and 291), Sintomer (2007, 29) or Sutherland (2008, 33). The law in question has been formulated by Michels (1911, 38) :?"?Zwischen der Monarchy und der Demokratie, die beide ihre Wurzel im Vertretersystem haben, bestehe hochstens bedeutungsloser ein Unterschied im Tempo, against aber in der?1322. The "crises" of the political system liberalSAN on the nominations and the policy - fact that the representatives have developed a set of individual interests do not reflect those of the society in general. Three elements characterize these interests. In the first place, they take before any account of the desires own politicians as a social group - the famous political class - and those of the support their having helped to achieve their position, the not less famous?vested interests:"?Congress members receive over $300,000,000 , or at in campaign contributions and their votes follow the demands of the popular form sources that provide thesis funds. As one observed in Washington puts it, we now live in has special interest state.???(Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 94)25.In the second place, the interests of the representatives are limited in temporal terms and geographical. In effect, the politicians are not doing that little - they have no interest in doing so in their electoral optical short-term - of problems that are beyond the horizon national or local generational and then even that a growing number of problems are resolvable difficulties that at the international level or even global and taking into account the generations futures26. Finally, in the third place, and paradoxically, the current representatives have the ability of being able to influence (and even legislate on) the whole of the policy under the fiction that gives them the sovereignty. Thus, they can formulate laws to which they are not submitted, and which they will not suffer the consequences or on the contrary to make laws for themselves, for example on their wages, without no controle27.That is precisely the second problem that see the authors of the corpus in the representation-current delegation: the mechanism of surrenders of accounts supposed to allow the control of citizens on their representatives does not work or more. The realization the most significant of this deficit is the fact that the representatives can give themselves some rules for itself and thus have the impunity making them vulnerable to the corruption28. A second figure of the lack of control on the representatives is the possibility for the latter to be extended at theSubstanz. Das Volk souverane wahle sich statt eines Konigs met eine Kategorie von kleinen Konigen, und unfahig, seine Herrschaft uber das Staatswesen frei und selbstandig auszuuben, lasse es sich willig within Grundrecht konfiszieren.??25Crosby (1976, 5) :?"?A selection between a representative democracy and a democracy by lot depends on two factors: how competent are the citizens and how likely are the representative to serve the people as a whole rather than special interests? There is now a fairly average emerge among both hidden face? and the general public about the ability or interest of elected representative to serve the interests of all.??26See Dienel (1978), Schmitter & Trechsel (2004, 18-22) or Snider (2006, 3).27For more details, cf. infra, p. 166.28See for example Becker (1976b, 183) or Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 45):?"?Since Congress votes its own wages, establishes an its own budget, and has no known structural existance there have been no internal budgetary reforms in the course of its history, purpose public resentment of recent pay rasies has been intense.???133Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomPower without the agreement, or in contradiction with the wishes of the citizens and to be able to carry out policies contrary to the promises made during campaigns electorales29. And the traditional tool, even unique, for the control of representatives provided by the liberal regimes - it is the elective vote - do filled more than its function, for little than it had ever done (cf infra, p. 137 et seq. ). Taken as a whole, the arguments of the authors of the corpus thus seeking has demonstrate that there is a significant distortion of the representation-delegation30.2.2The (non) -participationThe second area of analysis of the authors of the corpus concerning the political participation which constitutes a basis for democratic regimes but is doubling in crisis: the traditional channels of participation are drying up while the emerging channels provide only short-term responses and/or insufficient has a substantial problem of distribution of powers within the representative regimes-liberals.2.2 .1a crisis of traditional channels of participation without real alternativesBeyond the crisis of representation, the proponents of the theory of democracy random therefore see to draw a crisis of participation: the citizens to withdraw from political life?"?classic?" on31: the rate of participation in elections tend to fall on the long-term, the trade unions and parties are losing members, the citizens seem to become more and more apathetic. The authors of the corpus however, consider that the cause of this evolution is rather a look from the side of the operation of parties and elections that has a lack of intrinsic interest of citizens for the policy (cf. supra p. 127 and infra p. 137 et seq. ). Indeed, in the whole of the texts, the authors argue that citizens would be ready to participate if they had the means and if this was interesting in terms of calculation of costs-avan29SeeGastil (2000, 32 et seq. ), Aguileo Cancio (2010, 20) or Sintomer (2007, 27):?"?even more than the wine and cheese, the cumulation of mandates is the sector in which the France can claim the excellence. It is also located in the platoon of head for the longevity of political leaders, who, despite the electoral defeats, will represent again and again in the elections.??30In substance (Burnheim 1985, 7),?"?The system is corrupt and corrupting. We do not realize how badly it functions only because the existing alternatives are worse.??31On the notion of conventional channels, see Norris (2002, 3-19) or Barber (2003, XI). On the inadequacy of existing channels, cf. Dienel (1971a, 152), Carson & Martin (1999) or Schmitter et al. (2004, 23-44).1342. The "crises" of the political system liberalVantages, which is not the cas32. On the contrary, the policy area is reduced and the interest that the citizens there are decreases proportionally. A large part of the population tended to be apathetic, is no longer interested in politics except to criticize and the?Politikverdrossenheit?reign in maitre33.This crisis could however be the sign of a renewal, a change of modes of participation, and, the weakness of the traditional channels could quite be alleviated by the emergence and the development of new forms, more adapted to the global transformations of the society. This is a problem that the proponents of democracy random deal in is interesting more particularly has three thematic: the democracy of opinion, the semi-direct democracy and the socialist alternative. The first, analyzed as the product of the development of a democracy of earth based on the polls and the media coverage of the policy, has deeply influenced the functioning, or even the nature of the schemes and representative has given birth of the major problems in making the system more direct, immediate and much less deliberatif34. The policy becomes a matter of opinion, it is conducted on a day by day, appreciate the results of polls, given the primacy to the emotions, to the short-term, the views not illuminated in a logic of speech and not of discussion35. Such a development does not therefore seem to be an adequate response to the crisis of the participation classic, it represents even an additional problem.May be should we then turn to the semi-direct democracy? Not meet most of the authors. The referendums, legislative or popular initiative, are useful but not32Sintomer (2007, 17), Burnheim (1985, 78):?"?There is a great interest in public affairs and, I believe, great 'willingness' to participate in them if only it were more possible to do so in some limited purpose effective way.??33Barber (1984, 221) :?"?Constituents of thin democracies are normally stirred into action only by constitutional crises and governmental write-offs; otherwise, they are content to leave the governing to others and to reserve their energies for the boundless private sphere. Aside from the occasional election, tea were infrequent letter to a congressperson, gold the biennial media event of a political scandal, citizenship reduces tb sourt year exercise in customer relations gold has political insurance policy.??34Fishkin (1995, 62):?"?Just as in ancient Athens, where the lottery was used so frequently that each citizen had a good chance of occupying a position of responsibility at some point in his lifetime, each American citizen now has a good chance of being consulted (people who provide input on several occasions by opinion polls. The difference, however, is that the Athenian lottery put citizens in councils, juries, and legislative committees, where they had to become immersed in the competing arguments before they where asked to make a decision. Phone sondages consult you in you living room, without warning or preparation, in order to find out your views - when you may well have had no reason to develop any opinions convention on the subject being asked.?"?See also the assumptions of Manin (1996, 279 et seq. ).35Barber (1984, 175) :?"?The aim in adversarial proceedings is to prevail - tb verbal score points and to overcome one's interlocutors. In fact, speech in adversary systems is a form of aggression, simply one more variety of power.???See also O'Leary (2006, 22-26) or Sintomer (2007, 32).?135Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomSufficient because they are based on the same assumptions that the traditional instruments of representation, and in particular on the vote, thus suffering the same missed36 :"?Social scientists and political elites have all too often indulged themselves in this form of hypocrisy" not "high-pocrisy. They throw referenda at the people without providing adequate information, full debate, however careful insulation from money and media pressures and then pillory them for their lack of judgment. They overwhelm the people with the least tractable problems of mass society - busing, inflation, tax structures, nuclear safety, right-to-work legislation, industrial waste disposal, environmental protection (all of which the representative elites themselves have utterly failed to deal with) - and then carp at their uncertainty or indecisiveness.???(Barber 1984, 154).The most ancient texts also address the issue of the alternative Socialist/Communist and of the revolution as a means of resolving the crisis the better to quickly reject as the setbacks of a same medal, the power of elites and non of the peuple37. And it is precisely this that take a stress the authors of the corpus: the low participation and the lack of real alternatives is that the visible part of a failure more deep of representative regimes.2.2 .2An unequal distribution of powers"?Polyarchy has an irreparable flaw - the remoteness of the government (I have in mind chiefly the national government) from the citizen. For the ordinary citizen ed. by little or not at all in many decisions that have crucial import for his life.???(Dahl 1970, 142).As the emphasized Dahl, this structural lack is the following: in the liberal democracies, the citizens have in reality that a tiny real power of decision38. This fact is analyzed in part as a result of cyclical uptake of powers by the political parties, as we have seen. It is also the consequence of the vote elective: in a large electorate, each voting has only a tiny chance to find themselves in a position to be the decisive voter what fact of the vote - a point of view utilitarian - an act which will cost more than it reported. In reality, this tool which is virtually the only lever of influence of citizens on the policy, is barely more than an act symbolique39. A distribution so uneven of powers is also view by number of authors as a structural element of representative governments,36See for example Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 41), Martin ( 1995,40 ) or Sutherland ( 2008,94 -100).37See for example Burnheim (1985, 49) or Dienel (1969).38Burnheim (1985, 48) :?"?The most common complaint against contemporary liberal democracies is the remoteness of the decision-makers from those affected by decisions. Those affected have little say in those decisions unless they happen to be in a position to bring organized pressure on the decision-makers, and the ability to bring such pressure is very unequally distributed, usually in favor of groups that are already highly advantaged in their socio-economic power. Purpose the present complaint is more fundamental. It concerns not only the existence of great inequalities in the distribution of power, aim the incapacity of most people to do anything toward righting them.??1362. The "crises" of the political system liberalDesigned as schemes requiring high passivity on the part of citoyens40. The presentation and the criticism of such a vision of Schumpeterian democracy represents in fact the entrance door of a remission in more fundamental issue of foundations even of liberal thought, that the authors will employ a deconstruct.2.3Deconstruct the foundations of liberal regimesIn their search for the real causes of the crises of liberal democracies, the authors of the corpus are focusing their attention on what they identify as the two pillars of liberal regimes and shall endeavor to make a systematic critique.2.3 .1a discount in question of the elective vote"?Our primary electoral act, voting, is rather like using a public toilet: we wait in line with a crowd in order to close ourselves up in a small compartment where we can relieve ourselves in solitude and in privacy of our burden, pull a-level, and then, yielding to the next in line, go silently home.???(Barber 1984, 188).The vote elective - analysis in its aspects cyclical but also structural41 - is the prime focal point identified by the set of authors as center around which revolve the crises of the regimes actuels42 representative. The current elections, note-they, are legacies of the past that no longer has a sens43. The vote is not profitable in terms cost-benefit, it is more a symbolic act fort (highlights) and?"?the outcome of general elections depends more on the weather on polling day however the fate of the national football team than it does on the coherence of the policies presented?" on44. Beyond that, it is in reality the sys39SeeElster (1987, 149) :?"?Under a deterministic voting system there is little point in voting for a candidate whose victory is confidently expected in any box, whence the traditionally low participation rates in the American South. Similarly, there is no point in voting for a candidate who has virtually no chance of being elected, whence the difficulties of new parties in attracting votes?" on. See also Mueller & al. (1972, 57):?"?Another problem with the present representative forms is that in a large number setting the individual voters may feel powerless to affect outcomes and may "rationally" decided to be translated locally using thesis grounds.??40See Manin (1997), Mc Cormick (2006) or Barber (1984, 198) :?"?Indeed aggressively, the thin design of democracy depends so much it was passive and inarticulate citizenry that Bernard Berelson and his colleagues have asked, "How could a mass democracy work if all the people were deeply involved in politics?"??.41On this distinction, see Horn (1980, 13).42This is of course linked to the fact that the vote is regarded as a central element of this which defined the representative regime:?"?Of all the institutions that we associate with democratic government in the West, none msfss so central as voting.???Barber (1984, 198).43Cf. for example Sutherland (2008, 11) who spoke of?"?rusty Victorian ballot box?" on.44Sutherland (2008, 141). In the same direction see Carson & Martin (1999).?137Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomElectoral system taken as a whole which is in crisis. Each election, support the perpetrators supporters of the drawing is a further evidence that the electoral process is monopolized by the political parties and dominated by money and private interests. The logic is simple: politicians live on the policy that is their business, their interest is therefore to maintain has their position, i.e. to be re-elected. To do this, it must meet a number of sufficient votes which cost a considerable sum of money. It must therefore be?"?sell his policy?"?to the highest bidder in order to recover the funds required for the re-election and has the maintenance of the machine partisane45. In this same logic of maximization of votes, the candidates would be pushed to make vague promises for little that they are broad, without worrying about their feasibility46 which would leave the voters that the choice of the least worst solution47 and would initiate a vicious circle of increasing incompetence:"?When one's personal choice (vote) has relatively small impact, then the principle of economy diktats that it is irrational to spend that much time on the choice. Candidates know this and realize that they are more likely to be elected if they can extend wave promised to all than if they adopted specific stands on issues. This makes it even harder for the idealistic vote who still persists in being well informed. The result is a system which reinforces citizen incompetence.???(Crosby 1976, 5).For most of the authors, these faults are however that the tip of the iceberg and the real problem is the voting procedure elective in itself which is attacked on at least four components: it is manipulatable and non-resistant to strategic calculations, it does not allow to reveal the preferences of voters, it does not allow the voters to really give a mandate and it is a procedure aristocratic by nature. The first criticism is that the vote is not a procedure?strategy proof, that most of the authors of the corpus stress based on the work achieved in the years fifty and soixante48. A vote may be manipulated by the creation of temporary majorities and of strategic coalitions: it is to achieve the best deal??in a game of?bargaining?and static agregatif49.45The politicians have as well an economic approach to democracy, in the direction of Downs (1957, 137) :?"?Year contractor selling policies for votes instead of products for money.???On this point see Becker (1976b, 127-139), Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 35) or Aguileo Cancio (2010).46See Burnheim (1985, 97) or Manin (1996, 248-249).47Amar (1984, 1297) :?"?Individuals are often forced to vote for the lesser of two major-party evils' ,.??48That is the reason why so many authors cite Arrow (cf. chapter 2, illustration 24, 120).49Barber (1984, 136-137):?"?Where voting is a static act of expressing one's preference, participation is a dynamic act of imagination that requires participants to change how they see the world. Voting suggests a group of men in a cafeteria bargaining about what they can buy as a group that will follows their individual tastes. Strong democratic politics suggests a group of men in a cafeteria contriving new menus, inventing new recipes, and experimenting with new number in the effort to create a public taste that they can all share and that will supersede the conflicting private tastes about which they once tried to strike bargains.??1382. The "crises" of the political system liberalThe authors of the corpus also consider that the vote elective such as designed in the liberal democracies commits the mistake to confuse the voting procedure with the expression of a preference qualitative50. Added to this is the fact that a single vote is in the inability to reflect the whole spectrum of opinions put in debate during a vote, which becomes especially bothersome during general elections. In addition, it is often a impose to the electors to formulate a preference that they have perhaps not even:"?In practice people do not have definite preferences over the whole range of alternatives that affect them. They have neither the information nor the analytical skill nor the imagination to construct the sort of stable schedules that the economists' calculations require. They simply do not have the fate of preferences that economists want them to "reveal".???(Burnheim 1985, 83-84)51.The third criticism concerning the substantive vote elected is that it strengthens the imbalance of power between citizens and elus52. By putting their power in the hands of representatives, citizens are depriving themselves of their sovereignty and to enable the political class to monopolize the legitimate political action. By the game of a vicious circle, the citizens will eventually lose their competence to transform little has little in an earth apathique53. The last criticism against the vote concerns its supposed nature or even aristocratic oligarchy. The vote, even in its form the more egalitarian of universal suffrage, creates an equality which is fictitious and which largely ignored the socio-economic conditions of its realisation54. The principle of?one man one vote?does not take the test of reality. In reality, the vote favors the social strata that have the necessary resources, symbolic and economic, to participate in the competition. It is a procedure which asked the voters to choose non-?"?the first venus?"?but?"?the best?" on55. Those end up elsewhere by believing that they50Burnheim (1985, 83-84):?"?My voting for rather than against does not say how strongly I am in favor of a proposal. It cannot express anything like a price I am willing to pay. A majority with slight preferences one way may outvote almost as many strong preferences the other way.??51Cf. also Barber (1984, 199; 203-205) which qualified the vote of?"?unresponsive to intensity and commitment?"?and deals with the problem or Gastil (2000, 32-67) which deals in detail with the problem of information.52Martin (1995, 25):?"?It should be a truism that elections empower tea PWO's and not the voters.??53This problem had been raised by Rousseau, but found an echo important among the authors of the corpus which often comment the negative logic of the monopolization of political power. See for example among Sutherland (2008, 35 et seq. ) or among Gastil (2000, 40 et seq. ).54Barber (1984, 146) :?"?Equality, undertakings makes it exclusively in terms of abstract personhood gold of legal and electoral equity, omits the crucial economic and social determinants that shape its real-life incarnation.???Amar (1984, 1291) :?"?Yet the reality of Reynolds is that when representative are selected by majority rule, the votes of those in the minority do not truly count ... In a real way, the current system has wasted their votes instead of counting them equally, and the "one person, one vote" promised ... pass? breached image.??55See Manin (1996) or McCormick (2006, 1) :?"?Put simply, election is a magistrate selection method that directly and meaning work- favors tea popular form and keeps political offices from being distributed widely among citizens of all socioeconomic backgrounds.??139Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomAre actually higher than the common mortal and the vote ends by convert into a procedure which enhances the reproduction of the elite56. The deconstruction theoretical carried out by the authors is double in the vast majority of texts in a historical context to understand how and why the vote was able supplant the draw as instrument of democracy has such a point to become the synonym then even that he had been chosen in knowledge of cause by the founders of liberal regimes to create elitaires57 regimes.Despite this load very offensive against the principle of the election, the authors of the corpus him recognize two advantages. The first is without a doubt that the election?"?make it possible peacefully to eject a government and replace it with a government that is at least less disagreeable to the largest cohesive group of voters?" on58. The second element which attracts the attention of the sponsors is the symbolic potential of the act of voting that they say they want to take into account at the time of rebuild of new institutions, including to compensate for its perte59.2.3 .2against the Liberal definition of the jurisdiction"?The typical citizen drops down to a lower level of mental performance as soon as he enters the political field. Hey allegedly infringing and analyzes in a way which he would readily recognize as infant within the sphere of his real interests. He becomes a primitive again. His thinking become associative and affective.???(Schumpeter 1942, 262).Parallel to the developments on the vote elective, the authors of the corpus have in common to be interested in the concept of political jurisdiction in a critical optical and are instead deconstructing in three steps the concept prevail in liberal democracies. They focus first of all to show that the staff policy elected is in reality not more competent than56This is the idea of the distinction (Manin 1996, 125 et seq. ). See also Emerey (1976b, 200) :?"?The behavior of thesis token representative is likely to re-reinforce thesis trends. They will tend to regard themselves as cut above their electorate by the mother inv of being elected tb notamment auspicious bodies.??57Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 2) :?"?When they thought of "the whole society" they tended to mean propertied dialog box white males, and much of Federalist doctrine speaks to the desirability of a government's reflecting the stabilizing role of "influential persons".???Cf. also Dowlen (2008a) or Mulgan (1984, 540).58However, even in these cases, most of the authors relativize their remarks. Thus Burnheim (1985, 85) he continues:?"?But this gain is a gain only when compared with other systems of tenure of office that rest on heredity gold co-option gold military force. It probably has few disadvantages that are not shared by those other systems, goal equally it shares most of their disadvantages?" on. See also (Sutherland 2008, 23):?"?The best you can say is that a mechanism to "throw the rascals out" every few years is at least some form of protection against complacency, corruption or tyranny.??59See Mulgan (1984) and more generally Schmitter & Trechsel (2004, 92-96).1402. The "crises" of the political system liberalThe average voter but yet that this last is - or could be - far more competent than his representative ; said out (Sutherland 2008, 84) :?"?Grandma, not the gentleman from Whitehall, knows best.??. By analyzing the concrete framework of contemporary elections, the authors note an interesting paradox:"?Election process hast practised in our media age rewards candidates who have congenial TV images, have a convincing verbal delivery, and are adept tools at sensing transient public emotional moods. Thesis quality do not necessarily correlate with either intelligence or responsible political leadership.???(Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 22).In such conditions - which are greatly due to the transformations of the liberal democracies in democracies of earth and of opinion - the elections are therefore not, or more than, a way to choose the candidates with the best skills policies. To the contrary, what is put in front and allows to triumph, this are of media skills and communicationnelles60. This ominous trend is exacerbated by the phenomenon supporter that fact that the candidacy has a political position is a function of the ability to impose inside his party and not that of defending the interests of constituants61.The authors of the corpus does not stop yet not has these aspects cyclical; they are wondering about the notion of political jurisdiction and trying to identify the liberal concept. The latter - analyze-they - is characterized by a skeptical posture vis-a-vis the people and its ability to participate in power. It is a low concept of citizenship which is then drawn and which pushed the Liberals to justify the limitation on the participation of citizens in the election of the representatives, capable, them to carry out in agreement with the experts the politiques62 affairs. This is the same type of design that pushes a reject the most direct forms of democracy, even if the principle of participation is acquired in theorie63. This vision of the com60InThis meaning, Sutherland (2008, 19) notes that studies of anthropology seem to confirm that the victories in elections depend on more of the shape of the face that the political program (Little & al. 2007).61See supra (p. 131), the critical toward the political parties. Barber (1984, 152) adds:?"?Liberal and representative modes of democracy make politics year activity of specialists and experts whose only distinctive qualification, however, turns out to be simply that they engaged in politics.??62We find the opinion of Schumpeter or the oldest of Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book XI, Chapter VI):?"?The great advantage of representatives, is that they are able to discuss business. The people there is point of any own ; which form one of the great disadvantages of democracy ... ] There had been a large vice in most of the former republics: it is that the people had a right to take the active resolutions, and which require some running, something which it is entirely incapable. It must enter in the government that to choose its representatives, which is very has its scope. Because, if there is little people who know the precise degree of the ability of men, each is yet capable of knowing, in general, if the person he chooses is more enlightened than most of the other.??63Delannoi (2003, 12):?"?However, the reluctance to the procedures the more democratic has deeper roots, often close to the reluctance platoniciennes. The idea of Protagoras, according to which the political competence and the competence moral, unlike other skills, are also distributed?141Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomPolicy floundering, in general principle and limited in practice would represent as well the heart of the Liberal argument, but would not faithful to the reality of a jurisdiction much more multidimensional than the authors attach then was present. The starting point of this work is shown by querying the Dahl:"?Is the ordinary man incompetent? No judgment is more decisive for one's political philosophy. It was peut the single most important difference in judgment between Plato and Aristotle. If you believe, as I do, that on the whole the ordinary man is more qualified than anyone else to decide when and how hey alternaitve Agent will coax it decisions he feels are important to him, then you will surely opt for political equality and democracy.???(Dahl 1970, 35)If you look at the level of individuals and of the decisions that affect them directly, say the authors of the corpus, we can advance the idea that citizens are competent enough to know what draws and what the gene. They seem to be able to recognize the famous pragmatist definition of Dewey (1927, 207) :?"?The man who new added locations from the shoe knows best that it pinches HBTX and where it pinches HBTX, even if tea expert shoemaker is the best judge of how the disorder is to be remedied.??64 However, even this vision seems too reductive has most of the authors who consider that in reality it is the average citizen who could well find also be the best judge of how to solve the problem if it were put in a proper situation:"?Political scientists have shown beyond doubt that within the current political system the average citizen is not a very competent vote. Purpose no one has taken the time to see how competent citizens might be under circumstances designed to promote their competency.???(Crosby 1976, 2)65Such a vision puts forward a competence of use, special, in contrast with the supposed reflexive competence and general representatives of liberal thought which is for the authors of the corpus a fiction: there is no skill objective and complete but only skills subjective and partial. And this all the more, they point out, if we take into account that our societies have become complex societies and crossed by the idea of the risk66: an increasing number of areas are characterized pat the absence of solution?"?objectively better?" on?whether it is of biotechnology, the environment, or other areas yet and modern societies are at this point complex that it is impossible to beBetween all hits too many minds. This idea is both admitted and denied by the DOXA Documentary film contemporary democratic, therefore recognized in principle but watered down by the procedures.??64 In the words of Becker (1976, 184):?"?We believe ... that you don't have to be an expert to know what you want.??65The authors of the corpus often insist on this argument of non-jurisdiction of the voters, but interpret it as a sign of a problem in the voting procedure that would not allow the citizens to be competent. Cf. Gastil (2000, 30 et seq. ) or Sutherland (2008, 20 et seq. ).66On the risk, see Sintomer (2007, 22-23). On the relativity see Barber (1984, 120).1422. The "crises" of the political system liberalPerfectly competent, would that in one area only. The idea of a political jurisdiction objective and monolithic is then obsolete and there is jurisdiction that multidimensional and subjective. The consequence of such an assertion is that the concept must be understood in terms of mainly procedural: firstly, it is by participating as the one becomes competent and the more we participated the longer it will be competent67. Secondly, it is important not to try the?"?true?"?or the?"?best solution?"?but it must concentrate efforts on the design of procedures to formulate common compromise.2.4A legitimacy crisis widespread2.4 .1The liberal democracies contradictions between structural and cyclical transformations"?Most people attribute problems with representative government tb PWO's individual and specific policies. A standard assumption is that if only the right people could be elected and the correct policies implemented, then everything would be okay. Purpose the problems go much deeper.???(Carson & Martin 1999, 1)All the analyzes concerning the representation and participation, coupled with the deconstruction of the founding concepts of the liberal democracies prompted the authors of the corpus has portray a situation of generalized crisis of their legitimacy, which does not seem at first sight find no viable alternative. The phenomena as the professionalization of the political, partisan politics, society from the risk and other factors, such as globalization are today highlighted the deep contradictions of representative regimes. The initial tension between people and elite, who had been able be a time exceeded by the democratic potential of the elective vote spring with more force still as before and the liberal democracies have become - or reverted - of?"?oligarchies has democratic legitimacy?" on68. The same forces of these regimes - the distance between reflection and action, between agents and67Dienel (1971b, 155) :?"?Informierheit lasst sich wie eine Funktion von Teilnahme behandeln.?" On?This idea is that of empowerment?that we'll go into later (cf. p. 152 et seq. ).68Delannoi (2003, 9). See also for example the qualification given by Burnheim (1985, 1) of the first sentence of his book:?"?Democracy does not exist in practice. At best we have what the ancients would have called elective oligarchies with strong monarchical elements.??143Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomConstituents, the media coverage - have become its weaknesses. And the transformations added that made the regimes of the earth have yet more fragilises69.2.4 .2of the reform proposals insufficientTaken together, the crises of the representative regime constitute liberal as well for the authors supporters of drawing a particularly worrying situation to which he must respond by a structural solution and not by the cyclical adjustments. In fact, most of the authors do not ignore that many proposals for reform are regularly made to improve the representation and/or participation in liberal democracies, but they consider the latter inadequate. The reforms concerning the vote elected their seem thus be at the level of the fight against the symptoms and not against the cause of the evil: to limit the expenditure of campaigns, fund the elections by public money, change the mode of voting, are as much of noble ideas but inutiles70. The same goes for the proposals concerning new forms of participation and, in particular, the semi-direct democracy, as we have seen precedemment71. What is needed is a more radical solution, but however realistic, that most of the perpetrators are working to seek in the history of political practices.2.5The best practices, from Athens to the mini-publicThroughout their attacks in rule against the regimes contemporary representative, or on the contrary before turning to the issue of the relevance of the topic, the authors of the corpus slurp in the history and the political practice of many examples that provide according to them tracks allowing to formulate solutions to the current crises. This pool of practice constitutes a real anchor point common. The historical reference most cited, commented on and analyzed is without no doubt the ancient Athens. Of the 67 texts present in the corpus,69Fishkin (1995, 62) :?"?The most striking vulnerability of mass democracy is that it neglects one of the values emphasized by the founders - deliberation?" on.70See for example Barber (1984, 206), Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 39) or Dienel (1971b, 152-154). See also the critical scope by Martin (1995, 22) has the idea that the development of new radical political parties could be a solution to the crisis of the parties of the masses.71See Martin (1995, 30 et seq. ), O'Leary (2006, 28) who spoke of?"?trap of direct democracy?"?or Sutherland (2008, 56). It should be noted that the authors supporters of the draw offer them-even a new form of participation and that they often criticize the semi-direct democracy for better put in before the supposed advantages of their models.?1442. The "crises" of the political system liberal47 OR 71% also refer to it, in particular in detailing its two major institutions, the ball and??the dicastes72. For most authors, Florence and Venice are also exciting examples of republican systems which we could learn a lot.These historical references are not, however the only horizon practice theorists of the prize draw which, for some twenty years, can refer to a growing number of jobs of the pull and policy in the framework of participatory democracy. The practice the most analyzed is that of mini-public that we will be considering later and which we will see the importance for the interaction between theory and practice later. The third exemplary practice mobilized by the authors of the corpus is located in the judicial sphere ; this are well on juries. These latter are often taken as a point of departure for reflections on the competence of the citoyens73. Beyond these examples, the authors cite and are interested has an infinite number of examples in order to base their demonstrations and to formulate expectations face has the use of the draw in policy but that it would be too long to detail here.3. A new democratic eraThe table particularly black of faults of political systems contemporary compiled by the authors of the corpus is however for them no way an inevitability. It is in fact the way the more on to present what seems to them constitute the most viable alternative has such a situation: the introduction of the prize draw by politique74. All of the texts of the corpus is in reality a collection of expectations expressed toward this method of selection which constitute the?"?new normativity of draw???(Buchstein 2009a). What would happen, they ask the authors, if we employed more widely the draw in policy? Their response is structured around five thematic blocks: the draw would result in a new form of representation (3.1 ), a better participation (3.2 ), would lead to a change in the policy (3.3 ) and the company (3.4 ) ; the all well on, without introducing any major faults (3.5 ).72See in particular Delannoi (2003), Dowlen (2008a) or Manin (1996).73See Amar (1984, 1286), Buchstein & Hein (2009, 35) or Sintomer (2007).74Or rather its introduction and/or reintroduction and/or the enlargement of his employment.145Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random3.1Represented by the drawing3.1 .1a Stellvertretung?more faithful"?The fact that voters are randomly assigned into a constituency for life means that the membership of each electoral constituency remains extremely stable, and always reflects the demographic diversity of the U.S. adult population.???(Rehfeld 2005, 240).The establishment of assemblies, committees, councils, etc. learned in whole or in part to the fate would allow for the authors of the corpus to reach a representation-availa more faithful of citizens, because of the statistical properties of the draw. In effect, the latter allows, as we have already seen in detail, to obtain a representative sample of the population. And this property is the necessary and sufficient condition for achieving a?Stellvertretung?faithful, a focused of the nation by miniature75. This expectation is well illustrated by the conclusion that Rehfeld derives from his proposal to assign by lot the citizens has constituencies non-territorial during their birth (cf. highlights)76. Through such a representativeness, the minorities and the disadvantaged social sectors would have a more important place within the institutions in which some authors shall designate as the realization of a?"?real proportional representation system?"?(Mueller & al. 1972, 60). Many authors also describe in lengthy paragraphs the hypothetical representative assembly in terms more lyrical which can detail an example:"?A Representative House would be them astonishingly tremendous different from its predecessors. Upon entering the House chamber you would EDC at work a body whose members included more than 50% women and some 12% blacks, 6% Hispanics, and 1% persons of other races. Because of their dress and manner, your overwhelming impression would be of middle- and working-class people. Gone would be notamment arch, gentlemen's -agreement phrases as, "Will the honorable member yield?" In their place would be the direct, homely idioms of the American people. "The learned member from Nebraska msfss to have forgotten the morning's testimony" would give way to "What's the matter, you asleep this morning?" ... There would also be several dozen managers and administrators dressed in upper-middle-class style. Purpose no air of privilege would prevail here. Looking around at the faces, you would see hundreds of ordinary working people, the "average Americans" who mainly make up this country. You would not, most years, find more than one or two lawyers, and most of the members would have quite modest incomes. Less than 5% of the members would be as rich as the average present Congress member.???(Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 14).75 The proponents of the printout does not agree however not on the concrete modalities of the draw (cf. infra, p. 174).76Amar (1984, transducers 1293) or Mueller & al. (1972, 60) :?"?The incentive for pork barrel activities in order to secure votes would no longer be present since random selection would be independent of geographic basis, and for the same reason minorities would be represented in correct proportion to their numbers in the society.??1463. A new democratic eraWith regard to the symbolic representation, it should for the authors of the corpus also improve, as the reported Emery (1976a, 202) in its proposal to draw lots advice in the industry:?"?The Council will be more likely to be seen by Parliament and people as being their own selves'. Their advice may be judged to be erratic, ill informed etc. , purpose there will be less of the suspicion that hidden hands have drafted the advice.?" On?For most of the authors, a symbolic identification would be easier to attain by the very fact of the likeness between constituents and representatives but also because the representatives would be of figures more copies that the representatives actuels77.3.1 .2a new form of?Repr?sentation3.1.2 .1The decentration of the representative mandateIt has been seen that the authors of the corpus criticize the idea of liberal representation through the election but does not call into question the principle of representation. What form would then this new representation-delegation by the draw? What should we expect from these new?"?sorpresentants??78 ? The hopes of the authors in this field may apprehend in many aspects but on the basis of a common principle, the decentration of the mandate which would save?"?representation from pesticidal, by "permitting some citizens to act on behalf of others (thus dealing with the problems of scale) while making their service has function of batch (thus preserving the democratic nature of public service)?" on79. The draw net cut off not only the link between election (in the direction of choice) and authorization to represent but also the one between election and legitimacy. This principle is available under the following aspects: the draw would lead a defense more faithful of the interests of the constituents for mathematical reasons, psychological and political. It would also result in the birth of a new and better form of accountability.77Emery (1976b, 201) :?"?They could command the respect of Australian Parliament and the people because of their collective experience, knowledge and representation of the major interests directly involved in the industry and they could command the trust of des Parlements and the people because they were leaves out villain-proof.??78The expression is resumption of Goodwin (2005) and its?"?lotreps??.79Barber (1984, 290). See also Amar (1984, 1286).147Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random3.1.2 .2a mathematical defense of interestsA whole series of authors simply prolong the statistical approach of the representation-figuration and consider that the likelihood that representatives learned the fate act on behalf of all the represented is stronger than that of elected representatives through a representativeness?"?automatic and inevitable?" on80. We could have in some way a?acting for?statistics, by the set of probabilities: the set of representatives acts for the whole of the people, even if everyone is for him-meme81. There would be no more room for positions centrist tendency, but a body being the living reflection of diverging interests present in the societe82. To paraphrase the provocation of Tillier: those who make the law the font for them, but as all are represented, they the font for tous83.3.1.2 .3a defense of interests by the game of reciprocity reflexiveA large part of the authors considers that the drawing would lead to a psychological transformation of the activity of representative with the advent of the principle of?"?reciprocity?" reflexive?- also called altruism selfish - based on the adage that jettisoned the?"?submit to what you choose and only choose what you would Madagascar makes freely submit tb?"?(Goodwin 2005, 114). Representatives learned the fate would have a chance almost zero re-election and once their mandate ends, they selves once normal subjects of law. This perspective the yelling has take decisions such that they cannot hurt them subsequently. This mechanism has selfish view first be transformed into altruistic principle?in fine?: The citizens would have permanently has the spirit that they could them-even to find a day in the situation the less comfortable (or go back if they were there already) and would act in such a way that the latter is the least perceptible as possible. We would have to each decision a sort80Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 15). See also Engelstad (1989, 29) :?"?Aim in year assembly of between 400 and 700 members, the deviations from a suitable interpretation of "popular will" furthered by elections will probably be much more important than those created by the chance mechanism.??81Note here that this expectation may have a connotation very individualistic since it does request itself not that the representatives are in a process of discussion.82See also Burnheim (1985, 114) :?"?If the group making a decision is statistically representative of the group on whose behalf it is made then it is very likely that the decision will be in agreement with the result of some reasonable decision procedure for that group. The statistical selection procedure controls the distribution of the interests represented and so controls the decisions that are likely to emerge by rational negotiations among those representative. Granted a sound statistical procedure the people automatically control the broad outlines of the result simply by being what they are.??83The original is cited in Rosanvallon (2008, 55):?"?Those who make the law, the font for them.?" On?It is particularly interesting to note that this note was at the time (1841) advanced to defend the extension of suffrage, and was part of a criticism of the non-representativeness of the parliament.1483. A new democratic eraA repetition of the situation rawlsienne distribution behind the veil of ignorance. A logic that strong contrast with the current of the elected representatives and professionals of the policy, or that they are taking advantage of immunities, either because they are rarely the most disadvantaged or most affected by the policies toward the more defavorises84.3.1.2 .4The reconvergence of political interestsThe decentration of the mandate would also result in the disappearance of the vote elected as monopolistic instrument of recruitment of representatives which sharply limit, for the authors of the corpus, the adverse effects of the professionalization of the policy which the most important is the divergence of interests between representatives and representes85. If there is no more of election, there is no longer need for financing or promises, more competition for the votes of electors or of struggle for the re-election. Because of this, the representatives would be in initial position of independence complete86, significantly reducing the opportunities for corruption?ex ante?and would make the work of pressure groups more dangerous, costly and uncertain. In addition, as the representatives would no longer systematically pushed has organize themselves within parties and fractions, each new question or proposal would become an opportunity to come to an opinion by yourself without being bound by the?Fraktionszwang. Certainly, the factions could form, but would be of nature passagere87. A policy made in the collegiate bodies learned the fate would represent the advent of a democracy built project after project allowing greater flexibility of the political agenda in order to integrate more quickly of the new issues was the order of the day. This expectation is particularly strong with regard to the taking into account of the interests and supranational intergenerational: the draw would break the logic of short-term included in the electoral systems88 and will reverse the trend has the opposition of prin84SeeLitvak-Poulin (2009, 19), Martin (1989, 3) or Mulgan (1984, 555).85Cf. Delannoi (2003, 8), Elster (1987, 143) or Martin (1989, 3).86Burnheim (1985, 116), Emery (1976a, 202) :?"?The selected representative know that ... a random selection procedure got them there so they ... are beholden to no one their appointment gold potential re-appointment. They have no boss; no party debt to pay off. He or she may not be the brightest person in the strata aim at least they can participate in the work of the Council without having to follow outside instructions.??87Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 28) :?"?Members do not seem to be identified so much by party as by interests in specific issues ... gold factions caucuses would probably develop on various ad hoc databases, reflecting as it would the great tides of political perception and priorities of the general populace. Thus a women's caucus, black caucus, yet unemployed caucus might be opportunity play as important a role as the traditional parties.??88See Amar (1984, 1298-1299) or Burnheim (1985, 137) :?"?They would try to director-generalor not the unreflecting desired of people aim their long-term interests and those of generations to come.??149Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomCIPE, packaged today by the membership or non-has the political majority, in the sense of a spirit more fort of cooperation and not of competition89.Overall, the texts are particularly enthusiastic about the potential reconvergence of interests between representatives and represented that would result in the employment of the draw. They do not want and do not expect however not that the representatives are limited to exercise an imperative mandate. They take into account the fact that the participation changed the participants and expect is Burnheim (1985, 114) which the pointed out, that?"?the decisions that the representative will arrive at will differ from the actual wishes of those they represent because better information and the results of negotiations will make a difference.??However ??"?this is precisely the difference from one's actual views that a rational person is normally willing to accept in the actions of a delegate.??3.1.2 .5a new form of accountabilityConcerning now the issue of accountability, the authors of the corpus begin by recognizing that the latter is not possible under the current form of the re-election but argue that this absence of ex post control??is not in fact a probleme90. The draw would replace advantageously by means of ex ante control??when selecting the sample representatif91. This method would be even?"?has more subtle): a method of articulating vote preferences on national issues?"?(Mueller & al. 1972, 60)92. Accountability could also to some authors move of the act elected to the field of decisions and opinions (Burnheim (1985, 137):?"?Their accountability to a constituency would be entirely a matter of the strength of opinions and informal sanctions; decisions that were outrageous (would not be obeyed by those affected.???Finally, a large part of the authors argued that accountability could be achieved during the term of the representatives of the fact the character closest to the institutions based on the printout: either that these are directly thoughts has the level lo89Callenbach& Phillips (1985, 49) :?"?Year elective legislature rewards divisiveness and encouraged competition and corruption. A sortition legislature brings out the cooperative spirit and encouraged socially concerned behavior.??90On the draw procedure as non-?accountable, see Amar (1984, 1290) or Greely (1977, 122).91Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 28) :?"?Representative House members do not have to be forced by external circumstances to director-generalor constituents because, by the very statistics of their selection, they inevitably?do?director-generalor their segment of the populace.?"?In this context, accountability is obsolete.92The authors add:?"?We would argue that although the final outcome is not clearcut, notamment has changed in representative procedure could be understood by voters as the formal embodiment of democratic equality in year?ex ante?rather than?ex post?sense.??1503. A new democratic eraCal, either that the authors think of mechanisms requiring the representatives has remain in their constituency during their mandat93.3.2Participate by the draw3.2 .1All, and not each94The hold the more logical and of this fact the least discussed is that the participation of citizens has the policy would increase so mathematique95. Sometimes, the authors pose the question of the prohibition of a second mandate but reject this possibility quickly enough in arguing that the drawing itself would ensure to avoid this type of cumulation. The system?"?would create a legislature of rotating citizen-legislators instead of a group of lifetime lawmakers.??96 It is, therefore, clearly a temporary participation, which gives each a reasonable chance to participate, but cannot ensure that this is the case: all govern together but this is not everyone who is called upon to exercise a load. The use of the draw gives?"?a chance of having a place for a time in a small group where his or her voice can make a real difference deciding about matters of public importance.??97In relation with this expectation, the supporters of the prize draw are hoping that the use of the drawing on a pool wide will result the selection of inhabitants and not necessarily to citizens in the legal sense, i.e. that of resident foreigners, criminals, non-major policies could in theory be part of representatives. This aspect is seen by the vast majority of authors as a opportunity to broaden the participation of quantitative manner but also well on qualitative by the inclusion of new points of vues98.93This is for example the case of the assemblies thoughts by Barber (1984, 270) :?"?Ensuring the accountability of American political officials is generally the responsibility of the press, the media, and the opposition party. Neighborhood assemblies would shift some of this responsibility directly to the citizenry, "permitting individuals to question their representative on a regular basis in their own home territory and according to their own rules of procedure.???See also Buchstein & Hein (2009) and Schmidt (2001).94Expression resumption of the title of the work of Noelle-Neumann & Petersen (2004) :?Gone, nicht jeder - Einfuhrung in die Methoden der Demoskopie.95Barber (1984, 280):?"?When the representative to the town meeting are chosen by lot and membership is rotated, over time all will be able to participate. It turns out to be easier in large-scale societies for everyone to have some participation for some of the time.??96Amar (1984, 1298). See also Martin (1995, 38).97Burnheim (1985, 179).98Cf. Barber (1984, 227) or Rehfeld (2005).151Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random3.2 .2The competence citizen and the virtuous circle of empowerment"?It is incontestable that the people often directs very poorly the public affairs ; but the people cannot be altogether of public affairs without that the circle of his ideas do Vienna has spread, and without that we cannot track his spirit out of his regular routine. The rights of the people which is called the government of the company designs a certain view of itself. As it is then a power, the intelligences very enlightened put themselves at the service of the Siena. There is directed constantly has him to do a support, and in seeking to deceive the thousand different ways, it is the informed ... It is neither more virtuous or more pleased may-be, but more enlightened and more active than its predecessors.???(De Tocqueville, democracy in America, Volume I, part 2, Chapter V)It has been seen that the authors took into account in our study shall endeavor to deconstruct the liberal notion of competence for the replace by a concept more multidimensional and procedural. The latter is based on a vision of active participation that the use of the draw would see fleurir99. The expectations of the authors in this field are divided into four panes. Firstly, the establishment of the draw would translate the idea that there is no?"?group of people whose capacities entitle them to a position of special gold wide-ranging power in the community.??100 On the contrary, in the world aleatorien, the competence of each citizen in his field of choice would be in front and the policy would become an activity of amateurs. In addition, the representatives would remain close to the represented, constitute more than a class a part101. Such a change would have to second critical implication of prime the virtuous circle of empowerment?or enabling: it is by participating as citizens would learn to participate. And with the time, would develop a real civil society, careful, political, willing and ready to participate. As the describe Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 48) with zest:"?We might, indeed aggressively, hope for the evolution of a new kind of citizen political figure: members of the new House with the simple eloquence of a Lincoln gold the moral force of year Elizabeth Cady Stanton gold Barbara Jordan - people who would rise brilliantly tb99Dienel (1971b, 153) for example defined participation as?"?Eingriff mit Aussicht auf Wirkung??. Barber (1984, 133) in fact the basis even of its strong democracy:?"?In strong democracy, politics is something done by, not tb, citizens. Activity is its chief virtue, and involvement, commitment, obligation, and service - common deliberation, common decision, and common work - are its hallmarks.??100Burnheim (1985, 156). See also Ranciere (2006, 47).101See Amar (1984, 1298) or Burnheim (1985, 165):?"?Sincere demarchic bodies would be specialized, it would be much easier for the decision-makers to "do their homework" than it is in present elected bodies, which normally have to face a wide variety of unconnected decisions about most of which they can know almost nothing.???See also Barber (1984, 152) :?"?Strong democracy is the politics of amateurs, where every man is compelled to encounter every other man without the intermediary of expertise.??1523. A new democratic eraThe new opportunities for direct expression of the people's needs and feelings. Many such members of the Representative House would, after their terms of office, continues as forceful defenders of the public good in their home communities, offering new vitality there; some might also decided to run for elective office. The effect would be an enrichment of the country's political life, and a welcome sense of bonding and confidence between the people and current gold past occupants of House seats - in place of the present prevailing hostility and suspicion.??102The drawing, by putting the citizens in concrete position of decision makers and representatives would allow them to acquire technical skills but also more widely political, or even social. The participation would then trigger the process of empowerment. In reality - and this is the third hold - the activation enable individuals to play finally and fully their?"?role of citizen?"?(Dienel 1978, 77) through the participation made possible by the drawing, the mass of subjects individualistic and liabilities would transform itself into a community of citizens actifs103. Fourthly, and in an area substantially different, each citizen would get by the use of the draw a probability much more strong to be?"?the decisive voter???as highlighted Elster (1987, 143)104:"?The problem of the wasted vote is real enough. It would be reduced by lottery voting, which ensures that each vote counts equally, that is, increases by the same amount the likelihood of the candidate's being elected. Under lottery voting, the power of an individual - measured by the probability of casting the decisive vote - is l/n where n is the size of the electorate. Under deterministic majority voting, the power of an individual equals the chance that he or she will be pivotal, that is, that the other votes will be exactly evenly divided between the candidates. Under all plausible circumstances, this probability is much smaller than l/n.??3.3" Politicize society"3.3 .1Make the power to the peopleThe use of the draw in politics would have for the authors of the corpus as major consequence and revolutionary to overthrow the balance of power in force in liberal democracies. As the analysis Delannoi (2003, 8) :"?The draw is the cure the more powerful has a democratic pathology recurring: the government on behalf of the people and not by the people. In this sense, the use of the draw102See Martin (1989, 3-4), Mulgan (1984, 556) or Rehfeld (2005).103Barber (1984, 154-155) :?"?Masses make noise, citizens deliberate; masses etiquette, citizens act; masses student?€?S and intersect, citizens engaged, share, and contribute. At the time when "weights" start deliberating, correspondece, sharing, and contributing, they cease to be masses and become citizens. Only then do they "participate".???See also Sintomer (2007, 139,142 ) on the notion of opinion against factual.104See also Amar (1984, 1293-1294) or the arguments of Frey (1969, 20) within the framework of the decisions.153Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomIs a good test of the accession has democracy and real confidence in its presuppositions. Because not only is the undemocratic oligarchies who were wary of him. The test of the draw unmasks the alleged democrats who speak on behalf of the people and are very careful not to leave him the power. Have you seen the revolutionary movements use this procedure in the service of their projects yet proclaimed completely democratic in the broader sense? Certainly not, since their leaders assumed that the people do not know what is good for him, a need to be educated and directed, in his name and almost against his will.??The use of the draw would in fact result in destroying the monopoly exercised by professional politicians and semi-professionals on the politique105. The authors supporters of the printout does not argue however not for a chaotic system but rather to a political view as a prerogative of tous106. That is why we can put forward the idea that they are hoping the draw a movement of depoliticization of the company within the meaning?"?illichien?" on?the term. In his book?Deschooling Society,Illich (1970) supports the school as an example of monopolistic institution and supports the idea that its cancellation would free education and to make it much more effective. Its analysis is based on the assumption that any institution which tried and arrives has monopolize a field - the army for the war, the hospital for the medicine, the school for education, etc. - closes on itself and blocked innovation. It is only by abolishing these institutions that we can recover the diversity. Such an analysis seems to be able to very well apply to the authors of the corpus and has their vision of the politique107. By re-broadcasting the power outside the institutions and partisan by breaking the monopoly of the vote as elective procedure for recruitment, the draw would give has a growing number of citizens the opportunity to be directly in position of decision without the need for third parties. In all cases, the existence of a political class professional would be deeply challenged, the policy would become the case of all. Such a depoliticization also entail the death of political parties has the former. However, the vast majority of authors, taken from a sudden compassion, consider and hoped that they will even play a role108. Finally, the draw would result in a simplification of the policy in the direction or the laws made by the?"?normal people?"?would be written also for105Goodwin (1984, 201) or Mueller & al. (1972, 66) :?"?notamment experimentation is essential if democracy is to be given an opportunity to work and democratic power is to be returned to the people.??106See e.g. Barber (1984, 262) :?"?In other words, they (the strong democratic institutions] should make possible a government of citizens in place of the government of professionals.?"?See also the argument of Cannac (1983, 13-20) on the struggle against hegemonism or Horn (1980, 15-18).107On the concept of politicization also see Knag (1998, 204) :?"?By politicized, I mean simply that considerations of merit and utility as understood by the typical citizen take second place to the desired of political insiders and organized special interests.??108Amar (1984, 1296), Sutherland (2008) or Burnheim (1985, 162).1543. A new democratic era"?Normal people?". The draw would end the Hermetism of political language actuel109.3.3 .2The procedure, central source of a new legitimacyA major problem remains however in the whole conceptual presentation up here. Indeed, the authors of the corpus are attached to show that the legitimacy of establishment (input) and identification of representative systems elective, as well as based on the results and the control (output )are impaired or even know a deep crisis. However propose the replacement of the vote by the drawing creates a vacuum:?quid?of the legitimacy of the new system? On what bases the base? The printout does not effectively enables not to citizens to give a mandate to their representatives through a legitimacy of authorization. It allows them not to carry out a check?output?since the re-election does not exist or at least is decoupled from the will of the citizens. In short, the principle of consent of the citizens to be governed, minimum set of representative democracy, is stolen.The response of the advocates of democracy random is articulated around three arguments. The first, and most fundamental, concerns the reversed procedural: this is not the results that count but the procedure itself: it is no longer ask?"?what will we choose??"?But?"?how do we will???110 It is located in the presence of a procedural form of legitimacy which is, for the authors, the very essence of democratic politics. The draw would allow according to them - and as was detailed previously - to create the procedures more egalitarian, impartial, fair, representative, etc. who would give their legitimacy to the decisions taken and the entire system by way of consequence111.A second argument accompanied the first very closely: it is because the current procedures are conjunctural led astray and structurally imperfect that the whole system is in crisis. In a situation if dramatic, replace the vote by the draw would give new foundations has the political society and would help to revive a virtuous circle of legitimization. However, the analysis of the authors of the corpus does not stop the since109Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 30) or Sutherland (2004).110Barber (1984, 200). See also Burnheim (1985, 4) or Dienel (1971, 151) :?"?Vermehrte Beteiligung ist ein Verfahrensproblem. Wir haben few bisher zu wenig um die gezielte Weiterentwicklung bestehender Verfahren gekummert, mit Hilfe derer geordnet year Planungsprozessen partizipiert werden kann.??111Most of the authors are however not illusions and see that the drawing is a procedure, i.e. subject to the possibilities of manipulation (Carson & Martin 1999, 1):?"?Like election, it needs to be used sensibly., with appropriate controls to ensure best operation.??155 ?Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomThe latter argue for most that the new system would also be substantially legitimate by the game of the combination between a representation more faithful (character "really" representative of representatives and that the latter were acting really in the interest of the constituents) and greater participation and better quality. The use of the draw would give?in fine?a substantial nature has the legitimacy procedurale112.This argument has at least three implications. First of all, it explains the great attention given in the texts has the exposure and has the justification of procedural models that embody concretely the hopes and expectations vis-a-vis the draw. That is why the controversies and discussions between authors are located mainly on the procedural rules of the prize draw in itself and on the issues of quotas, possibility of refusal, of pool of entry, etc. So many elements which have a direct influence on the legitimacy of the final system. Such a position explains secondly why virtually all authors defend a vision procedural justice113. As the emphasized Goodwin (2005, 43),?"?random distribution negates the need for equality at a primary level ... and opens it at a secondary level ( ... ). It can therefore be considered as a procedural conception of justice, goal one which ... resets it substantive assumptions and has substantive implications.?" On?This frame was debate illuminates the position of a large part of the authors on the question of the results and of the effectiveness of a political system: participation in decision making processes in a deliberative framework is at least as important as the results operative, for little that the chance of either participate assuree114.3.4A new company, without "new man"3.4 .1of the uselessness of change human natureA point that unites all of the authors when they deal with the effects that would make the job of the draw in politics is precisely that it does not require to change human nature:?"?In particular, I shall argue that it does not presuppose that people perform sub112SeeCallenbach & Phillips (1985, 54), Litvak-Poulin (2009: 18-20) or Martin (1995, 39).113Here, there is the explanation of the centrality of Rawls noted in chapter 2 (cf. illustration 24, p. 120).114Engelstad (1989, 41):?"?Even if institutions experience a loss of effectiveness because of the sortition mechanism, this may be compensated to the extent that the drawing of lots aux penchants réactionnaires the legitimacy of political participation?" on. On this point see also infra, p. 163 et seq.1563. A new democratic eraStantially better either morally or intellectually than they do at present.??115 It is a fundamental aspect of the theories of the draw in politics, which the markdown deeply many other proposals. This trait may today seem less relevant, but if one goes back into memory that some of the texts have been produced at a time at which a part of the political theories focused yet on the possibility of creating new men and to change the given through revolutionary action, it appears though that is a specificity of authors defending the draw in politique116. In the same vein, the vast majority of authors brag about the simplicity of the draw and put in before it is?"?the simplest, goal by no means the least potent, tool of strong democracy?"?(Barber 1984, 293). Its establishment would not require, plead-they, that little bit of organizational efforts and conceptual given the intuitive nature of the draw and its possible understanding directe117. However, they recognize that the psychological change necessary would be immense and would probably birth has a resistance on the part of particular class politique118.3.4 .2new social institutionsThe establishment and development of instruments based on the draw would result promote the emergence of new practices and institutions. The first of them would be quite naturally that of drawing. The authors are fond has imagine the days of elections by drawing as of the great popular festivities during which the names of the happy elected would be made public. The draw could even finish by held the same symbolic role that the elections and become the heart of procedural a deliberative society:"?Just as the apparatus of selection by lot in ancient Athens involved so many citizens, so often, that it msfss tb have galvanized year active citizenry, it is not country would be that selection by lot for deliberative poll could, someday, have the same effect on our own country.???(Fishkin 1995, 174)119115Burnheim (1985, 13). The author goes on to criticize the Marxist vision of a socialist society emerging spontaneously from the battle of class:?"?At best it is haphazard, ill-coordinated, often foolish and shortlived. At worst, it is terror manipulated by leaders engaged in power struggles.???See also O'Leary (2006, 113).116Cf. Dienel (1971a, 151) :?"?Ob ubrigens auf Wege revolutionarem tatsachlich mehr Teilnahmemoglichkeiten eroffnet werden, das ist nach allen Erfahrungen mit Revolutionen vorab schlecht auszumachen.??117This character simple and intuitive is often placed in contrast with the complexity of forms of vote (majority, proportional, has transferable votes, etc. ). Cf. for example Amar (1984, 1302).118On the conditions of realization of the theory of democracy random, cf. chapter 6 (3.2 , 345).119Cf. also Mulgan (1984) or Engelstadt (1989, 42):?"?The act of drawing lots pesticidal will often be both solemn and exciting.??157Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomA second type of institution that imagine the authors are rather of the educational field. The establishment of body learned the fate would create a demand for training on the part of elected officials but also on the part of the whole of the citizens likely to become representatives and we would see everywhere appear of?"?mini-universities?"?and other schools of the democratie120. Finally the draw would give birth has a real economy of the participation and would create a sector entirely new activity economique121.3.4 .3beyond the tools, a remodelled society"?Real democracy might not beatsmith extraordinaire with elections, goal much more with random selection.???( Litvak-Poulin 2009, 9).In a optical still more transversal and broadcasts, some authors do not hesitate to advance that the combination between tools for drawing and their effects would eventually give birth to a more democratic society, based on mutual understanding, deliberation, the freedom and harmony:"?Beyond the specific benefits that demarchy might bring to a society, it might be hoped that it would promote a spirit of tolerance, rationality and uncontentious equality that would greatly enhance the peacefulness, security and openness of social relationships. People would feel free to differ while remaining within a broad consensus about the way decisions were made and power controlled ... Women and minority groups would be drawn easily and rapidly into public life, and the public sources of racism and sexism doesn't would be or undercut rollers. The feeling that the problems facing humankind could be solved would be reinstated.???(Burnheim 1985, 180)122A company?"?aleatorienne??,?"?cleriste??,?"?demarchique??, etc. , would also strongly linked to the idea of risk and game:?"?The lottery is based on the idea that surprise and risk are themselves a major part of what people want?"?(Goodwin 2005, 46). It is therefore here as much a consequence as a premise of the policy based on the printout. But such a form of policy would call necessarily in part to trends players of the people:"?There is also a charming peculiarity of the Representative House that should greatly appeal to the American gambling spirit. Tens of millions of Americans presently wager large sums in casinos, lotteries, legal and illegal track and sports betting, and so on. The Representative House proposed here would offer to 145 people each year tea120Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 20-21) :?"?We assumed that the Representative House would establish means to initiate its new members and provide them with training and background information to enable them to carry out their new functions. ... This mini-university of politics should be among the finest educational institutions in the country.??121See in particular Dienel (1978, 199-200).122The name given by Burnheim has its political system comes from the greek?archos, harmony. See also Barber (1984, 148) or Fishkin (1995, 171) :?"?Most ambitiously, the deliberative poll can be thought of as an actual sample from year one way society - the deliberative and engaged society we do not have.??1583. A new democratic eraChance to become rich, famous, and important beyond their wildest expectation.???(Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 49)A little in the same light, many authors put in before a company resulting from the wide use of the draw would allow citizens to play successively many roles, including those of rulers and governed, and would therefore be dynamic and changing. It is also as will be discussed in the next chapter this problematic of social roles which has inspired the inventors such as Dienel or Crosby. A company of the draw would be finally more egalitarian and less hierarchical. That is why we find strong relations with the currents anarchists among the authors as Burnheim, Martin or Wolff, for which the drawing represents a privileged path toward the autonomy.3.4 .4a common semanticThe whole of the criticisms and expectations expressed by the authors of the corpus is translated to the semantic level by a community of expressions which it is not possible to give the details here but it is interesting to present. The side of the critics found well on in the first place the theme of the crisis, followed closely by the themes of the elective oligarchy, of corruption, and the whole of expressions referring to the political practices of bargaining such as gerrymandering?, the?porkbarelling, theOchsentour, the?Fraktionszwang, etc. By opposition, the semantics of positive time has come focuses on the concept of democracy and justice. Thus, the authors construct expressions to characterize their models, a part of which are variations on the root?demos?or on the idea of the people and citizens:?Demarchy, People's Parliament, Citizen Legislature, Citizens Juries.?Sometimes we find the idea of a novelty: the new democracy, the neodemocratie or on the contrary that of a return to the sources: the Republic has the mode of Pericles,?the Athenian Option. Finally, in a third logical words find who put forward the topos of the draw: Random angulation, stochocratie, mini-public. A side of these expressions, it is the term of justice which seems to return the most often:?justice by lottery ,just power, etc. The authors of the corpus are thus united by a community semantics of references, then even, one must recall here, that they are not necessarily in contact at the time of the writing of their proposals.?159Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random3.5A common line face the criticismWe have just seen that the set of authors is found on a line common was debate. Before to look at their differences, it seems particularly important to discuss the way in which they defend themselves face the criticism levelled against their proposals. A line of common defense being in this framework the sign of a proximity was debate strong. As we cannot go into detail of all the criticisms and discussions, they are going to take the three attacks most often mentioned by the authors in order to see their responses. We will leave the question of the jurisdiction of citizen side given that we have already discussed at length and that we discuss it yet.3.5 .1The draw is it really representative?The first concerns the question of the possibility to draw an assembly or a college non-representative in the statistical sense. Face has this argument, we note that the quasi-totality of the authors mobilized the statistical sciences and argues that the probability of such an event is not zero, but that not only it is particularly low and that in addition even in such a case, the draw would not be more dangerous that the voting procedure elective which has allowed in the history the access of non-democrats in power through elections123.3.5 .2representatives non-responsibleThe second criticism is the lack ofaccountability?of representatives and as the note Burnheim (1985),?"?demarchic bodies would not be accountable, because they would not be eligible for reappointment. Within the bounds of criminal law they could do what they liked, and suffer no consequences of their actions. This is, peut, the central objection to demarchy.??124 The joint response of the authors is based on four ideas. First123cf.Mueller & al. (1972, 63) :?"?Under a continuous system of unrestricted random sampling, the probability will approach 100 percent over time that for some draw of the legislature has set of representative which reflect only a small portion of the underlying population will quite dominant the legislature (the American Nazi party, for instance) with the possibility of extremely adverse consequences as a result. Strong constitutional provisions and the use of a second house of Congress could also be used to limit the effects that year unrepresentative, illiberal legislature might have while in office, and we would argue that the frequency of occurrence of such situations under our proposals is likely to be considerably less than what we have historically observed under alternative forms of government.??124See also Mueller & al. (1972, 61) :?"?We should note that it is true that randomly chosen individuals who are not concerned with re-election to office will have no direct incentive themselves to become informed. Even though absenteeism from legislative functions could be controlled, daydreaming could not be.??1603. A new democratic eraAlso, the motivation does not come from the possibility of punishment but rather of the interest for the subject and of the position of power offered to citizens, combined has selfishness altruiste125. Secondly, accountability would be the means of the social pressure and policy surrounding the representatives, as well as as a consequence of their own love and their sense of the honneur126. Thirdly argue the supporters of the drawing, the accountability of liberal is useful only because it is the only tool for the control of citizens on their rulers. In a system of circulation, this pis-go would not necessaire127. Fourthly and a contrario, given the little responsibility of current representatives elected, the chance is small that a house pulled to the fate is even less responsable128.3.5 .3The domination of experts and bureaucratsThe third major criticism raises the question of the increasing role that would take experts and bureaucrats in such a system. The authors of the corpus consider this point as a real challenge and propose a battery of arrangements. It is first of all to put in before the weight of the advertising and the public opinion in such regimes which would render the attempts to control difficult. In addition, the independence of the representatives from all the layers of society and not only of the elites would effectively counter a alternative agenda has the one of the bureaucrats and experts. A term, the bureaucracy itself would be led disappear under the influence of the participation, of the greater competence of citizens and of the likely decentralization of power. Finally and most importantly, the establishment of internal procedures that ensure the independence of citizens through the deliberation as well as by the establishment of institutions of control would avoid the derives129.125 See Martin (1995, 38) or Mueller & al. (1972, 57) :?"?We feel, however, that in case of important, highly publicized decisions, social pressures such as desired to be respected and the like will normalement bas provide rather strong personal incentives for informed choice.??126Burnheim (1985, 168):?"?Those who make decisions have to give reasons for them. Nobody wants to appear autocratic, eccentric or stupid. Whether this force of public opinion is in fact adequate is largely a matter of how open proceedings are, how independent tea communications media can be and how much people care.?"?On the issue of control by the population see Raskin (1974, 153-154).127Barber (1984, 237) :?"?Liberal democracy makes government accountable, but it does not make women and men powerful. It thrusts latent responsibilities on them while at the same time insisting that they keep a wholly passive watch over their treasured rights.??128Buchstein & Hein (2009, 374).129For the general arguments, see Burnheim (1985, 164). On the question of advertising and the independence, cf. Aguileo Cancio (2010, 23), Dahl (1987, 204-205) or Sutherland (2008, 207-208). On the disappearance of the bureaucracy Carson & Martin (1999). On the deliberative processes of correction, see infra (p. 162).?161Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random4. Diversity and differences"?Once people accept the possibility of demarchy they rapidly find themselves coming up with an abundance of suggestions about how it might work in practice. It is one of its great strengths that it makes experimentation in thought and practice infinitely easier than in state-governed societies. It thrives on diversity.???(Burnheim 1985, 18)Even though the vast majority of authors agrees with the analyzes and previous expectations, we note that there is - as the note Burnheim - an impressive diversity in the proposals, which range from schemes and modest nature of reformist, calls to the most radical, of thy quasi-revolutionary. Such a profusion is at first sight destabilizing but can be understood as a reflection of differences at a level more abstract concerning the concepts of representation (4.1 ), of jurisdiction (4.2 ) and democracy (4.3 ).4.1Representation and deliberation4.1 .1The scope of representation by the drawThe most fundamental difference that seems to exist within the corpus of authors concerned the scope of representation by draw. For a part of them, the fact of draw lots to an assembly is a necessary and sufficient condition for its representativeness of both the formal and substantial. It is therefore not necessary to structure its organization and its work or even to put in place complementary processes of control. Such is for example the proposal of Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 28),?"?representative House members do not have to be forced by external circumstances to director-generalor constituents because, by the very statistics of their selection, they inevitably?do?director-generalor their segment of the populace.??130 The draw transfigured the principle of liberal representation, the defeats and the sorpresentants are also representatives when they are absent because it means that a part of the population is not interested in a subject. Conversely, a whole part of the authors consider that the representation by drawing has a much more limited scope. It certainly allows130They continue:?"?This is a difficulty and critical point, one that goes to the heart of the difference between the election and sortition principles. It is precisely because elected representative are likely to be so different from their geographical constituents that a traditional representative system of government requires electoral checks and controls upon the representative. Purpose if, through sortition, tea statistically representative aer has "transcript" terms equivalent to the people themselves, then this problem vanishes.??1624. Diversity and differencesTo obtain a more representative sample of the population, but is not a sufficient condition to ensure that the representatives act as such. It is for them to complement and reinforce the draw by the employment of other institutional arrangements.4.1 .2place of the deliberationThe most striking feature of these arrangements is without a doubt the deliberation. For a part of the authors, the deliberation is absolutely necessary at any employment of the prize draw. Unlike the previous logic that puts the emphasis on rational choice and the question of the power of the individuals when aggregative process, the proponents of the deliberation shall bring to the center group processes. The authors for which the deliberation plays a secondary role generally consider that the role of the house pulled to the fate is not to engage in a process of discussion but well to confront so aggregate patterns the positions in the presence. It is as well that he must understand for example the description of Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 18) on the policy that would probably a?Citizen Legislature:?the latter would be for the death penalty, for legal abortion but also has 40% against marriages inter-racial. It should not necessarily be a change of position from the discussion in such an assembly, in order to?"?really?"?represent the people. In contrast, all a part of the authors, in reality, the majority, emphasized the paramount importance of securing the conditions for good deliberation within the body drawn. The representatives the most emblematic of this perception are the authors who have put into practice their ideas, for example Crosby, Dienel or Fishkin. As stated in the last (1995, 167),?"?institutions that speaks for the people need to be both representative and deliberative.???In reality, we can go further. The authors who design the representation before just as a question of representativeness are inclined to minimize the role of deliberation and those who on the other hand seek has put forward proposals to improve the decision-making process are more interested by the combination of the draw with the deliberation. Whereas in the first case the draw triggers the proposal, he played in the second an instrumental role, it is proposed as a method of recruitment before it because it is convenient and it allows you to create the basic conditions for a democratic deliberation of quality. In particular, it enables to tend toward the inclusion of citizens who normally are absent from the policy and of the participation and help stem the bias for a debate without rules in which the citizens the least educated and broken has the exercise of the deliberation?163Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomTend to be domines131. The absence of certain categories of people drawn at random is for them a sign of failure and not a sign that the drawing allows you to also represent those who do not want to take part in the policy. The proponents of deliberation often consider that if some people do not want to take part in the policy it is because they do not have the resources and not because they are not interested. Another difference is in the implementation in the question of the deliberation: the authors who are betting on it are more skeptical about the procedures of aggregations of preferences and are more inclined to argue that the formulation of a solution to a problem can only come from the deliberation132.4.1 .3Tea?people in thumbnail or a??cross sectionThese differences in the scope of representation and in the place has grant has the deliberation have consequences on the proposed procedure. More than the formal representation is seen as sufficient, more authors are inclined to take as a model a large assembly and a hardware operation of draw binding, including a pool wide has mandatory participation, a draw pure (without quotas or weighting) and formalized, with few opportunities for refusal in order to achieve a mirror representation:?the people in miniature. On the contrary, the authors who defend a design of the representation in which the act and the deliberation are major components, are more pushed to introduce small groups of citizens, a pool of volunteers comprising conditions of entry, a weighted draw or even with quotas and of possibilities of refusal and rejection: a?cross section?of the population133. The first case is for example defended by Callenbach & Phillips (1985) or Aguileo Cancio (2010), the second by Fishkin (1991) or Dahl (1970).131See Martin (1995, 32-34). Schematically, the proponents of the deliberation is moving toward Habermas and those of the aggregation toward Surowiecki and his theory of the?Wisdom of Crowds. See O'Leary (2006, 153 et seq. ) or Sutherland (2008, 73-84).132In this lineage is found also for the authors who put the deliberation at the center of their criticism of the liberal policy and make it a condition of democratic politics:?"?In considering recent liberal theory and the idea of democracy as the politics of interest, one type it easy enough to see how talk might be generai with speech and speech reduced to the articulation of interest by appropriate signs. ... Liberal Tea reduction of talk to speech has unfortunately inspired political institutions that foster the articulation of interests purpose that slight tea difficulty art of listening.???Barber (1984, 174).133We also find in these models the reference to judicial panels. On the?people in thumbnail see?Callenbach &Phillips (1985), on the?cross section, see Amar (1984, 1288).?1644. Diversity and differences4.2The citizen competence in debate4.2 .1of citizens more or less competent"?I would not want to travel on an airline that neutralise passengers the right to participate equally (by batch? By majority vote?) with crew and pilot in the operation of their flat.???(Dahl 1970, 30).If the authors of the corpus are unanimously agree that the classical concept of general competence and objective is a mistake, they do not defend all the idea that citizens are able to decide everything, on everything, all the time. Schematically we could identify three trends. The first group includes the authors the most enthusiastic for which the jurisdiction policy is really the thing the better shared in the world. In this perspective there is no need to put in place special processes to enable all citizens to participate, the latter will do to them-even by own interest. The body learned the fate will then have all the powers interchangeably and be elected for periods of time comparable to those of current assemblies. The authors of this group are also more inclined to interpret the jurisdiction as a matter of general direction. The representatives could just provide broad indications of their preferences which should then be translated into acts by the administration134.The second trend consists of authors more skeptics who consider that the political competence is - from a theoretical point of view - also distributed between all but that a series of factors (socio-economic, political, linguistic, etc) prevents its practical realization. We must therefore think the draw taking these factors into account, ensure proactively has what all social groups participate in and put in place the tools to ensure the conditions for a good debate. At the level of the powers to give the corps learned the fate, the authors offer sometimes a legislative function shared with an elected assembly by vote within a whole bicameral. Sometimes, they can propose a consultative power. The authors of this group are also pointed out that the jurisdiction may become a problem in the case where the elected to the fate remain too long has positions of power: with the time they would begin to lose their character of ordinary citizens to become professionals has134See for example O'Leary (2006, 206).?165Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomTheir tower. In addition they consider that the representatives are able to formulate specific recommendations and operating suite in the deliberative process.A third group of authors considered finally that the political competence is not distributed equally among all the citizens with the exception of the competence to use, which cannot replace the technical competence of the experts or professional politicians, not more than that these latter may not happen to the jurisdiction a citizen of elsewhere. For this group of authors, the powers of the body learned the fate should be mainly advisory and optional (non-binders). It should also install certain conditions of entry into the pool which should be constituted of volunteers135 or introduce the draw in the process electifs136.4.2.2Betroffen?vs?unabh?ngigAnother important element in report with the citizen competence is the fact to be concerned by the problem under discussion. For a part of the advocates of random democracy, the citizens are competent as when something the concerne137. For others, on the contrary, the fact to be key is a barrier has the jurisdiction because of individual interests little compatible with the general interest are has same to emerge. Argument rejected by the first who argue that a draw would give the chance has everyone to participate. The controversy is not complete on this point but it seems to have an interesting consequence since the authors supporters of the thesis of the?Betroffenheit?are more inclined to propose tools with a voluntary participation (it is the persons concerned to be manifested) while the others are more inclined to propose a draw mandatory (it must prevent that do recreate the body developing specific interests)138.135See Emery (1976a, 202) which proposes to create lists of?"?good men?"?or Sutherland (2008, 144) :?"?Consideration should be given to introducing a minimum IQ level as has candidacy status?"?or at least?"?a minimum level of educational attainment.??136See for example Amar (1984, 1307) for which the?lottery voting?constitutes a compromise between aristocratic institutions and democratic:?"?Lottery voting contemplates year assembly in which legislators are typically leaders of the diverse groups in the polity. Lottery voting thus ke tea cross-sectionalism of the random jury without sacrificing tea deliberateness, stature, and wisdom of the ideal "blue-ribbon" jury.??137Burnheim (1985, 16):?"?By contrast with existing democratic practice, demarchy does not assume that most of the population is in a position to make soundly based assessments of all the major issues of government policy or even to assess the merits of rival elites competing for votes. What it assumed is that most people, if they are faced with limited concrete questions about matters that affect them directly, are capable of gaining enough understanding of the issues to make sensitive choices about them.??138See the arguments of Carson & Martin (1999, 47). As a supporter of the?Betroffenheit, see Burnheim (1985, 5), as an opponent see Becker (1976a).1664. Diversity and differences4.2 .3The ambiguous role of the elective voteWhile the vote is elected attack en bloc by most of the ancient authors, the most recent publications are challenging discussion the problematic in a optical more nuanced. The vote would be thus neither more nor less democratic that the drawing and it is only has the yardstick of the practical uses of these two procedures that we could judge their caractere139. In this framework, the analysis is more differentiated: the vote was able to have and still contains a democratic dimension in its procedural aspect but no longer allows to achieve the ideal of democratic representation. It is in this way that we can interpret the proposals which focus on the introduction of the drawing within the elections140.4.3Affinities varied intellectualThe third divergence within the texts supporters of the prize draw is built around the radicality of proposals of their respective authors and se leaves apprehend in watching more closely two elements: firstly, the position of the author vis-a-vis the liberal thinking and secondly its conception of democracy, understood in its meaning of?"?power of the people, by the people, for the people.???Schematically, we can as well classify the authors on a plan with double-axis a scale ranging from liberals to anti-liberal and in orderly of reformers to revolutionnaires141.4.3 .1The liberals reformersThe proposals the more modest of the corpus are the fact of reformers liberals who say they do not want to challenge the existence of elected representatives and argue that they want to only supplement the whole liberal institutional:"?Our proposal for citizens to take part in year Athenian style chamber of scrutiny is not an attack on party politics. Rather it suggests a way in which members of the public can play a complementary and not a competitive role alongside elected PWO's whose democratic mandate will give them the exclusive right to propose new legislation ... We are not: that selection by a form of batch is better than elections.???(Barnett & Carty 2008, 24)142139A logic which joined the approach in terms of procedural blocks presented in the first chapter.140 See for example the proposal by Gastil (2000) or the note of Amar (1984, 1307).141These terms are not entirely satisfactory because waves but are used here to categories of work.142In the same direction see Mulgan (1984, 540).167Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomIn their proposals, the?psephos?can remain a central tool of representation, which is reflected by a series of proposals aimed at the introduction of the drawing within the elections, as is the case of Rehfeld who insisted on the importance of accountability through the elections143. For the most part, they emphasize the utopian character of their proposal and sometimes qualify their demonstration of exercise heuristique144. In addition, they consider - despite all their criticisms - that the liberal democracies are far from being the worst of regimes and are the most likely to reject the use of the draw for positions executifs145.4.3 .2The liberals "revolutionary"While remaining attached to the liberal democracy, a part of the authors goes further, however and announced a desire to see materialize their proposal. The analysis of the current political system may be less systematic and more emotional in these texts and sometimes takes the form of a pamphlet against the political class, the parties and elections. The resulting proposals are intended then, most often, to replace the existing institutions and to eliminate the vote of elected representatives. The authors of this group remain however liberals in the sense that they are more inclined to leave the citizens to submit to them-even for the drawings (voluntary pool) and that they are betting on the aggregative process rather than deliberative processes as is the case in the proposal of Callenbach & Phillips (1985)146.4.3 .3The "anti-liberal" reformersIn a conceptual optical still more radical but with proposals which are often more moderate, we found a group of authors that extend their criticism has the whole of the Liberal philosophy. This passes through a deconstruction of additional liberal concepts of need and merit which are then analyzed in relative terms, depending on the reports of143Rehfeld (2005, 240-241) :?"?And peut more importantly, because each representative is authorized by and held accountable to an exact microcosm of the whole nation, what is good for any one constituency corresponds exactly to what is good for the nation as whole.??144Mueller & al. (1972, 66) :?"?The persevering reader may be convinced by now that we are writing a piece of science fiction rather than analysing a serious proposal to reform democratic decision making?" on.145Dahl (1970, 142) :?"?If polyarchy is light years away from primary democracy it is also light years away from a truly despotic regime.?" ON?for a more moderate, see Mulgan (1984, 550):?"?No one, therefore, would dispute that election is the key device of modern democracies gold seriously claim that popular control over governments would be increased by appointing a legislature by lot from among the citizens.??146A lot of authors activists are also classified in this category.1684. Diversity and differencesFORCE147. The proposals do not seek as well more only has improve the political system but aim a more disagreeable more profound social reports in one direction deeply egalitarian. This is the approach adopted by Barber (1984) which begins by systematically criticizing the foundations and the forms of what he named the?"?weak democracy?" on, its design of human nature, of the policy and of the egalite148, before laying the foundations of a?"?participative policy for a new age?"?in the form of the?"?strong democracy?"?but while offering the tools rather modest and complementaires149. The authors of this group are particularly sensitive to the problem of socio-economic inequalities of competence and plead for the tools in which the deliberation acquires a central role.4.3 .4The "anti-liberal "revolutionaryWhile sharing the conceptual analysis previous, the authors of this group offer to lay down with the existing institutions for batir new, in which the draw would have a central role. In most cases the models are designed either to replace the set of political institutions - States, commons, but also universities, agencies, international organizations, transnational companies, the market itself - either are not confined to the drawing of political posts but also incorporate reflections on the draw of decisions and of lots. The examples the most successful of such an approach are found among Burnheim (1985), Goodwin (1984, 1992) or even among Carson & Martin (1999).5. Put into perspectiveThe authors of the corpus that we have studied throughout this chapter therefore seem well be bound by a problematic and reflections commons. It is now to put this together in a broader context, first history (5.1 ), then theoretical (5.2 ), in order to better understand the scope and limits of the theory of democracy random.147Cf. Goodwin (1984, 194) or (2005, 78).148Barber (1984, 78) :?"?Equality does not possess the normative status of liberty in the liberal psychology of man. It is merely a contingent feature of commensurability and has none of the force that community gold fraternity has in more participatory theories of democracy. Indeed aggressively, it is more men's common apartness, which is the root of liberty, than their sameness, which is the root of equality, that accelration tea liberal democratic man. The equality of thin democracy is the equality of boxer placed in common weight classes.??149Barber (1984, 262) thus poses as a condition of the new institutions that they?"?should complement and be consistent with the primary representative institutions of large-scale modern societies.??169Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy random5.1Precursors, pioneers and smugglers: a historical perspective5.1 .1a interest really new?The matter of the draw in politics is, as we have noticed more than once, as old as that of democracy. Should it not then consider the recent developments such as the simple continuation of an interest recurring for a question of political procedure, without specificity own? A very short detour through the history based on the results of Chapter 2, shows that the current movement is well a novelty. Two arguments are going in this direction. First, a search of the literature dating from before- war - also either depth-it - does allows you to find that a number of publications extremely reduced that are entirely devoted to the subject and containing a defense or a rejection of the procedure150. Whatever the reasons for such a state of fact, it can be reasonably concluded that it did not exist before war the quantitative bases allowing to talk about theory, movement or even more simply scientific interest. If we now look at the content of a few texts found, it must be recognized that the latter have striking similarities with the modern texts about criticism of the political system in force, the relationship between people and elite or the democratic ideal defended. However, they differ from on a series of crucial points. First of all, we do not find war before working on the notion of chance and draw what is also includes by the absence of certain mathematical knowledge. Then, the desire to build a reasoned arguments is much more limited, the proposals are made in a way ironic, or without concern for operationalization. In addition, most of the texts argue against the draw including at the time during which expands the liberal thinking and reflection on the vote electif151. There is everything from even a few exceptions to this situation. First well on during the antiquity and the Italian republics. Two times during which a beginning of speech has been born and that might be termed?"?prehistory?"?of the theory of democracy aleatoire152. We think in particular has texts such as?Dil modo of eligire?of Bruni153. There are also some traces of a contemporary discussion of the first disappointment vis-a-vis150 We are talking about the texts of supporters, not of descriptive texts.151See the texts of Montesquieu or of Rousseau as well as Dowlen (2008a).1705. Put into perspectiveOf representative democracy, such as 1848 or during the 1930? s, moments at which the draw has already been proposed as a solution to the faults of democracies liberales154.5.1 .2of the "reinvention of the wheel" on networking"?I am embarrassed to confess that at the time of writing the original proposal I was ignorant of most of the extensive literature on sortition and deliberative democracy. I'm greatly encouraged to learn that I've merely been reinventing the wheel.???(Sutherland 2008, 14)It seems therefore that the real development of normative reflections on the draw took place after the second world war. This evolution has been demonstrated in the previous chapter in quantitative terms, we will give here a few elements additional qualitative. First, if one goes back into memory the whole of the analysis on the criticism against the liberal policy and the expectations formulated in the texts, it is striking to note at what point the texts of the corpus are similar while having been produced independently of each other and without that their authors have knowledge of the parallel proposals:?"?We ourselves cam to the idea separately and, learning of each other's proposals, decided to collaborate. We were unaware that in the United States Ernest Callenbach & Michael Phillips had proposed A Citizen Legislature. The parallels are remarkable.??155 However, we note that from the beginning of 1980, the authors are beginning to be in contact with each other through their texts, and are inspired by mutuellement156. In parallel, has from the beginning of 1990, it is noted that the theorists are starting to learn the existence of practical experiences such as the?Planungszellen?or the?Citizens' Juries, which gives a dynamic of more and more important to theoretical writings, and resets same old texts of news (Burnheim 2006, 1) :"?My concern with participatory democracy seemed a hangover,from the sixties and flares and my attempts to address Marxist concerns were further evidence of the irrele152WithoutHowever forget to note that the advent of texts has this time seems more than normal if one takes into account the wide use that was made of the tool at this time.153See Dowlen (2008a, 124-134).154See the texts of a?"?Former Member?"?(1936), Laski (1933) or Leroux (1848).155Barnett & Carty (2008, 14). See also Litvak-Poulin (2009, 4).156Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 10) :?"?Benjamin Barber, a professor of political science at Rutgers, allegedly infringing in his new book Strong Democracy (University of California Press, 1984) for a variety of democracy-enhancing measures, including sortition for local government positions.???See also Burnheim (2006, 5) :?"?Carole Pateman read a late version of the present book and offered helpful suggestions.??171Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomVance of what I had to say. A generation later those changes seem to have run their course and many of the problems that concerned me remain unsolved.??Such a development allows you to locate the real moment catalytic converter of the development of the theory of democracy random at the beginning of 1990, at the time or the crossing of the theoretical approaches and practices has enabled the emergence of a virtuous circle of inspiration theoretical and methodological improvements as well as the development of new theoretical models based on the results of practical experiments. The latter have had their turn inspired practitioners who have tapped into the political philosophy and the history of ideas of new arguments pro-draw. By the end of the 1990s, the theoretical proposals pure, i.e. without references to practical instruments tend to disappear and leave place has a reverse approach: practitioners, political scientists and even of the participants shall bring has develop theories aleatoriennes overall from the concrete instruments and extrapolate the latter has a macro-level-social157. In parallel, and as noted in the previous chapter, more and more historical studies and exploratory provide the knowledge and arguments by analyzing in detail of old practices and by reinterpreting the scope of the draw in these contexts. An example of this work is the book of Hansen on the Athenian democracy which will everything has done in the direction of the proponents of democracy random, particularly as regards their analysis of the competence158.This sustained development of the literature, these exchanges and these experiences have precipitated the solution has such a point that one can speak of the emergence of a theory of democracy with random - was in believing one of its protagonists - of an agenda:?"?Die Demokratietheorie aleatorische ist ein normative Projekt mit dem Ziel, die Rationalitatspotentiale of Zufallsprinzips as modern Demokratien nutzbar zu machen.???(Buchstein 2009a, 343). The assumption made at the beginning of the second chapter is therefore qualitatively confirmed.157See for example Herath (2007) who, after having attended a citizens assembly in Ontario has published a book on the subject. See also Litvak-Poulin who after having worked within a team on a project of participatory democracy in Australia has published in 2009 his book?Citizens' Democracy.158 (Hansen 1991, 236):?"?How absurd it is, says Sokrates, tb pick the magistrates by lot when you would not pick a helmsman, or whatever, in that way. [Sokrates' fallacy] resides in the unstated premise that the magistrates have the same power to steer the ship of state as a helmsman has to steer his ship. Purpose the Athenians thing their magistrates by lot precisely to ensure that they should not be steersmen of the state: one of the purposes of the batch was to diminish the powers of the magistrates. The batch was based on the idea not that all men were equally expert, goal that all men were expert enough at what they were chosen for, and that by the use of the batch magistracies would cease to be attractive as weapons in the struggle for power.???1725. Put into perspective5.2Various approaches: a highlighted theoretical5.2.1 Frames varied anything economically exploitableIf one is interested in the common foundations and the differences between authors and put into relationship with the analyzes carried out in the first chapter, one realizes that the proposals seem to be closer to three frames argumentatives159. A first series of instruments highlights the central role of the draw in the fight against the factions in the form of political parties and presses on the character of impartiality, externalities, of neutrality and unpredictability of the draw and in the prudence vis-a-vis the jurisdiction of citoyens160. These proposals are based logically on the prints quite strongly framed with quotas and conditions of entry. The reference model is the judicial jury. One senses the republican frame that we find among the authors of the corpus close to the sensitivity?"?liberal reformist???highlighted previously.In contrast to this caution some schemes based on the centrality of equality procedural and substantive and put forward the necessity to employ on a mass scale the drawing in order to combat the trends or even aristocratic oligarchic liberal companies. They insist less on the need for deliberation, and font more call has the idea of rotation and inclusion. The favorite example of these authors is the classical Athens ; the trackball??and the?dicastes?represent their key references. The drawings proposed are based on a pool wide and binding, the drawing is rather formalized, participation tends to be mandatory. Overall, therefore these authors use arguments protirages which strongly resemble has a democratic frame. There are more or less the group of proposals previously identified as revolutionary, has both liberal and anti-liberal.Finally, between the two previous positions, there is a series of proposals in which the drawing is a necessary but not sufficient condition in the search and the establishment of more democratic institutions. The justifications are mainly the procedural equality, the representativeness (constitution of a representative sample), the impartiality and the inclusion. The draw is think in combination with the deliberation that is-a-say that the upgrade159The other frames anything economically exploitable are mostly absent. A few exceptions are the rationality of second order in proposals such as the?lottery voting (?Amar 1984).160 Cf. for example the test of QI proposed by Sutherland (2008).?173Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomThe conditions are in place for a good debate are a sine qua non?. That is why some proposals advocate for a draw with quotas or weighted and surround the instruments of thousand procedural refinements supposed to ensure that the drawing will give really the opportunity for representatives to act as such. It is here the frame aleatorienne who appears in the form of the equation?"?draw + deliberation = democracy?". There are more or less than the group of?"?anti-liberal reformers?" on?previously identified which propose the introduction of new institutions in addition to the current.5.2 .2a great diversity of toolsThe differences between frames that we have just been considering, coupled with the other differences lead to a great diversity of tools proposed which can be ordered by using five criteria: the frame was debate which serves as a basis has the proposal, the notice of the author on the scope of representation by drawing, his judgment on the deliberation, on the competence of citizens and the proposed powers for the body drawn by lot. It is then in a position to differentiate five major groups of tools which are neither exclusive nor often sufficient. In fact, most of the authors combine in their texts two or three types of tools.5.2.2 .1The election toolsBased on an argument rather republican and liberal, a series of proposals are designed to introduce the draw in the electoral process in order to make it more balanced and representative. The deliberation is not playing - except - a central role, participation is rather optional, the parties maintain a place in the whole process. We found as a prototype the lottery?voting?of Amar (1984) but also the?Wahlen Anno 2000?from Horn or the instrument advance by Gastil (2000). The election tools may also be based on a frame more utilitarian, for example the proposal of Abrams & Settle (1976)161.5.2.2 .2The tribunatsBased on the same republican frame but with a optical more radical, some proposals take up the idea that florentine it is central that the elites elected should be subject to popular control. It is therefore to create a body pulled to the fate which can make against-161Cf. chapter 2, 4.3.2 , p. 110.1745. Put into perspectiveWeight to the liberal elites. The proposal the more mature in this sense is that of McKormick, the?Tribunate Assembly?which incorporates the idea of Machiavel162. Other projects in this direction were presented by Raskin (1974) or Sutherland (2008). The sorpresentants in these models have the more often a right of veto, or of investigation and inquiry as well as sometimes the possibility to submit proposals a referendum.5.2.2 .3The mini-publicThe authors proposing this type of tool are based on the frame was debate aleatorienne. They give a major importance has the deliberation and work in small groups, consider that the citizens have an inherent jurisdiction, capable to grow and spread. But they cannot and must not replace the experts. The participation is seen as voluntary, but should be able to reach all the citizens by the introduction of corrective measures (remuneration, vacation policies, etc. )163. The powers entrusted to the body are advisory rather on a given issue in advance, but can be both forward-looking statements that control and evaluation. The prototype of these tools is the mini-public and covers a wide range of existing tools that we will study in detail in the next chapter, such as the?Planungszellen?or the?Citizens' Juries. Found in this category the models of Emery (1976b), Fishkin (1991) or O'Leary (2006).5.2.2 .4The legislatures citizensWith a strong likeness but a frame of substance more democratic, we found the prototype of the legislatures citizens, derived from the expression?Citizens Legislature of?Callenbach & Phillips (1985). Such assemblies are thoughts rather many since the basis of their legitimacy is the representation-figuration of type?people in miniature. They have in theory the broad authority, often legislative and the devices designed the establishment of conditions of good debate there are not central. The citizens are seen as competent in extensive areas. The citizens' assemblies are sometimes thoughts as a replacement of the current institutions, sometimes as an additional assembly. Found in this category the proposals of Becker (1976b), of Callenbach & Phillips (1985), of Aguileo Cancio (2010) or even of Cannac (1983). A more moderate version of legislatures citizens has162For the details, see Mc Kormick (2006).163On the payment see Barber (1984, 293).175Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy randomSummer presented by authors arguing along a frame aleatorienne (Schmitter & al. 2004 For example). The house is in this case with legislative powers but its institutional functioning is think taking into account the problematic of deliberation.5.2.2 .5The tools what lobbying would have ever promptedFinally, based on a democratic frame radical and revolutionary, a last group of authors propose to replace the whole of the institutions for erecting a new system, often appointed demarchie in reference has the book pioneer of Burnheim (1985). These authors consider the representatives learned the fate as competent in all the areas and therefore offer their entrust all the powers. The deliberation or the mandatory participation are sometimes posed as pre-requisite, sometimes totally rejected. The authors of these models are less applied a set of concrete instruments and think in terms macro-social. Is found here Goodwin (1992) or Martin (1995).1766. Conclusions6. ConclusionsThe discursive study thus confirmed the idea that it emerges from a quarantine of years a set of text sharing a platform common theoretical that may be described as a theory of democracy and random which has to heart the idea that the drawing in the form of the sortition could provide a solution to the political challenges of our time. It was noted however that the authors who defend this opinion, if they are largely in agreement on the effects that would have the use of the draw in politics, diverge in contrast on the analysis that they are political regimes liberal-representative as well as on the precise reasons that impel them to recommend the introduction of the draw.We were able to identify three major trends. A portion of the authors declared its commitment to liberal principles and adopted a reformist approach; these authors recommend the tools to complement of representative democracies based on a frame was debate rather republican. Following the same reformist approach, but based on a deconstruction much more radical representative regimes and in particular the notion of competence, a series of authors propose tools more ambitious based on a frame was debate aleatorienne. Finally, in a groundbreaking optical, Liberal or not, a last series of authors argued for the introduction of replacement tools of the current institutions in mobilizing a frame was debate democratic type.This theoretical study discursive has however left out a fundamental question that is posed by the proponents of the theory of democracy random: how to ensure that the drawing is truly employed in policy? In the words of Burnheim (1985, 160) :?"?How are we to get the new procedure has decent trial? ( ... ) Where, then, can we make a start in this process of undermining existing power structures without confronting them??" On?the question is therefore the following: that applies the theory of the draw in politics when it is put to the test bench of the practice? It is has to provide elements for a response that is spent the second part of the thesis.177Part 2: Aix and Poitiers, the theory to the test bench(Demos)"?Das Modell Planungszelle 'stellt 'eine mogliche Anwendung der Benefits of aufgabenorientierten,'ermoglichenden Gruppenprozesses fur die industrielle Zwecke der Beteiligung year politischen identifiable dar. Der yesterday gemeinte Gruppenprozes last sich durch eine Reihe von Merkmalen beschreiben. Einige von ihnen, wie can be sampled again der Beteiligten'oder Dauer der Teilnahme, sind in bestimmten Grenzen variierbar. En sind es nicht. Sie werden als yesterday Hauptmerkmale bezeichnet. Ihre Bedeutung wird - auch wenn Sie lediglich zunachst technisch anmuten - sichtbar, wenn die Moglichkeiten long-term survival, die sich aus ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Kombination ergeben, bedacht werden. Pound Hauptmerkmale of Modells lassen sich in folgendem Satz zusammenfassen: "Die Planungszelle ist eine Gruppe von im Zufall ausgewahlten, auf bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Zeit freigestellten und verguteten Burgern, die - assistiert von Prozesbegleitern - Losungen fur vorgegebene, losbare Bewertungs-, Kontroll- oder Planungsprobleme erarbeiten." Der Begriff "losbar" meint yesterday, das die zur Losung of Problems relevanten Informationen in der zur Verfugung stehenden Zeit in die Gruppe eingegeben und von den Teilnehmern verarbeitet und angewendet werden konnen.??Dienel (1976, 28).Chapter 4: The?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticThe previous chapter has put in before a series of analyzes and proposals concerning the democratic systems contemporaries who hope a lot of the reintroduction of the draw in politics. However, it is still a possibility to test these expectations on the field: Are there any practices that meet the theoretical propositions and which would help to verify the assumptions made by the authors supporters of the drawing? If yes, what are these models? The present chapter1 is intended to respond to these two questions by identifying certain instruments using the drawing which clearly fall within the conceptual proposals (1). Among the latter, the category of so-called mini-public seems to have the most potential, what a detour by the history of the innovations will show (2 and 3). Within the group, and this, we will focus particularly on two models: the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens (4). The first because of its historic role central in the development and dissemination of mini-public, the second due to its character Tardif and strongly hybrid which will enable us to integrate elements of comparison and cross-sectional as well as diachronic. To allow a concrete test of assumptions, however, it will be necessary to operationalize the research by concentrating on two concrete experiences (5) : the project of?Planungszelle?"?eine neue Gebuhrensatzung as Aachen?" on?of 2007 and the draft jury citizen?"?evaluation of regional policy in the fight against climate change?"?of 2008.1The research was the basis of this chapter have been made possible grace has access to the substance of Peter Dienel which is located has Elstal (Brandenburg) and whose doors have me summers opened by the family Dienel, that I would like to thank here. The substance contains the set of matches, writings, publications etc. , produced by Peter Dienel and the actors in the network?Planungszelle?throughout the years.Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmatic1. Overview of a gradual renaissanceIf the drawing has never completely disappeared from the political practice, it has clearly been a major eclipse between the liberal revolutions of the 18th century and the 1960s, time at which it has undergone a kind of gradual renaissance which we will quickly draw up a table that allows to tag the field of investigation of the empirical study.1.1A myriad of jobsSince the middle of 1960, the draw has been increasingly used in practice. It has already seen in the previous chapters that this was not without consequences on the development of the literature and on the political theory, but we will now focus on the real jobs. It is of course impossible to perform an exhaustive census, that is why it is proposed to use a grid of reading outcome of the work of the first chapter in order to present a maximum of examples of analytical manner. We will begin by the jobs in the field of lotteries, has the result of what we will review the striking examples of drawing in the framework of decisions taken. Finally we will focus on the prints of posts, which constitute the category most bountiful.1.1 .1Conscription,?Green card?and places of study: lotteriesThe reintroduction of the draw in the framework of military conscription in the United States in 1970 has been very widely commented on and it represents a typical case of modern reintroduction. It has been accompanied by a lively debate and represents for some authors the starting point of modern of the renaissance of the draw in policy in combination with the strengthening of the draw in the judicial panels (Buchstein 2009a, 339). The second employment in this framework, much more recent, is the?Green card?introduced by the Reagan administration in 1987 with the aim of diversifying the origin of candidates has immigration to the United States . It allows has 60,000 candidates per year to obtain a permanent visa regardless of the country of residence and without conditions of qualification other than the filling a form in row2. The third2ForFor details see the information of the government united states. It is surprising to note that despite its impact and its originality this employment of the draw was apparently not been the subject of academic research depth, and no reference has been found on the subject.?1821. Overview of a gradual renaissanceThird employment actually marking affects the access to goods educational it is-a-say to seats school and university which has spread from particularly rapid manner in the whole of Europe since little. The first country to have introduced the system after-war seems to have been the Holland of 1975. Elsewhere, the excitement is more delayed and the following countries has test the draw has the entry of schools (United Kingdom, United States and Germany) have done in the last 10 years (Boyle 2010).1.1 .2The Swedish parliament: an example of advisory drawingThe advisory draw employment is the least present in the practice has the collective scale. In fact, when it comes to decisions that have a real impact, the draw is reported by his absence, with the exception of a case it seems unique in the post-war history. Between 1973 and 1976, the Swedish parliament, consisting of two blocks of 175 members mit in the drawing 79 of these decisions, 39 of them were won by the socialist bloc and 40 by the block conservateur3.1.1 .3juries judicial: the employment of reference"?The jury, and especially the civil jury, serves to give the spirit of all citizens a part of the habits of the spirit of the judge ; and these habits are precisely those that are preparing the better the people to be free ... It teaches men the practice of equity. Each, in judging his neighbor, think it may be judge has his turn. It revet each citizen of a kind of judiciary; he felt was all that they have duties to fulfill toward society, and that they fall within his government. By forcing the men has to deal with something other than of their own affairs, he is fighting the individual egoism.???(De Tocqueville 1835a, 120).The draw of judicial panels represents the exact opposite of the previous employment, since the drawing is often the rule, and this since their creation. It is not necessary to dwell here on the details of the procedure since it has been often studied in his report with the tirage4. However, it should be noted two elements: firstly the operation of drawing for the recruitment has experienced a substantial change from the end of the seventy years in response to the criticisms made to the default of representativeness of the jurors who has is to broaden the pool of sorteables while making participation more compulsory than before. This movement began in the United States then spread in the3See Jahn (2003, 101) and Rasch (1995).4See the works cited in the chapter 2. On the report with the drawing, see Buchstein (2009a, 341-364) or Vergne (2006, 99-102).?183Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticAll over the world and has had major consequence to democratize the jury and to make it more independent of political power but also of judges professionnels5. Secondly, the model of juries has constitutes, as we will see later, a source of inspiration not negligible for a part of the practitioners of the use of the draw in politics.1.1 .4a revolutionary employment: the mini-publicOf all the practices identified here, there is one that constitutes a true revolution in the field of employment of the prize draw in politics because it is the first to be the result of a social engineering and proactive institutional comprising the draw as central element: this is the mini-public. A term which covers a palette very diverse uses that date back has two common tremenduous difference: the?Planungszelle?and the Citizens?Jury, invented and then put into practice from the 1970s. These models are, in addition, as we have already emphasized, the meeting zone between the theory of democracy and random political practice. That is why they seem of a present constitute a favorable field of research when it comes to test the theoretical hypotheses and it seems justified to consider in detail on these models. However, it should be first to finish the tour of the practices of drawing by addressing two other uses.1.1 .5The particular case of the polls and the?televoteThe polls represent, as we have seen, a complex case of employment from the draw. In fact, strictly speaking, they are not based on the draw that in a scientific concern of representativeness. So they do not have a priori nothing of policy, what confirms the mass of surveys conducted in the trade area to test products or advertising campaigns. However, some polls regarding the policy are themselves political and have important consequences on the system as a whole; it becomes difficult to ignore. If the use of the draw is limited well to ensure that the sample is representative of the population of the overall content of the polls influence directly the conduct of the policy which, as the jotting down a whole series of the authors studied in chapter 3, has profound consequences on the liberal democracies. The polls are also individuals5Cf. Vergne (2006, 99-102). The reform is arrival in France in 1978, but has not affected the Germany or the jurors learned the fate remain an exception.1841. Overview of a gradual renaissanceIn the direction where they constituted the starting point of the reflection of some of the practitioners of the drawing, such Ted Becker or James Fishkin who have developed models of democracy on the basis of polls opinion6. With effect from 1974, Becker introduced and then tested the?Televote. The latter is a form of survey in which the sample drawn at random to answer the question receives an information pamphlet on the subject, and then attended from home has a television show corresponding before finally give its opinion by a telephone voting. This method, although revolutionary in its time has been employee that a dozen times the USA before falling into a forgotten certain7.1.1 .6The?tie-breaker?in the electionsAlthough rarely used in practice, the use of the drawing such as tie?-breaker?after an election without winner is expected in most constitutions and/or parliamentary regulations of western democracies (Buchstein 2009a).1.2Limitation of the field of investigationThis multiplicity of employment constitutes a solid basis to test the theoretical hypotheses but would exceed very widely the framework of this work. That is why we decided to limit itself - in agreement with the developments of chapters 2 and 3 - has the study of tools which have for their object the distribution of posts deliberative processes. The reasons for this choice are multiple. First of all, the distribution of posts is a phenomenon which has experienced a renaissance or even a birth since the end of the second world war, while most of the other practices have existed without interruption since longer. Then, there seems to be an affinity between the theory of democracy random and the sortition. In effect, the majority of texts and proposals related to posts deliberative and/or legislative. In addition, the practical models of distribution of posts couples has an activity of deliberation are models of relatively complex which allow to test widely the palette of theoretical expectations has the inverse of jobs as the tie-?breaker?whose scope is limited to decide a equality of votes in the context of a procedure more classic to vote. Finally, the bibliometric analysis has shown that the inventors of mini-public, and therefore probably their models, are particularly6SeeInfra, p. 206 et seq.7For details on the model, see Becker & Slaton (2000).?185Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticParticularly central to the proponents of the theory of democracy random (see chapter 2, 5.2.4 , p. 119). The taking into account of all these elements leads naturally has to concentrate on the uses of type mini-public. However, the field thus defined is still too wide. That is why it is proposed to limit the study has two models of mini-public: the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens. This choice is based on a series of reasons that a detour by the history seems to justify.2.?Planungszelle?and?Citizens Jury, models pioneers of mini-public2.1Methodology: a study of diffusion of innovationsThe approach chosen for this study is based on the concept of diffusion of innovations, developed by Rogers and defined by him as a?"?process by which an innovation is communicated through certain channels throughout the time and among the members of a social system?"?(Rogers 2003, 5-12). Innovation itself being?"?an idea, practice or object perceived as new by an individual or by a unit of adoption?" on. There is no doubt that the?Planungszelle, the?Citizens Jury?and their hybridisation is a count among the innovations in the field of instruments of democracy since they have the two constituent characteristics: they represent a novelty in objective terms of procedure and, what is more, they have been since their creations perceived as such (Smith 2009a, 1). The work done here has been to follow what Rogers identified as the heart of the diffusion process: the channels. In the framework of the?Planungszelle?and the Citizens'?Jury, these are four in number: the persons, institutions, publications, and events. The research material consists of four elements. First, a job in the archives of Dienel consisting in the classification and indexing of the substance that he has left. This work has helped to formulate most of the results concerning the?Planungszelle?presented here, as well as those concerning the?Citizens' Juries?and a large part of their derivatives because of the centrality of Dienel and his team of collaborators in the international network of practitioners of mini-public. Secondly, a series of discussions and communications?1862. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicWith the key players in the network above, including Ilse Burgass, Ned Crosby, Peter Dienel, James Fishkin and Benno Trutken. Thirdly, a qualitative survey among the actors of the German network?Planungszelle8. Fourth, an analysis of the relevant literature, including manuscripts of Dienel and Crosby.2.21969 - 1979: the emergence of a political innovation2.2 .1pluralistic society and planningIt is at the beginning of 1970 that two pioneers - Peter Dienel in Germany and Ned Crosby to the United States of America - will invent and then test it independently two innovative instruments based on the torque draw and deliberation. If it is impossible to reconstruct the exact sequence of the intellectual process of innovation, we can at least identify three sets of factors concurring. First of all, it is clear that the political context of the 1968 has influenced the two researchers: the student movement in the two countries, based among other things on a fundamental criticism of the representation and decision-making mechanisms in the liberal democracies, as well as the many wishes to establish a participatory democracy have probably infused reflection (Dienel 1971a, 16-17 and 24-25). The two authors led the movement as particularly justified but not representing a solution durable9. Then, the intellectual context in the two disciplines probably has played a not insignificant role in the processes of creation. In the case of Crosby, the influence comes mainly from social psychology and moral philosophy (Crosby 1976, 9 and 2003, 247). But it also draws in the work of Rawls on social justice (Crosby 1976, 2). Dienel on his side seems more interested in matters relating to planning and is based primarily on work of commissions and committees of reflections on the possible reforms in this competence procedures.10. He is also aware of the work on the participation and found for example of contacts with Arnstein or publications8See the attached form (p. 398 et seq. ).9Crosby (1976, 2). See also Dienel (1971a, 6) on the student movement German:?"?Zunachst ist auf die Rateidee zu verweisen. Sie gilt in letzter Zeit als modern, aber auch als schwer realisierbar. Einmal verwirklicht, weist sie eine Reihe von Nachteilen auf. Die Integration der Gesamtheit wird schwieriger. Project entitled Die ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Manipulation durch activist Gruppen werden eher groser. Die Entwicklung innerhalb ( Qualit?tswein bestimmter Studentenvertretungen steigert jedenfalls nicht die Erwartungen, die sich year pound Idea knupfen.??10Dienel quoted for example often the report Skeffington (1969).?187Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticIn works on has the participation11. But its point of entry is rooted in sociology and public administration. Finally, a series of biographical factors likely have catalyzed the reflections. For Dienel, it can be traced back three. First of all, in 1968 was 1969, he worked in the office of the minister-president of the Land of North Rhine-westphalia on the plan?"?North Rhine Westphalia 1975???and is charge of the party regional planning and education. His experience the convinces me that these areas are suffering from a great lack of transparency and participation (Vergne 2005a), and are located in the inability to take into account the new themes and issues of long terme12. The second essential factor is the activity that developed from 1969 and until 1972: he resigned from his post of adviser and became professor at the Pedagogical University of the Rhine13 or it is devoted to the problem of participation from a pedagogical point of view through a program of research on the concept of?planerischer, Bildungsurlaub, i.e.?training leave continues to planning (Dienel 1971b). The third factor is, by the admission of Dienel, its religious motivation has continue his idea (Vergne 2007, 2)14. Ned Crosby, on his side, is marked by academic influences theoretical that he accumulated during several cycles of studies distributed between 1954 and 1973. He began his thesis in 1968 at the University of Minnesota. In the course of his research, he has addressed the issue of the validity of psychological tests and then turns a little bit toward the question of jurisdiction and its measurement. These research the lead finally has work on the concept of social ethics, and on the issue of decision-making in a context where there are no objective values nor as a way to properly measure the validity of opinions. Taken together, these individual factors and contextual lead has a similar observation of the two researchers on their respective corporation, then even that their disciplines and intellectual inspirations were relatively remote. Dienel wonders as well in 1971 in what the?"?social pluralism?"?could be a?"?a problem for the planning?" on. Crosby11Dienel, "??Korrespondenz mit Arnstein??, 1971, Nietzsche's Nachlass -Dienel, Ca2-2. Cf. also Dienel (1971a and 1971b).12Dienel (1971a, 17):?"?Ich habe, das sei am Rande erwahnt, in den letzten Wochen in Sachen- und Freizeithotel Verwaltungen mit Erfahrungen gemacht, die zeigen Flagge, wie man unzureichend komplexen Sachverhalten gerecht werden kann, die zwischen die Zustandigkeiten fallen. Auch- und Freizeithotel ist ein nicht ressortfahiger Bereich. Damit ist aber nicht gesagt, dass es das Problem 'Aufrechterhaltung of sozialen Pluralismus' nicht gibt.??13German Equivalent of IUFM french.14Dienel has worked after the war for 10 years in a home for young people held by a Protestant church (Freikirche). It was then the scientific coordinator of the Evangelical Academy of Loccum. He also has been active all his life in different associations evangelical, for example in the organization committee of the?Deutscher Evangelischer Kirchentag?a meeting of secular protestants, known for his critical engagement from the 1980s, particularly in the debates on the policy of German armament.1882. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicNoted for its part that the?"?planning?"?was incompatible with?"?our present form of government pluralistic?" on15. In modern societies, more and more fragmented, the centralized planning always becomes less obvious. The interests at stake are too diverse, the oppositions constants and the citizens want to participate. In addition, it is illusory to believe that the strengthening of existing instruments of participation can be a viable solution: the petitions, referendums,?Burgerinitiative?certainly allow citizens to express themselves but remain in the area of confrontation, of the opposition. Participation is either without institutional consequences, either qualitatively poor, and sometimes the two (Dienel 1971a, 5-6). It must therefore exceed the classical framework and promote?"?die Weiterentwicklung ... der Techniken burgerschaftlicher Beteiligung??. It must be?"?design new forms of democracy which are compatible with schedule?" on16. The two researchers will present their solution in 1971 and 197317. The similarity and the concomitance are impressive.2.2 .2" Neue Entwicklungen fordern ein neues Instrumentarium": the models and their constituent elements18"?Die Werte, die es yesterday zu transportieren gilt, etwa die Wertvorstellungen, die dieser neuen "demokratischen Gesellschaft" entsprechen, pound Werte lassen sich durch Ubernahme von Rollen eintrainieren, Zum Beispiel, moni man Leute year Planungsprozessen teilnehmen' lasst, moni man sie dafur finanziert und freistellt, sagen wir evil fur ein Vierteljahr. Laien nehmen year einem Planungsprozess de teil und entdecken zum ersten poorly in Ihrem Leben, was cast ja schon immer gewusst haben, dass es um ganz langfristige Problem geht und dass 'unsere"?In 1971 I finally decided that the best we could do to raise our views about social ethics above the level of mother taste gold subjective statements was to gather a group of people and let them say what they thought was the social good.???Crosby (2003, 255).15Dienel (1969, 2) :?"?damit ist die eine deutlich Hinsicht, in der soziale Pluralismus ein planerisches Problem darstellt: er erschwert die Planung. Er steigert zwangslaufig namlich die Komplexitat von Planungsvorgangen.???Crosby (1976, 23):?"?Many scholars have argued for some time now that our country will not survive without a great deal more planning by the government. Yet it appears that planning is incompatible with our current pluralist form of government.??16Dienel (1969, 4) :?"?Demokratisierung meint die Weiterentwicklung der Verfahren zur Allokation gesellschaftlicher identifiable, der Dezentralisation von Planung und der Techniken burgerschaftlicher Beteiligung.???Crosby (1976, 23) :?"?This could mean that at some point in the future, if our problems are not being solved, we run the risk of dictatorship as some 'man on a white horse' steps in to save us all. One way to Forrestall : - scholarly this is to design new forms of democracy which are compatible with schedule.??17The first in his article?Was heist und was will Partizipation? Wie konnen die Burger am Planungsprozesse beteiligt werden? Planwahl und Planungszelle als Beteiligungsverfahren?(Dienel 1971b) and the second in his thesis,?concerned for All?(Crosby 1973). Note, however, that the idea of the model was already present in the earlier versions of the thesis, and that its formulation dates back to the Summer 1971as i was able to learn in an interview with him.18Dienel (1971a, 8).189Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticCommunication', die von further discussion of und jenen immer so lautstark ins Spiel werden the factory default condition, NC: Hoechst kurzfristige Basis sind, dass wir insgesamt ganz en langfristige Basis haben.???Dienel (1971a, 7).In 1971, Dienel defines its model of the following form:?"?Die Planungszelle 'stellt 'eine Nutzung of projektorientierten, gruppeninternen Lernprozesses fur die industrielle Zwecke der Planung dar.???Crosby remembers her side:?"?How devrait thesis people be gathered? Whynot at random? And how should they address questions of social ethics? Why not try to get them to follow the guidelines of the reason-in-ethics school of moral's philosophers, adding to it the emphasis that R. M. Hare and H. B. Acton placed on empathy or sympathy? In this way the Citizens Jury process was born. I called it, in my notes, the R. R. C. L. decision. This stood for representative, rational, concerned and legitimate.??19 The mini-public were born. If one is interested in the detail of the proposals, we note that they are based on a series of eight common elements and two main differences.A participation of all as citizensThe primary motivation is therefore one of creating instruments to enable the participation of all and all: Dienel as Crosby wishing to put in place the processes of participation which exceed the?"?Angehorigen der dunnen Schicht der Sozialaktiven???and which enable you to integrate?"?die Mehrheit indifferent???(Dienel 1971b, 153). The new methods must also put the participants in a position to play their role of citizen and take them beyond their role of apathetic consumer policy. To achieve this goal, the two researchers propose the creation of small discussion groups composed of citizens working during a time determined on a given problem and chosen by drawing sort20.A reform process institutionnalisable"?Die Suche nach neuen Beteiligungsformen sollte sich auf Verfahren ausrichten, die nicht nur would spontaneously shift realisierbar sind, sondern institutionalisiert werden konnen, nicht durch Sonderinteressen zu manipulieren sind, die politischen Gleichheitsrechte nicht verletzen und in die19Dienel (1971b, 155) and Crosby (2003, 255). Crosby will change the designation of the model which will become the?Citizen Committee?before being renamed?Citizens Jury?in 1988.20On the printout, see the details infra, p. 195.1902. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicBestehenden Planungsprozesse eingebaut, sachlich aber als korrektiv und erganzend zu den bestehenden Verfahren wirksam werden konnen.???Dienel (1971b, 154).If the participation of all is the central motivation of two inventors, it is combined in such a way as inevitable with the need to be able to integrate into the political apparatus smoothly while remedying the weaknesses of other forms of participation, such as referendums or initiatives populaires21. This commitment is translated into four panes. First, the two inventors provide that their model is initiated by the administration or political representatives, it is therefore a question of process?top-down. Secondly, it is a question of putting in place the tools having consequences on the actual policy and to go beyond the stage of the political discussion, which as useful as it may be, is not a solution to the frustrations caused by the political system. Dienel and Crosby therefore provide that the model be integrated in the decision-making political-administrative. Thirdly, the institutionalization must go by the standardized nature of the procedure which will allow for the use at all levels and for objects varied. Finally fourthly, the two models are presented as supplements to the process of existing decision, it is especially not to replace but to obtain a new view on an issue of public policy.A predetermined agendaIt is also the common point next between the two models since in both cases, the question to be dealt with is fixed in advance: the group does not see entrust the management of his agenda, nor concerning the limits of the subject, nor concerning the process. Crosby (1976, 12) think thus limiting the topic has a closed question:?"?For example, we could randomly select fifty individuals and present to them two different solutions to some current outcome of importance.??Dienel ? proposed an option slightly more open in which he is to discuss the form that could take a planning project. But it is not question to choose if the project itself must have lieu22.21Dienel (1971b, 154) :?"?Sie sind nicht in der Lage, Teilnahme auf Dauer zu motivieren. Auf kurzfristige Erfolge angewiesen, agieren sie entsprechend. Langfristig werden Sie fur die Mehrzahl der Beteiligten'zu einer zusatzlichen Frustrationsquelle. Sie sind wenig berechenbar und in die vorhandenen Planungsverfahren nur schwer einbaubar.??22The two authors will very strongly evolve on this issue and quickly enough they will consider that the?Planungszellen?and?Citizens Committees?could be organized to determine the agenda of other?Planungszellen?and?Citizens Committees, a bit like in the demarchique system proposed by Burnheim (1985) with these instances of first and second level.191Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticAn external input of informationDienel as well as Crosby put the emphasis on the fundamental role that must play the external contribution to information within the process, and this for three reasons. First, it is not to let the citizens decide without having heard before different positions and competent on the issue in debate. The question of jurisdiction is therefore central: the citizens are certainly able to decide but only a condition to receive a prior information and untrained passengers,23. Secondly, the external character must allow the participants to find themselves in a position of informed decision and must avoid that the special interests do not dominate the processus24. In order to achieve this goal it is a matter of presenting contradictory information on the part of groups and interested institutions has the object of the discussion25. The supply of information has finally a teaching role which form of elsewhere the main purpose of the first model developed by Dienel (1971a, 28) and that he called the?"?training leave continues to planning?" on.A small group deliberativeThe third characteristic of proposed models is that they are based on the group work and the deliberation. The taking of a decision and the prior discussion which must be done by following the rules of the debate balance (Crosby 2003, 255). It is a sine qua non condition in??a pluralistic society, in which there is no truth?a priori. This aspect is highlighted by Crosby from the beginning. Dienel about has him will make the process of group at the heart of his research during the implementation phase of the first project, beginning in 1972. The two authors are also in agreement on the size of the group, which must be reduced, in order to allow real interactions and to avoid the low quality of the communication when eve23Dienel(1971B, 153) :?"?Die actuating the projektspezifischen Informationsstandes der Verwaltung wird durch die Teilnahme der betreffenden casts - ob mit oder ohne Stimmrecht ist Know der Absprache - und durch den Zugang zum benotigten Material sichergestellt. Einblick in dritter Erfahrungen wird durch Gastreferenten oder durch programname Informationsreisen geboten.???Crosby (1976, 13).24 Reason for the two models are intended to be organized by the public authorities and not by firms. Dienel always, refuse to organize?Planungszelle?for the private (Vergne 2005, 3).25Crosby (1976, 6) :?"?We must be careful, however, not to over-simplify the problem. It would be tempting to have one person play the role of teacher and present the pros and cons of the outcome for the randomly selected members of the committee. If the teacher were skilled enough, after several months we might conclude that everyone was competent to make the decision. Purpose this present severe dangers that the information will be presented in a biased way. In any real political setting it is likely that whoever controlled the teacher (or the committee staff) would control the whole political system.??1922. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicGovernments of earth: the ideal size is around 20 people in the two cases. It is the origin of the concepts of?Zelle, the cell, and of?Committee, the comite26.A duration variable but always shortThe two authors are in agreement: for not falling into the faults of the planning and decision-making processes existing, it must be that the participation is limited in time. Crosby proposed from the outset of does not exceed a few days, Dienel provides for a period of between two weeks and a few months. This time must allow to combine the need of the time of the deliberative and the training while limiting the maximum the emergence of own interests on the part of the group of participants.A series of incentives to motivate the participationWhatever the length, the major challenge is, however, to motivate the citizens to participate and a move away from this for their daily activities. Dienel and Crosby share a premise: the little bit of interest that show the citizens of a pluralistic society has participate does not come from a human nature apathetic but of a lack of opportunities for effective participation. Dienel (1971b, 153) puts forward that the motivation can be financial, material, playful, symbolic, moral or social. It is important that the new models take into account these elements while ensuring that no does either dominant, under penalty of a priori limit??the capacity for deliberation of the group and to have a sample too homogenous. The solution is based on three pillars: it is necessary to pay the participation, ensure to free citizens of their other obligations, including through leave citizens27 and leave the public authorities organise the mini-public. If none of the two authors do not set the height of the remuneration, they consider absolutely necessary in order to give a serious nature to the process, character also guaranteed by the public nature of the agents. As for the holidays, they26Cf. note 19, p. 190.27Dienel (1971b, 154) :?"?Fur die voll reprasentative Planungszelle sind die heute fur solche Gruppen gangigen, Unter der Bezeichnung "Freiwilligkeit" zusammengefassten Teilnahmemotivationen nicht mehr ausreichend. Yesterday muss der Einzelne zur Teilnahme gesetzlich freigestellt und von der OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Hand vergutet werden, Wie wir das beim Abgeordneten, beim Laienrichter, beim Wehr- und Ersatzdienstpflichtgen oder auch dem EIB in Aussicht genommenen, Bildungsurlaub kennen. Im genannten Fall wurden sich die Kosten fur vier Wochen "Planungsurlaub", im download this from 1,500 DM pro Person gerechnet, auf 540,000 DM belaufen. Der Vergleich mit anderen Ausgaben ?-sterreich zeigt, dass es yesterday fur ein Land gar nicht um ein finanzielles Problem geht. Die entsprechenden Versuche werden sich bald vervielfachen lassen.??193Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticAre designed as that can be optional or mandatory. Dienel pleaded in a prime time for the establishment of a?Planpflicht, a duty of planification28.A scientific accompanimentA final common element is the need to put in place a structure of scientific accompaniment, at least in the first time, in order to realize and then to improve the models after studying precisely the effects. It is one of the fundamental aspects of the proposed research program by Dienel in 1972 and by Crosby in 1976.Concerned or not concerned: the question of the?BetroffenheitThe first difference between the two instruments lies in the notion that Dienel named?Betroffenheit, i.e. is the fact to be concerned/affected by a problem. It has been seen that this question occupied the theorists and it is addressed by Dienel. The latter proposed in these first diagrams do not leave participate that citizens having an interest in doing so because it is affected by the subject matter of the planification29. In order to measure this interest, he proposes to employ the tools of gradation based on criteria such as geography, the profession, or other more suitable depending on the case as the position of client or student and which would be developed by the instances planificatrices30. This aspect disappears however little has little of the thought and practice of Dienel. If he defends the idea again in the early 1980s he will progressively change of opinion to finish by defending the contrary view, that is, the?Planungszelle?is the to allow people non-concerned at first blush to be able to give their opinion eclaire31. Crosby has proposed a similar differentiation without having detailed as much (the C of RRCLD means?concerned).28On the model of the?Wehrpflicht, the military service.29Dienel (1971b, 153) :?"?Die von einer betroffenen Planung sollen) for communication in einer den Gleichheitsgrundsatz verletzenden nicht wirksam Weise in den Planungsprozess eingehen.??30Dienel (1971a, 31) :?"?Bei der Frage, was man als Betroffenheit gelten lassen will, wird sich bald herausstellen, dass EIB vielen Problem Is Not Restricted To unterschiedliche Hartegrade von Betroffenheit, Zum Beispiel EIB Problem Is Not Restricted To der Stadtteilsanierung, der Schul- oder der Sozialplanung unterschieden werden konnen. Betroffenheit lasst sich auch noch weiter differenzieren und zum Beispiel als komplizierter Index auffassen, der sich aus unterschiedlich call bewertbaren Indikatoren zusammensetzt. Fur die Bewertung von Betroffenheitsgraden lasst sich ein Raster vordefinierter Moglichkeiten schaffen.??31Interview with Dienel, Part 1, minute 1:55 AM.1942. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicDifferent objectsThe second difference between the models is the type of problems that the process is applicable. For Dienel, democratization past by a reform of the public planning: the purpose of the cells is strictly speaking of?"?planning?" on?roads, cities, airports, etc. Crosby presume has him from the beginning to be able to assess the program of election candidates through a jury, in accordance with its research on the ethique32. This difference in initial design will appear later in the respective designations?Planungszelle?and?Citizens Juries?and will influence their subsequent dissemination.2.2 .3Why the draw?Now remains a central issue: the two researchers suggest the use of the drawing in order to select participants has their?Planungszelle?and?RRCLD. What is it that has led to propose such a method? The answer is sum any banal: pragmatism. In effect, neither Dienel nor Crosby have analysis the draw in itself. Of what they say, neither the one nor the other knew not the proposal of Dahl or does se are inspired of juries judiciaires33. Unlike a hypothesis widely spread, Crosby has put his model in parallel with the jury that more late34 and adopted the name of?Citizens Jury that?in 198835. For Dienel, the drawing was the practical answer to the question of the representativeness within the?Planungszelle. In order to avoid that the special interests do not monopolize the debate, it was first put in place a prior grid identifying the set of interests has re32Crosby(1976, 7) :?"?If citizens committees turn out to work well, they might also be used to reform our electoral system. Every presidential election there are of numerous articles political commentators bemoaning the small attention given in the campaign to key issues. One might improve this situation by forming citizens committees on has own bard of the major campaign issues.??33Crosby (2003, 256) :?"?I am not sure when I learned that Robert Dahl and Marcus Raskin, both in the 1970s, had given thought to using juries in the political arena, goal certainly it was not until after I had conducted the first Citizens Jury.??34Crosby (2003, 256):?"?At the time I thought this up in the summer of 1971, I had given no thought to its being like a jury. (It was not until the later 1980s that we adopted the Citizens Jury name.) My creation of this idea was an odd achievement. A few months after I had thought it up, I explained it to a fellow graduate student. He said, 'Congratulations. You just invented the jury system.' I was mortified at having spent several years inventing something, when it was a common device in use since about the 12th century. It was only when I could not find anyone else proposing use of the jury system to make decisions about social or political matters that I felt better.??35The first mention of an analogy found in this day is in a manuscript of 1983:?"?This research report describes a pilot study done by the Center for New Democratic Processes in 1981. One of our main research goals is to design Citizens Committees, built on the analogy of a jury, to make decisions on political issues.???Crosby & Heegaard (1983, 3).195Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticPresent. If this grid was be too complex to perform, then one could use directly has a draw of participants taking as a basis the registers of habitants36. This pragmatic approach will remain for long the main justification for recourse to the tirage37. For Crosby (2003, 255), the process seems to be the same:?"?I thought the best way to make it representative was to use random selection.?" On?It is therefore a concern of representativeness socio-demographic which is highlighted in the two cases, which confirms the idea that the frame was debate defended by the two authors is of type aleatorienne38.2.2 .4of the paper to the groundThe path between these theoretical reflections and their implementation in practice has been in the two cases of a relatively short duration. Dienel, since his post of professor at the Pedagogical University of the Rhine materialized in November 1972 a project has Schwelm business unit grace to the financing of the Volkswagen Foundation in the framework of a research program on the teaching of the participation (Dienel 1972). It is for 75 citizens learned the fate of formulate, after three days of deliberation, recommendations on the improvement of the garbage collection. The second project is taking place four years later has Hagen has a scale more important since it involves 126 people, divided into five cells, responsible for formulating recommendations on the renovation of a portion of the city. The United States , Crosby created the?"?center for the new democratic processes?" on39 in 1974, and launched - by financing on own funds - first two tests of?Citizens Committees?in 1974 (on the national health plan) and 1976 (on the program of the candidates to the presidential election)40.36Dienel had however already discussed the drawing in a text of 1969 in order to allow a more citizens to participate in the decision-making process, it was proposed to form groups of parallel planning, working on the same problem and the results of which would be placed in competition. The planning finally adopted would be chosen, either by a vote (referendum), either by examination (using a computer tool) or by drawing. There was therefore a need to take a decision and not a post.37When that I have talked with him in 2005, Dienel has given me as a justification that the drawing was required by the reason:?"?Vergne?: Warum haben sie das Losverfahren als Method der Auswahl velocity? Es war damals ganz neu und uberhaupt nicht bekannt, dass man so etwas machen konnte.?Dienel: [silence]?Na, das lag vernunftig doch ganz nah, fand ich.??38See chapter 1, point 4.3.2.7 , p. 84 and following.39CNDP -?Center for New Democratic Processes?which will become at the end of 1980 the?Jefferson Center?at the time or Crosby will change the title of its model for the baptizing?Citizens Juries, juries citizens. A term which, as we shall see, will be required at the international level.40See Crosby (1974) and Crosby (1976).1962. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-public2.2 .5The phase of standardizationHas the following the first experiments, the promoters of the?Planungszelle?in Germany add and/or modify three major elements complementing the standardization of the model. The first, and the most important of them all, is the introduction of the?Burgergutachten, a citizen report intended for the authorities which summarized in written form the results of the process but also its execution. The second is the fixing of the ideal duration of the process has four days, a figure which will vary little by the suite (81% of German experiences have had this duration). The third is the attempt to always conduct several?Planungszellen?in parallel for each project in order to increase the representativeness of the results. In 1978 appears the first edition of the book on which Dienel worked since 1974 which fixed these elements and by the even the definition of what is a?Planungszelle?definitively (see highlights of part 2, p. 179), in French:"?A planning cell (Planungszelle) is a group of 25 citizens learned the fate and released for four days of their professional and family obligations, whose mission is to formulate - using a input of information on the part of specialists - a series of recommendations concerning a problem of public policy. These experts citizens (Burgergutachter) are compensated for their activity and accompanied in their work by a team of facilitators. The planning cell gave rise to the drafting of a report citizen (Burgergutachten) - summarizing the proposals and the process - which is handed over to the authorities having mandated at an official ceremony. A?Planungszelle?is not generally done in isolation, but rather within a project it is-a-say that several cells running in parallel on the same subject and with the same program.???(Vergne 2008a, 1).This phase also sees the birth of the first and most important organizing institution of?Planungszellen, the?(Forschungsstelle fur Burgerbeteiligung und Planungsverfahren der Universitat Wuppertal41. This research center has been created by Dienel between 1974 and 1979 for the specific purpose of giving a academic and institutional framework has its project. For the animation of the center, it is surrounded by four persons who play a central role in the organization of the experience of 1976 has Hagen and in the standardization of the model. From that time and until today, the research center becomes the?"?base ? rear??and the place of recruitment of a large majority (23 of 31) of the actors of the German network. 17 Of the 58 projects carried out to date have been carried out directly by the?(Forschungsstelle, without counting seven other experiments in which he played a role of council. Strong of the success of the two pre41FBPUW: Center of research on citizen participation and the procedures for planning at the University of Wuppertal, open the June 04, 1979 (bottom Dienel, Ca2-1).197Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticPioneer projects and of the echo met by the publication of the book of Dienel, the network's first generation?Planungszelle, composed then of about ten members, receives in 1979 a command of the city of Cologne. For this first public mandate to scale, ten citizens juries are responsible for formulating recommendations on the planning of the city center. This project is taking place in an ideal way for the promoters of the idea: the recommendations of the citizens are taken into account by the elected municipaux42, the experience is widely reported by the media, and the template is no longer presented as a test but as a tool for planning a citizen. We can therefore understand that the actors in the network believe then that the decade that opens will be that of the?Planungszelle.Crosby as has him will longer has standardize its model, since it must wait until 1984 for that either organized the first?Citizen Committee?leading to recommendations discounts to public authorities (Crosby 2003, 259). It is for five regional panels and a national panel (Minnesota) to deliberate on the question of the consequences of agriculture on the quality of the water. The project is a success, it allows a Crosby to make known his model and to publish an article on juries citizens (Crosby & al. 1986).2.31979 - 2002: a slow process of maturation2.3 .1between stagnation and major projects (1979 - 1992)The hopes are yet disappointed. Between 1980 and 1991, only eleven projects see the day in Germany despite a continuous operation of the FPBUW who published in this period more than forty?Werkstattpapiere?and at least ten books on sujet43. In parallel, a hundred academic work are achieved by students on all aspects of the MB42TheyAre even preferred to plans proposed by the architects in contesting of the architectural competition which was held before the project and among which the citizens would have choose. The latter had finally developed their own plan by mixing the different proposals of architects.43The total number of?Werkstattpapiere, the?"?papers of workshop?" on?products by the FBPUW mounts has sixty.?198Illustration 27: Dienel (dr.) and his collaborators before the models proposed by the citizens during the project on the future of the city center of Cologne - 1980.2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicDele and dozens of articles appear on the possible projects or in progress. But the reactions are rare and the promoters of juries citizens are questioning the (non)dissemination of their idee44. The FBPUW must maintain on projects of recherches45. This scientific isolation is double of passivity or even a negative attitude on the part of the world political and administrative. The consignments of Dienel the policy-makers sometimes receive answers polite but often remain letter morte46. It is the same for many ideas for projects developed in the center of recherches47. In the facts, the?Planungszelle, penalty has come out of his rank of innovation and product engineering university and remains a curiosity in the inventory of tools of democracy and planning. In fact, five of the eleven projects - all the more important in terms of participants - are presented and finance as of research projects. Crosby and his?Jefferson Center?were not much more successful: between 1984 and 1992, seven projects see the light of day, including a is apparently a desastre48. The support policies are rare, the returns of projects are absent.The table is, however, not fully black and the?Planungszelle?is experiencing some success. The draft of 1982 entitled?"?An energy policy socially responsible?"?is as well, with 24 juries and more than 400 participants not only the first project at the federal level but still the biggest project carried out to date in terms of participants and accompanying scientific (Renn & Hafele 1985). It unfortunately remain without major consequences because of the change of government (1983) and despite few allies of weight in the political and administrative system. The character the most emblematic among them is Johannes Rau, Minister-president of North Rhine-westphalia in 1978 to 1998 and then President of the Federal Republic between 1998 and 2004, through which the majority of the projects in the years 80 to materialize. He stated that he had met Dienel 346 times in thirty years and44There is in effect a whole literature on the diffusion of the?Planungszelle. See for example Buning (1986), Kranz & Skirzinski (1986) or Nolte & Muller (1992).45Given that it is not funded by the university (interview with Dienel, Part 2, minute 3:40).46The substance Dienel includes thousands of letters written by Peter Dienel has all the political actors, social, administrative possible and imaginable as well as their responses. There is also a list of all symposia, seminars, round tables, evenings, during which he presented his model.47A cases among other is that of the planning of national roads that Dienel developed in a dozen of writings and several tens of letters throughout the 1980s but which will never be realized.48Jefferson Center (2011):?"?This was an experiment for the Jefferson Center, in that the Human Services Planning Board was responsible for the conduct of the Citizens Jury, with the Jefferson Center acting as a consultant. This approach to conducting a Citizens Jury was not successful and was not repeated by the Center. Tea ratings for bias were among the lowest received for any Citizens Jury project.??199Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmatic"?There is not one of these meetings in which the word?Planungszelle?was not pronounced?" on49. Another man central policy is then E. Sinner, which launched in 1990 the second most important project has made this day as federal minister of telecommunications and who will initiate three major projects from 2000, when it will be minister in Bavaria. The?Citizens Committees?of Crosby, become?Citizens Juries?are also employees in large scale projects, the most notable of which is probably the one on the infirmaries school bringing together 8 times 12 people plus a national jury. The experiments concerning the assessment of the candidates has the elections are also succes50.2.3 .2Boom participatory and period of glory (1992 - 2002)In 1992, a former member of the FBPUW residing in Spain, puts on foot a?Planungszelle?in the town of we could highlight Idiazabal (Spain), which marks the beginning of the dissemination of historical models -?Planungszellen?and?Citizens Juries -?outside their countries of origin. The?boom?is being felt both quantitatively and qualitatively. The number of experiments organized se figure between 1992 and 2002, has 165 in Germany (illustrations 28 and 29, p. 201) and has 350 at the global level51 (figure 30, p. 201) ; an evolution which is correlative of the resurgence of interest in the theme of participation and participatory democracy has from the 90s. The research carried out has this day52 allow you to move that they have been used, on the whole of the period (1972-2010), approximately 1000 times in about fifteen countries (see annex, figure 63, p. 400).49Rau (2005, 177) :?"?Wir haben few oft getroffen. Es gibt aber unter den 346 Begegnungen, die ich notiert habe, nicht eine, in der das Wort Planungszelle nicht gefallen ware.??50 See respectively Crosby (1988), (1989) and (1990).51The?"?total?" is?the sum of the?Planungszellen, of?Citizens Juries?and derivatives of these two models, that we detail subsequently.52The date of completion of the research is attached to the January 01, 2011.2002. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicFigure 28: Number of projects of?Planungszellen?in Germany. Own calculations.Illustration 29: Number of?Planungszellen?in Germany. Own calculations.Illustration 30: Estimate of the number of?Planungszellen,?Citizens Juries?and derivatives in the world. Own calculations.Beyond the dissemination in the form of projects, the idea even of?Planungszelle?knows in 1990 a real development and is found on the front of the scene universitaire53. In Germany, the event the more central is the symposium?"?reflexive democracy???(reflexive53Evolution that it feels has the view of the archives. The number of invitations received by Peter Dienel and that of publications on the?Planungszellen?increases.?20119731975197719791981198319851987198919911993199519971999200120032005200720090123456781973197519771979198119831985198719891991199319951997199920012003200520072009051015202530351972197419761978198019821984198619881990199219941996199820002002200420062008201001020304050607080Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticDemokratie) of 1997 organized by the FBPUW around the 25th anniversary of the?Planungszelle.?It brings together about 200 participants academics around the world (for example, from Catalonia or the first projects were to be carried out, of England, Austria, Japan, etc. ) but also many local politicians, which is surely not alien has the evolution of the number of local projects in the following years. The academic interest for the template is also large in other countries ; Dienel is invited to submit these work in England, France, Israel, in Austria or in Spain. Crosby travel in Europe, Australia and the United States . The one as the other then become important factors in the dissemination of the idea of mini-public.2.42002 - 2009: Crisis and stabilization2.4 .1The ransom of the glory? (2002 - 2006)2002 Constitutes a turning point for the two historical models. After a few years of euphoria which culminates in 1999 (31 juries for 7 projects in Germany)54 the activity is to cup and then falls even in the neutral position in 2005, the year during which no?Planungszelle?did take place. It is the same in the United Kingdom or the enthusiasm quickly fell back. Crosby has done his last project in 2002. The period is characterized by a double trend: on one side, the promoters of the?Planungszellen,?Citizens Juries?and derivatives shall endeavor to implement tools for more and more hybrids from 2000 onwards. In England, many experiments are done on a day with the jurors learned the fate on lists of unpaid volunteers. In Germany appear of?Burgerforen?(forums citizens) picked up on an evening who say they inspire of the?Planungszelle?(Kastenholz & al. 1996).?Berlin was born the?Burgerjurys?(cf. infra, p. 208). On the other side, we find the historical actors who attempt to initiate the process of standardisation of the concept, in order, they say, to ensure a minimum of quality. This process results in Germany or the protection of the name?Planungszelle?allows Dienel has to exercise some control over the projects. This standardization is double of an opening and the actors of the German network font evolve the procedure to make sure they stay abreast of developments in the world of participatory democracy: they propose to include the cells into broader processes or to create?"?mini-Planungszellen??. A movement54This pic in 1999-2000 seems also be found for other models. Cf. Hendriks (2005, 80).2022. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models pioneers of mini-publicWHO seeks as much has set a reference that has to remove the model from its status of experimentation. In 2002, despite thirty years of existence and a quarantine of projects undertaken, the?Planungszelle?still remains an unidentified political subject. The situation is deteriorating in the years that follow, in particular because of internal tensions within the network and from the disappearance of central actors in the realization of projects. Thus the ATFA55 closed in 2003 following a change of the regional government. The outputs of the network - particularly of historical actors who say they want to refocus56 - multiply until 2005 (illustration 21, p. 118).Illustration 31: Members of the German network of promoters. Own calculations.The United States , Crosby must close the?Jefferson Center?including suite has a legal disputes with the tax administration that had resulted in the prohibition of organizing juries on the programs electoraux57, whereas only this type of jury was strongly requested.It must be added to these developments of internal elements of context. 2000, Broadly favorable to the concept and tools of participatory democracy, have had a paradoxical effect on the original models of mini-public who have found themselves placed in competition with a range of procedures often presented as less costly, and less complex, but equally legitimate at the level of the speech of the political actors. The year 2005 marks the extreme point of this paradoxical evolution: the model?Planungszelle - Citizens Juries?is more known than ever but is almost more implemented.55ATFA -?Akademie fur Technikfolgenabschatzung Landes Baden-Wurttemberg?: Academy for the assessment of technological risks from the Land of Baden-wuerttemberg .56Interviews with several members of the network.57The complaint launched in 1990 was based on the fact that a jury concerning elections violated the electoral code (sprained has equality between the candidates). After three years of proceedings, the administration eventually withdraw its complaint to the condition that the?Jefferson Center?is organized more than juries?"?policies?" on.2031969197119731975197719791981198319851987198919911993199519971999200120032005200702468101214161820Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmatic2.4 .2The beginning of a new cycle: 2006 - 2011The year 2006 represents has many points of view a key moment of the broadcast. At the level of experiences first of all, concerning the speech then and in the dynamics of the network finally. From 2006 onwards, the mini-public are indeed put in place in new countries and dissemination resumed progress. The tests are performed in Japan and in Italy. In Africa, Mali convened its first jury; in Ecuador, an experience takes place in March 2007. In the United Kingdom, more than ten projects are launched by Gordon Brown just after his arrival in power. The most important event is still, however, the first European project: ten groups of citizens gather in 2006-07 in different regions to reflect the future of rural areas before that delegates from these local juries do meet at European level to prepare recommendations for the Commission. This project is directly followed by a second on the future of Europe which does not, however, take the form of?Planungszellen?partout58.The network of promoters knows him also a rapid evolution toward internationalization which is manifested in a way that is particularly clear in the European projects involving actors from the whole of the EU. Another sign of growing integration is the development of an internal discussion on what should be a?Citizens Jury?reveal a willingness to standardize internationale59. This phenomenon is also collects at the national level. In the United Kingdom, some researchers are asking the return has the standards more stringent (Wakeford 2007). But the international trend that is emerging is that of a dissemination around research networks more and more structures. 2006 Is finally a pivotal year because it is marked by the disappearance of Dienel, genuine spiritual father of the model. An event which marks the end of a cycle if this is internationally, at least in Germany. Since then, the network is is tightened around the willingness to continue the work initiated while trying to release the innovation of its historical straitjacket. It is in this context that the project is carried out conducted has Aix-la-Chapelle in 200760.58It takes a variety of forms depending on the country:?Planungszelle?in Germany,?Citizens' Jury?in England, conference of citizens in France, Deliberative?Poll?at European level. See infra p. 205 et seq.59Thus is born for example a controversy around the experiments carried out in Italy who are criticized for not keeping the minimum standards. Cf. Carson (2006) and the response of Bobbio & al (2006).60 Cf. infra, p. 221.2043. Apparitions, dissemination and hybridisation: the multiplication of models of mini-public3. Apparitions, dissemination and hybridisation: the multiplication of models of mini-publicIn parallel to the previous process concerning the pioneer models, develop from the end of 1980 a series of new instruments which are for part originals and in part the result of the dissemination of?Planungszellen?and?Citizens Juries.3.1Two original models3.1 .1The Teknologi-R?det and the KonsensuskonferenceIt is in 1987 that the Danish Committee of the technology being tested for the first time an instrument which he called consensus conference, drawing on the model of the?Consensus Development Conference?developed in the United States from 1977 onwards in the medical community who married the following diagram: a group of doctors and representatives of associations of patients, recruited through the press or by co-optation, is brought into discussion with a panel of experts on a case and then medical formula after deliberation an opinion on what should be the good practice of the profession vis-a-vis this cas61. The Danish committee adapted this model by replacing the doctors by a group of laymen composed of approximately 15 citizens who meet during two training sessions during which they prepare a series of questions they ask then in a public conference has a dozen of experts and representatives of associations, political and economic world. At the end of this conference, they withdraw to deliberate on a common opinion that they make public. At first glance, it is located opposite to a model close to those previously presented. The comparison with the?Planungszelle?and?Citizens Juries?made yet highlight four fundamental differences. First, the panel of citizens was not, at the beginning, drawn but well chosen by the organizing committee on the basis of nominations of a page sent by interested citizens in response to an advert in the press. The intention of the promoters was therefore certainly to obtain a?cross-section?of the population but by means of a review: not?"?anyone?"?but of citizens interesses62. It has not been possible to define at what point exactly61OnThe history of the model, see Joss & Durant (1995), Joss (2000) and Bourg & Boy (2005).62See Grundahl (1995, 35) and Kluver (1995, 46) :?"?We then know who we are getting: interested citizens.??205Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticDeflate the recruitment has evolved to be based on a draw. Very probably was the result of experiments conducted in other countries such as France or the Allemagne63. However, in most cases, the principle of recruitment by announcement of press is remains the rule. The second difference is that the participants are not paid for their participation, although sometimes a compensation of loss of their wages is granted. Unlike the other two models, the group work is cut into three distinct phases: the training, the conference and the deliberation, all on a term a little longer since these three phases are divided on different weekends. The last important difference relates to the inspiration of the model which is mainly outcome of the reflection on the democratic evaluation of scientific choice. It is not - for the promoters of the idea - to do participate in the formulation of specific public policies but rather to take the opinion of the population on scientific fields in construction and controversies. The?Consensus Conference?have been known for a great success in Denmark where they are imposed as a major tool of deliberation. They were then spread in Europe (Netherlands, United Kingdom and then Germany and France) and then in the world. Their number is estimated at more than 50 in about fifteen countries (Hendriks 2005, 89), mainly on issues around biotechnology (GMO, prenatal diagnosis, etc).3.1 .2The "third thief": Fishkin and its?Deliberative PollJames Fishkin is, has side of Dienel and Crosby, the third major pioneering practices of mini-public. It will develop at the end of 1980 the concept of?Deliberative Poll, he later define as well (Fishkin 1995, 162) :"?The idea is simple. Take a national random sample of the electorate and transport those people from all over the country to a single place. Town immersed tea sample in the exits, with carefully balanced briefing materials, with intensive discussions in small groups, and with the chance to question competing experts and politicians. At the end of several days of working through the issues face to face, poll the participants in detail. The resulting surveys Odeon has representation of the considered judgments of the public - tea views the entire country would come to if it had the same experience of behaving more like ideal citizens immersed in the issues for an extended period.??As previously, we can trace the influences of Fishkin in contextual terms, academic and personnels64. The context of the end of 1980 in which Fishkin of63SeeBourg & Boy (2005) and Schiktanz & Naumann (2003).64With however a reservation even greater than for Dienel and Crosby due to contact much less staff and intensive. The main sources are therefore third.2063. Apparitions, dissemination and hybridisation: the multiplication of models of mini-publicDeveloped his model is certainly less fertile in terms of interest for participation, on the other hand, it is much more rich in regard to the question of the deliberation, academic field in which Fishkin evolved, after having long worked on justice sociale65. These work as well as the research of Dahl on democracy and the proposals of Crosby will profoundly the influencer66. Another source of inspiration seems to be a series of practical experiences of deliberation, including the?Televote?or Granada?500 .The whole of these influences is reflected in all the cases in the critical analysis of the liberal system that Fishkin developed in several writings (cf. chapter 3) while offering a solution has both original and old as democracy: the?National Convention outcome?which will become the?Deliberative Poll?and which he published a first formulation in 1988, and then a more detailed version in 199167. Whilst seeking to realize his idea, he puts on foot with Robert Luskin the Center for?Deliberative Polling68. In 1994, he found partners in England, including the chain?Channel Oven?and organized its first ever deliberative poll having for subject the delinquency which the convincing results open the way to a series of four other projects in the United Kingdom, before that does takes place the first experience in the United States . Without going into the details of the dissemination of the model, it may be noted that to this day the Center identified more than fifty experiences throughout the world, in countries as diverse as Bulgaria, Greece, China, or the UE69.Deliberative polling share a large number of elements in common with the?Planungszellen?and?Citizens Juries,, the most salient of which are the draw as mode of recruitment, the principle of deliberation in small groups combined with the plenary sessions, the organization of the process by an entity?"?independent?" on?such that can be the Center for?Deliberative Democracy ,the presence of a predetermined agenda that the group may not change, the contribution of external information in the form contradictory, a short duration (the?Deliberative Poll?however, tend to be more short of a day) and a scientific accompaniment. However, it seems there is four fundamental differences: first, the drawing65See in particular his book on justice (Fishkin 1983) in which he proposes to allocate the children to families by draw. See also the journal of Kress (1980) on his book.66Fishkin (2009, ix). See also Fishkin (1991, vii) and Crosby (2007, 2).67He declared having had the idea during a seminar on the presidential primary american in 1987 (Fishkin 2009, x). The first proposal is located in Fishkin (1988) and the long version, in Fishkin (1991).68The center is first attached to the University ofTexas?before migrating to Stanford University in 2003 where he is still under the name of?Center for Deliberative Democracy.69We will come back on these experiences in the chapter 6. For items on the dissemination process and its key players, see the part?"?thanks?"?in Fishkin (2009) which provides very good indices.207Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticIs done on a pool consists of people who responded has a first survey. There is therefore a pre-sorting and the draw is a double echelon. Secondly, the purpose of the deliberative poll is to have an informed opinion of the population which must not necessarily be translated in the form of recommendations or concrete results of planning. It is, rather, in the context of the measure of the opinion that in the co-design of public policies, a difference which, as will be seen is fundamental. The opinion poll insisted on deliberation more than on the participation70. Thirdly, the participation is not automatically paid, which again brings the model of that of polls or consensus conferences. Fourthly, the group is far more important, 400 persons, since unlike the?Planungszellen?and?Citizens Juries?it is planned to reach a statistical representativeness.3.2The hybrids: a constellation of models more or less ambitiousThe process of dissemination of historical models and development of new instruments submitted them-even has dissemination, resulted from the middle of the 1990s was the emergence of hybrid forms which we will put forward the two models the most noteworthy.3.2 .1The?BürgerjurysFrom 2001, the city of Berlin puts in place a series of tools of participatory democracy in the framework of its policy of urban renewal. If it uses a process of classics such as the?Planungszellen, it will be the source of a new hybridization interesting for the mini-public, creating the?Burgerjurys?it is-a-say juries of citizens who are a component designed for not more than a deliberate and then to make recommendations but has take decisions on financing of projects. These experiences have been studied in detail (Koehl & Sintomer 2002, Rocke 2005) and we shall be satisfied to here to emphasize three elements: firstly, they have a financial power non-negligible since the annual sums has provision represent an amount of 500,000 euros. Secondly, these juries are compounds that has one half by the citizens learned the fate, the other half being constituted70AlthoughThis element is changing with the times, particularly when the?Deliberative Poll?is mixed with other models such as the?Planungszelle?or conferences of citizens.2083. Apparitions, dissemination and hybridisation: the multiplication of models of mini-publicKilled of interested persons. Therefore they are a mini-public joint. Thirdly they exist on a relatively long duration since they are renewed only once a year.3.2 .2The?Citizens AssembliesThe model of the citizens assembly is without a doubt the greatest innovation in the field of mini-public since their invention. It represents, as we shall see, a real change of scale (Smith 2009a, 5). We can trace the birth of the instrument at the end of 1990, while the themes of participatory democracy and deliberative font their path in the whole of western democracies. The Canadian province of British Columbia, is found after the 1996 elections in a political impasse: the NOC71 - one of the two parties of the province's historical - won the majority of seats despite a minority of votes because of the electoral system of?first past the post. The debate on the reform of the electoral system, recurring topic in Canada, takes a turn urgent and fits in the platform of parties losers (especially the Liberals, who had obtained the majority of votes). In this context, a group of political actors?"?has the retirement?"?- but well integrated into the networks of the British Columbia liberal party - formulated the idea that the best way to reform the electoral system is to convene an assembly of citizens learned the sort72. Under the direction of its leader, Gordon Campbell, and in collaboration with the proponents of the idea, the liberal party incorporates the proposal of a?"?Citizens Assembly?"?in its program during the campaign of 2001 (Rainey 2006, 3). The project is accurate after the overwhelming victory of the party in elections and Campbell, became prime minister, asked one of the promoters of the idea of translating the assembly (Gibson 2002). The model that eventually be formalised and put in place in 2003 is the result of a liberal hybridization between a deliberative poll and a constituent assembly: we found the draw71NOC - National Democratic Party: national democratic party.72The main actors who are pushing the idea are: 1. Gordon Gibson (politician of long date to the?"?liberal party?" on, libertarian, several times candidate has federal and provincial elections, researcher at the?Fraser Institute,a private research institution of inspiration neo-liberal), 2. Rafe Mair (long-time member of the social democratic party, he abandoned his post of member has the house of British Columbia in 1981 to become the presenter radio ; in the years 90 he became famous in the whole of Canada for its opposition to the reform process of the constitution; he met Nick Loenen - cf. infra - in September 1999 and offers him to create a reflection group on electoral reform in British Columbia), 3. Nick Loenen (municipal councillor and then as a member regional, member of the social democratic party that he then exits, founded an NGO called?Fair Voting?which will play a major role in the transmission of the idea of the assembly; Loenen is the man from the shadows of the Citizens' Assembly?), 4. Mel Smith (from 1967 to 1987 responsible for the constitutional reform at the provincial level; in 1999 it is part of the reflection group on the constituent assembly; he died in 2001 but remains a reference for his companions on the road).?209Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticFate, the principle of deliberation and the importance of the educational process of the model of Fishkin73. But it is a process of long-term, focused on electoral reform, which includes a phase of hearings and ends by a referendum has mandatory value. So many elements borrowed from has the idea of a constituent assembly. The project is taking place in 2004, involving 160 citizens on a full year and ends by a referendum. Given the fact that the descriptive aspects of the Assembly are well connus74, suffice it to note here a few elements of comparison with the other models of mini-public. First of all, the drawing is done in all the province in two steps: a thousand citizens are drawn at random and then invited to an information meeting during which it is explained to them the details of the approach and the amount of work that it represents. At the end of each of these meetings, the participants can choose to register for the assembly itself. A draw is then carried out on the basis of quotas. Then, the duration of the assembly is much greater than all the other experiences since it extends on 10 weekends a year. In addition, the mandate is particularly wide since it is for the citizens to prepare a proposal of law entire. Finally, the document produced by the assembly serves as the basis has a referendum at the level of the province, which makes the participants of the legislators.3.3The mini-public arrive in France3.3 .1The conferences of citizensThe first French experience of mini-public seems to have been the conference of citizen on the genetically modified plants of 1998 organized by the city of science and the parliamentary office for evaluation of scientific and technical choices and who also strongly motivated the Danish model of?Consensus Conference?(Vergne 2008). It is therefore through the technical democracy, that the model has taken off in the hexagone. The organizers of this first event do not seem to have had knowledge at the time neither of the?Planungszelle?nor the?Citizens Jury?but have adopted the fundamental characteristic of a recruitment by drawing rather than by means of the press. Since then, a dozen experiments have taken place in France, most of which were very clearly in the same thematic focus (cf. annex,73Gibson visit Fishkin in 2002.74See in particular Smith (2009a) or Warren & Pearse (2008).?2103. Apparitions, dissemination and hybridisation: the multiplication of models of mini-publicIllustration 64, p. 400) although in configurations of actors and motivations fairly diverse (Boy 2006, 2-8). At the methodological level, the conferences of citizens gather together between 15 and 30 participants, chosen by a polling institute, either at the regional level either at the national level when two training sessions and a session of discussion with experts. The recommendations are published and disseminated to the public. The model has imposed in France as the benchmark for mini-public and it has strongly influenced the arrival and development of citizens' juries, as we will see now.3.3 .2The hybridization and the emergence of the jury citizen - citizen workshopAlthough the first mention of the?Planungszelle?in France seems refit has 1976 (Dienel 1976), it must wait for 2003 for that model will be used for the first time and 2006 for it between - and with him the subject of mini-public - actually in the national political debate. It is from 1996 onwards that French researchers are interested in models of deliberative democracy for example, by inviting actors as Hans Harms or promoters english of the model around the team of the IPPR75 while keeping the focus on the conferences of citizens. The beginning of the dissemination of the model of Dienel and Crosby seems to reside in 2002, with the emergence of publications around a conference organized in Paris that brought together many players in European democracy participative76. The German model as well as English or Spanish are presented and one can imagine that the first dynamic of dissemination are being put in place at that time. This interest university does not explain fully the reasons put forward in the first two experiments baptized?"?jury of citizens?"?in 2003 and 2006 carried out without explicit references to the?Planungszelle?or the Citizens?Jury, but taking as reference the consensus conferences and citizens while employing a methodology more modest77.?The actual dissemination of the model will in fact begin in 2004 when some regions, freshly earned by the socialist party, are going to make of the participatory democracy a Phare project of their mandate while supporting a constant contact with the researchers active in the field of75IPPR - Institute for Public Policy Research: Institute for Research in public policy. (Cf. infra, p. 213)76See Blondiaux (2002) or Koehl (2002). See also Bacqu??, & Sintomer (2005) which is the book that resulted from the 2002 conference. As Dienel invited to this conference but could not come (bottom Dienel, Bd2).77It is a jury realized within the Center hospitalier universitaire de Lille who has treaty of the project of establishing and of a jury of citizens in Meurthe et Moselle on the theme of trees at the edge of the county roads. But in the first case, the recruitment was done by nomination and review and lasted a weekend plus one day. And in the second, the whole process has not exceeded a day.211Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticParticipatory democracy. This is especially the case in Poitou-Charentes or in Rhones-Alpes , region in which is organized in 2006 a first??workshop "citizen?"?on the future of rural areas in Europe, which is part of a project europeen78. Subsequently, the region organized four other workshops on transport, nanotechnologies, the evaluation of public policies and participatory democracy. However, it was in October 2006 that the subject will actually drill in the public sphere french. On the 22 of this month, S??Gol?¨ne Royal, candidate for the socialist primary for the presidential elections of the following year declared in public?"?that there is a need for clarity the way in which the elected representatives will be able to render account, at regular intervals, has Juries citizens learned the fate?" on79. We know what reactions this statement has caused in France (Sintomer 2007) and we will see later what practical consequences it will have two years later in Poitou-Charentes .4. Reasons for the choice of the models?Planungszelle?and jury citizenThe detour history allows you to formulate a series of general comments on the mini-public (4.1 ) which authorize a draw more accurate conclusions on the relevance of the choice of the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens for the test of theoretical assumptions (4.2 ).4.1Analytical ReturnThe whole of the original models, of the?Planungszelle?has the?Deliberative Poll?in passing by the conferences of consensus and the?citizens' juries?have evolved during the period and are mixtures; now we are going to be interested in these intersections.4.1 .1Transposition, transfer and influence: Three modes of disseminationFrom an analytical point of view, we can distinguish three modes of dissemination of the experiences of mini-public: the transposition, the transfer, and the influence. In the first case, the original model is imported directly without change. This is the case in Spain or the German model is applied in the same way by a former member of the research center of Wupper78Cf.Supra, p. 204. See also Vergne (2009a).79See between other articles of the world of 24 and October 26, 2006.2124. Reasons for the choice of the models Planungszelle and jury citizenTal ; a process that is found in Austria and in Suisse80. The only noticeable difference is the name since the?Planungszellen?become?"?kernels of participatory intervention?"?in Spain, a?"?Report of the inhabitants?"?or a?"?report?" on citizen?in Suisse81. The same goes with the?Deliberative Poll?which is transposed without real changes during experiments in Europe or even in China and which are supervised or at least accompanied by Fishkin. In the second type, the actors are importing the original idea but the transform at the time of the implement. This is the case in the United Kingdom or Australia (Carson 2006, 3). The institute for public policy research (IPPR) in London just as the researchers from the University of Sydney come in contact with Dienel and Crosby during the years 90 and are requesting information on the model. Was put in place a university collaboration (invitations and reciprocal visits) which led to concrete achievements during which the original model is modifie82. The experiences of english 1996 is taking place as well on three days with a draw by quotas, each project with only one jury. In addition, the work in small groups is done with the presence of a facilitator, while in Germany and the United States this space is considered?"?sacred?" on?it is-a-say reserve in the deliberations of the citizens among themselves. In the United Kingdom and Australia, the model supports the name of?Citizens' Juries, a name which while marking the close proximity with the model of Crosby protects against the possibility of prosecutions, given that the term?Citizens Juries?is an appellation enregistree83. This broadcast, accompanied by hybridization mele channels personal and impersonal. If researchers english encounter Dienel and Crosby has several times, they are not familiar with less than the literature on the subject regardless of eux84. In the third case, the dissemination is done in an indirect manner, the original models playing a role of influence more distant: the local players knowledge of the concept by third parties and to be guided by mixing with other models. This is for example the case of France, where, as we have seen, the main influence has been80For Spain it is Hans Harms, for Switzerland of Kenan Gungor and then of Hilmar Sturm and for Austria to Detlef Garbe.81Respectively?nucleos of 'Intervencion made,?Anwohnergutachten?and?Burgergutachten.82Lenaghan (1997, 45) :?"?In Germany, a similar model, called Planning Cells, provided us with the inspiration to develop citizens' juries. However, in Germany, there is a habit of active citizenship which simply does not exist in the UK. We therefore had to make significant changes in order to make the model fit our circumstances in the UK.??83The reduction of the difference of designation has an apostrophe is the result of a compromise between the IPPR and Ned Crosby. The latter did not want impede the dissemination of the model while having the desire to transmit its standards. This has not necessarily been successful, as we will see.84But do not seem to know at the time the work of Fishkin.213Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticNature of theoretical and academic and or the actors have taken as reference the consensus conference before the mix with a format most inspired of?Citizens Juries?who has finished by giving the conference of citizen, the citizen workshop and then the jury of citizens. The same is true for the model of the?Citizens Assembly?adapted to the Netherlands in the form of a?Burgerforum kiesstelsel?organized without direct assistance from Canadian organizers and according to a different formula because it does not result in final referendum.214NameFirst useActors - PromotersDisseminationNameType of institution / disciplinesInfluenceHAS influenceDateCountryTypePlanungszelle1972GermanyDienel and CollaboratorsUniversity / SociologyUrban PlanningPIN1992SpainTranspositionBurgergutachten1996AustriaTranspositionCitizens' Jury1996United KingdomTransferBurgerforum1995GermanyTransferPurānunkusutsere2006JapanTransferGiurie dei cittadini2006ItalyTransferWorkshop citizen2006FranceInfluenceCitizen Jury2008FranceInfluenceRRCLD / Citizens Committee - Citizens Jury1974EUACrosbyUniversity / psychology and political scienceSocial PsychologyDeliberative Poll1994United KingdomInfluenceCitizens' Jury1996United KingdomTransferWorkshop citizen2006FranceInfluenceCitizen Jury2008FranceInfluenceKonsensuskonference1987DenmarkTeknologyradetGovernment AgencyFor the evaluation of scientific choiceMedical Consensus ConferencePubliek Debate1993NetherlandsTranspositionConsensus Conference1995United KingdomTranspositionConference of citizens1998FranceTransferKonsenssuskonferenz2001GermanyTranspositionPIN - Nucleos of 'Intervencion made1992SpainHarmsConsultant / -PlanungszellePublished Jurados1994SpainTranspositionDeliberative Poll1994United KingdomFishkinUniversity / CommunicationCitizens JuryGranada 500TelevoteCitizens Assembly2004Canada (BC)InfluenceDeliberative Poll1995EUATranspositionEuropean Citizens Panel2007HADTranspositionConference of citizens1998FranceOPECSTGovernmental Agency of evaluation of scientific choiceConsensus conferenceCitizen Jury2003FranceTransferWorkshop citizen2006FranceTransferCitizens Assembly - BC2004Canada - BCLiberal Party / Gibson / Fair voteThink Tank / University / political pressure groupsDeliberative PollJuryCitizens Assembly Ontario2006CanadaTranspositionBurgerforum kiesstelsel2006NetherlandsTranspositionWorkshop citizen2006FranceRegion Rhone-AlpesRegional CouncilConference of citizenCitizens JuriesEuropean Consultation of citizens2006EUEUEuropean UnionPlanungszelleCitizens' JuriesCitizen Jury2008FrancePoitou-Charentes RegionRegional CouncilWorkshop citizen,?Planungszelle, Citizens' JuryIllustration 32: The dissemination of mini-public.Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticThese different types of dissemination are not foreign to the country of origin of the mini-public. In effect, if the dissemination of type?"?transposition?"?is in the majority, the fact remains that the found cases of transfer, as in the projects carried out by the Academy for the assessment of technological risks of Baden-wuerttemberg . The still we attended has evolutions of the name of the template:?Planungszellen?become for example of?"?forums?" on citizens?(Burgerforen) or?"?reports?" on citizens?(Burgergutachten), the?Citizens Juries?become?Citizen Panels. To finish this return, it is proposed to introduce a synthetic table of the main models of mini-public and their dissemination (illustration 32, p. 215). The census is not exhaustive but it gives a general idea of the overall process that we have traced, country by country.4.1 .2of the "sociological technical planning" to the "liberation of the policy": the evolution of the speech on the mini-public"?Im Mittelalter galten offentliche Enthauptungen und massenhafte Verbrennungen wirksame als Verfahren der Befriedung. [Now What Belongs haben wir Burgergutachten …Der Einsatz dieser 'Waffe Burgerkonsens' ist mit Sicherheit effektiver und auch preiswerter als das Aufmarschieren von Armeen oder das Zerbomben von Infrastruktur.???Dienel (1998, 1).Between the beginning of 1970 and the end of 2000, the practice of mini-public has strongly evolved. Firstly their thematic horizon has expanded since the latter have been employees in frameworks of more diverse, which is the sign of a dissemination has new sectors of society. Secondly, their theoretical framework and discursive has changed greatly. It has been seen that the speech of the debut was rooted in the themes of the planning and participation?"?technical?" on?the citizens in decision-making. From the 1980s and especially in the 1990s, it is the theme of the evaluation of scientific choice which door the dissemination of mini-public: the major projects for?Planungszellen?have then to subject the?Technikfolgenabschatzung?and are organized by institutions active in this domaine85. The same model of the?Consensus Conference?is thought as a tool of scientific assessment and the first of these concerns the genetics (Kluver 1995). The first conference of citizens in France treaty of GMOS (Bourg & Boy 2005), in Gone85Technikfolgenabschatzung: Evaluation of scientific and technical choices. See the projects of theAkademie fur Technikfolgenabschatzung?in Germany or those organized in the Netherlands (Hamstra 1995, 60).2164. Reasons for the choice of the models Planungszelle and jury citizenMagne the subject is the prenatal diagnosis (Schicktanz & Naumann 2003). The mini-public then serve as a deliberate on a topic of society controversy, without need to produce concrete recommendations. From the end of 1990 occurs a new slip which is of particular interest to us since he sees the meeting between the practice of mini-public and the theory of democracy random: more and more texts take the experiences as illustrations, and practitioners draw more and more in the theoretical discourse. Thematic themes such as the Athenian democracy or the crisis of representative democracy appear. But the most remarkable is the evolution of the justification of the drawing which is becoming less functional and more and more substantial, a phenomenon which can be observed in the publications on the?Planungszelle. While up at the end of 1980 the majority of articles published in journals of urban planning, there are more and more publications in books and journals concerning science in society in 1990 and the number of publications in books and journals of political science and political theory has increased from the end of 1990. Among the pioneers of mini-public, Fishkin seems to have been the first to adopt an argument similar to that of the proponents of democracy random. Crosby, for its part has always argued in terms close to those of the theory of democracy. It does not mention however not the historical examples such as Athens or the italian republics what probably is explained by its desire to focus on the implementation of its modele86. Dienel finally has changed profoundly in his argument, that the history of the book?Die Planungszelle?shows in a way that is particularly synthetique87. While the content of the book remains largely the same in these five editions (a hand adding has from 1997 of a appendix detailing the experiments already carried out), the sub-title of the book evolved. In 1991 it remains?"?the citizen planned its environment?", in 1992 it becomes?"?an alternative has the democracy of the establishment?"?before transforming in 2002 in?"?the citizen as chance?" on88. Dienel, which in86Maintenance Crosby (2009).87The book is also a good indication of the quantitative evolution presented above (cf. 2.3 ). Indeed, we need to wait for thirteen years between the first and the second edition (from 1978 to 1991) while the third, fourth and fifth are fading quickly in 1992, 1997 and 2002.88Dienel, Peter, (1978): Die Planungszelle: der Burger plant seine Umwelt, 1e ed. , Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Dienel, Peter (1991): Die Planungszelle: der Burger plant seine Umwelt ; eine Alternative zur Establishment-Demokratie , 2nd ed. , Opladen: Westdteuscher Verlag. Dienel, Peter (1992): Die Planungszelle: der Burger plant seine Umwelt ; eine Alternative zur Establishment-Demokratie , 3rd ed. , Opladen: Westdteuscher Verlag. Dienel, Peter (1997): Die Planungszelle: der Burger plant seine Umwelt ; eine Alternative zur Establishment-Demokratie ; 4th ed. , Opladen: Westdteuscher Verlag. Dienel, Peter (2002): Die Planungszelle: der Burger als Chance, 5th ed. , Wiesbaden: Westdteuscher Verlag.217Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticThe 1970 defined and justified its model by the need to put in place new?"?sociological technical planning??, then develops the?topos?of the?"?sustaining the role of citizen?"?and that of the?"?liberation of the policy?" on89. This call has more democracy is double of an argument in terms of the theory of democracy, particularly as regards the draw.It should also be noted that in the countries where it arrived later, innovation mini-public tends to be directly perceived and proposed as a solution to a crisis of the democratie90. This is the case in the United Kingdom or the projects launched by the Prime Minister Blair and then Brown are presented as such. This is also the case in France or the theme is anchored immediately in the debate on the?"?democratization of democracy?" on.4.2Models adapted to the empirical test4.2 .1The mini-public as object of study relevantThe detour history that we have just done allows you to answer the question of departure and to assert that the mini-public are an object of study relevant to the test of theoretical expectations put forward in chapter 3. In a synthetic form, this relevance rests on two elements: first, the model of mini-public is based on the selection of citizens by drawing in the aim of enabling them to participate directly in the formulation of the policy in the course of a deliberative process. Therefore, they represent a lot of points of views a practical implementation of the proposals of the supporters of the draw in politics and tend to have a strong echo in the theoretical texts. It has also been seen that they represent the focal point of encounter between the theory and the practice in the mid-1990s. Secondly, they allow, by their relative complexity and their methodological arrangement, to take into account the majority of theoretical expectations this is not, for example, the case of uses such as prints for the spaces in the educational system or the?tie-breaker. The field remains however still too wide, that is why it was decided to be interested in the models?Planungszelle?and jury of citizens for the reasons that we will now develop.89Dienel (1969) see title of the paragraph. Dienel (2005):?"?Die Verstetigung der ... Burgerrolle?"?and?"?Die Befreiung der Politik.??90Lenaghan (1997). See also Carson & Martin (1999).2184. Reasons for the choice of the models Planungszelle and jury citizen4.2 .2The?Planungszelle?as prototypeThe?Planungszelle?appears represent an example particularly central mini-public and we have chosen for four reasons: first, the?Planungszellen?represent the first practical implementation of the theories of the draw in politics. Person before Dienel had, at least since the end of the second world war, brought together a group of citizens learned lots to reflect on a problem of planning. Secondly, the?Planungszelle?is the model that has been most used in Germany and in the world, and which has the form the more standardized which allows you to think in terms diachronic on series more large. Thirdly, in its original design - which is very largely maintained as we have seen in the study of dissemination - the?Planungszelle?remained relatively independent of the theory that is-a-say that it is not located in the presence of implementation of the theory of the draw. It is not of tests conducted by proponents of democracy random seeking has prove the accuracy of their assumptions, which is probably less clear in other models such as the?Deliberative Poll. Fourthly, the?Planungszelle?seems to have a series of special features that make them more relevant than the other models of mini-public. First of all, because the drawing is performed without quotas on a list of inhabitants relatively complete, has the reverse of prints with quotas and/or indirect put in place in the whole of the other devices. Then because they seek more participation that the deliberation. These special notes open questions on the relevance of the model (why is this the only has work without draw with quotas? Why several?Planungszellen?parallel ?) which grow has complement the empirical study by a newer model and more hybrid.4.2 .3The jury of citizens: an example of hybridization particularIn the light of these remarks, the jury of citizens has the french seems to constitute a second model satisfactory to test the theoretical hypotheses, and this for six reasons: first, as the previous history has shown, it is a late-model, strongly hybrid in its operation and its inspiration. It thus constitutes a sort of pot-pourri of other innovations of mini-public. It remains, in the second place, that it is the first real use in France of a derivative of the original models, which therefore allows the popula219Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticSounds. Third, the model has provoked a national debate in France (Dowlen 2008a) and is enrolled in a political dimension that it has never reached either in Germany or in the United States, or probably elsewhere. Fourthly, unlike models such as the?Consensus Conferences, the jury of citizens is in strong thematic connection and personal with the theory of random democracy, it is located almost in the direct experimentation. The draw is a key argument of its use, it has a value substantially was debate which balances the theoretical framework in the presence in the?Planungszelle. Fifthly the jury of citizens as presented by its promoters in France is a tool for evaluation of public policies and non-construction of recommendations?ex ante, which gives him a dimension everything has done nouvelle91. Finally, the jury of citizens is methodologically differs significantly from the?Planungszelle?this which will allow to question some micro-mechanisms, for example the fact that the?Planungszelle?is held on four consecutive days and the jury on two sessions of two days. Or even the fact that the citizens have in the latter the partial control of experts who are invites92.5. Operationalization of research: Aachen and PoitiersIt is proposed to introduce now the concrete examples chosen for the empirical study. It will be simply to present the framework and not the details which constitute the heart of the next chapter. Before that, they will state the reasons for this choice.5.1The reasons for the choice of these examplesThe choice of two concrete experiences is based on a series of three factors, the first is the concrete possibility of access to the empirical scope. The German players such as french have allowed me in the two cases to achieve a very complete study of the preparation, progress and suites of the employment of the?Planungszelle?and jury citoyen93.91Cf. infra, p. 228.92See the consequences of these differences in Chapter 6, including the 2.1.2.2 , p. 327.93It is the opportunity to again thank Hans Lietzmann, Susanne Achterberg and Marc Schulz for their support during the research has Aix-la-Chapelle and Marion Ben-Hammo , Sophie Bouchet-Petersen and the team of public tasks for their research assistance in Poitiers.2205. Operationalization of research: Aachen and PoitiersThe second factor is the overall similarity of the two experiences which allows the formulation of comparative remarks, given that the two were on an environmental issue that was negative in the question of collective responsibility in addressing environmental challenges and local globaux94. The third factor is conversely, a series of contextual differences and policies, thematic and methodological that allow you to highlight each of the experiences and that we will go into detail now.5.2"?Eine neue Abfallgebührensatzung für Aachen?"5.2 .1The constellation of actors and the political contextThe city of Aix-la-Chapelle (285,000 inhabitants) wanted for a long time put in place a new system of pricing of household garbage to resolve the growing problem of the imbalance between the different parts of the city. In effect, the system in place was based on a single tax dependent on the volume of the waste bins rented, a?"?system has a column?", in which each household paid a tax whose amount is obtained by multiplying the cost of a liter of waste (calculated previously) by the number of readings per liter and the pace of lifted. At first glance, this system meets the?Versuchacherprinzip?(polluter pays) since the homes which produce more garbage, pay more. It was therefore the appearance of the mathematical equality, but its simplicity cache in reality of inequality has several levels, particularly in the case of Aix-la-Chapelle. First, the homes living on the outskirts of the city produce more organic waste that those of the center, in particular because they have for most of a garden. Through the single tax which does not differentiate between types of garbage, they are really the people in the center who finance their greater consumption of the service of collection and treatment. Secondly, these same households live in large part in a single-family home and have the opportunity to optimize their volume of junk. In effect, they have for the majority of bins of 60 liters that they satisfy completely and font lift once a month only. The inhabitants of the center however reside mostly in sets of more major in which are used garbage cans of 120 liters emptied all weeks or 240 or even 770 liters emptied all month. This rate as well as the vo94ThisThematic proximity would for example not been given in the other German experience which is offered as a field of study and which was on the communal reform.221Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticLume installed more important generally prevents the complete filling of the waste bins. The inhabitants of the Center pay therefore of liters?"?empty?" on?and finance once again the people of the periphery. Third, the people of the periphery, already doubling benefits by the calculation system, are on average the homes the more affluent. Seen thus, the system can be characterized as unfair.If all the political parties represented in the municipal council were of this opinion and pleaded for a reform, no agreement had to be found as to the type of reform has lead. The options were three in number. First, keep the system of single tax by improving the calculation of liters of waste actually produced by the inhabitants, including through technical systems of weight measurement. Secondly, go has a system said?"?has three columns?" on?it is-a-say in which the price of the liter of each type of waste would be calculated independently and billed separately. Thirdly, choose a system said?"?has two columns?" on?it is-a-say differentiating between residual waste and paper on one side and organic refuse on the other. These three options and their consequences are summarized, below with the concrete calculation of 2007 (cf. illustration 35, p. 226).Three years of discussions in the municipal authorities had not succeeded in what emerged a consensus. On the contrary, after a heading change of one of the actors, the positions had become more and more rigid (cf. chapter 5, 2.2.1.1 , p. 246). In order to exceed this institutional blockage, the majority coalition composed of the party?Die Grunen?(ecologist) and the social democrats (SPD) appealed in June 2007 has the?(Forschungsstelle fur Burgerbeteiligung?to put in place a series of juries on the subject. It was therefore in a political framework to develop an important agonistic lock of the procedure?"?classic?" on?decision-making. The parties shall use the model in the last instance. A point of view of the more general context, this experience is also interesting because it symbolically completed a long cycle of the history of the?Planungszelle. In effect, not only the project is the first to deal with household waste after those Schwelm business unit (the first practical implementation of the model in 1972), but it also constitutes the first series of?Planungszellen?in Germany after the death of Dienel, which raises the question of the holding of methodological standards.2225. Operationalization of research: Aachen and Poitiers5.2 .2Progress of the project5.2.2 .1Preparatory Phase and framing of the topicThe municipal council of the city of Aachen has taken the august 22, 2007 the decision to use the model?Planungszelle?and has entrusted the implementation of the project at the center for research on citizen participation of the university of Wuppertal. The latter has invited the citizens, stakeholders, put in place the program and infrastructure. The objective was for the 100 participants to consider the format that should take the pricing system on 1 January 2009 based on three questions: should we change the system of pricing for a fairer system of allocation of costs and, if yes, how? How to integrate an ecological dimension in the pricing structure? How can I reduce the tax95 ? It was, therefore, not subject to fix the amount but to see how to allocate the cost of garbage collection on the whole of the population and according to what calculation key.5.2.2 .2realization PhaseTwo juries have headquarters from 12 to 15 November and two others from 19 to 22 around four thematic blocks (cf. illustration 36, p. 227). The first day was devoted to an introduction to the concepts in play, the second was mainly organized around the legal and financial issues, the third was concentrated on the specific interests and policies. Finally the last was devoted to work on the final recommendations. The citizens have been partly eligible for training leave continues to take part in the debates. They received a compensation of 130 euros for the four days and in a few special cases, compensation for loss of wages have been negotiated. As in any?Planungszelle, the sessions of presentation in plenary have alternates with the work sessions in small group deliberative around one or several questions used to red wire. Issues on which we will return in the next chapter.95Moderationsanweisungen, p. 5:?"?Die Burger/Innen in den Planungszellen aussi haben die Aufgaben zu entscheiden, ob und wie Mullgebuhren: gerechter als bisher aufzuschlusseln sind; starker als bislang unter okologischen Gesichtspunkten zu bemessen sind; verringert werden konnen.??223Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmatic5.2.2 .3Phase of evaluation and monitoringFollowing the eight days of work, the team of the university brought together the recommendations made by the citizens and in achieved a synthesis in the form of a report citizen (cf. illustration 33, p. 225). A first version of the latter has been sent the second week of January has four participants by jury who have read and corrected. The report was then edited has 500 copies during the second week of February. Finally, it has been formally handed over to the authorities sponsors during a public ceremony at the town hall, the February 26, 2008. On this occasion, the mayor of the city said to want to take into account a maximum of recommendations. We will see later what happened to this statement.5.2 .3The role of the circulation within the projectThe draw has played a dual role. Firstly it has been used to choose the potential participants. The FBPUW has requested and received from the city of Aachen an excerpt of 1000 names taken on the lists of municipal residents. The latter have received an invitation from the?Aachener Stadtbetrieb, the communal governance which manages garbage collection in the city. Secondly, the drawing has been used to divide the participants into small working groups during the course of the same?Planungszellen?so everyone is working with a maximum of other participants.?2245. Operationalization of research: Aachen and PoitiersIllustration 33: The report citizen.Illustration 34: The rehabilitation of the Burgergutachten has Aix-la-Chapelle: In the background, the participants. Before has left the mayor of Aix-la-Chapelle. Right H. Lietzmann of the FBPUW.225Calculation of the tax - model has a columnCalculation of the tax - model has three columnsCalculation of the tax - model has two columnsModel has a column, example of three homes for the year 200796Model has three columns, example of three homes for 2007Model has two columns, example of three homes for 2007Illustration 35: Calculation of the tax depending on the pricing model with three examples for 2007.96The three homes represent three cases?"?typical?" on?: the focus 1 is a family living outside in a detached house, the home 2 represents a house with several families (one can divide the tax by two in order to have the sum per family) and the home 3 is for example a set of apartments in the city center (you can divide the tax by six for having the sum per family). We see how the tax changes depending on the model: in the model has a column that is the home 1 who paid the least, in the one has three, it is the focal point 3.MondayTuesdayWednesdayThursday9.30 - 10.15UT1Introduction - overview of the model and the subject.UT5The legal framework.?Lawyer in public law.UT9Model has two columns and model has three columns: alternatives for Aix??The Member municipal governance.UT13Return over the three days.10.15 - 11.00Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.11.00 - 11.30Coffee BreakCoffee BreakCoffee BreakCoffee Break11.30 - 12.15UT2The economy of the household garbage between public service and economic activity.?Researcher of the institute of Wuppertal on climate, energy and the environment.Everything is on hold. Municipal Governance, business of MCS, community of common: structure and relationships.Director of the municipal economy.UT6Advantages and disadvantages of different billing models.?Consultant specializing in of garbage collection systems.The calculation of the loads and the containers has Aix.?Legal Director of the municipal economy.UT10The loads in the homes.?Director of the association?"?home and parcel?" on.The loads from the point of view of the tenants.?Director of the association of tenants of Aix.The loads in the framework of collective dwellings.?Director - real estate management firm.UT14Development of an action plan: for a new system of loads at Aix.General Formulation.12.15 - 13.00Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.13.00 - 14.00LunchLunchLunchLunch14.00 - 14.45UT3Figures - Data - facts. The past trends and current of garbage in the suburban residential zones of Aix.Deputy Director of the municipal economy.UT7A fair distribution of burdens: Utopia or reality??Director of procurement the company of garbage AWA.The factors that increased costs.?Sub-director of the company of garbage collection.UT11A home free of garbage!?Director of the association?"?Zukunftslobby???- the lobby of the future.Loads and SMES.?Member of the chamber of commerce and industry of Aix.UT15Development of an action plan: for a new system of loads at Aix. Formulation and vote concrete measures has put in place.14.45 - 15.30Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.Work in small groups and evaluation by the plenary.15.30 - 16.00Coffee BreakCoffee BreakCoffee BreakCoffee Break16.00 - 16.45 AUT4Aix in perspective: a regional comparison of charges related to the household garbage.?Private Consultant.The structure and the quantities of garbage: a regional perspective.?Consultant.UT8Visit of the regional incinerator canceled at the last moment and replaced by a visit via film.?Director of corporate communication in support of the incinerator.UT12Discussion with the representatives of the political parties.?SPD, GRUNE, CDU, FDP and Die Linke.UT16Conclusion and evaluation of the procedure.-17.30 16.45 AWork in a small group and evaluation by the plenary.Illustration 36: The program of work of the?Planungszellen.Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmatic5.3" The evaluation of regional action in the fight against climate change"5.3 .1The constellation of actors and the political contextThe jury citizen picto-charentais has taken place in a context significantly different from that of?Planungszellen?of Aix-la-Chapelle. It represents, in effect, the realization of a promise of campaign made in 2004 by the socialist party in the regional elections which provided for the holding of citizens juries on the major themes politiques97. The initiative is therefore come to the regional majority upstream of any political blockage or before that is not defined a subject of application. The realization of the idea has taken four years with an intermediate step major toward the end of 2006, when the subject of juries citizens became of national importance, as noted previously. On this occasion the jury is entrusted with a value of assessment tool of public policies, dimension that it had never yet had in Germany or the?Planungszellen?are of type prospective and propositionnels. This quantitative leap, has first view minor, is yet quite fundamental since it gives a new role to the group of citizens learned the fate. It is no longer a common construction of the policy grace the taking into account of a maximum of points of view and experiences but well of a new mechanism of accountability of elected representatives. We will see in the following chapters how this small revolution has resulted in the facts. A last important element of context affects the territory since the jury citizen has taken place at the regional level in a whole administrative and wider policy, either a territory of 25809 km2 for 1,665,000 inhabitants.97Cf. the program of the parliamentary term ( Poitou-Charentes 2004, 14):?"?This is the reason to be of juries or conferences of citizens that the regional Executive is committed to put in place on subjects of general interest. It will be here to combine two dimensions also necessary and complementary but distinct from the participatory democracy: 1) strengthening the cooperation with the organizations, movements and associations which, on a permanent or ad hoc basis, consist of citizens, of the users of public services, employees, economic officials, etc. directly concerned has a subject, 2) the call has the inhabitants, if appropriate learned the fate, representative of the population of the Poitou-Charentes and volunteers to take a question at the request of the Region, for the review under its different angles, hear from experts, know the points of view contrasts which it is the object, take the time and means for a deliberation validly informed then of an independent opinion designed to illuminate The regional executive.???2285. Operationalization of research: Aachen and Poitiers5.3 .2The progress of the project5.3.2 .1Preparatory Phase and framing of the topicThe regional council has, by a decision of the February 28, 2008, published a call for tender for a jury of citizens which was won by the cabinet council of public tasks. A council of pilotage has been put in place which included the two actors previously cited as well as members of the services of the region, members of the political majority as well as researchers. The team of the region has chosen the topic of climate change in a manner?"?obvious?"?according to the words of the teams in place because it was at the crossroads of all the thematic priority of the majority regionale98. The framing has led to the definition of three questions for which the citizens would finally has answer:In the action of the Poitou-Charentes Region against climate change, is there anything that has surprised you? What is it that you think is best? The worst? Is the action of the Poitou-Charentes Region against the climate change induced sufficiently the inhabitants, public and private companies, associations, communities has act? Do you have any advice to give us to improve the effectiveness of the fight against climate change in Poitou-Charentes ?5.3.2 .2realization PhaseThe jury of citizens was held in two sessions of a day and a half, the first on 25 and 26 April, the second on 17 and May 17, 2008. 25 Citizens were present throughout the debates (cf. work program, illustration 38, 231). Has the inverse of the?Planungszellen, the citizens have received at their arrival a folder of the participant containing information on climate change and on the action of the region in this area. Concerning the financial compensation, the jurors have collected a sum based on the hourly SMIC, or 152.49 euros for the whole of the sessions.5.3.2 .3monitoring and evaluation PhaseAfter the second session, the cabinet Public Missions has brought together the recommendations and the text blocks of the opinion and then sent a first draft for reading of control has five members of the jury who have had the opportunity to make their comments. The June 23, 2008, 15 members of the jury have taken the time to find themselves once again in the home of the re98See(P4-1, 04:30) and (P5-1). For detail of the meaning of the sources, see the next chapter.229Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmaticGion to finalize their opinion and prepare the discount to the public trustee that is-a-say to the regional council. The chairperson of this last is committed on this occasion has take into account the recommendations of the citizens for the future, and once again we will see how these words are translated.5.3 .3The draw in the BasisJust as in the?Planungszellen, the draw has played a dual role in the jury of citizens. First of all, to choose the participants from a list of phone numbers provided by an institute of survey and on the basis of which the services of the region have achieved a?"phoning" reports. The latter has allowed us to recruit some thirty volunteers distributed according to quotas based on the department and the size of the agglomeration of residence, the type of habitat, the age, the PCS (profession and socioprofessional category) and sex. In the course of the jury, the draw has also served to distribute the citizens in discussion groups.230Illustration 37: The official handover of the opinion (right to left: two participants, the chairman of the regional council, the vice-president in charge of the environment and the vice-president in charge of democracy).Friday, April 25, 2008Saturday, April 26, 2008Friday, may 16, 2008Saturday, may 17, 200816.00 17.15Welcome the participants by the Poitou-Charentes Region.?Team participatory democracy.Making contact with the group and the approach.?Public Missions.9.0010.00Identification by the Jury of Citizens of 10 key questions to ask the experts auditioned (challenges of climate change, the most effective actions, choice of the Region).16.00 17.45Welcome the participants and visit of the exhibition Naturalibus on climate change.Identification by the citizens of the 10 key questions to ask the elected regional.9.0012.30Work on the drafting of the opinion.17.1518.15Citizen Jury and participatory democracy: why associate the citizens has the evaluation of a regional policy??Vice-president of the Regional Council.Jury of citizens and environmental excellence: what the Region expects the Jury Citizen?Vice-president of the Regional Council.Time of questions / answers.10.0012.00Debate on climate change.An international consultant for energy efficiency policies, two community activists.17.4518.45Debate with the elected representatives.Two elected representatives of the majority (Socialist Party and green party) and two elected members of the opposition (UMP).12.3013.45Lunch12.0012.30Collective Synthesis.18.4519.00Pause13.4515.45Work on the drafting of the Opinion.Second working session with the Director Environment, of the Region at the request of the Jury of citizens.18.1519.30Individual reading of the document supportTime of questions / answers.Director Environment, Agriculture, Water, tourism in the Region.12.30 13.45Lunch19.0019.45Synthesis individual and collective: that retain from this first session for the opinion of the Jury of citizens?15.45 16.30Finalization of the opinion.19.3020.00First individual responses to the three questions of evaluation.13.45 14.30Identification by the Jury of Citizens of 10 key questions to ask for regional actors19.4520.00Closure.16.30 17.00Evaluation of the approach.Dinner14.3015.45Debate with economic actors.A installer of solar panels, an owner of a hotel?"?eco-label?" on, a director of the Regional Federation of Agricultural Co-operatives and a director of the pole of eco-industries?.Dinner and hearing on the theme of the development of the territory.Chief of service urban planning and sustainable development - Community of agglomeration of Poitiers .15.45 16.00Pause16.00 17.30Synthesis individual and collective: that retain from this first session for the opinion of the Jury of citizens?Illustration 38: The program of work of the jury of citizens of Poitou-Charentes .Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens paradigmatic6. ConclusionsA quick review of the contemporary practices of drawing in politics has left see a veritable profusion of experiences which have not all been adapted to the test of theoretical expectations. A category of instruments aleatoriens - this is the mini-public - has on the other hand seems to be particularly conducive due to its constituent elements (of citizens are drawn at random to make the policy in a deliberative framework) but also its discursive framework that borrows and se mele sometimes has the one of the proponents of the theory of democracy random. A historical analysis of the emergence and dissemination of mini-public has helped to focus the choice on a?Planungszelle?and a jury of citizens; the first because of its historic role central the second due to its strong hybridization.Finally, we chose two concrete experiences, thematically close (environment) but in contexts significantly different. Whereas the?Planungszelle?of Aix-la-Chapelle dealt with a local problem and concrete for taking financial decisions upstream and in a context of political deadlock, the jury citizen picto-charentais had to subject the evaluation of a regional policy face has a global challenge, in the context of a political issue national. The scene, and the actors are in place, and we will finally be able to start the test bench.?232Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?A Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers, in 2007 and in 2008, 119 citizens gathered to discuss, debate, deliberate, assess, and eventually formulate proposals for public policy. These experiences of living mini-public and forums?"?aleatoriens???have they responded to the theoretical expectations that we have been able to identify in chapter 3? How is manifested the representation? What type of participation can we observe? The two experiences have they given birth has a new company? To answer these questions, it will be necessary to introduce first the methodology employed to achieve the empirical study (1). Then we will be able to judge of the expectations concerning the representation (2), the participation (3) and those broader concerning the policy and finally the society as a whole (4).Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?1. MethodologyFor the sake of transparency and rigor, each of the elements of the inquiry will receive here a unique number used to track down and possibly of the consult in the annex. For Aix-la-Chapelle there will take the letter A and for Poitiers P, followed by two digits, the first corresponding to the type of source and the second has the precise reference of the document1.1.1The arrangements put in place at Aix-la-Chapelle (A)1.1 .1participatory Observation (A1)The empirical study of the draft?Planungszellen?has Aix-la-Chapelle has begun in October 2007 by a visit to the?(Forschungsstelle Burgerbeteiligung und Planungsverfahren?of the university of Wuppertal, during the preparation phase of the project and it was given to me to have a preview of two days on the recruitment process from citizens, stakeholders, as well as on the preparation of the thematic units (A1-1). Then, from 12 to 15 and 19th to the November 22, 2007, I witnessed the conduct of four?Planungszellen?project as a photographer and observer (A1-2). The first role, has allowed me to be present during the discussions in plenary but also to circulate between the small discussion groups. The second has allowed me to be able to take notes and audio clips as well as to be present at the table of small discussion groups in order to be able to follow the interactions in this space which is the deliberative center of the entire process, which is normally closed has the observation and has the interference of the presenters. The observation was also allowed to take contact with the citizens and stakeholders for the campaign of interviews.1.1 .2Interviews (A2 - A3 - A4)I have made a total of 37 interviews between October 2007 and February 2008, divided into four sessions. The first was held in Munich during the delivery of a citizen report from another project of?Planungszellen?and was intended to test the guide for interviews with one participant and a facilitator. After correction, this guide has been available in three versions: a1The detail of the two devices can be found in the Appendix (p. 401 et seq. ).2361. MethodologyFor the citizens, more focused on their experience during the process and after (20 interviews notes A2-1 has A2-20), one for the politicians and stakeholders pressing the political context of the employment of the model but also on their experience (11 interviews notes A3-1 has A3-11) and finally one for the facilitators and organizers is interesting in priority to the process taking into account other comparable experiences or addressing issues of methodology of the approach (four interviews notes A4-1 has A4-4).1.1 .3analysis of documents (A5)The material written analysis during the empirical investigation is divided into four categories. The first is made up of documents employees during the preparation and conduct of?Planungszellen?either the invitations to the citizens (A5-1), the guide to animation (A5-2) which details the steps the sequence of the?Planungszelle?and that contains the questions-guides posed to small discussion groups during work sessions, the set of presentations made by the speakers (A5-3) that retrace their contribution to the thematic work of?Planungszellen?as well as the posters produced by the citizens (A5-4) reflecting the results of deliberations as well as those of intermediate votes. The second category includes the?Burgergutachten?(A5-5) or report citizen, final product of?Planungszelle?and public document handed over to the municipal authorities. Thirdly, there is the municipal decrees laying down the pricing in force before the draft (A5-7) and after the latter (A5-8) as well as the discussions of the city council regarding the project (A5-9). Finally, it has gathered in the last category the reactions in the press (A5-6) as well as the subsequent documents to projects and/or diverse in nature (A5-10).1.1 .4Investigation a posteriori (A6)In order to enter the dimension of medium term i realized in November 2010 a survey a posteriori using a questionnaire semi-open (cf. annex, p. 401 et seq. ) sent has 25 participants which have responded nine persons (A6-1 has A6-10) it is-a-say a return rate of 40 %2. I have also conducted a telephone interview with an official of the governed2Rate which is particularly important for such a type of questionnaire. On the meaning of such a return concerning the expectation of participation and of empowerment. Cf. infra, p. 280.237Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Municipal waste collection in order to better evaluate the impact of recommendations citizens about the recipients of the notice (A6-11).1.2The arrangements put in place in Poitou-Charentes (P)1.2 .1participatory Observation (P1) and written evaluation (P2)The empirical research in France has followed the same structure as that performed in Germany and is therefore structured around a participatory observation before and during the conduct of the jury. Before the jury, I attended the last steering committee and am gets in contact with the animation team for the purpose of familiarizing myself with the field and to monitor the preparation of the process, mainly concerning the recruitment and the finalization of the program (P1-1). The observation itself has held had during the two sessions of the jury, the 25 and 26 April and on 16 and 17 may as well as during the delivery of the report citizen, the June 23, 2008. Just as in Germany, I had during the process the double-hatting of photographer and researcher who allowed it to navigate between citizens, facilitators, speakers and organizers while having an offset position (P1-2). At the end of the second session, I had the opportunity to make complete an evaluation questionnaire semi-open, who has delivered the results on the assessment?"?warm?" on?the process (P2-1 has P2-22).1.2 .2Interviews (P3 - P4 - P5)The campaign of interviews took place in three stages. The first, in June 2008, either just after the delivery of the report, I have conducted 10 semi-structured qualitative interviews with participants (P3-1 has P3-10) in the whole region (figure 39, p. 239). The second series was held in September 2008 and was concentrating on the speakers, organizers and the animation team (P5-1 has P5-4). Finally, in December 2008 and January 2009, i conducted 5 interviews with representatives of various political parties of the regional council as well as with the director of the service environment of the region (P4-1 has P4-5).2381. MethodologyIllustration 39: Place of residence of the persons interviewed in Poitou-Charentes1.2 .3analysis of documents (P6)In France, the corpus includes four elements. First of all, the documents produced before and during the jury (P6-1 has P6-7) comprising the folder handed to citizens, the guide to animation, detailed program, thematic notes as well that the retyping of a work session and the record of the work in plenary. Follows the report citizen handed over has the region (P6-8) as well as the response of the regional Council published a year later which acknowledges the suites data to the jury (P6-12). In the third place, the reactions of the written press, regional and national (P6-13) as well as the film, made during the jury and presented at the awards ceremony of the report on 23 June (P6-9). Finally, the subsequent documents produced by the region (P6-10) as well as the various documents (P6-11).1.2 .4Investigation a posteriori (P7)Just as a Aix-la-Chapelle, i carried out a survey a posteriori (September 2010) based on a questionnaire semi-open sent has 25 participants (A7-1 has A7-9) with a response rate of 36 %3.3A rate therefore lower than that observed in Aix-la-Chapelle but above the average. See note 1, supra.239Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?1.3Translate expectationsIn order to enter at what point the experiences of Aix and of Poitiers join the expectations of the theory, it seems important to?"?translate?" on?these recent in concrete terms. To do this, you will resume as the analysis the expectations formulated in chapter 3 and in deliver the possible empirical translation. We will begin as well by be interested has the question of the representation before address the issue of the participation and finally the effects of broader social and political. The more we deal with questions macro-social, more the nature of the answers will be of index-linked character, reflecting the trend.2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?The authors of the corpus concentrated their attacks against the modern democracy on the question of the representation distorted that it would entail. Quite logically, therefore, it is in this area that they are waiting for the most of the employment of the draw. It is going to test at what point the participants of the two mini-public have really represents their fellow citizens formally (2.1 ) and substantially (2.2 ) and how they have made of the accounts has their agents (2.3 ).2.1A?Stellvertretung?really more faithful2.1 .1Translation of expectationsThe expectations concerning the formal representation are relatively simple to translate. It is sufficient for it to consider the geographical origin and the socio-economic characteristics of the participants to judge their representativeness. Concerning the symbolic representation, one can be interested with the responses of the participants to the questions concerning their feeling of having been representative, as well as those delivered by the speakers and organizers on the question of the representativeness of the participants4.4See A2, A3, A4, (questions 3.B and 7.A) and A6 (questions 9.1 to 9.4 ) as well as P3, P4, P5 (questions 3.B and 7.B) and P7 (questions 9.1 to 9.4 ).?2402. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?2.1 .2The formal representation to Aix and Poitiers2.1.2 .1a?cross section?with a few throughAs might be expected given the number of people invited, the result of the recruitment has given has Aix-la-Chapelle as a Poitiers a panel not statistically representative but widely diversifie5. In geographical terms, 60% of the German participants came from the center of Aix-la-Chapelle and 40% of the periphery, which accurately reflected the structure of the population of the city (figure 40, p. 241), a result consistent with the quota introduced in the recruitment process. In Poitou-Charentes , the inhabitants of the departments of Charente Maritime were under-represented, those deux-sèvres over-represented, those of the Charente and the Vienna in good number (illustration 41, p. 242). The deviation is explained above all by the geographical distance between the place of residence and the place of conduct of the jury.A demographic point of view, the participants of the class of age application No 40/59 shall be borne years were over-represented in the two cases (illustrations 42 and 43 p. 243), in the same way, the class of age had made the lowest sub-representee6.City CenterPeriphery050100PlanungszellenAix-la-ChapelleIllustration 40: geographical origin of participants has Aix-la-Chapelle.5On the details of the recruitment procedure used, see chapter 4, point 5.3.2.1 , p. 229 for Aix-la-Chapelle and point 5.3.2.2 , p. 229 for Poitiers.6The lowest category is to be taken with caution in the German case, given that the city of Aix-la-Chapelle account children from 10 years and that the participation has the?Planungszelle?is possible from 16 years only, which relativizes the under-representation found. A Poitiers on the other hand, the regional statistics began 18 years ago and the figures are therefore more faithful.241Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Deux-sèvresCharentesCharente-MaritimeVienna010203040Citizen JuryPoitou-CharentesIllustration 41: geographical origin of participants in Poitou-Charentes .The distribution of kind was, however, fairly faithful, although men were a little over-representation in the jury french (illustration 44, p. 243 and Figure 45, p. 244). The structure socio-professional of the two groups can be described as a?cross-section?wide but not of statistically significant sample. In the case of Aix-la-Chapelle, the participants had the opportunity to respond to a questionnaire of evaluation in which the question of their profession was asked. In the whole form by the 89 responses, there are more than 40 activities and different statutes which correspond to a wide range of PCS has the french (A5-4, 37) although participants, speakers and organizers declare that the citizens present during the?Planungszellen?were of a level higher socioprofessional has the moyenne7. Most of the recruitment by drawing does not appear to have been sufficient to extend the participation beyond the formal citizenship, and we could observe a under-representation of foreign participants and/or from immigration.7See, for example, A3-1 (06:11) :?"?Und welche Kategorien waren uber-reprasentiert resp. unter-reprasentiert??" On "?Das ist meiner Meinung nach eine mehr oder Weninger Auslese der Ratsmitglieder. Offentlicher Dienst uber-reprasentiert, Bildungsnah Schichten uber-reprasentiert, Migranten unter-reprasentiert und sozialschwache unter-reprasentiert.???See also (A2-2, 08:04) :?"?Wir haben unsere Gruppe als recht homogeneous Gruppe von hoheren Bildungsniveau empfunden. Aus unserer Sicht war niemand aus den sogenannten sozial ?kologische benachteiligten Schicht Dabei Temple.??2422. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?10 - 1920 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 And More0102030PlanungszelleAix-la-ChapelleIllustration 42: population structure of participants has Aix-la-Chapelle.20-39Application No 40/59 shall be borne60 And More020406080Citizen JuryPoitou-CharentesIllustration 43: population structure of participants in Poitou-Charentes .FemaleMale0204060PlanungszelleAix-la-ChapelleIllustration 44: distribution by gender of the participants has Aix-la-Chapelle.243Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?MaleFemale020406080Citizen JuryPoitou-CharentesFigure 45: distribution by gender of the participants in Poitou-Charentes .In Poitou-Charentes , we note the absence of the category of farmers and a significant under-representation of the category of?"?inactive?"?(figure 46, p. 244). If we cannot move forward to statistics given that the ethnic origins and/or national have not been requested to participants, the participatory observation (A1-1, 36-57) and the informal discussions have shown, in contrast, have a great diversity of origins: we had the opportunity to speak with people originating in Denmark, of Algeria, Senegal and Brazil, which is at least 15% of the participants.FarmersArtisans, traders, business leadersFrameworks, higher intellectual professionsIntermediate ProfessionsEmployeesWorkersPensionersWithout professional activity010203040Citizen JuryPoitou-CharentesIllustration 46: occupational distribution of participants in Poitou-Charentes .2442. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?2.1.2 .2of citizens who feel representative"?I am anonymous, I represent a part of the population, I feel useful.???(P3-10, 23:30).The representativeness objective is double among the participants of the two countries to a strong sense of representing their fellow citizens at the local level (figure 47, p. 245, corresponding to the question 9.1 and 9.2 of the survey later) despite the bias toward the upper middle class in Germany. However, while the citizens has Poitiers consider be representative of the whole of the French, the inhabitants of Aix-la-Chapelle declare not to feel representative of the whole of the Germans. A difference which is easily explained by the comments of the latter on the fact that the subject of?Planungszellen?was local and therefore had nothing to do with the national representation. For outside observers, the participants seem to have left the same impression of diversity, variety. On the other hand, it is particularly difficult to judge the representativeness of symbolic participants from the rest of the population. Two indices only can be developed here. Firstly a survey carried out in France on the possible introduction of juries citizens has large scale, which showed that 59% of those surveyed were in favor8 and secondly the answers given by the participants on the reactions in their entourage which seem to have been positive in the ensemble9.Aix-la-ChapellePoitou-CharentesTotal9.1 Have you had the impression to represent the inhabitants of the Poitou-Charentes / of Aix-la-Chapelle?Yes6915Non404No advice - do not know0009.2 The French / German in general?Yes178Non8210No advice - do not know101Illustration 47: feeling of participants on their representativeness.8The cross (2006, 1) :?"?The jury of citizens is proving popular: Almost six French on ten (59 %) say they favor the idea of?"?citizen juries?"?mentioned by S??Gol?¨ne Royal, according to a CSA poll published yesterday by the Parisian (817 persons interviewed on 25 October).??9See for example A2-4 (01:32) :?"?Die haben mir gesagt went 'mach mit'??. For a reaction more skeptical, see P3-4 (01:32) :?"?My wife said to me leaves fall, it is a gimmick.??245Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?2.1 .3ResultsThe expectation of a representativeness formal greater is therefore largely confirmed by the practice if it takes as a basis the idea of the?cross-section?and not that of the people in miniature. On the other hand, the participants in the two countries the feeling to represent their fellow citizens. Printing which is found to a lesser extent among the other actors who had been in contact with the forum: the entourage of participants and stakeholders. There are, however, not of elements allowing to characterize in a sustainable way the feeling of the population in general.2.2A tilt relative to the mandateUnlike in the case of the?Stellvertretung, the translation of the concept of?Reprasentation?is relatively complex has achieved since it is to judge whether, how and what interests have summers presented to citizens and then treated and formulas in recommendations (2.2.3 and 2.2.4 ). But we must begin by translating the theoretical expectations in this area (2.2.2 ) and even before this, define those interests, such that they were present before the forum (2.2.1 ).2.2 .1What interests in presence?2.2.1 .1The interests in presence to Aix-la-ChapelleSchematically, we can identify a set of five interest groups which correspond more or less has groups of actors (cf. illustration 48, p. 249). The first of them is of course the group of citizens. While it is impossible to know what were the specific interests of each of the 96 participants, it is quite able to identify at least two major lines of conflict. The first ran between inhabitants of the city center and residents of the periphery (A1-1, 24). In effect, as has been seen in the previous chapter, the system of single tax advantaged the residents of peripheral neighborhoods and any reform toward a differentiated model, has two or three columns for example, was for these latter synonymous with an increase in their tax. In contrast, the inhabitants of the center which, let us remember, accounted for 60% of participants, had interests to request a change of the system toward a differentiated model. All in contrast had interest in limiting the?2462. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Tax in itself. The second was more subtle to detect because it crossed strongly the first division, but in a more diffuse: it was the interests of the inhabitants of individual houses, houses in sharing and apartments in sets larger. The first - or that they live - were subsidized by the second which them-even were subsidized by the latest for the simple reason that the tax in the sets of apartments was calculated according to the surface of the housing and that it was therefore impossible for the different homes to influence their own tax (A5-5, 30-31).For its part, the municipal administration, and in particular the board responsible for the collection of garbage had of interest based on a concern for management (A5-3 -11). She had a preference for the model has two columns that allowed him an optimization of the rate of filling of trucks and a greater fluidity of quantities of waste (A3-11, 25:00). This system appeared in addition be the compromise the more fair to reform easing the burden of the inhabitants of large ensembles while limiting the increase of individual fees (A3-4, 05:45). In addition, the municipal government was interested in the idea of test of census techniques of electronic waste bins in order to best manage the waste stream.A third group in the presence was that of the politicians in the form of representatives of parties elected to the council municipal10. The CDU and the FDP, the two opposition parties, proposed the establishment of a system has three columns (A1-2, 119 ; A3-8, 08:30). Solution which had finished by do unanimously until the final vote on the municipal council during which the fraction environmentalist had suddenly made machine rear and proposed to keep the model has a column in arguing that the paper bins and compost should be recorded with the residual waste to motivate the citizens to sort and limit the impact of the constant evolution of the price of the processing of the paper. The SPD fraction pulled has this opinion by virtue of the treaty of coalition and ends by proposing the?Planungszelle?with its partner, while still maintaining an initial preference for a system has two columns (A3-9, 17:30).The fourth group of interests brought together the local economic actors represented by the chamber of commerce and industry, whose purpose was to ensure that the traders and the industry are not included in the new system and continue to take advantage of a tari10InThe order of importance in terms of number of votes in the Council: the Christian democratic union of right center (CDU -?Cristlich-Demokratische Union), the social democratic party of the center-left (SPD -?Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschland), the Union 90 - the Greens as green party (Bundnis90 - Die Grunen) and the Freedom Party German representative the liberal right (FDP -?Freiheitspartei Deutschland).247Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Separate fication (A5-5, 65). We may also include in this set the owners and tenants as a group, the first interested by a simple tax and transparent and the latter by a tax flexible and individualized (A5-5, 66-67).Finally, a fifth group of interests that might be called indirect seems to have its place. First of all in the form of environmental interests realized when of the forum through a militant association for the reduction of waste and whose main interest was to see the tax collection and treatment directly included in the price of products (A5-3 -12). But beyond this interest concrete it must probably also consider the environmental interests as a frame of substance more general that we will include inductive manner in the result of the analysis. In a different register, all also left a thinking at the beginning of the experience that the stakeholders specialists on the issue of garbage could be assimilated to a group of specific interests, a fact corroborated by the difficulties encountered by the organizers was?"?find someone who is not of the network" on??(A1-1, 32) and by the repeated observation that the stakeholders were nearly all, with the exception of the one who would plead for a solution radical ecological (A1-1, 72-73).The whole of this constellation of actors and positions must still be the subject of two remarks. First of all, the representatives of the CDU, the SPD and the FDP had apparently exceeds the interests of their electoral clientele since they had agreed on a system that has the disadvantage. They had by the-same exceeds their own interest of taxpayer since they wanted reform a system which they benefited the most (A3-8, 15:28). The representatives of the green party on the other hand had put in before the model has a column ( statusquo) arguing for the interest it had for a better sorting of waste, while responding quite strongly to the expectations of their electoral clientele (A3-10, 03:55). On the other hand, no fraction is supported the model proposed by the administration and there was thus a latent conflict between the views of these two groups of actors (A3-9, 16:00). The administration as has she considered the positions of political actors as reflecting an attitude piecemeal or even individualiste11.11 (A3-4, 06:00) :?"?Was ich schrecklich fand war, dass ersten Jahrtausend anhand der Argumentation man nachvollziehen konnte, welches Mitglied der Arbeitsgruppe in welcher Art Wohnung lebt. Ob es jemandem in einem Einfamilienhaus ist, der gerne eine kleine Restabfalltonne und eine grosere Biotonne hatte, oder ob es jemandem ist, der in einer Groswohnanlage lebt. Das konnte man nachvollziehen. Ersten Jahrtausend anhand der Argumentationskette.??248 ?2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Group of actorsAssumed Interest / interest defendedCitizensThe centerTwo or three columnsFrom the edgeA columnLiving in a single-family homeA columnCapita in a common homeTwo or three columnsCapita in a greater wholeTwo or three columnsMunicipal GovernanceTwo columnsPoliticiansCDUThree columnsSPDThree columns, then two columns and then employment of the?PlanungszelleBundnis 90 - Die GrunenThree columns and then return on a column and employment of the?PlanungszelleFDPThree columnsOrganized InterestsOwnersA column in the position of renter of a housingTenantsDepending on the type of housingTraders / industryRegardless of the model of the moment that endures the system of special taxIndirect InterestsEnvironmentModel which pushes the more has reduce the production of waste and increase recycling. Other, has setExperts of wasteA clarifyIllustration 48: presumed Interests and/or defended by the actors has Aix-la-Chapelle.2.2.1 .2The interests in presence in PoitiersThe constellation of interests in the framework picto-charentais is less obvious has characterize that the previous for four reasons: first, the subject was widely broader and more consensual. Secondly, the trustee as an institution had a control are considerably less pushed, not to say infinitesimal, on the subject of the jury (a tax versus the climate warming). Thirdly, the mandate given to the participants was less operational and more conceptual and creative. Fourthly, and most importantly, the constellation of actors was greatly disseminated, there was no institutional blockage prior it is-a-say not really of firm positions of political actors and administrative, the pressure has the decision-making was also widely more faible12. In the light of these circumstances, it seems appropriate to classify the interests of departure depending on whether they were structural or cyclical, by grouping then possibly the actors in these categories (figure 49, p. 250). Structurally speaking, three questions arose: is there climate change? If so, is it of human origin? In both cases, should we do something against? A Poitiers, the empirical material has left see two positions from12Recall that has Aix-la-Chapelle the renewal of the tax was a legal obligation arriving a term in the first January 2009.249Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?A different answer the second question. Indeed the whole of the actors agreed that there is global warming and that we must act, but were not in agreement on the fact that global warming either of origin beings themselves.13. The structural interest of the whole of the actors was therefore that the region both to combat the change to the?"?survival of future generations?". The cyclical level, we can identify between the interests political, economic and financial. The political interest of the regional majority was multiple: it wanted to keep its election promises in terms of participatory democracy and of environmental policy, obtain a positive evaluation of its policy, and receive useful recommendations for its action (P1-1, 7). In contrast, the opposition had interest in this that the assessment is negative and has this as its own agenda becomes that of the citizens without that we can so far as to define this agenda has priori14. A Poitiers, the administration agreed with the political interests of the regional majority (P4-1). Financially speaking, the citizens had an interest in that the taxes funding the policy against the climate change does not increase while obtaining that the region to put in place a maximum of actions. Finally, the regional economic players present had interest in what the region should invest in the green growth.Type of interestGroup of actorsInterestStructuralAll the actorsFight against the change and enable the?"?survival of the species?" ONCyclicalPoliciesPoliticians of the majorityAdministrationTake the election promisesObtain a positive evaluationPoliticians of the oppositionHighlight the weaknesses of the policy carried outTo pass its own recommendationsFinancialCitizensGet the best ratio taxes / actionsEconomicEconomic actorsGet more investment in green growthIllustration 49: presumed Interests and/or defended by the actors in Poitou-Charentes .2.2 .2Translation of expectationsFor the authors of the corpus, the employment of the draw would entail a decentration of the representative mandate which result in a better defense of the interests of the constituents by the13This difference influence however the cyclical position of the players who do not advocate the same actions as they see global warming as of human origin or not.14 Unlike the case of Aix-la-Chapelle in which political preferences were clear.2502. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Through a mathematical game, the principle of reciprocity reflexive or reconvergence of interests. The first empirical question is therefore the following: what interests are taxed has Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers? What type of representation are they the fruit? Beyond this aspect, the authors of the corpus, hoping for a series of additional effects that we will present here in summary form in the pairing to questions corresponding empirical. First, the prize draw would entail for them a limitation of adverse effects of the professionalization of the political15 : There has been case has Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers has a group in a position of independence or on the contrary has professionals of the policies? Secondly, for most of the authors, the draw obviate the?Fraktionszwang, the need to organize in order to obtain majorities. What has he been in the two forums? Each new question has it been the opportunity to be an opinion? Has there been in the presence of an enlightened audience ready to change of opinion? Thirdly, the authors expect the independence of representatives a greater flexibility in the definition of the policy agenda allowing for rapid integration of new issues and to take account of the interests supranational and intergenerational. What has he been in the two experiments? How was the fixing of the calendar? What perspective the participants have they adopted? Can we speak of a policy of long-term? The general interest has he been taken into account? Fourthly, regarding the deliberative processes, the theorists are waiting for the employment of the draw a reversal of the opposition of principle and a spirit of cooperation: has there been able to observe this trend? How the citizens did they behave with each other? We also saw fifthly that the authors studied do not wish that the representatives are limited to exercise an imperative mandate: the citizens have they received such a mandate? The have-it respects? In order to reply to this set extremely complex of questions, we will take as wire conductor the assumption that the act of representation in the two experiments is neither the result of a statistical defense of interests, nor a product of the reflexive reciprocity, nor a demonstration of the reconvergence of interests but that it is a joint process, that of the construction of the general interest.15It is recalled here these effects, such as the authors characterize: the race to the vote, the spiral of the financing of electoral campaigns, the need to make promises and all the dangers of corruption and creating a class of professionals of the policy.?251Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?2.2 .3a decentration of the mandate ...2.2.3 .1of the particular interest to the general interestThe absence of mathematical defense of interestsA defense of mathematical interests, such that longed for by a portion of the authors would result has Aix-la-Chapelle by the domination of the interests of the inhabitants of the city center it is-a-say the abandonment of the single tax and the adoption of a system has two or three columns. However, an overwhelming majority of participants considered the single pricing model as the best (17 plans of actions on 19) in arguing for his simplicity, his cost of operation low as well as its propensity to encourage the tri16. There was, therefore, no statistical representation. The same is true of the reflexive reciprocity which would have pushed the whole of participants has considered the position of the most disadvantaged, which they have not done since they have spoken for a system which rewarded financially the more affluent. A Poitiers, albeit the interests at stake have been profoundly different and more vague, it can be assumed that a mathematical representation would have pushed the participants to reject measures entailing a financial overhead for them. However, there is no trace of such requests in the opinion. We note on the contrary that a part of the proposals aim clearly has support the homes the more modest in the process of adaptation to climate change (P6-8-1, 16). A position which is rather of the principle of reciprocity reflexive and found several times in the opinion. Yet, this is not the only form of representation: the participants do not hesitate for example has plead for a more rigorous rules in the field of building permits, regulation that could touch them one day or the other. They are therefore beyond a simple selfish altruism.16For a summary of the recommendations of the citizens of Aix-la-Chapelle, see illustration 57, p. 291.2522. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?A strong independenceIf the citizens do not seem to have been giving precedence to their individual interests, it might be thought that some of the other interests in the presence are taxed. It is nothing of the sort, however. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the administration who was pleading for a system has two columns has not received the argues that a plan of action then even that she was principal of?Planungszellen?and it had the opportunity to widely make its point of view: it had in effect of four of the sixteen time reserved for presentations and had largely contributed to the choice of the set of stakeholders. More still, the R??gie has found be the?"?suspect number one?" on?citizens during the process and a posteriori: participants are widely complained that the R??gie does not book all his figures (A2-2, 17:45) and have considered its interventions as the least neutral for the whole (A2-3 or A1-1, 73). One might think that the politicians have summers more successful, given that the solution favored by the majority in place has also been favored by the majority of the plans. The situation is, however, less clear than it seems. First, the plans favored by the various parties are not taxed: the model has three columns, supported by the CDU and the FDP has been virtually ignored (a single plan) of same as that has two columns, preferred by the SPD (a support). The preferred model by the Greens, that has a column has had a little more success since it forms the basis of eight of the plans. But it does not constitute the majority of the opinions of the participants. In the second place, and this is, in fact, far more important, the citizens have never ceased that mark their difference face has these partisan positions at the forum (A1-1, 84), but also during the interviews (A2-14, 16:23). If they have chosen a particular model, so this is not due to the official position of the one or the other of the parties as discussed in detail later (2.2.3.2 , p. 257 et seq. ). Concerning now the economic interests, including those of the merchants, it is noted that eight plans propose to include them in the tax, that a preferred plan that they continue to be excluded and that nine plans are not making a judgment on the question what makes say that these in253Illustration 50: the citizens at work has Aix-la-Chapelle.Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Terets are not taxed non-plus17. Rest has considered the interests of experts of household garbage that citizens have judge with a wary distance. For example, concerning the introduction of automated systems of management of waste streams, which are rejected by virtually all the plans of action18.A Poitiers, the situation is far from being as clear. The cyclical interests of politicians of the opposition have been largely ignored and criticism although this is in part of the rejection of the policy develop an important agonistic and conduct procedural of this part of the jury (cf. infra 2.2.3.2 , p. 257 et seq. ). The interests of cyclical regional majority and of economic actors on the other hand, have found a strong echo in the final recommendations (P6-8, 8-10) and the citizens seem to have had a position less critical face has some stakeholders (2.2.4.2 , p. 264 et seq. ). Despite everything, the empirical study reveals two elements which tend to establish that the French citizens have also demonstrated independence in their work. First, they have tried hard enough the lack of diversity of stakeholders during the forum19 but also in the final questionnaire. In the latter, the participants could judge a set of elements concerning the conduct of the jury. As shown in the following table (figure 51, p. 255), the question concerning the diversity of stakeholders has obtained the lowest average in a judgment of overall very positive (45.7 per cent of the replies are of 6 and the average for each question is 5.18 ). Secondly, and even if this is more the domain of the felt, a majority of respondents in the interviews and the survey later said that they have had the feeling of working in a manner independante20.Beyond these specific elements to the two experiences, the independence of citizens is reflected in two ways transverse. First of all, in both cases, the majority of participants reported having changed its opinion in the sessions work permit.21. In the second place, as17In reality eight plans do not pronounce and a plan considers that the need to collect more of conflicting information on the subject before we can decide (A5-5, 93).18Of the 19 plans, 15 are totally against it for reasons of cost but also to affect the private life and danger of see increase the volume of waste wild. Two do not mention this question and two finally are for but by adding strict conditions (A5-5, 78-93).19See for example P1-1 (47) or P3-10 (14:47) :?"?concerning the information I felt that it was a little headed. They we showed only their actions.??20P7-1 has P7-9: six participants on 9 responded?"?no?" on?the question?"?Have you had the impression to be influence in your work???among the three people who responded in the affirmative, two say that it is positive because it was not of influence but of information and a that the influence is not necessarily of the manipulation.21See, for example, A5-5 (94) : 73 per cent of respondents (N= 89) reported having changed its mind.2542. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Will be discussed in some detail, the citizens are mobilizing their own competence to base their decisions, they appeal has their judgment independently of the information received.Judgment (6 the best)123456NAverageThe frameworkThe home1615225.64The framework of work3613225.45The hotel and the meals11010215.43The animationNeutrality15.5211.5205.1Competence11110225.41The work in large groupQuality of people resources1488215.1Quality of debates4594224.59Diversity of stakeholders4765224.55The work in a small groupQuality of debates11568214.9Opportunity to take the floor11812225.36Possibility of exchanging arguments3712225.41Total0.4 %0.8 %4.2 %15.4 %33.3 %45.7 %2345.18Illustration 51: evaluation Questionnaire of the jury citizen picto-charentais.Build the general interest"?Waren Sie mit den Empfehlungen zufrieden??" On "?Ja. (LATCH). Es war das vernunftigste, obwohl ich ruf mich personlich sehe, dass ich demnachst viel mehr werde bezahlen.???(A2-10, 26:00)."?It really was the whole of the climate and the whole world is concerned even if all do not know. These are not, for this subject at least, of the individual interests.???(P7-9, 9.4 ).So it seems that neither the interests of the citizens, nor those of the other actors have not been able to impose such what. To characterize the final product from each of the two forums, we will therefore terpret attention has other elements of the empirical material. A first important index is provided by the analysis of the notion of social justice in the course of debates has Aix-la-Chapelle. When the first unit of work, the citizens had the opportunity to introduce themselves by their name and to say why they were the. While 32 of the 50 participants gave as motivation the issue of garbage, only three reported be the to speak of a more equitable distribution of the tax. The other participants were basing their interest on the more general question of waste (sorting and economic issues) or even a problem of nature rather personal (A1-1,?255Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?36-51 And 54-57). An hour later, when is asked the question of the problems of the current system, only 16 votes on 385 emphasize that the tax is not oriented to the weight or the volume really picked up that is-a-say that it does not respect the principle of the polluter pays principle (A5-5, 46). Most of the citizens are rather interested in the issue of wild waste and by that of the reserve bag to packagings (yellow bag)22. At the beginning of the second day of the process, the?Gerechtigkeit?is always at the end of table (A5-5, 50), but it takes more and more importance in the course of the discussions and soon arrived in the first position of the votes when it comes to cite the benefits of the system combining the model has a column with a fixed tax (A5-5, 53). From that time and until the end, the theme of social justice will accompany the whole of votes and the discussions of the participants. Finally if we look at the action plans, the fair tax takes a major role. If the citizens favor the single tax, they are doing so with knowledge of cause and propose solutions to face the problem of unfairness caused by such a system. In order to promote the selective sorting and the reduction of the quantity produced, they propose to divide the loads between a fixed part and a variable part. The first corresponding to a standard volume of garbage torque has a free volume of recyclables (paper and compost). The variable part to cover the additional volume as well as the collection of bulky.If one turns to the process picto-charentais, we note that the notion of general interest there is from the beginning more evident and presented, and the citizens have continued to put in before they are the to make comprehensive recommendations concerning all the acteurs23. The set of interviews tends to confirm this impression: has Aix-la-Chapelle as a Poitiers, participants, stakeholders, politicians and organizers agree to say that the recommendations are going more in the direction of the general interest that in the defense of individual interests. For some, this state of fact is logical, automatically derived from the process, for others it takes to the group and has its Constitution24. We can conclude from these of elements22Subject which does not officially part of the discussion because it is outside of the jurisdiction of the commune and does not fall within the framework of the tax.23See P6-6-4 (15) :?"?I know that there are political trends that diverge, but the interest is the national interest. This is the international interest same. Everyone is going to participate. I asked the region to bring the elected representatives of opposition, to convince them, to encourage them to understand and accept certain things to advance the approaches that are the their.?" On?This kind of intervention enamelled the whole jury.24See A3-6 (15:44) :?"?Das ist der Charme der Gesamtveranstaltung und aber auch die Herausforderung year den TeilnehmerInnen aus den Vortragen die da angeboten werden, die Essenz raus zu ziehen und zu objektivieren und dann zu einem Gesamtbild zu Montag Kommen.???Or P3-1 (41:05) :?"?I think that everyone wanted to move things, but not personally but publicly.?" On "?From the beginning??" On "?not the first day, everybody wanted to put his personal touch, there was a sort of rivalry but then with?2562. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?That none of the interests present a priori is imposed as such, but that it was on the contrary could observe a process of reinterpretation and fusion which has given birth in set of recommendations that we could describe as the general interest.2.2.3 .2representatives of a new typeA perspective of long-term"?Daruber hinaus ist geplant, die Mullgebuhren in Aachen langfristig vollstandig abzuschaffen und stattdessen auf Produkte umzulegen - wie es bislang beim Dualen System der Fall war.???(A5-5, 90).The meal on the first evening it is the or there are links that are created.??257Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?The empirical material provides in addition two elements leaving has suggests that the interests that we had qualified for indirect have been taken into account. In the first place, the participants shall bring the long-term in the heart of their final recommendations that an analysis of the titles of the plans of actions has Aix-la-Chapelle puts forward: 10 of them sociology thematises the question of the protection of the environment, in speaking of?"?Sorting?",?"?reduction of the production?",?"?Fairmeidung??25, of?"?future clean and fair?", etc. conversely, only three titles focus on the question of the control of costs in the short term. Poitiers has the long-term is reflected by the insistence on the need for a change of scale (P6-8-1, 11 but also 13 and 21-22) and nourishes the debates. In Poitou-Charentes for example, the citizens often appeal to the concepts of sustainable development or of generations futures26. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the plan that collects the most of suffrage of participants internally in two of the four groups is that the more clearly oriented toward the future (cf. highlights)27. Another major indicator of the integration of indirect interests is the fact that the citizens are looking to the fate of the missing. A Aix-la-Chapelle it is mainly the socio-professional categories below which are taken into account in the votes intermediaries (A5-5, 67) and in the concluding recommendations with for example the request of the funding of an educational program for selective sorting seconded by the dissemination of information in languages other than German (A5-5, 90). Recommendation which is translated in Poitiers in the form of a request for a?"?dialog with the public (all the pu25GameOf word based on the mixture between?Fair?and?Vermeidung.?The first term refers to the social justice and the second, literally?"?avoidance?" on, returns in this framework to the fact to produce less waste: it is therefore produce less to be more fair.26See for example (P6-6-4, 38):?"?In regard to the problems of hunger in the world today and the surge in the prices of cereals, the agrofuels of first generation should no longer exist.??27During the last unit, the citizens could vote on the plans of the sub-groups of their?Planungszelle, with a voice for the issue of the census, a voice for that of the shape of the tax and a voice for the other elements of the plan.258Illustration 52: Title for a plan of action has Aix-la-Chapelle:?"?that sorts, benefited!??2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Blic)???it is-a-say?"?including those who are in a situation of isolation as, for example, some immigrants?"?(P8-6-1, 11).A deep refusal policy develop an important agonistic"?On the whole, it were the experts, except the second week when policies are made. I did not find it very constructive. Ca affects us all and there should be no differences. This thing should be outside the policy and we would make. Now this is a step forward a not in rear.???(P3-2, 28:21)."?EIB dem Politikerhearing, hat man die Vorurteile bestatigt, die man hatte. Die haben sich direkt gestritten.?"??Konntest of mitreden??? "?Nein, die haben untereinander gesprochen. Wir waren wieder Publikum.???(A2-14, 16:23).One of the results the most surprising of the study has been to see at what point the participants are both allergic and fatalistic face has the opposition between policy develop an important agonistic and what they call for the most?"?non-political?"?(P3-10, 26:30). This last is for them the place of the discussion, the debate, cooperation for?"?Advancing the things?"?(P3-1, 04:04), and the?Planungszelle?as the jury of citizens in are expressions perfect. Conversely, the policy develop an important agonistic is the one who disturbs the debates, which is infertile and that it must undergo at the meeting with the representatives of the political parties. During the discussions in small groups, the partisan memberships are carefully avoided or quickly bent when they appear all of same (A1-2). In plenary, the self-censorship is even stronger. The weather plays an important role in this refusal: in?"?4 days?", there is no time to lose to?"?put [the] political differences in before?"?(P3-3, 24:30). All of the interviews with the participants is its grains of remarks censuring the confrontational posture of political actors and their inability to find an agreement on subjects which should be, in their opinion, consensual (cf. highlights).The temptation to exceed the mandateThis is the implementation in reality, it is a process of?Reprasentation?: the citizens, armed with information more and more numerous and various deem the various interests at stake and the weigh, they take the game and exceed their original mandate, on the thematic plan but 259?Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Also a procedural. A Aix-la-Chapelle the participants contest, and this in the four?Planungszellen, some of the questions asked and the reformulate (A1-1, 86 or A1-2, 104). A Poitiers, that is the mandate itself which is called into question, the three questions raised by the region to the jury are disputed, discussed and then reformulated (P1-1, 29). The same is true for the reciprocal commitments between region and participants who are changed between the first and the second session before be endorsed (P6-6 -2). We found finally in the introduction of the final opinion a recommendation of nature methodologique28. This temptation is going even beyond the participation in itself, it overflows on the after-forum. In Germany, a part of the participants interviewed stated be in contact in order to prepare a press release if the report citizen did not meet their expectations (A2-2, 29:08). A Poitiers, a participant has the act and testified in a regional newspaper of his experience (P6-13). In this process of interference, the?"?ringleaders?"?play a central role. Indeed, in the two cases, the set of actors identify some participants as being of the ringleaders, who speak more, pose questions in plenary more often, and are more a same to raise procedural issues without however being able to lead the debates or in terms of opinion (A2-2, 12:07). They provide a conduct reflective of the process, leaving a play sometimes with the nerves of the facilitators, who recognize yet the role engine of these participants (A5-1, 28:00). We note also that the citizens do not hesitate has exceed their thematic mandate and will take the game to the representation: a Aix-la-Chapelle they advocate to change the act of28 (P6-8, 7) :?"?If the Region wishes that juries citizens continue to assess global policies such as that of the fight against climate change, it would be desirable that it provide a pre-assessment with encrypted data, understandable by the layman and to measure the budgetary efficiency has the euro invested. But may-be should it tighten drastically the domain has deal which could then be focused on topics such as: how to integrate the fight against climate change in the building permits? What financial solutions to induce individuals to isolate their housing or has invest in systems ... operating with renewable energies???260Illustration 53: a proposal which exceeds the mandate is the favorite of the participants (in down on the sheet added).2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Land?on a technical point out completely of the mandate and this recommendation draws the vast majority of the votes (figure 53, p. 260). They also propose to submit the governed municipal has an audit in order to see whether we could not reduce its costs of operation (P5-5, 79). A Poitiers, the question of the change of scale, which was not included in the three issues of the mandate, becomes a crucial point for the opinion and occupies a block around thematic of final recommendations (P6-8, 21).2.2.4 ... Who knows the limits2.2.4 .1The?Repr?sentation?hamperedAix and Poitiers: when the special interests have reemerged"?Wir haben im Endeffekt Basis einer gut burgerlichen Bevolkerungsgruppe reprasentiert. Wir haben gesagt, dass wir die [EinwohnerInnen of Zentrums] nicht erziehen konnen. Dann mussen Sie den hohen Preis zahlen. Sie waren schon Dabei Temple in der Diskussion aber die Entscheidung, die wir getroffen haben, war eher fur unsere Bevolkerungsschicht.?"??Bewusst oder unbewusst??? "?Nein, das haben wir schon bewusst gemacht.???(A2-14, 30:25).A Aix-la-Chapelle, the interests a priori do not seem to impose since the citizens choose in majority the single tax disadvantage that statistically 60% of present. However, if we class the citizens according to their type of habitat, we realize that the majority of the participants resides in small buildings or houses that is-a-say that they are taking advantage of the single tax (cf. highlights). We should therefore reverse the previous conclusion: the group of citizens over-represented in the mini-public acts to defend its interests and ignores those of the rest of the population (A3-2, 06:13). In parallel, a Poitiers, we can interpret the recommendations such as the translation of the interests of the regional majority: the citizens respond in a particularly positive way has the first question, the question of evaluation. In addition, they advise has the region to continue its actions, to strengthen and do not sociology thematises the other cyclical interests present a priori. They reject in addition the representatives of the opposition. How to explain this state of fact? The citizens have-they are hampered in their activity of representation? What interests are actually imposed?261Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Poitiers: unable to say no?We can raise a Poitiers a number of procedural through which have able to achieve an over-representation of the interests of the region. First of all, the number of stakeholders from the region or close to the latter was the majority. It was not only that of the vice-presidents, but also the first?"?expert?" on, director of services has the region. The second day, one of the three speakers in the first session was a member of the CESR. Finally during the last session, the director of services was present again. Then, apart from two elected representatives of the opposition, no one is here to present an opinion contradictory on the policy pursued by the region, even though such players could be mobilised. Finally, the region as an institution was present during the whole of the first session of work through one or several of the organizers, whose presence one could suspect that it has resulted in a certain degree of self-censorship of citizens.Five arguments speak however has discharge. First, it is necessary to make a obvious: the Poitou-Charentes region was without doubt one of the institutions the most committed and the most advanced in France in the field of the fight against climate change. It was therefore objectively difficult for the citizens to criticize its action29. Secondly, the need to combat climate change is structurally almost not put in question. The possibility that citizens arise in contradiction with this majority opinion was therefore rather minimal. Moreover, when one of the elected representatives of the opposition questioned the relationship between climate change and human activity, he was widely criticized. The participants therefore had a opinion comparable to that of the region independently of it. Thirdly, the citizens most critics have questioned the deliberative process and the uneven provision of information but never the fact that it is taking action against climate change. Fourthly, if we look at the evaluation portion of the opinion there are critical remarks on the action of the region (P6-8-1, 8-9). Finally, none of the partners interviewed after the jury declared having been gene by the presence of the region (P3-1 has P3-10). In the light of these arguments, one can reasonably draw the following conclusion: the citizens did not have full freedom to say no and oppose frontally attacks has the action and the inte29ThisMeans a contrario that the region had chosen a topic on which she took very little risk. But according to the organizers (P5-3 ; P5-4), the subject had been chosen because the environment was not only a pillar of the regional policy but that he represented in more than one area or the region had the most skills. It was for they sense, therefore, to do assess this area rather than a subordinate policy.2622. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Toils of the region for the main reason that the latter was already a very good student in the fight against global warming and that themselves were convinced of the need for action in this area. It is probably like this can one understand the insistence on change of scale: the citizens wanted to play their role of representatives and have the opportunity to formulate something by themselves, which is their own.Aix: "?Zielkonflikte ausbalancieren?"30But let us go back to Aix-la-Chapelle or, as we have seen, the citizens opt in majority for the maintenance of a model has a column (17 plans on 19) benefiting the people more affluent and over-represented in the?Planungszellen, which would amount to a defense of mathematical interests. A detailed analysis of the results requires however a temper this judgment. First of all, virtually all plans offer solutions to minimize the negative impact of the system has a column on the population it disadvantage the most. So, we see the recommendations concerning the authorisation of compress the garbage (therefore optimizing the flows in the large ensembles in which the problem of?"?liters empty paid?" on?is the more acute) or the request to base the key to calculating tax not more on the surface of the apartment but on actual production of waste. Secondly, most of the citizens justify their choice of the model has a column by highlighting that a model has two or three columns would be more just at first sight but would eventually turn against the whole of the citizens, and this for several reasons. First of all, such a tax would result in an increase of the volume of waste wild that he should pick up in one way or another. Then, these arrangements would reduce the incentive to sort which would increase the costs of treatment of residual waste and reduce the financial receipts coupled has a sort of qualite31. Finally, the model has two or three columns would require a logistical effort of calculation of several taxes for each household which would result in an overall cost therefore higher by a generalized increase in the tax in gross terms and by an unfolding30(P5-5, 79) : title of one of the plans of action translatable by?"?balancing the conflicting goals.??31In effect, as several speakers emphasized during the discussions, a differentiated tax depending on the type of waste pushes a part of the population is not availing of paper bins and compost in order to make savings. But these homes produce all of even this type of garbage, and they are encouraged either has to get rid in the dustbin reserved for residual waste either has them do the?"?tourism?" on?it is-a-say throw them in edge of road or near containers intended for other purposes: this are the wild waste.263Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?TION of its calcul32. In reality, the logic has the implementation is the following: for the participants, the justice resides in the principle of the polluter pays principle and they stress throughout the units of work the importance of?Verursachergerechtigkeit, literally the?"?justice for those responsible?"?(A5-5, 57). This pushes has to want to include the merchants and the industry in the new tax by going on the contrary of the interests of these actors. This interpretation also explains why the citizens are both troubled by?"?the wild waste?"?which are the sign of an injustice because it cannot identify the perpetrators but that the costs that are related must be brought by the entire community (A5-5, 68). In the end, and as the perfectly summarises the title of one of the plans, it should be?"?balance between conflicting objectives??, weigh between categories such as simplicity, the gross cost and net cost, the importance of individual behavior and the need to make joint efforts, justice arithmetic and geometric. We find the idea of a general interest at the crossroads of societal requirements and of the freedom of the individual. If the?status quo?is imposed, it is because it was for the participants the best way to achieve this equilibre33.2.2.4 .2a golden cageAn external mandate and imperative"?Der Auftrag war, eine gerechtere Verteilung der Mullgebuhren zu-.???(A2-1, 10:50)."?We must do as a jury of Assisi, we must give our response of citizen and not an expert. We must answer three questions and bring new ideas.???(P1-1, 50).The whole of the activity representative of citizens is yet limited by a series of contingencies that we cannot ignore the first of which is the question of the mandate. The latter is fixed by the principal authority which therefore can carefully choose the question, and ask the limits. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the municipal council excludes all questions concerning32As the stressed stark one of respondents (A2-2, 32:55) :?"?Das Thema war etwas mit Gerechtigkeit. Wir haben bemerkt, dass gerechte Verteilung Blodsinn allein ist, vor german, weil die deutschen neigen dazu, etwas so lange gerecht zu Machen, bis es uberhaupt nicht mehr handhabbar ist. Aussi, wir haben gesagt: das wichtigste ist, dass es is as easy as making ist und, dass es gerecht aussieht.??33For an example of this attitude, cf. A6-4 (7.1 ) :?"?Wie dachten Sie direkt nach der Erfahrung uber die Ergebnisse der Planungszelle??" On "?Ich war froh dass unsere Planungszelle meinte, went beim alten zu lassen, weil ich das fur die Kostengunstigste, unkomplizierteste und gerechteste Losung stopover.??2642. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?The organization of the municipal government (A2-2, 14:46). A Poitiers, the region posed a question on a subject consensual in a policy area in which its balance sheet is good. In this sense, the participants receive an imperative mandate. In addition, they do not understand themselves but receive a theme of work, with an agenda that they can theoretically not influence: the stakeholders, as well as the representatives of the individual interests invited to submit their views, are fixed in advance. We saw earlier that the citizens will not leave completely confine within these limits, but same as well, they have a low margin of maneuver, with however a difference between the two experiments; the procedural format chosen has Poitiers has allowed a greater freedom of action of citizens, as we will see in the next chapter. Note that such a limitation can be interpreted either as the realization of a hold of the theory of democracy random (which sought to reduce the independence of representatives) either as a sign of failure those who call for their wishes of sorpresentants masters of their agenda.TO forced march toward the general interest"?The problem is that we all put our questions in a funnel. At the end, ca is coming out in a barrel. Namely if the concentrate will be good or the concentrate will be vinegar, have faith.???(P6-6-4, 13).A detailed look at the process has the implementation in the two forums clearly shows that everything is done to push the citizens toward a position taking into account all the interests. Thus, the mandate has Aix-la-Chapelle was not the formulation of recommendations for the new tax but the formulation of recommendations to make the new tax more fair (A5-5, 18). The questions asked in the various units of work were, they also, the emphasis on this aspect, which has default, perhaps there would be not been mentioned or made priority by citizens (cf. illustration 54, p. 266). A Poitiers also, the mandate focused on recommendations for action the regional actors, issue non-neutral in itself which gave a direction to the project. This finding is at first sight trivial since?Planungszellen?juries and citizens have been specifically designed for the purpose of allowing participants to make recommendations of general interest. The fact remains that such an observation led to two conclusions about the test of theoretical expectations. First, it confirms that the two models chosen are not adapted to the test of the proposals?265Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?In which deliberation is not a central component. Secondly, this raises the question of the real power of the speakers, facilitators and organizers.The power to the speakers, facilitators and organizers?"?Ah ben the, this is a political forum, the jury of citizens. We are in the midst, with may-be even the influences of party and lobbies, things like that. The citizen is in a political forum, to serve a political orientation.???(P4-5, 05:20).We have seen previously that the citizens to act very independently of the individual interests doors by the stakeholders. They recognize as such, give them an informative role central but have no illusions about their neutrality that they do wish to not even. On the contrary, they consider that the influence they have is of a positive nature, since it helps to advance the debats34. In fact, it even seems that stakeholders are more hard with themselves and see themselves as potentially dangerous and in ability to influence citizens (A3-3, 07:00 ; P4-1, 20:41). The empirical material therefore seems rather show that the power of the stakeholders is fairly limite35. The animators as has them, do not seem too concerned about their power (P5-1, 45:00) and are not seen as that can strongly influence the decision-making process and the deliberations of the citizens. They are judges as neutral and competent in their work of animation36. The34P3-1 (16:23) :?"?Thinkest thou that the stakeholders can influence the opinion of citizens??" "?Yes?" "?Is that what it is??? "?Ah yes ... ah yes, ca helps to advance much more quickly the things.??35We shall revert to this point as a cross in the next chapter.36For Poitiers see illustration 51, p. 255. A Aix-la-Chapelle, 83 of the 89 respondents to the final questionnaire consider the neutrality of animators as?"?high?"?or?"?very high?" on?and six the consider as?"?in the average?"?(A5-5, 94). The interviews confirm this impression. Cf. A2-10 (24:09) or P3-3 (15:30).266Illustration 54: Example of questionnaire for the work in a small group.2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Only strong criticism has their respect is in reality has understood as a criticism of their role of organizers. In effect, Poitiers, the animators were also organizers and it is this double quality which has been criticized by some participants. A Aix-la-Chapelle on the contrary, one of the organizers is remains purely in this role, which has probably reinforced the sense of neutrality of the organization team in the eyes of the citizens. But we see here the crucial question of the exact power of the organizers on the mini-public. The latter does not appear to be negligible since the latter fix, in agreement with the constituents, the list of stakeholders - it is-a-say in reality the list of interests - which may take the floor during deliberations. They also define the program of work, the intermediate questions, and can define the methodology used to aggregate the opinions. The real power to set the agenda is therefore between their hands, which begun strongly the independence of the activity of representation of participants. A situation that can be compounded if the agents also play the role of organizers. Specifically, it seems that a Poitiers certain interests particularly critical have not had a place in the debates. As well, a regional association of fight against the establishment of wind turbines has she not been invited during the discussion with the actors regionaux37. Of the same no intervener?"?officially?" on?criticism on the connection between global warming and human activity has been invited during the session with the three experts of the first weekend. A choice openly assumed by the constituents/organizers who argue that the purpose of the jury was not to discuss the problem of global warming but rather to assess the action already carried out and to propose new tracks (P4-1, 24:00 ; P5-1, 18:28). Even more critical was the fact that some stakeholders are at the same time constituents and organizers. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the situation seems to have been more clear, although the organizers had resorted - or rather have seen impose - some speakers by the institution principal. It can therefore be concluded that the control of the agenda by the organizers and facilitators is able to compromise the theoretical expectation of a renewed representation, without in so far as this is automatic.37Removing by the same any contradictory nature to the debate given that the other players were all three assets in the field of sustainable development and therefore little inclined to criticize the regional initiatives that were going in the direction of their interests.?267Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?2.2 .5ResultsIf one is now on the questions posed in the introduction of the reflection on the activity of representation in the two mini-public, one can draw the following balance sheet. A Aix-la-Chapelle as a Poitiers, it has been observed nor a pure mathematical defense of the interests of the constituents, nor a game of reciprocity reflexive nor even a single reconvergence of interests but a mixture of the three in the form of a definition of the general interest. The participants are entered into the world of complexity and have - guides by the hand - formula what they thought was the general interest taking into account not only their interests but also a maximum of other points of views sometimes divergent, of times even absent during the forum. In response to the question of the limitation of adverse effects of the professionalization of the political, we note well a position of independence vis-a-vis the interests in presence. If some are reflected in recommendations or are particularly put in before, it is because the participants are convinced of their legitimacy. In this framework, the expression jury seems to take all its meaning. Concerning the problem of the?Fraktionszwang, we can already note the propensity of participants to reject the policy develop an important agonistic and has to put in a long-term thinking. By report has the question of control of the political agenda and has the concomitant of the mandate, it has been observed that if the citizens have a strong inclination to exceed their original mandate and to interfere more forward in the agenda, the latter is, in the first instance fixed from the outside and is reflected by an imperative mandate. The efforts of the participants of the effects within the procedure but little has the outside.2.3A accountability satisfactory in the eyes of the actors2.3 .1Translation of expectationsWe have seen in chapter 3 that the authors supporters of the prize draw are genes by the question of the accountability of?ex post and?they put forward a form more diffuse accountability centered on the representative character?ex ante?of the sample as well as on the existence of a relationship between the members of the latter and the public opinion. Some authors argue for their part that the accountability is not necessary since the group drawn by lot?2682. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?Represents de facto the whole of the population and that the accountability would put its impartiality in game. To translate these expectations we will proceed in such a way as inductive in seeking what the actors of the two projects define them-even as theaccountability?in light in each case if it took place at Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers.2.3 .2a concept sum any classic of theaccountability"?What was different in relation to other forums where i rise of habit ... it was the character of invested members of the jury of citizens, to feel responsible for a mission that they had been entrusted and to which they had responded present virtually body and soul ... they had a copy has make and they felt responsible. In other forums such as the academic conferences, there is more to assert staff. The there was the determination to bring about a common work.???P4-1 (14:06).The empirical material gives a see that the actors of the two countries rely, against the theoretical expectations, on a classical concept of theaccountability?view as the accountability of representatives to their constituents objectives and subjective, by formal and informal means, with the possibility of sanctions and with an expectation of reciprocity.2.3.2 .1Accountable to constituents objectives and subjectiveThe citizens learned the fate have received in the two countries an official mandate from the hand of the commune and the region. Mandate endorsed by the signing of a commitment in the two countries that was the condition of payment of the compensation for participation. The campaign of interviews revealed that participants have also had the feeling to have to be accountable to the whole of their fellow citizens (P6-6-4, 51). An obligation of a moral nature based on the fact that they had the feeling of having been chosen to represent all the citizens of their city or region (cf. illustration 47, p. 245).2.3.2 .2by formal and informal ways of"?We are in the idea to be actors and full citizens, that is the impression that we have had and to be messengers also of other citizens.???(P6-9-1, 01:00).To fulfill this mission the participants reported having had several means at their disposal. First of all, they are supported on the report citizen who represented the document?269Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Official and public by which they responded to the mandate and rendered the formal accounts. The remit of the report at a ceremony remains in the two countries a key moment of the accountability process for all the actors. Such an event is an opportunity for the participants to terminate symbolically their work as representatives and to entrust the outcome of their deliberation to representative bodies classics just as much as has the whole of the public sphere (P3-3, 00:48). On a more informal, they took the initiative to make its accounts in the public sphere, including the press (P6-13). They finally have to most endorsed the role of multiplier in their entourage by a process of?personal accountability (A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 to P7-9, 10.1 a 11.5 ).2.3.2 .3with possibility of sanctionsIn a representative framework classic, the sanction of the accountability is the (non) -re-election. The participants in the two forums interpret as has them the notion of sanction in the form of the taken into account or not of their recommendations by the representative sphere traditional (A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 to P7-9, 7.1 and 7.2 ). They articulate that the whole exercise would be only a farce if the recommendations are not considered (P2-1 to P2-22, in particular the question 8).2.3.2 .4and reciprocal mannerUp to the present, it was therefore a kind of parallel between theaccountability?classic and the one in play during the mini-public. The empirical study leaves however show a significant difference since the representatives learned the fate who are accountable to their constituents elected by vote, are expecting a?"?return ofaccountability?"?on the part of the latter. It is-a-say that they continually stress the importance that has for them the fact that the commune of Aix-la-Chapelle and the Regional Council of Poitou-Charentes meet their recommendations. This expectation is shared by the players who have put in place the experiments in the purpose, among others, to fulfill their own obligation ofaccountability. It is the final in the presence of a interactive design and reciprocal accountability. The latter is all of the same discount in question by the opponents was the establishment of the jury of citizens and of the?Planungszelle, who deny - as we shall see later - the legitimacy of same sorpresentants and by way of consequence their capacity and their ability to render accounts.?2702. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?2.3 .3ResultsThe empirical investigation therefore tends to show that accountability has the implementation at the two mini-public is of classic form with a character innovative interactive. The expectations of the theory therefore do not appear from this point of view totally realized.3. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?The texts studied in the chapter three of which contain expectations very enthusiastic in the area of political participation. The draw should allow a participation of all (3.1 ), mobilizing the skills citizens (3.2 ) and initiating a process of empowerment?(3.3 ), while giving each citizen the chance to become the decisive voter (3.4 ). Now we will see what he has been has Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers.3.1All and not everyone: "We have a small end of the world to our table "383.1 .1Translation of expectationsThe authors supporters of the draw argue that the participation of more and more low of citizens by the conventional channels is greatly due to the fact that the latter are not interesting from a utilitarian view. They bet that the use of the draw would give a real power to the citizens and would reverse the calculation. What has he been has Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers? How was the recruitment process? What were the motivations to participate or to refuse? The retribution of participating citizens has she been a decisive factor in their participation? What were the barriers and professional family has overcome? Who was absent? A second expectation of theorists is that the drawing would broaden the participation has new circles and would result in a redefinition of the boundaries of citizenship. What has he been in the two countries?38Presentation of citizens by themselves during the first unit of work has Poitiers (P1-1, 14).271Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?3.1 .2why citizens participate?3.1.2 .1The subject, the model, the Context"?Was hat Sie letztendlich zur Teilnahme bewegt??" On "?Das Thema Mull Schon, aber das Verfahren nicht wirklich. Das ist eher ein allgemeines Interested year die Kommunalpolitik.???HAS2-10 (01:00)."?And finally why you participated? Rather because of the subject or rather because of the model?????The subject. But also the context, that we are being asked as simple citizens.???P3-10 (0:35).The issue of motivations has the participation has been an issue detached as well during the two forums that during the campaign of interviews: most of the German citizens of the first and second?Planungszellen?(respectively 13 and 18 people) have said be here because they are interested primarily in the subject, against 8 and 3 who said to be interested mainly in the process (A1-1, 36-51 and 54-57). In France, most of the participants justified their presence as much because of the subject that the model (P6-6-1, 1). The analysis of the interviews helps to clarify a little this attitude. Number of respondents report that the decisive factor in their participation has been the subject, which was a concern of private order. But the vast majority added quickly that the model, i.e. for most the opportunity to give its opinion, has also weighed in the balance. Finally, for some, the political context has been important. A Aix-la-Chapelle the timeliness of a referendum on popular initiative directed against a project of the municipal council has been able to play a role39. A Poitiers, it seems obvious that the fact that S??Gol?¨ne Royal is chairperson of the Region has motivated some participants to take part, whether that be in a optical of support or criticism (P3-1, 43:00 ; P5-1, 01:02 AM:30).3.1.2 .2False obstacles and real incentivesThe theorists of the draw in politics are, for the most of the opinion that the participation should be remunerated, to compensate the work, give a symbolic character has the participation, expressing the gratitude of the community but also to motivate certain occupational categories. If we are to believe the persons interviewed, these three elements39It was the construction of a museum in the city center, near the historic dome. During the?Planungszellen?and interviews, the voting, which was held in December 2006, was still in the minds.2723. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?Are combined has Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers. Most consider that the sum received is compensation justified and that it plays a role of symbolic recognition of the work done. In their majority, the citizens also feel that the money can motivate the poorest, the most wealthy and most young people to take part. On the other hand nobody said have been motivated primarily by the argent40. This opinion is found very widely shared by all stakeholders, politicians and organisateurs41. Contrary to what one might think, the obstacles professionals have not seemed hinder many participants. This is explained in part by the proportion of pensioners and members of the liberal professions, although the latter have stressed the constraint imposed after the fact by the participation in order to catch up the backlog (A2-1, 03:49 AM ; A2-2, 06:12). However, even the employees and the workers were able to free themselves for the time of the sessions without too much difficulty (P3-3, 01:30). The family obligations have posed a problem for the young mothers (P3-18, 03:30) but they are reached has to arrange with family or has to organize grace to reimbursement of the custody of the children by the forum organizer. On the other hand, it is surprising to note that a number of participants had the feeling that their entourage was, before the participation, more skeptical that them-even on the model (P3-4, 01:32).3.1 .3The absent and the abandonments3.1.3 .1The question without real answerA Aix-la-Chapelle, 1200 invitation have summers sent (A1-1, 6) and have helped to recruit 96 participants. A Poitiers it took nearly 1500 phone calls to bring together 26 participants (P1-1, 14). These rates of return are certainly better than those observed in other types of proceedings as the polls or questionnaires, they nevertheless remain weak. It is very far from the expectation of a massive participation of the population: the offer of participation is not sufficient to create the request. Beyond this finding, it should be of interest to those who are absent. We have seen previously that the foreigners, the more young and the PCS lower and40The two interviewees who were unemployed during the mini-public have not differed on this point. See A2-18 (05:30) and P3-5 (07:10).41See A3-3 (03:40) :?"?Wenn das nicht der Fall ware, wurden vi?¨le absagen. Dann hatte man: 'I ride with reprasentativen Querschnitt, weil die Leute sehr wenig saying goes haben oder ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Arbeit sehr angewiesen sind, wurden absagen.???Or P4-4 (10:45) :?"For?me it is essential ... ] It must be the means and it is necessary that people be compensated. It is like someone who participates has a jury of assize.??273Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Above were - particularly has Aix-la-Chapelle - under-represented. In the two experiments which we are interested, it is very difficult to speculate on the reasons general having pushed the citizens refused to participate. And we will have to leave this question largely unanswered. A few elements have however could not be gleaned during the recruitment has Poitiers (P5-3, 36:37). The reason most often given was the advanced age or a reduced mobility. In second place came from reasons of availability. The organizers say that they have had virtually no refusal based on a rejection of the model or of the subject. They also found that few individuals are backed out after a first positive reaction.3.1.3 .2Bit of abandonsThis is also a central finding in the two countries. Once the citizens have given their agreement, they tend to come and stay. In both forums, and therefore on the 124 participants recruited, there were only five drop-outs (including two just before and three during), all for reasons of health or urgent family (two deaths, a work accident, two diseases). Further note that a participant non-German-speaking has Aix-la-Chapelle who wanted to abandon has finally been able to continue grace in through his daughter who has played the role of translator.3.1 .4ResultsThe empirical material therefore delivers a mixed picture which do partly satisfied the theoretical expectations. On one side it has not?"?all?" on?the citizens, and it is not known why the absent Not participating: the offer of participation is not sufficient to create the request. On the other hand, when the citizens respond, they are enthusiastic and did not abandon more the approach; they do not seem in addition not refuse by principle the participation has a mini-public.3.2" The opinion of Mr. all-the-world" ?423.2 .1Translation of expectationsIt was pointed out that the authors of the corpus theoretical defend a new definition of citizen competence, characterized by its multidimensional nature, relative and dyna42P2-22, 8:?"?The opinion has the merit to exist, to be apolitical and is the reflection of a neutral jury and popular, the opinion of Mr. all-the-world.??2743. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?Economic. These expectations can be translated in the following manner: what knowledge the citizens have they mobilized during the two forums? Was it a knowledge of use or the participants-they rather fact call has a citizen expertise and/or technical? And what has been their report to stakeholders: Have they had recourse to a critical competence vis-a-vis the experts? And how the different actors have-they judge the competence of members of the group?3.2 .2lovers of policy, at Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers"?I have a little boy who prepared the business of plumber, I thought he could turn to the new energies, but today it is still studying the plumbing of grand-papa!???(P6-6-1, 12)."?Without having the scientific knowledge, everyone has at least the competencies conferred upon his experience in an area or the other.???(P7-6, 6.3 ).The citizens are mobilizing as well the register of the good sense and knowledge of use that the more technical and critical of the citizen expertise, what is noted in the plenary sessions but also during the small groups: the personal experience provides the basis for a question, given the weight has an argument later, launched a discussion which then becomes more generale43. The analysis of a session of questions in each of the forums will illustrate this connection. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the work unit eight was devoted was the regional incinerator. The participants of the group three have asked 14 questions, and those of the group four were asking 25. Among this set, 30 had to subject the incinerator itself. Nine of these dealt more specifically its technical operation, nine had for object the composition and the nature of the waste treated, four were concentrated on the question of costs and tariffs, four addressed the report between the incinerator and its environment, four finally were relative to the rate of filling, theme particularly sensitive has Aix-la-Chapelle44. Among the remaining issues, seven had to object of broader topics concerning waste in gene43SeeFor example A2-17 (50:30) :?"?War die Alltagliche Erfahrung it??" On "?Ja, ich glaube Schon, dass es zunachst poorly ein wichtiges Argument war.?" ON?Poitiers see for example P3-4 (37:30) :?"?Thou hast used thy own experience during the discussions??" On "?Yes, I saw what i was doing and what I could do. Yes, personal stuff. The experience ... there is nothing better than the experience.??44In effect the construction of an incinerator if large for the single city of Aix-la-Chapelle was the opportunity for a broad debate, regarding his employment and especially of the suspicions of corruption.275Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?RAL and the question of the yellow bag (five questions) and two concerned the waste policy has Aix-la-Chapelle. Finally two questions were of nature personnelle45.A Poitiers we can take the first session of questions in the presence of defects-regional presidents responsible for the environment and for participatory democracy. The citizens have asked a total of 14 questions, of which seven were the policy against global warming, three involved participatory democracy, three a field even more general and a was of nature personnelle46. This example is representative of the whole of the working sessions and shows that the balance is tipped pretty clearly on the side of the generality. If the citizens are mobilizing their own experience in the formulation of their questions, these relate most often on the subject of technical manner and general. The citizens are also particularly attentive and sensitive to the comments of stakeholders. They are evidence of a critical sense very pushed and if they are of the opinion that the stakeholders should not and cannot in all ways not remain completely neutral, they do not hesitate to put in the wrong position, a claim of additional digits, has asked questions that hinder (A3-4, 9:50 PM ; P3-2, 23:26). This impression is also that that leave the citizens among stakeholders and politicians who have participated in two forums, even when the latter criticize the procedure itself or bring into doubt the possibility for citizens to deal with such a problem in so little time (A3-2, 01:15 AM or A3-5, 09:14 AM ; P4-2, 12:16 AM and 12:41).3.2 .3" not competent, but responsible"Participant 1 (P1):?"?I think it is a little incompetent; we had an information that the regional council; we need conflicting advice.???P2:?"?we are being asked to be novice not competent, we are asked to have a next citizen.???P3:?"?We are competent; if we were not then democracy would have no45A1-2 (108-112) :?"?or do I throw my paper has bubble??" On "?What happens if I do not sort???46A question of the first category was for example:?"?That fact the region to raise awareness among children???, Of the second:?"?Is there a follow-up to the money spent in the framework of the GLP?"?and the third?"?What would happen if i chauffais to wood????(P1-1, 36-37).?276Illustration 55: a participant has Poitiers, working on?"?the climate crisis?" on.3. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?Meaning; it is because the citizen is competent that it can vote ; but we do not have any the environmental knowledge.???P4:"?I replace competent by responsible, it is not competent but it is responsible.???(P6-3, 4).A more particular attention has the whole empirical material pushes however has relativize the first impression. First of all, the citizens do not feel capable of mastering all the elements in play. They often emphasize the limits of their competence during the forum, in particular when the discussions are to develop, in plenary, on the meaning and the limits of the approach. This process of frustration by report has the procedure and the subject reached its climax at the end of the second day of work. The participants are asking for figures, are discussing the interest of their presence and the tension mounted. The animators accustomed to the process cannot be fooled yet not impress by this development that they know as?"?the frustration of the Tuesday?" on?and which corresponds to the awareness on the part of participants of the limits of the procedure and the mandat47. In the French case, the participants are of the opinion that they cannot conduct an evaluation of public policy, in all cases not within the framework which was propose48. In both cases, however, the citizens are a posteriori satisfied by their work and the notice that they have produced and they consider as sufficiently good to be rendered to their principal and serve as a basis for policy publique49. Another limitation is the fact of the presenters. The latter often stress to the participants that their role is that of?"?ordinary citizens?" on, and that is not expected of them a technical opinion but an opinion citizen. They sometimes cut short has requests for additional information and regulate the field of jurisdiction citoyenne50. Finally, stakeholders felt that the participants are interested, motivated, serious but question their character of experts. They recognize their capacity to produce an opinion47The name comes from the German organizers who in the conduct of the Planungszelle which usually begins a Monday.48P6-6-4 (50) :?"?Michel, Jean and me-same, as citizens' juries, we have had the impression of not having enough explanation. There has been the impression of not having enough data, and not be in ability to assess the investment of the region on the annual budget.??49 (A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 to P7-9, 7.1 and 7.2 )50A1-1 (64): participant 1 (P1):?"?I want the figures, we do not have enough?". Facilitator 1 (A1) :?"?No, not of numbers, you have done enough in head and thirty years of experience have shown that this does serves has nothing?" on. P2:?"?How can I work without numbers???. A1 responds:?"?You are not experts but experts-citizens, you have been drawn and are the only for 4 days.??277Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Of enlightened amateurs, based on their daily experience51 and are sometimes jealous of the chance they have to receive such a diversity of information diverse and specialized (A3-4, 26:40).3.2 .4ResultsThe empirical study allows to conclude that the theoretical expectations in terms of jurisdiction are widely carried out. The citizens are mobilizing a large diversity of knowledge, font call has their own knowledge and has their experience as the basis of their argument but also has registers more technical. They also adopt a modest position vis-a-vis their own jurisdiction which they consider as relative and limited ; but sufficient to render an opinion and responsible citizen. So they look like well has these amateurs of policy that the authors refer to their wishes.3.3The empowerment of citizens3.3 .1Translation of expectationsFor most of the supporters of the draw in politics, participation has a forum such as the?Planungszelle?or the jury of citizens would constitute a school practice of politics and democracy, having at minimum learning effects but which could also be the spark of the awakening has the citizen life. We will begin by analysing the gain of knowledge (Fachkompetenzen). Specifically, is it past of a speech?"?layman?" on?a speech?"?technical?" on?and there has been case has a raise in generality? The citizens have they changed their opinion during the process? Beyond these knowledge, have they acquired?Handlungskompetenzen, that is to say the social skills and policies? In one case as in the other, what happened after the participation? The citizens have they acted differently just after the mini-public? And in the medium term? Were they used as a multiplier to change? All citizens have they benefited from the empowerment or has there been of inequalities?51See, for example, A3-10 (11:53) :?"?Man hat schon bemerkt, dass sie sich mit dem Thema beschaftigt haben und auch ihre alltagliche velocity Erfahrung haben.???For Poitiers see P4-2-2 (03:41) :?"?Is it that you would say the citizens are competent??" On "?Non-this is not the way that it must be said, they are concerned, it affects their daily lives.??2783. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?3.3 .2The gain of knowledge (Fachkompetenzen)3.3.2 .1"?MVA?", "?KAG-NRW?" and "?Grund- und Zusatzgebühr?" on one side, "VMC", "Prev" and "energy autonomy" of the other52"?Infolge der Modernisierung wird nach dem KAG-NRW und nach LAbfG proportional, Typengenau, kosten-deckend gearbeitet und der Wirklichkeits- und Wahr-scheinlichkeitsmasstab eingehalten. Soziale Staffelung, fehlende Gefasgrosen, Mindestentleerung und die Pflicht-Bio-Tonne fallen bei der Modernisierung weg.???(A5-5, 86)."?You had the impression of being able to act and intervene in the beginning??" On "?not at the beginning. Then yes, I have equated not evil of questions. And after we can ask a few questions. But at the beginning it was rather interest has to listen.???(P3-4, 36:00).If it was noted previously that the citizens are mobilizing a whole palette of registers in their interventions and of their discussions, it is undeniable that the mark between the first and the last day a trend has the mastery of more and more important issues and of the topic. We note that the citizens are appropriating little has little technical terms employed by the stakeholders. They begin by do not understand, ask for clarification and details. And then reuse the day after these data for new questions, and even to challenge the arguments employed by a new intervenant53. There is also a slight tendency has the rise in generality. The notes taken during the observation show that the general discussions appear frequently that this is when small groups of work or during the plenieres54. This rise seems to culminate in the two forums the last day at the time or the participants are the record of their work before they put it in the drafting of the final recommendations. For example, a Poitiers undertakes a discussion on of52AllThese terms are present in the recommendations of citizens and have emerged during the presentations of the speakers before that participants will do the retrieve. In the order found the?Mullverbrennungsanlage?(MVA?- incinerator), the?Kreiswirtschaftabfallgesetz des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen?(KAG-NRW?- Act on the cyclical economy of waste of the Land of North Rhine-westphalia ), mechanical ventilation controlled (VMC) and the regional plan energy climate (PREC).53See, for example, A1-1 (79) :?"?Sie sagen, dass die Prokopfgebuhr in Aachen niedrig ist. Aber gestern hat der Vortragende gezeigt, dass die Gebuhr im NRW Spiegel hoch ist, insbesondere im Vergleich mit Koln. Wie Sie erklaren das???54See for example the debate in a small group around the question?"?what system of census of waste is just and appropriate from the point of view of the producer of junk????(A1-2, 106). During the discussion, one participant intervenes:?"?The debate here is to know what is fair and what we want. These are two different things?". A second participant responds to this note and concludes?"?This would be a just solution but is not compatible with human nature?", what a third participant responds:?"?The justice that is good but too expensive.??279Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Representative democracy and the meaning of participatory democracy. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the format of animation leaves less place has such discussions, but these are reflected in the small groups (A1-2, 96-97).3.3.2 .2learning and change of opinion"?Ich war entsetzt vorher, dass eine Stadt 250 000euros as so ein Verfahren ausgibt. Sie hat eine Verwaltung und muss in der Lage stayed within Sichtpunkten zu betrachten. Ich habe nachher die Komplexitat of Themas gesehen und habe Dabei Temple bemerkt, dass die Verwaltung in gewissen befangen Sachen ist ... Ich habe aussi meine Aussage revidiert.???(A2-17, 03:45)."?I have learned things about the subject, on agrofuels, on the carbon sinks. Otherwise, I have begun to read on hydrogen.???(P3-2, 32:00).The gradual control of the topic past by learning. In both countries, the vast majority of citizens declared having?"?learned things?" on55 and feel more competent at the end of the forum. They also note that they know more now that their entourage. The gain of knowledge seems also result in changes of opinions. 73 Per Cent of participants in Germany, for instance say i have had a change of mind during the?Planungszellen. In their explanations they underline the fact that these changes are the result of the discussion and of the presentation of information and points of views varied.3.3 .3The gain of skills (Handlungskompetenzen)3.3.3 .1The learning of?soft skills"?Ich habe gelernt, dass Lobbies starkeren einen Einfluss auf Meinungsbildungsprozesse in der Bevolkerung haben, als ich dies zuvor hatte gedacht. Aus diesem Grund fand ich die stetig wechselnden Gruppen in der Planungszelle eine tolle Moglichkeit, das Aufkommen von " Alpha-Tieren " und Meinungsmachern zu unterbinden. Im Rahmen meiner beruflichen Tatigkeit setze ich aus o.g. Grunden wechselnde Teamkonstellationen ein und hinterfrage allgemein politische identifiable in hoherem Mase im Hinblick auf die oben genannten substitute.???(A6-5, 12.1 ).55The answer has the corresponding issue of the survey later gave 94% yes and 6% of no opinion. Cf. A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE (12.1 ) and P7-1 P7-9 (12.1 ):?"?Have you learned things during the jury???. The interviews involved very largely the same opinion.2803. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?Beyond the thematic knowledge, the participants declare having acquired social skills. Most of the people interviewed said as well having learned the group work, the deliberative discussion, listening to different opinions. Some participants use the same techniques of group discussion and deliberation in their professional life after the forum. Some have the feeling that the participation their has also allowed us to see the world, to?"?get out of [their shell?"?(P3-2, 03:00).3.3.3 .2multipliers Enthusiastic"?During these days of work which have been intense enough, we have been quite close to each other by report has this subject-the. It seems to me unfortunate that one is left and that we parte all in the nature and that we were lost from sight. I would have liked, for those who want, that there be a list of our names, addresses and where you can join, our centers of interest, or even our experiences in this area. It is a little silly that there be at least one who seeks people competent to do something when one of us has done, etc. It is a start of a network to combat global warming.???(A6-6-4, 35).Once out of the bubble deliberative, participants return to their life of all days but are still marked by the experience not only on the short-term but also in the medium and even long term. Between the working sessions and just after the forum, they say they have spoken with their entourage of the subject to inform (A2-10, 35:30), to argue, to?"?remove the arguments of coffee trade?" on?which circulate but also to convince others to change their behavior (P3-3, 02:40). Two and three years after, they say be still influenced by the experience in their daily lives. They act otherwise, font more attention to the waste they produce, has the energy they consume: a participant has Poitiers installed same photovoltaic panels was the result of the jury, another a pump has chaleur56. The interviews reveal that the deliberative experience in itself marked a good part of the citizens. Capacitate is undeniable.3.3.3 .3an awakening to the paradoxical policy?"?The fact of working with people?"?ordinary?"?on a complex question and produce a result demonstrates the potential of compe56AAdditional index of this?empowerment?is the rate of return in the inquiry posterior, which is substantially higher than the figures recorded in the comparable procedures. A Poitiers it is mounted has 36% and has Aix-la-Chapelle has 40 %, although these figures must be themselves considered with caution.281Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Democratic coexistence that conceals the people. This makes it even more unfair confiscation of power by the policies.???(P7-2, 10.4 )."?Manchmal, muss ich sagen, ich wunsche mir eine Planungszelle fur die Politiker mit vielleicht eine aus When Politiker und Burgern. Da wurde man ein bisschen mehr Verstandnis fur handle identifiable der Politiker haben.???(A2-16, 01:08 AM:30).For a good part of the theorists, the employment of the draw in policy would have as effect to contribute to re-enchant the traditional policy. The empirical material book on this point an image rather contrasting color. On one side, the citizens are convinced that the model is good, that it allows you to fight against a crisis of representative democracy which they agree to say that it is preoccupante57. A Aix-la-Chapelle 100% of the respondents in the final questionnaire declare that they would advise has their entourage to take part in such an experience. In Poitou-Charentes , the participation also seems to have had a positive effect on the participants' opinion toward the regional majority. Six of the eight respondents in the inquiry declare posterior as well as the jury has influence their vote in the regional elections of March 2010. In contrast, none of the ten respondents Germans do said have been influenced for the elections to the parliament of North Rhine-westphalia . For a part of them, the?Planungszelle?has even become disenchanted yet a little more the policy traditionnelle58. That is the feeling that emerges from the other questions of the survey. The confidence in the elected representatives do not change (9 replies) or even decreased (4 responses), the impression that the policy is in ability to change things follows the same direction and confidence in the policy in general stagnated (12 replies on 18). In addition, if the participation pushes the citizens to act differently in the life of all days, their political behavior does not seem very affected by the experience. In France, the political effect seems however widely more positif59.3.3 .4of the " earth which makes noise" to the "citizens who are deliberating "60"?The strength of the group is undeniable. By his number it generates conflicting ideas which derives from an idea consensual.???(P7-6, 2.2 ).57See also infra 4.2.2.1 (p. 292) and 4.3.3.1 (p. 303).58Cf. the emphasized or A6-9 (13.4 ):?"?Meine Meinung von der Politik war nie besonders hoch. Pound Veranstaltung hat meine Meinung hochstens etwas weiter negativ beeinflusst.??59For example P3-1 (43:15) :?"?Thou hast changed thy political opinions or on the contrary confirmed ...?" On "?confirmed!?"Unknown"?in what sense??"Unknown"?in the sense in which these ideas are very very good. What are the reliable projects and the jury has enabled us to confirm the viability of these projects.??60 To resume the image used by Barber (1984, 154-155) cited in chapter 3 (note 103, p. 153).2823. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?"?About this document of individual opinion, I find that it is unnecessary.???(P6-6-4, 14)61.The participatory observation, the whole interviews, as well as the results presented so far allow to move forward that the deliberative process strengthened among the participants the feeling to feel citizens and actors in their environment. We attended really has the creation of a community that the notice citizen - which as we have seen it is powerfully concentrated around the idea of general interest - materialized. However, it cannot ensure that this feeling is caused by the mere participation in the forum and on the contrary, it appears that certain additional conditions are necessary (cf. infra, 4.1 , p. 285 et seq. ).3.3 .5ResultsThe empirical study shows clearly that the citizens have won not only technical skills but also broader competencies that influence their capacity to act, in the same framework of the subject matter (waste, the environment) or more widely (social and emotional skills). The participants are the multipliers of their deliberations and recommendations, they are trying to act accordingly, even on the medium term and experience the lasting mark. On all these points, the theoretical expectations are fully satisfied. On a point on the other hand we should rather conclude has a reversal since neither the?Planungszellen?nor the jury of citizens have been the place of a unique enchantment of the traditional policy.3.4Become the decisive voter: The power of individual citizens3.4 .1Translation of expectationsUnlike the previous expectations concerning the creation of a political community consensus, an important part of the authors that we have studied are hoping for the employment of the draw the increase of the individual power of each citizen. Translate this assumption led has two questions: what was the weight of each citizen in the opinion citizen? And on the final decision taken by the institution?61Reaction of a participant has the presentation of a table summarizing the individual positions of the citizens on the three questions posed by the region.283Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?3.4 .2" All the world has been able to give its opinion""?Sindh went zur Wort gekommen??" On "?Ja, auf Karel Schwarzenberg will take part Fall?" on "?Wurde darauf aufgepasst, oder hat es sich ergeben??? "?Nein, es wurde aufgepasst?? ??Und hat deine Meinung gezahlt??" On "?Ja sicher.???(A2-16, 32:30)."?There was a little of all the world. There was X which is very well, which is a brain?" on "Thou hast felt that thou tutored elementary something by report has him??" "?Yes, he is scientific and we it is the everyday life. It is a complement. For example, the small Y she has made his youth?"?...?"?and all the opinions have account??? "?Ah yes, the whole world has been able to give its opinion.???(P3-4, 12:30 PM and 29:50).Almost all participants interviewed reported having had the opportunity to express themselves in the small groups and consider their opinion has account. They are certainly in front of the distortions of the ideal conditions of deliberation (cf. infra, 4.2.2.2 , p. 293) but none of them said have been ignored. In addition, they have the feeling of having made their own competence to travail62. Finally if you look at the votes intermediaries, for example has Aix-la-Chapelle, those outlined below reflect individual opinions aggregated. The same applies to the notice of the French citizens on the measures taken by the Region and presented at the start of the second session. Some opinions pass through even the ordeal of the deliberation virtually such what. As well, participants has Aix-la-Chapelle put in before the problem of wild waste (120 points on 385) of the second unit of work before even having been informed on this subject and this point is found prominently in a large part of the plans of actions. In the final opinion however, the individual opinions, including dissenting, become extremely rare and it is the opinion of the working groups and drafting the last day which dominates. When the discount, this is the group that spoke. When we put the two mini-public in context, the opinion of each individual citizen has almost more weight and it is the collective opinion of the group that account. On this point, the theoretical expectation is therefore not carried out. This result is however the result of the formula mini-public seeking precisely to avoid the individual opinions.6213 OF 18 respondents in the inquiry later declare as well have brought their own expertise to the work of the group (A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 has P7-9).2843. Participate by the drawing and the deliberation?3.4 .3ResultsWithin the deliberative process, the citizens exercise their individual power. In contrast, the weight of each notice decreased very strongly at the macro level, when the opinion is drafted and submitted to the authorities agents. Because of this, these are rather the expectations of the group of authors who place the emphasis on deliberation which are carried out.4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?Unlike the previous expectations which was concentrated on the effects of the use of the draw on the participants, the expectations that we will now test revolve around the question of the relations between the mini-public and its context: are we witnessing a shift of power from elected representatives to the representatives learned the fate (4.1 ) ? What is the question of the legitimacy of the mini-public on the ground (4.2 ) ? And we can measure of collateral effects on society? If so, which ones (4.3 ) ?4.1Make the power to the people4.1 .1Translation of expectationsThe question of the transfer of power is too complex to be tested satisfactorily here. But we can translate the expectations concerning this field by means of two series of questions. First, it is to understand if the mini-public are the place of the policy as a matter of all: is it?"?the people?"?who has participated, or only an elite citizen? And the two forums have they fulfilled the expectations concerning the simplification of the policy? Secondly, what was the power of the citizens on the policy actually implemented? That have become the recommendations in the representative bodies traditional? How many of them have been accepted and for what reasons? The citoyenne has she been instrumentalized??285Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?4.1 .2The policy as a matter of all4.1.2 .1a people slightly biasedThe analysis of the representativeness of the participants through their political and social commitment allows you to judge if the people present was the one accustomed to power and if it was balanced in partisan terms. We note in both cases that there is a certain gap in the average. A Poitiers, supporters of the regional majority seem to have been made redundant (P1-1, 46; P3-6, 1:33). The interviews and the observation also reveal that the participants had, in their majority, an interest and a sensitivity to the issue of climate change before their participation. On the German side, it is rather a sensitivity for the communal policy which spring and a dissatisfaction vis-a-vis the waste policy, without being able to locate a distortion of partisan affiliations.The profile of commitment of the participants on the other hand is different from the national averages in France, as in Germany and the people who participated is slightly more politicized than the average (cf. illustration 56 p. 286). If such a state of fact is explained mainly by the voluntary nature of participation, it remains that the theoretical expectation which is carried out here is closest to the vision of a Burnheim and its advice to interested volunteers that from that of a?Citizen Legislature has?the Callenbach & Phillips.Non-memberMember of an associationMember of a party, of a municipal council or a?BürgerinitiativeMultiple AffiliationJury of citizens (N= 22)50 %32%5%13%France???%33%??4% (party) and ?? 0.3 % (councillor)??5 %Planungszellen (N= 89)41 %47%4%??8 %Germany?????%30 %~ 2.3 % (party) and ~ 3% municipal council or?Burgerinitiative??5 %Illustration 56: Activity socio-political of participants63.63Sources: the figures for the participants to the?Planungszellen?and the jury are derived from the evaluation questionnaire (P2-1 has P2-22 and A5-5, no. 94-96). For the associative commitment, the sources are the INSEE and the?Deutsches Institut fur Wirtschaftsforschung. Numbers preceded by ~ are personal estimates based on the referencing of information of political parties, the voluntary sector and of different official sources.?2864. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?4.1.2 .2simplification of the language policy"?I did not understand what was the expression in English: two-step flow of communication.?" On "?in the surveys of opinion, in the American studies in psychosociology, the opinion is not done like that. This is done in several steps, i.e. in several levels of communication. Some people quite influential are interested in a problem that they broadcast around them. This can be done only by the influence of intermediate persons.?" On "?at this moment, it might be the call relay of information.???(P6-6-4, 44)."?Es muss eine stringente Uberwachung ...?? "?Was bedeutet stringency washing? Konnen Sie Bollard es ins deutsche ubersetzen??"??Aussi stringency washing heist genaue Uberwachung.???(A1-1, 75).The participatory observation has given of the elements which are consistent in the sense of a relative simplification of political language. On one side the citizens often ask of translations of technical terms and complex during the deliberations, and their opinion is written in large part with the common terms. However, they did not hesitate to employ the technical expressions and scientific when it should. In addition, the opinion citizen is itself translates into legal measures which are as complex as usual. The simplification takes place but it is limited to the debates and has the opinion.4.1 .3The become of recommendations: The real power of the people drawn to the fate4.1.3 .1The heart of the recommendations implemented"?Dennoch war es letztendlich immer nur ein Ideensammeln und Meinungsaustausch und kein Beschluss.???(A6-2, 1.2 )."?The region has taken more than a year of study and explained why some recommendations have not been able to be followed and why others have been.???(P7-9, 8.3 ).A Aix-la-Chapelle, the opinion citizen translates in two documents: theAbfallwirtschaftssatzung?(stopped on the economy of waste, A5-8 -1) and theAbfallgebuhrensatzung?(stopped on the taxation of waste, HAS5-8 -2). To find out what the new rules were based on the recommendations citizens, we can resume the 10 elements of the action plans proposed by the citizens and see what they have become (illustration 57, p. 291). The conclusion is fairly?287Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Net: in all cases except one, the city has put in place the solution preferred by the majority (relative or absolute) of the participants. The only exception concerns the pace of lifting of the dustbin of residual waste, for which the citizens advocated a reduction in the rate. A Poitiers the situation is quite comparable. In the official response that the region has made the jury citizen, she resumed point by point the recommendations and declined its actions in the field concerned or expressed his reservations vis-a-vis the opinion of citizens (A6-12). The again, we can see that a large majority of the recommendations is accepted or that the measures already in place and judged as positive by the participants are maintained. Some proposals are also rejected but only on the basis of an argument.4.1.3 .2The symbolic power of the citoyenneBeyond the recommendations themselves, we can judge the authority of the citizen in is interesting to become of the opinion as a discursive object face which the actors must react. The empirical study reveals that no one player has been spared by the?"?citoyenne?"?and that all of them have, at one time or another, take a position. A part of them accepted completely the notice including critical recommendations and/or contrary to the beliefs propres64. This is the case of the regional majority and of the leadership of the service environment in Poitou-Charentes as well as?Grunen?has Aix-la-Chapelle65. Another part of the actors began by rejecting the instrument before to take up some of the results has their own account and to use the opinion as the basis for argument. This is what is observed in the case of the CDU and the FDP has Aix-la-Chapelle. While these two parties criticize the establishment of the model as serving the interests of politicking before and shortly after the forum, they will eventually resume the results has their account to criticize the policy of the coalition?Grunen/SPD66. A third pattern of positioning appears if one is interested in the regional opposition in Poitou-Charentes who without denigrating the model or its results in private (interviews) in minimizes the importance in public (P6-8 -2-1, 15). A last diagram is more suffered, it mainly affects the administrative services which64 Cf. for example the reaction of the president of the Poitou-Charentes region during the delivery of the opinion (P6-8 -2-1, 5) :?"?We are going to enter, we will say what we are potentially vulnerable, what also we cannot retain, to ensure, through this approach to citizenship, better keep our commitments.??65A3-10 (22:35) :?"?Und wenn die Ergebnisse die Idea der CDU unterstutzt??" On "?Das mussen wir akzeptieren und wir mussen few damit abfinden.??66See, for example, A1-1 (91) on the criticism of the procedure during the?Planungszellen. On the critical posterior see A3-8 (01:16 AM:00). Finally on the employment of subsequent results, see A5-6-7 (1-2).2884. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?Without having the freedom to express their views on the results of the process are obliged to apply the political decisions arising therefrom. However, they make up with this situation and seek in the opinion the proposals which can help facilitate their work (P4-1, 37:20 ; A6-11 -1). The empirical study thus shows clearly that, regardless of the positioning chosen or suffered by the actors, they are forced to react: the floor citizen acquires a great symbolic value. The latter is confirmed by the combined effect of the recommendations and of the decision-making: a Aix-la-Chapelle the problematic of household waste was under discussion for a decade and the?Abfallgebuhrensatzung?was changed each year without a substantive reform either realisee67. The?Planungszellen?have by their results and by the very fact of their establishment creates a new legal status and symbolic that the actors have taken into account and which they believe it will be difficult to deviate in the short terme68.4.1 .4ResultsThe jury of citizens as the?Planungszellen?are the opportunity of a transfer of power effective since the recommendations the most central of the participants are put in place by the constituent institutions that, in addition, are linked by the symbolic dimension of the word citizen. The latter creates a discursive balance sustainable and linked the institutional actors despite its nature officially optional.67The previous text dated from 1992 and was the 18th version in 2007.68 Cf. for example the opinion of one of the politicians:?"?Und wenn die Ergebnisse nicht umgesetzt werden, 'stellt 'es das Verfahren infrage??" On "?Ich halte es as unwahrscheinlich, dass die nicht umgesetzt werden?" on "?Warum??" On "?Ja, weil das politische?Setting?so ist, dass [now what belongs irgendeine Entscheidung getroffen werden muss. Da haben sich gone Beteiligten'?committed .Sie konnten sich nicht einigen, welche Entscheidung treffen sie wollten und [now what belongs gibt es ein Burgergutachten. Da kann ich mir nur schwer vorstellen, dass man ein grundsatzlich anderen Weg geht.???HAS3-1 (22:56).?289Action PlansN plans?The Abfallwirtschiftsatzung 12.10.2008 (AWS) and?Abfallgebuhrensatzung?of 01.01.2009 (AGS)(1) pace of lifted / residual wasteReduced PaceTwice per month5Dismissed in partAWS-§14-1: is possible but is not the standard. In addition no difference between center and peripheryTwo times per month on the outskirts and once a week in the center4Dismissed in partOnce a month1Adopted in partAWS-§14-1: for the dustbin of 60 LitersReduced Rate and possibility of increasing against paymentTwo times per month with the possibility of reducing a once2Dismissed in partCf. infraTwo times per month with the ability to increase was four times1Adopted in partOnce a month with the ability to increase has two times2Dismissed in partFour times per month with the possibility of reducing has twice1AdoptedAWS-§14-1: becomes the standardFree choice without overhead3Adopted in partAWS-§14-1: for the dustbin of 1100 liters(2) pace of lifted / organic wasteFormer paceOnce a week5AdoptedAWS-§14-1: the dustbin of organic waste is picked up each weekOther paceOnce a week in summer and twice a month in Winter4RejectedTwice per month4Free Choice3The center four or two times per month. In periphery one or two times per month1At the center once a week. In periphery twice per month1(3) pace of lifted / paperFixed RateOnce a month10AdoptedAWS-§14-1: the dustbin of paper waste is picked up once a monthTwice per month3Rejected or in part rejectedVariable RateFree choice without overhead3The center two or four times per month. In periphery one or two times per month1The center two times per month. In periphery once a month1Choice between two and four times per month1(4) Size of binsKeep the system (60/120/770/1100 liters)8AdoptedAWS-§11-4: the city provides the bins of 60, 120, 770 and 1100 litersAdd a dustbin of 240 liters2RejectedEliminate the dustbin of 770 liters1RejectedPair the size of bins at the pace of the lifted3RejectedDecouple the size of the dustbin of organic waste and paper to that of the dustbin of residual wasteNot to mention (means no)14In part adoptedAWS-§11-4: the size of the dustbin of organic waste is coupled to that of the dustbin of residual waste, the size of the paper bin is decoupledYes5(5) electronic identification systemAgainst15AdoptedAWS and AGS: not to mentionFor2RejectedNot to mention2-(6) allocation key of the taxA column8AdoptedAction Plans N plans?Abfallwirtschiftsatzung?of 12.10.2008 (AWS) and??the Abfallgebuhrensatzung01.01.2009 (AGS)AWS-§24 and AGS-§2: a single tax is levied to cover all the costs of the collection of household waste. There is, however, not to base taxA basic fee plus a column9In part adoptedTwo columns1RejectedThree columns0RejectedOther1Rejected(7) BulkyFree as before6Adopted in partAWS-§15 : In the city center, the bulky are picked up free on rendezvous. In the periphery, the collection is done once a month by appointment telephone.AGS-§1-4 and AGS-§2-3: it is possible to request a pickup express against a tax of 50 eurosFree as before but with an appointment by telephone3Adopted in partSurcharge for each removal5RejectedFree once a year only4Dismissed in partFree twice a year only1Dismissed in partMcs express against payment of 10 euros1Adopted in part(8) Full ServiceKeep the system (mandatory-fee to the center and possible-surcharge at the edge)10AdoptedAWS-§14-2: in the city center, the complete service is standard and surcharge but an exemption is possible. At the periphery, the service is possible against payment.The full service is not concerned that the bins of 120 liters or more in the center and of 770 liters or more in the periphery.Possibility to cancel the service in city center2AdoptedService to the city center remains fee but less expensive1RejectedFree Service everywhere1RejectedCompulsory and Free for the center and possible against tax elsewhere1RejectedCancel everywhere1Rejected(9) Inclusion of shoppingNo recommendation in this area9-§12-2: the shops are included in the taxYes8AdoptedNon1RejectedMore information is needed before deciding1Rejected(10) OtherPossibility to create?Entsorgungsgemeinschaften?("?community of jetage of junk?")3AdoptedAWS-§9Produce additional documentation for raising awareness of the sorting11Not to mentionReduce the tax rate for the people who produce less garbage* 69AdoptedAGS-§2-1: discount of 15EurosPut in place of the detectives of the waste to check bins (sorting and waste tourism)6Not to mentionIllustration 57: Aix-la-Chapelle. The recommendations of the citizens and their implementation.69This recommendation is not found in the final plans but in the vote of the unit of work 11. It is noted here that point because it has been put in place by the city.Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?4.2The mini-public and its environment: the question of legitimacy4.2 .1Translation of expectationsThe authors of the theory of democracy random consider that the body learned to the fate will draw down their legitimacy in a double source: the procedure and advertising. We can translate these expectations by three sets of questions, the first concerning the procedural legitimacy intrinsic: the prize draw is it seen as legitimate by the participants? The conditions for the proper deliberation are collected? And how the participants see their legitimacy? The second series of questions concerns the contextual aspect of the legitimacy: how organizers, stakeholders, politicians, and facilitators perceive the legitimacy of the two mini-public? What is the role of the concept of transparency? Finally third, how the?"?rest of the population?"?that is to say the non-participants as well as the?"?public sphere?" On?do they consider the juries and?Planungszellen?? What is the tone of the media discourse? In short, what is the relationship between mini-public and maxi-public?4.2 .2The intrinsic legitimacy4.2.2 .1The mini-public and the draw as procedures"?From the moment it is considered that all citizens are equal (principle of democracy) we must also admit that any which can occupy any function - the draw is therefore legitimate.???(P7-2, 15.2 ).The vast majority of participants considered the procedure of mini-public as legitimate (A6 and P7, 5.1 has 5.3 ). More concretely, the German citizens consider that the use of the model is legitimate because all citizens are affected by the problem of waste and that it is therefore normal to ask them what they think: it is in the framework of the?Betroffenheit70. A Poitiers, the legitimacy of the model is designed in more general terms of opportunity to consult the citizens in a democracy (cf. highlights) although some participate70Cf.For example A6-6 (5.2 ) :?"?Mull is connected im Erfahrungsbereich relies on Burgers, so dass yesterday durchaus eine Meinungsbildung und sinnvoll ist moglich.??2924. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?Participants noted that too vast a subject may harm has this legitimacy. Similarly, the optional value of recommendations is sometimes seen as a limit: to questions 14.8 and 14.9 of the survey later, a not insignificant part of respondents consider that the?Planungszelle?could and should be used in a more formal framework in order to ensure a legal legitimacy (A6-2, 14.8 ). Concerning the legitimacy of the draw itself, people seem to have in the two countries the same intellectual development. They begin by declaring that it is the instrument theoretically very satisfactory because it allows you to put together a heterogeneous group of participants. They note, however, that the optional nature of the participation created a hiatus between principle and reality: those who accept to participate have a particular profile and are not perfectly representative of the population as a whole. Despite this limitation, the draw remains the?"?least worst?" on?solutions to choose of citizens during mini-public and the procedure is therefore legitime71.4.2.2 .2The conditions for the proper deliberationThe heart of the procedural legitimacy resides for a large part of theorists in the torque draw + deliberation. This last must however satisfy conditions of quality that we will focus. Six items match to establish that the two forums have been satisfactory from this point of view. First of all, they left place has a diversity of opinions regarding the problems under discussion. We cannot talk about unilateral information. Then, the program of work alternating information and deliberation, work in large and small group, discussion time and aggregation of opinions is the sign of a deliberation of quality. The participatory observation has delivered the results very clear on the matter. The discussions in small groups have been in the two countries marked by an egalitarian distribution of speaking time and by the opportunity for each participant to manifest themselves to give his opinion, process maintained so aware in the form of reminders, of specific issues, of revolutions of tables before the drafting of the elements has reporter in the sessions plenieres72. These latter have naturally leaves more room has of phe71SeeFor example A2-14 (08:00) :?"?Das Prinzip ist schon in Ordnung. Aber nur jeder zehnte hat sich bereiterklart und das fuhrt das Prinzip ad absurdum ', weil sich nur diejenigen gemeldet haben, die Interested tatsachlich haben.???AND A2-1 (08:29) :?"?Ich halte es fur die beste met Art einen reprasentativen Download This From zu bekommen. Man kann zwingen, aber das wurde das Verfahren grundsatzlich andern. Unter den aktuellen Bedingungen ist das die einzige Moglichkeit.??72See, for example, A1-2 (96-99) or A2-2 (25:14) for Germany and P1-1 (58) or P3-4 (29:30) for France. See also the illustration 51 p. 255.293Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Elec? tronic of monopolization of the floor and this despite the efforts of the animation to the curb. However, this does not seem to have gene the other participants who feel the?"?ringleaders?"?as useful for advancing the discussion and ask questions critiques73. The two mini-public have also combined deliberation and aggregation in such a way as to leave room for the individual opinions while giving a priority to collective formulations. From the point of view of transparency procedural,?Planungszellen?as the jury of citizens seem satisfactory: the two forums were the results open and are proven using reflex that is-a-say that the participants have been able to criticize the procedure and influence the course.The whole of these observations must however be relativized by the taking into account of three points more controversial. First of all because, as we had the opportunity to see, there are the ringleaders who can influence the course of the deliberation. Then, because when it comes to draft and write, the hierarchies of education appear to emerge. This phenomenon is more marked in France or the drafting is more?"?literary?" on74 and less visible in Germany, or a greater part of the training of the collective opinion is done by aggregation of individual votes and or the drafting is done by the animation team. Finally, in each of the two cases, the choice of stakeholders was able to play a role limiting the diversity of points of views: Aix-la-Chapelle, the citizens have had no ability to influence the agenda concerning the stakeholders. A Poitiers, they have certainly had that opportunity and have used, but the scheduled speakers were less porters of conflicting interests.4.2.2 .3the right decision as the key to legitimacy"?Den Ratsmitglieder und den "sachkundigen Burgern" of zustandigen Ausschusses standen die vielfaltigen Informationen nicht zur Verfugung.???(A6-1, 5.2 ).The empirical material has left appear a third source of procedural legitimacy, under-estimated by the theorists: it seems that the participants are very aware that they do not have legitimacy elective and that their opportunities for accountability are very limited since they are not formally judges on their acts by the rest of the constituents73 Cf. for example P3-1 (23:41) :?"?Are there any dominant persons in the group??" "?Yes?" "?And you think what??" On "?It is well precisely, ca allows you to lead and influence the rest of the group.??74See for example the opinion of one of the organizers (P5-1, 29:04) :?"?Thinkest thou that everyone can participate in the group??" On "?Non, on participation in the drafting of the opinion, not. It was totally uneven. There are people who listened but who have not produced.???See also P3-6 (50:45) for the opinion of a participant.?2944. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?But also because their recommendations are optional. In order to get around this limit, they are doing everything to put in before a new source of legitimacy based on the formulation of good recommendations. As well, they claim to have worked by taking into account all the interests, in having discussed the set of subjects, after having weighed the advantages and disadvantages of each solution. They have, they say, taken into account the general interest.4.2 .3The legitimacy in context4.2.3 .1Mini-public and maxi-public"?Die Berichterstattung der Idea und die Durchfuhrung der PZ waren in den Medien prasent. Weiterhin habe ich mit einigen Beteiligten'wahrend of Verlaufs der PZ gesprochen und festgestellt, dass auch sie als Multiplikatoren tatig Waren und Freunden, Bekannten und Kollegen von dieser Arbeit erzahlt haben.???(A6-5, 4.1 ).The empirical study shows that the two mini-public were present in the public sphere has three times and through as many channels, but that this presence has been modest. Before the start of the forum, the municipal government of Aix-la-Chapelle and the parties in the coalition have presented has the press the establishment of the?Planungszelle?(A5-6-1 and A5-6 -2).?During the two times four days,?Planungszellen?were supposed to work a camera, plan foiled by the participants of the first group who had invited the first day a journaliste75. Finally, the discount in February 2008, has also caused the interest of the local press and there are nearly a dozen articles on the subject, and one is the critical testimony of one of the participants. A Poitiers, the treatment of the jury by the press has also been mainly concentrated around the discount, the also with an article in the form of testimony from one of the participants the most critical vis-a-vis the procedure. The audiovisual press and radio does not seem to be interested at no time to the subject. We must therefore conclude that the interest of the media is rather limited and that the theoretical waiting on this point is little performed. This lack of interest of the conventional media could be offset by a wide dissemination of the citoyenne itself, i.e. the citizen report. The further the empirical study rather tends to show that the diffusion remains confidential: the German report was pulled has75A1-1, (72). This event has been highly discussed during the first week. The organizers for the presence of a journalist was a danger vis-a-vis the confidentiality of discussions. For the citizens on the contrary a guarantee of transparency and publicity of the process.295Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?500 Copies, for most distributed during the awards ceremony, the French report has been copied and distributed mainly to the participants, and of journalists. If the two texts were accessible on the internet on the short term, this has not been the case in the medium term. Concerning on the other hand, the publicity through the multipliers, we can without hesitation move that the exercise has been a success (cf. p. 281 et seq. ). Overall, therefore, the relationship between mini-public and maxi-public is rather held in the two empirical terrain. This state of affairs is problematic if one takes into account that the citizens surveyed based part of their legitimacy precisely on advertising their travaux76.4.2.3 .2citizens and politiciansA shared distrust"?Es ist interesting aber man sollte keine falsche Erwartungen wecken. Es ist ganz klar Empfehlungen und es gibt gute Grunde, warum man nicht davon went realisiert.???(A3-8, 02:30)."?What offends me about me this is the word jury who has a legal connotation and I think that the citizens must judge their elected and the sanction by the elections. It is in a democracy and the strong expression of democracy, it is the election. In a country where the rate of abstention mounted seriously, I think that give the illusion that democracy can express otherwise it is encouraging in my opinion the abstention at the elections.???(P4-2, 00:29).The mistrust of the participants vis-a-vis the politicians that the one observed previously is not unilateral, since a part of the political actors is also skeptical about the legitimacy of the company participatory. In Germany, this distrust is presented in the same row of the supporters of the project (cf. the statement of a member of the green party who had launched the model highlights). In his speech of introduction during the first working session, the representative of the SPD certainly justifies the use of the model by the need to associate earlier and more often the citizens in the process of public decision-making (A1-1, 41) ; it emphasized however do not make a blind trust to the modele77. This position is76A2-19 (43:20) :?"?In die Offentlichkeit zu treten ist das einzige auf der Hand durch pound Planungszelle. Man trifft VERBINDLICHE ZOLLTARIFAUSKUENFTE " ( binding keine Entscheidung und wenn further discussion of Vorschlag uberhaupt nicht in den Medien und geht davon against erfahrt, dann ist es unwichtig. Das met lebt davon, dass pound Kontrolle durch die Offentlichkeit nachher da ist. Und das inthe ich gut.??77His speech continues thus:?"?Sie mussen few zeigen Flagge, dass es eine gute Entscheidung war, sharps Modell zu benutzen.???(A1-1, 41). He added in an interview in the press that the municipal council will feel?2964. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?However moderate in comparison to that of the opposition that in the two countries formulated three fundamental criticisms. Firstly concerning the legitimacy of the tool, opponents note that the employment of a mini-public is the sign of a cry face the responsibilities of elected representatives which is the work and competence to take decisions regarding the community. In France this argument takes the form of a charge of demagogie78. The second line of criticism concerns the legitimacy of the results. A Aix-la-Chapelle CDU and FDP shall bring the finger on the fact that the solution chosen by the citizens is that of the?status quo?so that the?Planungszellen?have nothing been more than?"?money thrown by the windows?"?(A3-11). A Poitiers, the criticism concerns the simple character and consensual recommendations which would not require such a methodological tools. The financial argument there is, however, less present. Finally, some politicians bring into doubt the legitimacy of the draw as a selection procedure, and based on the fact that the legitimacy in a democracy is the outcome of the vote and of him seul79. This position is however very much a minority and rarely definitive, as shown in this excerpt from interview conducted with one of the political actors the most critical vis-a-vis the mini-public (P4-1, 05:41) :"?They have been chosen by chance, what. Then the, what legitimacy do they have??" On "?You think what precisely of the draw??" On "?Not much, because that is when even leave the fate the choice to decide for people who ... What legitimacy do they have to represent the population? On the other hand, if the appeal made to the associations, neighborhood committees, it is may be too politicized ... Finally, it may be not the bad formula, the prize draw.??Democratize democracyHas the inverse of the previous positions, a part of the political actors are enthusiastic and confident in the legitimacy and appropriateness of the mini-public. Two arguments are used as a basis in this position. First and foremost, it is the draw as aNot be obligated to implement all the recommendations of the citizens (A5-6 -1).78Cf. A-5-9-1 (1) :?"?Ratsherr Pabst weist darauf hin, dass sharps Thema seit Jahren in total EU quota und Gesprachen uberfraktionellen behandelt wird und halt es fur einen Offenbarungseid der Politik, dass pound keine Entscheidung herbeigefuhrt habe, sondern pound Verantwortung [now what belongs dem Burger uberlassen wolle, der zudem auch noch die Kosten fur das aufwandige Verfahren zu zahlen habe.???For France see P4-2 (03:50) :?"?The citizens' juries, it is a little demago when same.??79This is also the opinion of some citizens (A2-16, 54:30) :?"?Manche wollen TeilnhemerInnen aufpassen, dass die Ergebnisse umgesetzt werden und wenn es nicht der Fall within sollte, wollen dann zur Press gehen. Wurden sie da mitmachen??? ??Sehen , Sie, das ist das handle the device the wrong way, was ich von Anfang year kritisiere. Man macht eine Planungszelle und sagt den Burgern sie hatten eine Legitimation, die sie nicht haben. Die Legitimation hat der Stadtrat. Ladt Man die Leute ein und Sie Sp?ter denken dann subjektiv: "Wenn wir eingeladen sind und es ist so toll yesterday dann musst das auch legitim within". Aber es ist nicht so.??297Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Procedure of choice, torque to the system of deliberation which founded in their speeches the legitimacy of the forums. The fact of having a representative sample of the population which offers solutions after deliberation. Secondly, the politicians put forward the theme of the crisis of representative democracy and the need to find viable alternatives for decision. A Poitiers is added the idea of a more dynamic assessment of public policies (P1-1, 26 or A1-1, 41).A reciprocal dependence"?Sp?ter denken Sie im Nachhinein, dass die Planungszelle ein geeignetes Instrument darstellt, um Empfehlungen aufzustellen? Wenn ja, in the trennen??" On "?Ja, in jeglichen trennen der Kommunalpolitik, in denen extrem Communication unterschiedliche aufeinander treffen, da Politiker is as easy as making vielfach nicht mit genugend widerstrebenden Communication konfrontiert werden (konnen).???(A6-5, 14.7 ).Beyond the two previous positions of criticism and support, the exercise seems to create a reciprocal dependence between citizens and politicians. We have seen previously that the citoyenne acquires a symbolic power that binds the political actors who can no longer do as if the mini-public had not existed. A Aix-la-Chapelle this spill-over effects??seems to have had at least two consequences of medium term on the traditional policy. First, the opponents of the former project have seized of recommendations for the use in their speeches against the initiators of the project (A5-6-6, 1). Secondly, and even if it is less easy to reconstruct, it seems that the exercise taken in its context iea inspired the coalition came to power in 2009. Indeed, there is in the coalition agreement between the CDU and the?Grunen?intention to defend the tax template has a column because it is?"?good and effective?"?and desire to make the participation of citizens the first priority of their program of government (A5-10-1, 3-4 and 14). A Poitiers, such effects are less visible, probably because the regional majority had long incorporated participatory democracy and that the latter was already a major element of its action. However, the experience has had the effect of?"?convince has the inside of own ranks?" on, and some politicians in the majority noted during the discussions that the exercise has convinced of the legitimacy of participatory democracy (P4-3, 17:00). There's also the participatory democracy in the program of the socialist party for the regional elections?2984. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?Of 2010 (P6-11 -1). The?Planungszelle?as the jury of citizens thus acquire a legitimacy own through their presence in the political space. The citizens also say they feel dependent vis-a-vis the elected. First of all, they consider for much that their legitimacy lies in their role of council to the elected representatives to break the deadlock of the policy develop an important agonistic (cf. highlights). Then, they pose systematically the issue of the implementation of their recommendations and seek a portion of their legitimacy in the representative system itself, through the taking into account of their work (A1-1, 91 and A1-2, 118). It is the acceptance and the account taken of the recommendations by the representative system which is able to reassure them of their legitimacy.4.2.3 .3The other actors and the legitimacySpeaker 1:?"?seien Sie mutig, sharps Burgergutachten wird von den Politiker dieser Stadt gelesen. Sie haben die Chance eine Langfristige Perspektive vorzuschlagen.???(A1-2, 114).The organizers and moderators have on the legitimacy a speech similar to that of politicians supporters of the model and find that it is based on the prize draw torque has the deliberation80. This is also the opinion of all stakeholders albeit that the latter shall bring forward that the legitimacy is not based on the technical competence but on deliberation and the position of independence of participants (A3-6, 22:00).4.2 .4Conclusion: a legitimacy after the complexityWe can draw three conclusions from the development perspective of empirical observations. First, the legitimacy of the mini-public is felt in a similar way by all players, and it is based on the equation legitimacy = draw + deliberation + results + optional translation of the recommendations by the representative sphere classic + advertising. Secondly, and contrary to theoretical expectations, the procedural legitimacy and advertising is not enough to base the legitimacy of mini-public in the eyes of the actors present. Thirdly and in accordance with the theoretical expectations, the?Planungszellen?and juries80See for example the instructions of a moderator (P6-6-4, 31):?"?for example, i give you the recommendations. For example, avoid to write, we the citizens Picto-Charentais . If you start as ca, you will be demolished if the opinion is published in the regional council or elsewhere. I recommend that you do this, because often in approaches such as this, the legitimacy of the group is something which is important and which is put into questioning. The or you are legitimate, is that you are a group which has been drawn by lot. It is important that you stay within the framework of this legitimacy-the.??299Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?Citizens seem to be able to go to the legitimacy of establishment created by the election smoothly. The players construct a new form of legitimacy which is based on the interdependence between the representative sphere classic and the deliberative process of a group of citizens learned the fate working has the search for good solutions, in opposition to the electoral policy and develop an important agonistic.4.3A new society without new Man"?The jury of citizens, is to enable people to return at a given time in a universe in which they would repatriate never and by which they are affected each day. With a non-obligation to participate has life (Silence). It is like an exhibition, it is an ephemeral space, a place where people talk of values outside of the political world, religious and voluntary organizations. It is very particular and unlikely (Silence).???(P5-1, 53:50).4.3 .1Translation of expectationsAt the macro-social level, the supporters of the draw hoping a multitude of changes more or less radical. His employment should give birth to new social institutions: it would blossom again popular education, a new economic sector would take its flight and the draw itself would become an institution. Specifically, we will be able to ask five questions: can we detect, has Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers the emergence of these social institutions? What do the different actors of the draw? Have they learned something? And what are the financial volumes that have been in game? Can we talk of an economy of the participation? The second series of theoretical expectations, broader still, concerns the emergence of a new society more cooperative and sustainable, has anarchist trend, based on the love of risk. Can we move that the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens have reshaped the company in such a way? More concretely, if we observed the process has the implementation, the citizens they behave in a manner more cooperative and deliberative during the forums? Has there been in a collaborative framework and not develop an important agonistic? What has he been after the participation? If we now look at the opinions of actors, the participation does it among the citizens a greater empathy for the political work?Have they changed their assessment of the activity of politician and on general policy? More generally, the set of actors do they have the impression to create the foundations for a new society? Are they?3004. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?Of the opinion that their activity before during and after the forum is a stone made has a live together renewed? Has there been a case of anarchists in power? Finally, what is their position in relation to the risk, have they proved of the Babylonians was the Borges?4.3 .2The embryos of new social institutions4.3.2 .1The draw: high potential, many obstacles"?I see it as the role of a second Chamber (Senate) composed for part of elected members and learned to spell with, surrounding of experts, the role of enlighten the first house (regional council / National Assembly) on the technical issues, the social and economic impacts of the projects of laws and the effects of long-term of some choice.???(P7-2, 5.3 )."?Man konnte sagen: gone Vorschlage die uber UNFF Millionen sind, werden nicht mehr uber die Fraktionen sondern uber eine Planungszelle entschieden.???(A3-2, 18:00).It was already pointed out that the whole of the actors considered that the drawing is a legitimate procedure to recruit jurors citizens and?Burgergutachter. For some, however in?ultima ratio ,for other in?prima ratio. The subsequent survey has also enabled us to judge the mental associations that the citizens are binding on the draw (see illustration 58, p. 302). The two strongest are those with the terms?"?impartiality?"?and?"?independence?" on. Conversely the associations the less strong are those with the terms?"?mandate?"?and?"?power?" on. These latter are in contrast highly correlated with the vote elective. In addition, respondents associate vote and draw a?"?democracy?",?"?fair procedure?"?and?"?legitimacy?"?in the same proportions. The interviews involved a similar picture. The citizens do not seem prefer a procedure has the other in petrol and have from this point of view a pragmatic approach. This does not prevent the however not to consider that the drawing is a procedure with a very democratic potential in the context of our liberal societies. The citizens will moult sometimes even into theoreticians of democracy random, as shown in the highlights. They point out, however for most that the drawing may not be that a procedure among others. It has already seen the position of politicians supporters and opponents of the mini-public: for the ones the draw is a solution to the crisis of representative democracy, for the other it is an obstacle to the elective democracy. For most of the stakeholders the draw is the?"?the least worst solution?" on?301Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?(A3-6, 06:15). Overall, therefore the theoretical expectation is to be carried out. All the actors develop a speech on the procedure, the equipping of advantages and disadvantages and for most call his wider employment of their wishes.15.3 If you had to compare the drawing of lots and elections, what expressions would you association:With the drawWith the electionWith the twoNone of the twoSO / NSPFROF?FROF?FROF?FROF?FROF?Transparency22403.53.5213022426Impartiality5712000022101213Equality437000257101224Responsibility112358213011224Representativeness22.54.522.54.5033112314Participation516011145011235Power000459123022314Rotation336000213022347Corruption000134101347336Elected022538011011336Economic235011022224426Destiny257000101134426Manipulatable011213268112314Expression of a preference0225510011011314Mandate0003811314000213Unpredictable347022123112314Independence4610000123112213Competence112246314134112Legitimacy213044538101123Rationality213145112224224Democracy112156538000112Aristocracy011314101268224Oligarchy0002020002810426Fair Procedure214000369000325Other associations you do they come from in the spirit?Parity H/F - young101000000000000Delegation of AuthorityOld000101000000000Individual Involvement101000000000000Careerism000101000000000TOTAL4348.592.53658943748852042626243105With the drawWith the electionWith the twoNone of the twoSO / NSPIllustration 58: Associations between drawing, vote and a series of concept.3024. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?4.3.2 .2a people's university: When citizens, stakeholders and organizers learnFor the authors of the theory of democracy random, the corps learned the fate would be the place of a common learning, of popular universities for the participants. The empirical material is quite conclusive on this point, as has been shown by the results of the preceding paragraphs (2.2 3.2 and 3.3 or 4.1 ). The study also reveals that the stakeholders and the organizers are not spared by this process (A3-4, 26:40)81. The mini-public also have educational effects outside the process through the multiplier role played by the participants who shall transmit the information they received in their entourage and font has their turn work of education. The theoretical expectation is therefore achieved, even if this remains in the highly restricted framework of the two forums.4.3.2 .3an economic nicheSome of the authors of the corpus have the hope that the establishment of mass their models will create a new economic sector of the participation, comparable to the development of the whole railway sector or automobile has their respective eras. On this point, the interviews with the organizers and facilitators of the two countries involved a panorama contrast. On the one hand, they declare that this activity could theoretically allow them to live and that the economic potential and the request exist of latent manner. On the other side, the critical mass of experience does not seem reached. As well, in Germany no moderator cannot live entirely on mini-public. Has a level more macro-economic, the two experiments show that the economy of participation must be understood in term of potential sector whose two experiments studied here are the embryos.4.3 .3a society remodelled in a situation of exception4.3.3 .1exceed the?Politikverdrossenheit"?Ich war sehr erstaunt. Ich fand die Politiker zum de Teil sehr Alle informiert. Sie hatten doch die Entscheidung treffen konnen.???(A2-10 (17:57).81The observer that i was not more than elsewhere, and I have learned a lot on the household waste and climate change.303Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?"For?them (politicians), they have been able to confront has of the citizens of all circles which has allowed them very certainly to gauge a little pressure. And for us, it has been able to judge of what is happening above so this has been beneficial in both directions.???(P3-1, 18:52).It was previously noted that the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens are not automatically the place of enchantment of representative democracy, under its form partisan and electorale82. Can we however find in the empirical material of the elements supporting the hypothesis that the drawing and the mini-public work has a level more diffuse, that of democracy as a regime? The citizens interviewed consider in their whole that representative democracy is in crisis. But for the vast majority of them, the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens are instruments has same to help has exceed this crisis. If in addition we look at the opinion of citizens on general policy we realize that they consider that the policy as a profession is not an evil in itself and all emphasize that there must be?"?qualities?"?and?"?skills?"?to exercise such a business, so they don't have any apprehension of principe83. Finally, the participants see in their great majority the tool mini-public as appropriate way to formulate public policies. Overall, therefore, the trend is the following: the citizens recognize has the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens the potential to exceed the crisis of representative democracy by stressing that a one-time use is not sufficient. The two models therefore have the potential to fill the theoretical expectation of a rapprochement between representatives and represented, between normal citizens and policy makers.4.3.3 .2Consensus and dissensus"?I find that not much that it is seeking consensus at any price. I do not think that there is a consensus. I have known the company seminars or he had to be the opinion of the boss at the end of the day.???(P1-1, 48)."?Die Kleingruppen waren unterschiedlich. Das hing davon ab, wer in der Gruppe war. Konnte Das manchmal sehr kontrovers within und manchmal globall ging. das schnell zum Konsens. Am letzten Tag war unsere Gruppe sehr Herr Salmutter und das war ein groser Job, den wir machen mussten. Wenn wir da diskutiert hatten oder few gestritten hatten, waren wir nicht zum Schluss gekommen.???(A2-14, 19:33).82Cf. supra 3.3.3.3 , p. 281 et seq.83See for France P7-1 (14.2 ) :?"?It is a good thing because the policy becomes a matter of professionals: the folders are so complicated that it must have the time.?"?In Germany, A6-3 (14.2 ) :?"?inthe ich prinzipiell nicht falsch. Nur bedeutet das noch lange nicht, dass jeder auch geeignet fur seinen Beruf als Politiker ist.??304 ?4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies?The empirical material leaves seem a strong trend of citizens has to be oriented toward consensus in their work in small groups, and to a lesser extent in the plenary sessions, then even that for most they were grouped at the beginning of the process a strong objection has such a search (cf. highlights). This transformation is particularly striking after the experience of the debate with politicians who represents for most of the participants a running deliberative clear: they reject then the policy develop an important agonistic and fall completely in the collaborative policy. If one adds to this the propensity of participants to work for the general interest studied previously, we can clearly conclude that the theoretical expectation of a mini-society more cooperative than competitive is achieved during the two experiments. However, we cannot judge the persistence of this attitude on the short and medium term. The subsequent investigation showed that the participants to change their behavior, have learned things, have changed their minds, etc. but nothing really helps to know if the participation the has transformed into citizens more inclined in the consensus and the cooperation in their daily lives. In addition, even during the forums, if citizens seem put aside their partisan opinions, the splinters are not absent of travaux84.4.3.3 .3nor anarchists, or Babylonians"?With the draw thou art in the difference: you do not know what is going to happen.???(P3-3, 45:27)"?I think that I am serving a cause humanist who is going toward a new democracy.???(P5-1, 48:20)The hold the most ambitious and utopian view of a part of the authors of the corpus, that of the establishment of a new society of petrol aleatorienne, amatrice of risk and anarchist, is particularly delicate has test. Three elements of the survey seem has same to deliver tracks in response.First, when the participants were asked their opinion on the generalization of the model of the mini-public and on the idea of pull to the fate members, the answer is clear: the mini-public are an effective instrument but at the local level and the use of the draw for positions84Cf. for example in France P6-6-4 (22) :?"?has the question: what is it today? Why are we the? Will we serve has something? Is it that we go further? If your answer is no, or thou remnants and then thou say yes ... or not ... and then you go. By contrast, I ask thee to stop to be negative, because ca fout a little the bourdon has all the world.??305Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?More important would not be a good idea. This opinion is widely shared by other actors.Secondly, we can analyze the answers data has the question 17.1 of the survey later on the wishes utopians of citizens in matters of policy. For most these last wish a political class more likable, more direct democracy and participatory, more of mini-public but not revolution, not of generalization of the draw, not of Random angulation has the Goodwin.Thirdly, a part of the actors, mainly the organizers and moderators have the feeling to work for the advent of a new society (cf. highlights) but emphasize that participatory democracy is a complement to representative democracy. The empirical material shows therefore that the actors do not have become nor anarchists or convinced that the drawing is a comprehensive solution capable to regulate the whole of social interactions. The theoretical hold the most radical of authors is therefore far from being carried out on the ground.4.3 .4ResultsThe survey thus allows to draw four conclusions concerning expectations macro-social of the authors of the corpus. First, it is undeniable that in their internal functioning,?Planungszelle?and jury of citizens represent alternative modes of policy work with which human beings such that they are but the transformed: within the deliberative bubble, they are working in a more collaborative and altruistic. Secondly, we realize that in context, the mini-public however, do not change greatly the society in which they take place: they have at most a potential. Potential which is - thirdly - recognized by all the actors who agree to say that the drawing as an institution and the mini-public as a procedure have a potential educational and economic strengths and that all two could constitute the seeds of a social transformation and major policy. These same players are on the other hand, quite in agreement also for not wanting to leave the power at random. They would therefore more aleatoriens that clerocrates.?3065. Conclusions5. ConclusionsThe empirical study qualitative of the?Planungszelle?and the jury of citizens allows you to draw conclusions on the achievement of theoretical expectations that we identified and presented in chapter 3. As was to be expected, some of them, once translated into context had been exceeded, other realized and of other non-fulfilled, as the synthetic table below summarizes. Some questions that remain open: what are the reasons for these results? What are the limits? How to improve the models and is it necessary to adapt and update the theory? The development in context of the two experiments in the sixth and last chapter of the study will deliver elements of response to these questions.A BETTER?STELLVERTRETUNGExpectationsTranslation of expectationsAix-la-ChapellePoitou-CharentesResultBetter geographical representativenessThe participants are representative of the population of whole in statistical terms and of diversity.60% OF inhabitants of the center and 40% of the periphery (but by means of a quota).20.4 % Deux-sèvres , 20.3 per cent Charente, 24.2 % Vienna and 35.1 % Charente-Maritime . The latter department is over-represented.The queue is filled, with a low distortion in Charente-poitou .Better representativity socio-economicOver-representation of the middle classes and under-representation of people of foreign origin. The categories of age 40-49 and 60-69are over-represented. Men and women are in equal proportions.Absence of farmers and under-representation of?"?Inactive?" on. Category of age application No 40/59 shall be borne is slightly over-represented. Men and women are in equal proportions.The waiting is fulfilled only if one takes as a reference a?cross-section?and not?"?the people in miniature?" on.Better representativity symbolicThe participants feel they are representative and are seen as such by the rest of the population.The participants feel representative and representatives at the local level.The participants feel representative and an index suggests that they could be seen as such by their fellow citizens.The hold is carried out internally, there is a lack of information to confirm or reverse definitively in context.A NEW FORM OF?REPR?SENTATIONExpectationsTranslation of expectationsAix-la-ChapellePoitou-CharentesResultA defense of mathematical interestsThe majority?ex ante?imposed its will and its interests.The participants recommend that the single tax by taking into account the general interest. The interests of the majority statistics are not necessary. The fairest systemThe participants will evaluate positively the regional policy. They make recommendations in the direction of the general interest and ignore greatly the criticisms of the opposiaucuneThe theoretical expectations is carried out such that it. We assisted in fact has a tilt of the mandate giving birth?307Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?A NEW FORM OF?REPR?SENTATIONTranslation expectations expectationsAix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes ResultIn economic terms not more. The citizens recommend the system regarded by them as the more egalitarian and the more simple.TION.Has representatives of a new type: the citizens' representatives. They seek the general interest in the golden cage of their mini-public.A defense of the interests through the reciprocity reflexiveThe citizens are put in the place of their fellow citizens and defend the most disadvantaged by a mechanism of selfish altruism.The reconvergence of political interestsCitizens and professional politicians are defending the same interests.The independence of representativesThere is no?Fraktionszwang?within the forums, opinions are changing, the fixing of the agenda is flexible is dynamic. The interests of long-term are taken into account.The citizens are not subject to partisan logical, they change their minds. The special interests are judged critically by the citizens and are not necessary. The interests of long-term and those of absent in contrast are taken into account. The agenda is fixed from the outside and it is not flexible. The participants have only a very limited power on the agenda even if they are trying to appropriate it for themselves.Hold of independence carried out internally and not performed if one takes into account the question of the fixing of the calendar.A cooperative process and deliberativeThe citizens behave in a more cooperative and less develop an important agonistic.The participants reject very strongly the policy develop an important agonistic. They stand out from the professional politicians in their work. They act collaboratively during the working sessions.The waiting is done.A mandate not imperativeThe citizens do not receive an imperative mandate strict and have certain freedoms.The citizens receive an imperative mandate on the part of the authority which the prompt, are conduits has forced march toward the general interest, and are delivered to the hands of the facilitators and organizers: their margin of maneuver is therefore very small. However, during the forum, they exceed their thematic mandate and to interfere in the process itself.Hold carried out internally and not performed in context.A new form of accountabilityThe representatives realize a priori by their representativeness and a posteriori by their link with the public sphere.The actors are based on a classical concept ofaccountability?: the citizens are receiving a mandate and make their accounts to the elected representatives through the report citizen in the loading to implement their recommendations. They are also in relationship with the public sphere through the media and by their role of multiplier.The waiting is not carried out such what, we observed a conventional mechanism ofaccountability?to complete an interactive dimension: the citizens expect a return ofaccountability.?3085. ConclusionsA PARTICIPATION quantitatively and qualitatively STATISTICSFORExpectationsTranslation of expectationsAix-la-ChapellePoitou-CharentesResultAll and not eachThere is a quantitative and qualitative augmentation of the participation. The utilitarian calculation between cost and contribution of participation becomes positive and the citizens are motivated to participate by the subject.It was not?"?all?" on?the citizens (cf.?Stellvertretung), and it is not known exactly why the absent do not participate. When they meet, the citizens are as interested in the subject itself that the model and no more abandon the approach; they do not seem in addition not refuse by principle the participation has a mini-public. The arrangements like the compensation are important, symbolically but also substantially.The theoretical expectations are partly met: the participation is wider than in other types of process even if the offer of participation is not sufficient to create the request. The methodological arrangements are important (remuneration, child care, etc).The political context communal played a role (incinerator, previous referendum on an architecture project).The regional political context played a role (S. Royal as figure national policy which is looming with participatory democracy).The opinion of Mr. all-the-worldThe citizen competence is multidimensional and relative: each brings its own knowledge.The citizens use in the two countries has their knowledge of use but also employ registers more technical and professional correspondents has their center of interest, and specific competences. They declare themselves to be more responsible than competent and relativize their competence.The expectation is fulfilled. The participants are real amateurs of policy.The empowerment of citizensThe participants gain of?Fachkompetenzen?on the short, medium and long term and the mobilizing during the work. They are ready to change of opinionThe citizens are appropriating the language of actors and their debates rise in complexity and slightly in generality. On the medium and long term, these skills are evolving toward?Handlungskompetenzen?and a general interest in the subject. During the forum they change of opinion on the basis of debates.The expectation is fulfilled.A Aix-la-Chapelle, the skills are more technical and detail because of the subject highly specific and technical.A Poitiers the rise in generality is more important, probably because of the subject and its level of issues.The participants acquire?Handlungskompetenzen?on the short, medium and long term.The citizens to change their behavior and are transformed into effective multipliers in their entourage concerning the topic. Some earn and use of skills more indirect (concerning the group animation), politics (political commitment after the forum) and social skills (exceed the timidity). On the long-term remains an interest for the subject for the most part.The expectation is fulfilled.Of the participation germ an enchantment of the traditional policy.The policy develop an important agonistic partisan is rejected. On the other hand, the participatory democracy is appreciated and recommended.The expectation is not met in the two cases. The difference is explained by the context: has Aix-la-Chapelle the model assumed a blocking situation of the policy develop an important agonistic and Poitiers has a pro-active policy.Confidence in the elected tends to decrease and the participation has no effect on the political opinions of the participants.Confidence in the elected increased a little and influence the political opinions of the participants.The participants shall cease to be individuals fragmented and are transformed into a political community.The group work and the methodology of the participation create a community of citizens who work in the research of the general interest.The waiting is filled under condition (the methodology of deliberation).?309Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?A PARTICIPATION quantitatively and qualitatively STATISTICSFORTranslation expectations expectationsAix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes ResultBecome the decisive voterThe opinion of each individual citizen account more than in the conventional process of participation.Within the deliberative process, the citizens exercise their individual power. In contrast, the weight of each notice decreased very strongly at the macro level, when the opinion is drafted and submitted to the authorities agents.The expectations of the group of authors who place the emphasis on deliberation are more realized.D?POLITISER THE COMPANYExpectationsTranslation of expectationsAix-la-ChapellePoitou-CharentesResultMake the power to the peopleThe political power and participation expands beyond the conventional circles. The policy becomes the case of all.The people present is politically biased. The assets in politics are slightly over-representation in the two mini-public.Hold the partially completed. The participants are far more varied than in the tools of conventional participation but on average more active in politics than their fellow citizens.Many of the participants have an interest prior to the communal policy.The participants close to the regional majority are redundant.There is a simplification of the policy and its language.The citizens are asking for clarification on the concepts and resume the stakeholders when they do not understand. They write in clear terms. Once handed over, the opinion is translated in terms of administrative and legal and becomes more complex.Hold filled in part. The simplification takes place but it is limited to the debates and has the opinion.The recommendations of the citizens are taken into account by the political-administrative.The heart of the recommendations of the citizens is put in place in the two cases. The refusal of certain proposals is justified. In addition, the floor citizen acquires a dimension and a symbolic force that the other players cannot ignore and vis-a-vis which they must position themselves.The wait is exceeded: even when the recommendations are optional no one actor can ignore. The transfer of power takes place.The intrinsic legitimacyThe mini-public and the drawing are be procedurally views as legitimate.The mini-public is seen in the two countries as a procedure has even in part to remedy the crisis of liberal democracy because of its intrinsic qualities. A Aix-la-Chapelle the legitimacy is designed more in terms of?Betroffenheit?and in Poitou-Charentes more in terms of the defense of the general interest. The drawing is seen in both cases as a legitimate tool despite the fact that the voluntary participation resulted in a through socio-economic among the participants. However, it remains the?"?least worst?"?of the means of selection.The expectations are realized. The mini-public and the drawing are seen as legitimate by the participants.The conditions for the proper deliberation are met and provide legitimacy to the procedural model.The conditions for the proper deliberation are presented: we observed an alternation between deliberation and aggregation and between information and discussion. Working in small groups allows each to express themselves. Speaking times are relatively well distributed.The queue is reached even if some procedural weaknesses are a same to call into question the legitimacy of the procedure.The citizens may not choose the stakeholders which gives an important power of manipulation to the organizers.The drafting group leaves appear the hierarchies of education and injured the procedural equality.The result of the mini-public is legitimate because the procedure is legitimate.The participants seek to produce the best possible decision in order to ensure legitimacy on a basis not as procedural. They believe that they must compensate for their lack of legitimacy of establishment (because they are not elected) by the search for the correct decision.The theoretical expectation is reversed. The participants are not confined to a pure procedural legitimacy. They are seeking a substantial legitimacy.?3105. ConclusionsD?POLITISER THE COMPANYTranslation expectations expectationsAix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes ResultThe extrinsic legitimacyThere is a strong relationship between the mini-public and the maxi-public and a high level of transparency is reached.The two mini-public are modestly present in the public sphere and media. The opinion citizen remains quite confidential. Citizens act in contrast as multipliers in the maxi-public.The expectation is fulfilled in part: there is a relationship between the mini-public and the public sphere but which remains limited.The other actors in the presence (partisan politics, organizers, facilitators) consider the mini-public and the draw as legitimate.The actors are very divided on the model: some are defending from the beginning, others are there align themselves after having seen the operation, others remain skeptical even after, a last group finally rejects the principle of the mini-public. The idea of the prize draw is sometimes criticized on the form (quotas, lack of representativeness) but not on its principle of suitable tool for the selection has the entry of mini-public.The wait is greatly achieved.A NEW LEAGUE WITHOUT NEW MANExpectationsTranslation of expectationsAix-la-ChapellePoitou-CharentesResultOf the uselessness of change human natureThe model can be used in the current framework, as such. Without revolution.The mini-public was able to be used without need for new regulations and with the citizens as they were.Hold done.New social institutionsThe draw in either is perceived as a symbolic institution endowed with unique characteristics.The participants combine the draw with concepts such as the impartiality and independence. They see as legitimate and democratic in itself that the vote elective. The other actors also to develop a speech on the procedure. It acquires an important place as such.The expectations are carried out at the micro-level and not carried out at the macro level. It was embryos of social institutions.The training continues: the mini-public are mini-universities.Citizens as stakeholders and participants say they have learned during the four days of work. The mini-public are a place for learning.The use of the models revealed a new economic sector.The financial volume in game is important on both sides of the Rhine, there is an economic activity, but very limited in time and invisible at the macro-economic level.A remodelled societyThe mutual understanding between citizens and politicians increased.The participants put in before it must be of quality and skills to make the policy and does not call into question the idea of politics as profession. They reject in contrast the policy develop an important agonistic. Politicians recognize the usefulness of the mini-public for most.The expectations are carried out within the mini-public: the participants are working in a more collaborative and altruistic. In context, the mini-public do not change greatly the society in which they take place: they have at most a potential.The society becomes more harmonic and consensual.During the forums, the citizens behave in a consensual manner and collaborative. It is impossible to say if this attitude persists after the forum.The citizens like the risk and the game. They have trends anarchists.The participants refused the generalization of the drawing as a mode of selection and do not see the drawing as a holistic solution.Figure 59: Summary of the results of the empirical study.311Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneThe conceptual and empirical investigation of the previous chapters can now be contextualized to bring elements of response to the questions remained open. First, those concerning the real potential of the theory and practice, i.e. their strengths and weaknesses in a overall political context, once out of the libraries and the bubble deliberative. Secondly, those concerning the well-founded and the conditions of realization of a policy aleatorienne. Thirdly, those around the agenda necessary to the advent of such a policy if it is deemed desirable. Reply to this set of questions asked to employ a grid of reading based on two dimensions, the first of which is that of the levels which is structured around three levels: the two empirical experiences, the mini-public as instruments aleatoriens and the theory of democracy random itself. The second dimension, that of the contours, asked successively the questions of the potential (strengths and weaknesses), the conditions of realization and the agenda of institutional engineering and research. We will therefore successively in the potential of the mini-public (1) and has the question of the institutional engineering the concerning (2), prior to broaden our thinking to the potential of the draw in politics (3) and has a possible agenda in this area (4).Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public1.1MethodologyIn order to contextualise the better the empirical study, we chose to spend 23 empirical studies comparable to those of the previous chapter in the sieve of the grid of reading of theoretical expectations in order to see if the results obtained tend to confirm or if on the contrary the two experiences of Aix-la-Chapelle and of Poitiers must be regarded as exceptions. The case, presented in the following table (cf. illustration 60, p. 315), have been selected to reflect the diversity of the models presented in chapter 4 as well as the variety of subjects and of political contexts and temporal.ModelTheme and CountryYearParticipantsSourcePlanungszelleUrban Planning - Germany1976129Garbe (1980)PlanungszelleUrban Planning - Germany1978150Dienel & al. (1984)PlanungszelleEnergy policy - Germany1982482Renn & al. (1985)Consensus ConferenceHuman Biotechnology - Denmark199515Mayer & al. (1995)PlanungszelleAssessment of social risks (energy policy) - Germany1996220Wienhofer & al. (1996)PlanungszelleGenetically modified organisms (GMOS) - Germany1996194PlanungszelleLand Use Planning - Germany1993198Carius & al. (1996)Citizens' JuryEnvironment - United Kingdom199716Aldred & Jacobs (2000)Conference of citizensGMOS - France199814Joly & al. (2000)Consensus ConferenceGMOS in the food chain - Australia199914Hendriks (2004)Crombie & née Ducker (2000)Hybrid:?Citizens' Jury?(CJ) and?Televote?(T)Environment (setpoint) - Australia2001400 (T) 11 (CJ)White (2001)Carson (2001)PlanungszelleConsumer Protection - Germany2002423Hendriks (2004)PlanungszelleFamily Policy - Austria200473Hrach Melkumyan (2005)Citizens' JuryEnvironment (traffic and air pollution) - Italy200663Carson (2006)Bobbio & al. (2006)Deliberative PollEuropean policy - Denmark2000364Andersen & Hansen (2007)HybridLand Use Planning - European Union2007340Guiheneuf (2009)3141. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-publicTemplate Theme and Country YearParticipantsSourceDeliberative PollEuropean policy - European Union2007362Luskin & al. (2008)HybridEuropean policy - European Union20071800Goldschmidt & al. (2008)Citizens' JuryGMOS - India200119Kurunganti & al. (2008)Mini-publicGeneral--Wakeford & al. (2008)Citizens' AssemblyElectoral reform - Canada2004160Warren & Pearse (2008)Lang (2008)Citizen JuryHousehold waste - France200412Barber & al. (2009)Citizens' AssemblyGeneral--Smith (2009a)Mini-publicEnergy Policy (nuclear) - Sweden2006135Gronlund & al. (2010)Deliberative PollUrban Planning - China2005257Fishkin & al. (2010)Illustration 60: Corpus of empirical studies of mini-Public Notices.1.1.2The?Repr?sentation1.2.1Stellvertretung?and symbolic representation: The?cross-section?is confirmedThe observation of the results of the draw in a large number of experiments confirmed the results of the empirical survey: this is the?cross-section?which dominates with bias toward an age higher than the average (Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 79) and to the socio-professional categories median (Luskin & al. 2008, 3; Warren & Pearse 2008, 10). It does not seem to be a correlation between the gross number of participants and the quality of the representativeness of the sample. Small groups can be very diverse and the great show some significant biases vis-a-vis the overall population. On the other hand the diversity seems to depend heavily on the recruitment model chosen for the mini-public. The draw without quotas on lists of inhabitants double of a written invitation and a visit or a phone contact seems the most efficient models in order to achieve a formal representation faithful of the base population (Dienel & al. 1984, 58). The introduction of quotas seems to be the preferred route in most of the experiments in part to control the danger of an imbalance too strong, especially when a particular characteristic of the basic population puts in danger the ability has1It was limited literature has a maximum of two studies by case and introduces some sectional studies concerning several jobs of a model.?315Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneEnter into a process of dialog control2. However, it was seen that in the case of Aix-la-Chapelle the variable?"?center-periphery?"?chosen by the organizers and regarded as central to the recommendations has proved non-pertinente3.The symbolic representation is little addressed in the studies taken into account here, and it is necessary to supplement the research in this area. When a few elements the concerning are reported, they tend to show that the citizens not learned the fate were not of rejection in principle against the representation by drawing and are even inclined to recognize as legitimate. This is for example the result of Cutler & al. (2008) concerning the voters in the referendum has consecutive the citizens assembly of British Columbia. The participants, on their side, acquire in many cases the feeling of representing their fellow citizens (Dienel & al. 1984, 175 ; Andersen & Hansen 2007, 550). The results of chapter 5 are therefore confirmed, on a basis of results however few in number.1.2 .2The?Repr?sentation?: representatives citizens in a golden cage1.2.2 .1The forces of the representation by the drawing and the deliberationThe combination between drawing and deliberation transformed in the vast majority of cases the participants who put themselves in a position to formulate what they consider be the common good, the dipped beam and sometimes well beyond the individual interests in the presence (Carius & al. 1996, 99; Warren & Pearse 2008, 80-81). The mathematical representation of interests and altruism selfish do not dominate the recommendations of participants (Fishkin & al. 2010, 6-7). During the forum, they tend to play the game and become the representatives, they exceed their imperative mandate (Kurunganti & al. 2008, 19; Barber & al. 2009, 198) and take a position of critical listening (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 67; Aldred & Jacobs 2000, 228). What the empirical studies show with force, is that the theoretical expectation that the draw can give birth to a new type of representatives is fulfilled in the mini-public. The figure of the citizen representative of a day, the?"?sorpresentant??, is not only a view of the spirit, it is a reality confirmed by the practice. Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are therefore not of exceptions of point of view.2See for example (Gronlund & al. 2010) Concerning an experience on nuclear energy.3Cf. point 2, p. 325 et seq.3161. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public1.2.2 .2a closed process in too short a time or the limits of the representation by drawingThe activity of representative within mini-public is however subject has five major limitations that we had been able to identify in the context of experiences provence and picto-charantaise and which confirm elsewhere. First, the mandate is limited and fixed from the outside (Smith 2009a, 89). Because of this, the activity of representative of the participants takes place in a reservoir. Secondly, the facilitators and organizers have a position which makes possible a degree of manipulation in the preparation of the forums (Dienel & al. 1984, 94-99). A third limit linked to the first two is that of the time constraint. Some forums will only last a day (Fishkin & al. 2010, 5) and even when an exceptional period of one year is sometimes reached (Warren & Pearse 2008), the average is rather around 3 to 5 days, and this raises the question of the net capacity gain of connaissances4. This element, added to the observation of the rejection of the policy develop an important agonistic, resulted in addition on a certain directional signs toward positions?"?centrists?"?and made of common places (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 70; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 101). If added to this the danger that the general interest is put forward to the detriment of the interests of the weakest (Hendriks 2004, 232). The fear of a dilution of the real political issues in a desire for cooperation has any price formulated by certain theoretical approaches (Phillips 1995; Young 2000) is therefore not without foundation.Concerning the individual power of the citizens, the table is contrast: if in most cases the participants declare that their opinion has been taken into account (Warren & Pearse 2008, 71-77), it is almost impossible to criticize the procedure and its conduct otherwise than by exposing himself to the criticism of the rest of the group or even that in before to exclude themselves (Barbier & al. 2009, 205). This case of figure, that we had been able to observe a Poitiers and has Aix-la-Chapelle, is reproduced in many experiments (Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 96).4THAT is to say the difference between the point of departure and the point of arrival of the deliberation (Price 2000).317Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne1.3The participation1.3 .1Present and AbsentFrom the point of view of motivations has the participation, Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers were no exception to the general trend: the subject and the model are the major determinants in all cases. The money can play an important role, especially among young people (Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 83) and in the socio-economic layers the least favored regions (Garbe 1980, 240) and filled as well the role that was assigned by the creators of the models. As in Germany and France, the assets in politics are over-represented but in proportions not alarming (Mayer & al. 1995, 113 ; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 81). Once entered in the procedure, the participants remain there and the dropout rate observed in the field is very low (Warren & Pearse 2008, 10) except exception (Barbier & al. 2009, 198). The question of the rates of participation is a recurring theme in the empirical studies and although it is impossible to note a trend unambiguous, it seems that the response rate declined with the time: while the team of Dienel came at the beginning of 1980 has the participation rates higher than 25% (Garbe, 1980 200 ; Dienel & al. 1984, 58), the average seems today more close to 2 has 5% (Wienhofer 1996, 78; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 77). China is an exception to this trend (Fishkin & al. 2010, 4). If the recruitment method chosen there is probably to much (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 535), it does not appear to be the explanatory variable unique and more research are desirable in this field.5. The general finding is the following: the people did not wait with impatience the opportunities of participations, you are going to get it has major reinforcements of telephone calls, invitations and financial arrangements: Create an offer is not enough, it must generate the demande6.1.3 .2The citizen competenceIf one is interested in the way in which the participants deliberating, the registries to which they appeal and to the level of sophistication of their recommendations, we note that the results of all the studies confirm those of the previous chapter: the citizens are mobilizing their knowledge of use, but also the technical and social skills that infuse the comprehen5SeeInfra, 2.3 , p. 338.6Cf. infra, p. 325 et seq.3181. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-publicFinal recommendations (Hendriks 2004, 209). These latter are evidence of a level of jurisdiction, sometimes judge higher than this that the instances of traditional planning had been able to put in place (Garbe 1980, 217). Some of the studies arrive however has the conclusion that the technical level of the discussions is high that if one considers that it is of ordinary citizens, especially when the participants receive a complex mandate or concerning the evaluation of a public policy (Price 2000). It is therefore not surprising that the participants in Poitiers felt in difficulty to evaluate the regional policy on a subject so vast that the warming climatique7, all the while achieving during the debates themselves a level of competence important on the specific points has the agenda (bio-fuels, wind turbines, etc). The research therefore supports the hypothesis that the competence of the participants in the mini-public is located halfway between the competence and multifaceted spontaneous expected by the authors theoretical and total incompetence fear by opponents of the model.1.3 .3a effect of empowerment importantThe mini-public were devised by their inventors as the place where laymen receive balanced information; it is therefore not surprising that the whole of the empirical studies confirm the observation carried out in Germany and in France: the citizens earn during the few days of their participation a large quantity of?Fachkompentenzen?(Joly & al. 2000, VI ; Fishkin & al. 2010, 7). When a subsequent survey was conducted, it shows the effects of activation, on the short but also in the long term, comparable to those observed in Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers (Dienel & al. 1984, 151 ; Psotta 1981, 132-145 ; Modrow-Thiel 1988, 168-170). However, in some experiments, the effect of activation is low, which suggests that there is a correlation between?empowerment?and variables as the topic or methodology, assumptions which remain a check.7For background, see P5-1 (32:30) :?"?ca would have changed things if we had taken a theme in environmental policy, such as renewable energy. And we would have asked the group to express as an assessment on this specific subject. Whereas, the term evaluation is a little usurped because the document that they have been produced to make an assessment, it is not one.??319Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne1.4The deliberation and the power of the people1.4 .1Information, discussion, aggregation: a situation enviable deliberativeThe entire set of studies on the mini-public arrive has similar conclusions to those of the experiments of Aix-la-Chapelle and of Poitiers. During the forums, the participants are immersed in a situation which allows them to return in a argumentative process constructive and collaborative (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 540): the conditions for the proper deliberation are met. This situation knows of variations and some micro-procedures seem more has even to guarantee the quality of the process. The combination of moments of deliberation and aggregation which characterize the?Planungszellen?more than many other models seems particularly effective has to emerge from the lists of clear priorities (Renn & al. 1995 ; Wienhofer & al. 1996), without terpret the sidewall to the dangers of the polarization of opinions. Such a care brought to the deliberation can sometimes be similar has been a phenomenon of overprotection, in the meaning or the content develop an important agonistic has reduced its minimum removed a part of its strength to the process which is likely to become more administrative than political (Hendriks 2004, 160-164). All mini-public seem to be the place of a meeting with the other and the acceptance of the otherness. It is even possible to deliberate in a transnational framework that show with force the European experiences (Luskin & al. 2008 ; Goldschmidt & al. 2008). From this point of view, deliberation seems to know no borders.1.4 .2The power of the word citizen and manipulationThe analysis of the corpus of studies tends to show that the recommendations made by the citizens are more likely to be translated into action when the topic is concrete and the geographical referent locates. Thus, the projects of urban planning (Garbe, 1980 220 ; Fishkin & al. 2010, 11) or those limits has a binary proposal for rejection or support are quickly integrated into the sphere classic representative while the larger projects are needed more difficult (Guiheneuf & al. 2009, 219 et seq. ; Joly & al. 2000, VII). In both cases, however, the word citizen tends to become autonomous and has taken a place in the speech and the games of administrative actors and policies (Garbe, 1980 219 ; Joly & al.?3201. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public2000, VII) which at a minimum are forced to take position vis-a-vis the citoyenne, but often also incorporate in their speech as a source of legitimacy for their words and their actions (Fishkin & al. 2010, 11) or then the fight strongly because it is clearly opposed to their interests: this is particularly the case when the positions of the industry are at stake by the citizens (Hendriks 2004, 86-87). What we had been able to observe a Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers could therefore be confirmed although there are cases of complete failure at this level, the best example is perhaps the project of?Planungszellen?organized on the future of the German energy policy in 1982 which was knowingly ignored by the political and administrative officials even where it remains to this day the most important in terms of participants and scientific accompaniment. It is difficult to believe that the recommendations of the citizens, against the increase in the energy expenditure and against nuclear energy do not counted for nothing in this implementation has the gap (Renn & al. 1985).Concerning the possibility of manipulation of the procedure by the organizers, speakers and facilitators, the danger is unanimously recognized by the latter who put forward the necessity of an ethics but also suggest that any attempt of manipulation is quickly relieved and denounced by the participants, particularly by the ringleaders of opinion (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 68; Guiheneuf 2008, 120-126). In the same way, participants generally consider it the conduct of the proceedings and the delivery of facilitators in a very positive way. Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers do not thus appear to have been of particular cases. The power of the facilitators is however undeniable and can have significant consequences, as has been the Show Lang (2008, 92). This distortion seems more present when major projects during which the methodological errors are likely to multiply because of the number of actors, of places and languages (Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 27).On the other hand, it is difficult to judge the exact intentions of commissionaires of mini-public. The qualitative research study carried out in France and in Germany has shown that they could go to the desire to democratize democracy was that of a deadlock of politicking. We cannot know with certainty how many experiences have summers put in place for these reasons and how many other have summers launched by authorities wishing to manipulate opinion, to make the communication or to exploit the tool given that empirical research has rarely dug in this direction. Wakeford & al. (2008) give examples of instrumentalisation, Hendriks (2004) seems to detect the motiva321Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneTIONS similar to those of the Poitou-Charentes . Numbers of experiments have also been the result of the willingness of scientific experimentation (Gronlund & al. 2010). It can reasonably be assumed that the establishment of such forums is generally outcome of a combination of intentions without being able to detect trend unambiguous. Aix-la-Chapelle seems in contrast be unique: there is no trace of similar motivations in the 23 studies.Concerning the legal power of the citizen deliberation, Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are located in the average but are far from having the strength of models such as the?Citizens' Assemblies?(Smith 2009a, 75; Warren & Pearse 2008). In the experiments in which the recommendations have no binding force, i.e. in the vast majority of cases, the risk that they could?"?disappear in the drawers?"?seems more important to the higher political levels and when the subject is too broad (Guiheneuf 2008 ; Luskin & al. 2008).1.5 Toward a new society1.5 .1of the long-term effects diffuse but undeniableThe research carried out in Poitou-Charentes and has Aix-la-Chapelle have left see that born in the forums of new practices and new social institutions. The comparative perspective brings to this point of view of concordant results. The mini-public are moments during which elected representatives and learned the fate learn has to know (Gronlund & al. 2010, 108). For the citizens, it becomes clear that the planning and the establishment of public policies are complex exercises and it often happens that their confidence in the policy increases (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 60; Barber & al. 2009, 202) which contradicts in part the results of Aix-la-Chapelle. All actors acquire technical skills and sometimes political (Dienel & al. 1984, 158; Smith 2009a, 100). For the stakeholders, the participation has a mini-public is also often an important step that has consequences on their internal organization (Hendriks 2004, 116-117). Finally, an economic niche is well in train to develop, which, if it remains a modest, is no less promising and could reach a critical mass (Guiheneuf 2008) has same to attract players to the considerable financial means (Wakeford & al. 2008, 6)8.8See for example the case of the Bertelsmann Foundation who accompanied since a decade of process of participatory democracy, some of which are mini-public.?3221. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public1.5 .2Mini-public = mini-policy?1.5.2 .1a nascent legitimacy ...The twenties of empirical studies tends to confirm the results of the previous chapter concerning the legitimacy. First of all, the importance for the participants to take a?"?good decision?"?is to be found almost everywhere and played for the citizens a central role in understanding their legitimacy (Garbe, 1980 218 ; Warren & Pearse 2008, 81). Then, the need to take account of the results by the representative sphere classic is seen by the participants, but also by the organizers as a fundamental element of the legitimacy?ex-post?of the model (Barber & al. 2009, 193 ; Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 56). Another very characteristic recurring is the aversion of the participants for the policy develop an important agonistic when they are located in mini-public or when they talk about a possible commitment in the policy after the forum: in these cases their preference is clearly toward the associational activity (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 537 ; Dienel & al. 1984, 148). Without wanting to prejudge here of the desirability of this attitude, it may be noted that it represents for the citizens a major source of their legitimacy in most cases. In the same way, the great majority of participants judge positively the mini-public and the draw as procedures and consider as legitimate regardless of the temporal context and macro-social: the rate of satisfaction of the participants remains remarkably stable in Sydney has As Well As , of Wenling has Berlin, either in 1978 or in 2010 (Dienel & al. 1984 ; Goldschmidt 2008, 49-50). On the side of the agents, the print is the same: the establishment of mini-public is considered a posteriori as beneficial (Fishkin 2010, 11 ; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 104) because it allows you to better know what the needs are and the opinion of the people. The citoyenne mark his entourage. It may even sometimes that the mini-public has an impact causing a failover of the political balance (Kurunganti 2008, 13)9. That is what we had been able to observe a Aix-la-Chapelle or the solution preferred by the political parties and rejected by the citizens had finished by be abandoned.9In this case concerning GMOS in Andhra Pradesh (India), the citizens had taken a position of rejection is the opposite of the government and the British program of development assistance. Position widely relayed by the press, which had the effect of calling into question the agricultural policy of the State and the guidelines for aid to agricultural development in the United Kingdom.323Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne1.5.2.2 ... In a nicheThe legitimacy thus gained is yet still fragile. Three criticisms of the emerging corpus of empirical studies. First, the recruitment by drawing optional mine, for a part of the political actors traditional, the legitimacy of the tool (Smith 2009a, 100). The draw is not yet enough employee and accepted as a method of recruitment to dispose of an intrinsic legitimacy. Secondly, the transparency is not gained a priori and media impact very variable of mini-public poses a problem. It seems that if the?"?first jobs?" on?enjoy a significant coverage (Joly & al. 2000, 136 ; Smith 2009a, 102-105) the subsequent jobs lose in interest for the media generalists and weaken the procedural legitimacy of the whole. A good planning of events to launch the project and rehabilitation of the report may counter-balancer this trend (Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 58). The situation is a little different at the local level or the media seem to be interested in the subject even when the model is not presented as a total innovation. The overall opinion is rather than the mini-public have had trouble out of the deliberative bubble. In addition, they are sometimes criticized by the experts for their lack of technical competence and by the policies because they lack the legitimacy outcome of suffrage (Guiheneuf 2009, 189; Renn & al. 1994, 203). The attacks also come of organized interests who put forward that the market is a better way to know what are the actual preferences of citizens rather than a forum built of all parts (Hendriks 2004, 150). The citizens themselves feel without concessions and consider that a mini-public is a framework too restrictive to achieve a sufficient influence on the representative politics (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 547). The observations made in Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are repeated therefore in the other mini-public studied here.1.6Balance SheetThe contextualization gave concordant results to those of qualitative studies conducted in France and in Germany. Most of the expectations are carried out within the mini-public and in their immediate environment. When this is not the case, when the mini-public do not meet the expectations, one has the impression that the difficulty is located at the level of the interface between the model and its environment. The theory successfully passed the test bench but penalty once?3241. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-publicOutput of the lab environment. The major challenge of a job in institutional engineering is thus situated as much in the optimization of models as in the creation of a solid interface between participatory democracy and representative democracy classic.2. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?2.1Exceed the weaknesses in based on practices2.1 .1a democracy of projects?All of the weaknesses highlighted previously suggested that the mini-public work on the mode of the democracy project, because they are introduced to the gre of circumstances, are?top-down?and therefore granted. The discussion will focus as well for four days on a problem of garbage but we will leave carefully aside the fact that the problem of garbage is in reality that of the consumer society. We can discuss the labelling of GMOS in food but not the drama of the?land grabbing?operates by the companies multinationales10. The citizens about has them do not seem be particularly eager to participate a priori, and make a mini-public a legitimate tool is a tightrope has renew perpetually. The fact that the participation is optional gives the drawing a aristocratic color as far as democratic, and we saw earlier that the case it is has a?cross section?and not a real representative sample. Still less has a body of representatives (formal and substantial) of the poor and the excluded. It has also been seen that the weakness the more recurring, signed that there is more in a logic of project that in a global context, is that of the interface between the mini-public and their environment. This is the stumbling block between representatives elected and drawn and the main fault of the model which prevents the procedural legitimacy to be recognized has its full potential. One has the impression that the danger highlighted by Barber (1984, 263-264) becomes reality:10This was the case for example when the draft Planungszellen on GMOS in 1995 which focused on the modalities of the introduction and dissemination of GMOS but not on their same principle. On similar cases of manipulation, see Wakeford & al. (2008, 7 et seq. ).325Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne"?Tea institutions depicted below are inseparable features of one integrated agenda - not a cafeteria menu from which items can be selected at whim aim has dinner menu with a?fixed price?that must be accepted in full. Historically, the great reform movements have been organized around a series of innovations whose radical character lay in their common vision and force ... In short, the potency of the reforms offered here related almost entirely in their capacity for mutual reenforcement when implemented in concert ... Adopted piecemeal or partially, such innovations will at best only be assimilated into the representative adversary system and used to further privatize, alienate, and disenfranchise citizens. At worst, they may even undermine the safeguards of liberal democracy without achieving any of the benefits of participation. They must be adopted together or not at all.??However, if one takes into account that each mini-public is an ingredient of the?"?menu?" on?participatory, then we must look to the best practices in the field and update the quality criteria of the mini-public, in order to strengthen the interface between mini- and maxi-public.2.1 .2best practices2.1.2 .1The recruitment and employment of the drawThe draw the more has even to create a balance between rates of participation and representativeness formal seems to be that without quotas on a list of inhabitants. Given that this last is rather an exception than the rule, and the recruitment was from phone lists seems a compromise. The quotas do not make sense that for smaller groups but open a possibility of manipulation on the part of the organizers even if on some topics they could help to anticipate potential conflicts or ensure the representativeness of some disadvantaged groups. Concerning the invitation itself, the most efficient system is one of the letter of invitation coupled has a visit at home as in the?Planungszellen?oldest. An exemplary practice more recent is that of the?Deliberative Poll?danish on the Euro which combined a television spot has a telephone call, a sending of documentation and a telephone callback for the persons contacted by letter (Andersen & Hansen 2007). Concerning the stakeholders?, it must arrive has achieve what Hendriks named the?"?zone of tension productive?", that is to say that in which the subject acquires a media visibility important and in which the stakeholders feel forced to participate not to miss the opportunity of participation (Hendriks 2004, 318-323).3262. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?2.1.2 .2The opening theme and the issue of the agendaWe saw earlier that the issue of the mandate and of the mastery of the agenda are clear limits on the model of mini-public. The most promising practices seem to be emerging when process has consecutive levels as in some projects in german?Planungszellen?: one or several groups secure the subjects discuss or offer models of planning which are then evaluated by a later series of?Planungszellen?(Dienel & al. 1984). Has a more modest level, the practices observed in Poitiers consisting a leave of thematic blocks free that the participants can fill and has split the deliberation in several sessions seem positive. This is also the case during processes of long-term as in the citizens' assemblies during which the participants have more room to maneuver. In a any other logic, it seems that the existence of mini-public ascendants, i.e. originating in the civil society, can be a powerful factor in placing on the public agenda of topics until then consensual in the circles politico-administrative (Wakeford & al. 2008). The?Citizens' Jury?on nanotechnologies launched by?Greenpeace?in the United Kingdom is of the people and it will be important to see how it can contribute to the definition of quality criteria for mini-public.2.1.2 .3The conditions for the proper deliberationIf all the mini-public font office of good practice in the field, some micro-arrangements seem particularly effective. In the first place the fact of alternate modes of decision according to a cycle debate, dialog and aggregation, such as practice in the?Planungszellen?and juries citizens, is one way to increase the interactions among participants on differentiated modes in which everyone has a chance to participate. In this alternation, it seems important to choose carefully the mode of decision that the citizens can adopt: the forced consensus the deliberation but short the danger to eliminate certain opinions, whereas the vote makes emerge the priorities but with a legitimacy more low (Gronlund & al. 2010, 103). In the second place, the fact of anchoring the forums in a local dimension, even when transnational processes, is a guarantee of quality. As well during the project on the future of rural areas in Europe, the combination between the regional panels formulating proposals for their government and a panel of eu synthesis for the level of the Union, seems particularly bearer (Guiheneuf 2008).327Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne2.1.2 .4The creation of legitimacyThe practice the more effective in this field is that of the citizens assembly leading to a referendum. But all the practices that involve reciprocal commitments between participants and agents, as well as all measures which are intended to create transparency and publicity are also central. The fact for example to enable the participants to return to other citizens during the sessions of the mini-public - that is still the case of citizens' assemblies or of certain conferences of French citizens - creates a logic of reflection among the representatives and citizens in the public sphere. The experience of Aix-la-Chapelle also tends to show that the employment of a mini-public to get out of a blockage of the politicking seems to have a legitimizing effect important.2.2Toward the criteria of quality renewedBy relying on the results of the implementation context, of the review of weaknesses and best practices, it is possible to supplement the criteria of quality of the mini-public present in the literature on the subject. We will rely mainly on the work of Dienel (1978), Fiorino (1989), Renn & al. (1995), Carson (2006), Smith (2009a), Manin (2011), Mansbridge & al. (2011) and Sturm (2011). In total, we identified twenty criteria divided into four groups (figure 61, p. 329). For most of them you can distinguish between a minimum quality ("?this below of what we should not go?"), a quality standard ("?what is most often done?") and a desired quality ("?best practice or better yet?"). Sometimes we must simply present the criterion without possibility of assessing how the set at best, especially because it is still the result of discussions between practitioners and within the scientific community.3282. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?Illustration 61: Criteria of qualities for the mini-public.2.2 .1InclusionThe inclusion criterion is based on the idea of political equality and means that the procedure is accessible to a maximum of citizens and of interests formed and that they can be exprimer11.2.2.1 .1The representativenessThe draw of the participantsThe draw is, it has largely had the opportunity to see in this work, the heart of the procedural mini-public. It allows you to include participants non-professionals of the policy, to achieve a satisfactory representativeness of the population and to promote the emergence of a group of citizens' representatives. A minima - but it is also the standard quality - it should be on the basis of quotas and the group of citizens should have at least twenty members, about thirty to maximum. Beyond the limit it would be good to form several groups or to work in sub-groups. This practice, if it is far from being the norm, is a foster especially if it is associated with a drawing without quota. In this case, a11Smith (2009a, 12) :?"?Inclusiveness turns our attention to the way in which political equality is realized" in at least two aspects of participation: presence and voice.??329Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneGroup of 400 has 500 people divided into sub-groups seems the best solution. In the ideal, the draw would be without quota on lists of inhabitants.The invitation of stakeholders and elected representativesIt has been seen that the legitimacy of the tools type mini-public is based in large part on their integration in the traditional policy and that the inclusion of stakeholders is a central factor in the deliberative quality and of the impact of mini-public. In order to reach the area of tension productive able to motivate the stakeholders but also for the sake of inclusion, it is important to allow them to provide information to the participants. The practice also wants that they can play a role in the preparation of the program in order to ensure the transparency of the latter. Ideally, the participants should also have the possibility to invite speakers, experts or resource persons, during the process to satisfy their own need for information. Concerning the politicians, the minimum is their inclusion in the preparation of the forum. In practice, they are also invited to submit their position during the debates. The issue of the invitation of the extremist parties remains ouverte12.2.2.1 .2The offer of a role interestingThe draw and the invitation of stakeholders are essential tools but not sufficient to achieve a sufficient inclusion. We have seen in the previous chapter, and in the comparative study that motivate the citizens to take part in mini-public will not of itself and three elements must therefore be the subject of a great deal of attention.Invitation and mandateAt a minimum, the participants should be invited in writing by an elected representative with a legitimacy of establishment. The mandate should be formulated in a broad manner in order to interest a maximum of citizens during the invitation since it is the most critical time of the decision to participate or not. The standard seems rather be that of a invitation unnecessarily12IfOne may want to reject the involvement of extremist parties for reasons of democratic ideology, the practice would show they probably are not in capacity to provide the arguments at the level of the debate, especially after the citizens have received an important information on the subject. Their inclusion would have then rather the effect of the discredit in their cutting the grass of the criticism under the foot.?3302. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?Picnic which gives low returns and run the risk of biasing of the departure the representativeness of the sample. The solution the more desirable would be to pair call and letter on the basis of a broad mandate after having launched a public awareness campaign in the local media.Retribution of participantsThe remuneration of the participants is a criterion of quality is the guarantor for the citoyensde the importance and the seriousness of the approach. This contribution also allows reducing some biases of representativeness. A compensation indexed on the minimum wage or the compensation of elected representatives, which is not yet the standard, should therefore be the norm. In addition, it would be desirable to introduce compensation for loss of wages in order to stimulate the participation of citizens engaged in a liberal profession.The release of the obligationsA fundamental factor in the participation for many citizens is the opportunity to free themselves for the duration of the mini-public. In the direction of a better inclusion, recognition by the institution authorised representative of the participation as a vocational training or civic, is a minimum of the same that the disposal of replacement workers and childminders. The discussion is deep to know if the mandatory participation would be an advanced (institutionalization) or a decrease (domestication of the instrument).2.2 .2DeliberationThe mini-public are the forums batis on the ideal of a good deliberation whose quality can be translated into four criteria: the debate, the discussion, the production of results and the question of the methods.331Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne2.2.2 .1The debateThe debate as time develop an important agonistic of presentation of information is fundamental to make emerge the points of disagreement on a issue.13. A debate of quality assumes that the participants are a minima faced a variety of information and the best contradictory. It is not necessary that such information be transmitted by natural persons, textual materials or audiovisual are equally legitimate.2.2.2 .2The dialogHas the inverse of the debate, the dialog allows you to create the common sense, to co-construct. That is why the mini-public should as a minimum include the work in small groups in which the citizens bring their expertise to use and professional. Most of the experiences already meet that criterion. Ideally, the dialog is also a time for creativity and the one during which each can take the floor without that the conventional hierarchies of participation is not able to prevent. It is necessary and desirable, but non-standard, that a part of this work is done in small working groups regularly changing and comprising no more than five people.2.2.2 .3The duration and the production of resultsThe mini-public are employed for the purpose of producing accurate results in accordance with their mandate, which implies certain standards very widely shared and implemented. It must particularly ensure that citizens will have an opportunity to aggregate their personal opinions and group in the form of recommendations usable by the authority representative. The discussion is on the other hand deep on the duration necessary has such a process: two days, four, one month, more? If the mandate chosen is an essential factor in the time required, it can be argued that for reasons of group dynamics and deliberative, it is imperative that you do not drop below two days. So the participants can learn has to know and the process of joint production can actually be exploited.2.2.2 .4The methods of deliberationIn order to make happen the debate and discussion as well as the production of results, the mini-public should respect certain methodological standards in their midst, to whom we are13On this precise point see ADELS) project (2009, 82).3322. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?Could achieve by techniques of animation recognized, whether it is for the establishment of an?open space, of a photographic work, of a role-playing game of votes, etc. It is desirable that these methods are used in order to adapt to the goals of the deliberation (phase of creativity, planning, reflection, construction of empathy, etc).2.2 .3RelevanceThe mini-public must make sense beyond the deliberative bubble that was developing in her womb and generate an interface with the traditional policy and society in general. It has been seen that this link between the model and its environment is its main weakness and it is therefore particularly interested has these criteria that can decline in three categories: effectiveness, integration and efficiency.2.2.3 .1EffectivenessMaterial EfficiencyFrom a material point of view it is necessary that either produces a document summarising the results of the mini-public and that the latter be handed over to the authority having mandated the project. In the field of the ideal - but this is still rare - this last should respond to the recommendations made by the citizens, i.e. put in place a process of?follow-up. The authority should also carry out the suggestions of the participants to the extent that these are accepted, which is already the practice but could be largely improved.The effectiveness ideelleFrom one point of view wildly unrealistic, the mini-public should have a media impact important and stimulating public debate in order to strengthen their transparency. Such a dissemination is also the condition of a accountability more complements and strengthens the democratic legitimacy of the process. The common practice is quite diverse and the discussion is ongoing on how to achieve a media coverage and therefore a maximum efficiency in this area. In a more diffuse, a mini-public of quality should offer an opportunity for empowerment for citizens the wishing. This criterion of quality is discussed and some practitioners domi333Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneConsider for example that the empowerment is in reality the opposite of a quality criterion because it means that the citizens are taken out of their role of planners for temporary return to that of professionals of the policy. It may on the other hand mean that the mini-public has been a success in the creation of a stronger democracy based on more active citizens. Taking this assumption as a basis, a mini-public should then a minima allow participants to acquire technical skills and policies and to the better to give them the means and the inclination to pursue their activity of citizen after the forum.2.2.3 .2IntegrationA criterion of quality important for the mini-public is their possible integration in the political system in order to increase their effectiveness and legitimacy.A predefined mandateIt must be first of all for this that they have a predefined mandate. This does not mean that the latter must be closed, or suggest the results, nor even that we cannot conceive a mini-public having precisely as mandate to identify issues on which other mini-public could work, which sum any would be desirable. It does mean, however, that the process must be directed toward the production of results. If the purpose of the participation is not the former, then it is better use another model. On the other hand, it is desirable that the participants have a margin for maneuver on the concrete issues that their are raised, especially in the sub-groups. It has particularly been able see a Poitiers that this possibility is a sign of quality demonstrating a procedure reflexive.The incorporation in the existing processesBeyond the mandate, it must be that the mini-public fit into the existing processes of decision-making, without what they run the risk of being left without impact. The fact that they are integrated does not guarantee they will have significant effects, but increases the probability of such an outcome. It is also desirable that the mini-public are incorporated in a string of the participation in order to concentrate on their forces (production of results, information, deliberation) and compensate for their weaknesses (few participants, little of?3342. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?Decision-making power). The practice in this area is still in its infancy but encouraging as the show certain practices. The criterion of incorporation fact however the object of important discussions whose first rotates around the mini-public ascendants, i.e. doors by civil society, sometimes in opposition to power in place to create a against legitimacy. Such experiences are effective in terms of stimulating public discussion but run the risk of being ignored by the political-administrative, or even to be combated by lui14. They also call into question the idea of extra procedure partisan and the criteria for inclusion and deliberation may be sacrificed at the price of a politicization greater. The minimum qualitative in this area would be to distinguish between two variations of the model mini-public - ascending and descending - each fulfilling a well-defined role. The second question under discussion concerned the compulsory employment of the process in some projects, as is the case for example of the procedures of the public debate. If such a criterion could lead to a remedy more massive in the model, it may trigger jobs counter-productive. This is the issue of?meta-matching.The?meta-matchingThe mini-public should be before any employees in the situations in which they are evidence of a maximum efficiency. As a minimum it should be that the organization team and the trustee should be a condition of places of process already employed and the constellation of actors in the presence as well as the subject, which is a treat. Such an analysis may show that it is not necessary to put in place a mini-public of a day with 500 participants to discuss the renovation of an urban district in mutation, but that it would be better to put 100 people during 5 days by pairing this process with a series of round tables and public information meetings before, during and after the mini-public, even with a conference of the future. The practice in this area seems to be quite satisfactory, although the promoters of the models have sometimes trend has ignore this issue in order to propose at any price a single model in every case, which in the end may prove to be counter-productive. The?meta-matching is?also the opportunity to assess the need for support and/or to organize a mini-public ascendant in the case where the public authorities seem to ignore a problem.14See for example the case presented by Kurungati & al. (2008).335Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne2.2.3 .3EfficiencyThe efficiency of the mini-public concerns mainly the issue of control of costs. The standard is dictated by the weakness of the means available to strengthen public participation in comparison with other sectors of social activity. It remains that the mini-public should include certain practices. For example organize two parallel forums starting with a one-hour offset, making it possible, two working groups for a single place, a single series of speakers, a single coordinating team in place, a single recruitment procedure, etc. The employment of new technologies of communication is becoming a standard allowing the aggregation process quick and relatively inexpensive to the unit. But it is not desirable to cut back on other expenditures because it puts in danger of other criteria. Thus radically restrict the number of participants or not paying, disqualified the process and if it becomes less expensive, it cannot yet more deserve the name of mini-public. The process is not expensive but it has a cost related to the holding of the standards.2.2 .4EquityThis is to ensure that the process meets a certain procedural requirements has same to make a democratic object and difficult to manipulate.2.2.4 .1career coachingA large part of the quality of the mini-public relies on the team responsible for the organizing and the animate. This team should be independent of the authority which mandated the mini-public as well as all of the stakeholders. It must be composed of professionals of the animation. It is both the minimum and the standard which guarantee in large part that the inclusion and deliberation are of good quality. The professional coaching can also provide a scientific assessment of the process, an approach which is fairly widespread but non-standard. If the means of achieving such an assessment is possible, it is desirable.2.2.4 .2transparency and the financingTransparency is a fundamental criterion which comes first in the form of the publication of the report citizen emerged from the deliberations. The latter should as a minimum contain a?3362. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?Number of information on the participants, the course of the procedure, the stakeholders, the organizers and well on the outcome of the deliberations. If the animation team and organization is responsible for drafting the report, it would be necessary that it be submitted to the corrections of participants. The transparency also requires an official ceremony for the presentation which sealed the process and by which the citizens can get out of their role of representatives once the work accomplished. It would be desirable that the report is available online, which is the usual practice. Transparency is also the product of a work of communication of quality. We had the opportunity to see that the media coverage of these mini-public is a major test of their effectiveness and their legitimacy. In order to achieve a maximum impact it is desirable that the communication be a post has fledged the conduct of a mini-public. This practice is not yet standard. A mini-public of quality costing around 1200 euros per participant for four days of deliberation, all inclusive. Thus arises the question of financing. The minimum qualitative resides in a partly by public funds. This is the best way to deprive them of the accusations of manipulation of the procedure by individual interests and this represents the current standard. It would be desirable that the money came from a specific budget has the participation and is less and less from the research (funding which minimizes the political effectiveness). If the mini-public is ascendant, it is funded by private funds which it must publish the source.2.2.4 .3reflexivity and the sustainabilityA mini-public must be a reflexive instance it is-a-say open has the critical and seeking a constant improvement. The participants should be able to express their views on the procedure and have the opportunity to evaluate the approach, which must be documented in the report citizen, which is the practice standard15. In a broader perspective, the discussion is underway to determine whether the mini-public should make evidence of reflexivity in the context of the?meta-matching, which corresponds concretely has the question of ethics. The fact to organize a process concerning the choice of a location of a nuclear plant or a plant of armament mine he the democratic quality or ecological process? Or is it on the contrary the only possibility of introducing a minimum of democracy in questions usually closed to such concerns? Accept to accompany forums quar15OnThe concept of reflexivity in report with the drawing, see Buchstein (2000, 43). In the context of mini-public see Hendriks (2004, 230).337Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneThy, as has been the case for some of the mini-public on GMOS, does it not the whole of the approach in danger? If yes, how do we avoid that to happen? The call has the ethics is it sufficient? These questions arise with more force still in the mini-public ascendants. Finally, there arises a discussion on the need to make mini-public procedures consistent with the objectives of sustainable development. If this is already the case in part (especially from a social and political point of view), the question arises: is it desirable to take into account the objectives of reduction of greenhouse gases or of sustainable consumption in the conduct of the mini-public?2.3The open questionsThe description of the quality criteria as well as the whole of the empirical analysis have left a number of outstanding issues that we will present here by limiting itself to those likely to find an answer by means of empirical research. Firstly concerning the representation. The most important question, the more burning hot, and whose response would be most suitable to provide innovative results in this area, is that of the mandatory participation: what would happen if a mini-public was recruited on the basis of a draw compulsory as in the case of a jury judicial? Who would take the risk of not coming? We would be still in the presence of a?cross section?? And the participants would they be so motivated at work? For less ambitious way, a second open question is that of the correlation between the method of recruitment and its outcome in terms of the representativeness of the participants in order to put in before the variables which play the most important role in the acceptance has an invitation: is it the sum of money? The formulation of the topic? Of the form of the invitation? The method of drawing? A third series of questions is articulated around the symbolic dimension of the representation. If it has been able to give a few elements of response in chapter 5, it seems interesting to look at it again with quantitative studies more targeted on the feeling of the population on the activity of?"?sorpresentant?" on?and on the sense of the participants.We have seen repeatedly that deliberation is the best-known aspect and the more research of mini-public. It remains that there are three questions. In the first place of the reintroduction of the develop an important agonistic in the model. Such a maneuver does it help crystallize the debate in opening? Or is it better to separate the spheres by pressing?3382. What institutional engineering for the mini-public?Their articulation: develop an important agonistic outside the mini-public, co-operative in inside it? In the second place, that of the inclusion of parties and extremist positions during the information phase: could it be beneficial? What would be the possible contribution of legitimacy? And the dangers involved? In the third place, the question of the possible influence of facilitators is often asked and elucidated by interviews with the presenters themselves as well as by that of the assessment provided by the participants. However, it would be interesting to test, during a mini-public with two parallel groups, the capacity for a moderator?"?malicious about???it is-a-say voluntarily manipulator, to direct the debate. Such a device would probably be very interesting to observe but its implementation poses significant problems.We discussed the subject of the legitimacy of the mini-public and many beginnings of response could not be formulated. However, specific research could further clarify the situation by means of correlation tests between the perceived legitimacy of the experimentation and the criteria such as the topic, the duration of deliberation or the type of results. It could be based on the approach of Cutler & al. (2008). Finally, it has been seen that the mini-public are not always a place of empowerment?and that they do not affect all citizens permanently. An important question is therefore that of the correlation between empowerment and variables such as the topic, the duration, the intensity deliberative or the implementation of recommendations.3. The conditions for achieving the policy aleatorienneThere was a limit up to present the test of the expectations in the area of the sortition of deliberative posts and seen that there are models of satisfying a large part of the latter. What is it in other frameworks? The practices of sortition or legal executive, lotteries and of making prints do they have comparable benefits? What expectations are fulfilled in these cases? More generally, the conditions of realization of the theory are collected? This question returns has to ask of a side if the printout is a desirable tool and the other if it is seen as such.?339Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne3.1A change desirable?3.1 .1a potential far from exhausted3.1.1 .1juries, yetFour books published in the last ten years have analyzed the judicial panels under the angle of the theory of democracy: those of Vidmar & Hans (2001 and 2007), of Abramson (2000) and Gastil & al. (2010). That gives the test of expectations in this framework? In terms of representativeness, juries are judicial has both more satisfactory on the principle and problematic in practice. In fact, the compulsory recruitment torque has a progressive expansion of lists of sorteables creates a higher potential of representativeness formal (Gastil & al. 2010, 71). But this ideal is limited by the procedure for disqualification: the parties can?"?do their jury?"?(Abramson 2000, 131-139 ; Vidmar & Hans 2007, 89-105) and the issue of justice is then shifts of the trial itself was that of the selection of jurors. The mathematical representation of interests seems sometimes dominate within the juries through their social composition (and in particular ethnic: African-Americans condemn less often a afro-american and vice versa a jury of caucasians) but which is not yet a factor unique explanatory verdicts (Abramson 2000, xi). The representation of type?"?altruism selfish?"?is presented in a part of the juries. With regard to the representation that we had characterized research of the general interest, it can also be found frequently and will sometimes even up to take the form of a protrusion of the clear mandate when juries have recourse to the procedure of?nullification, that is to say that they refuse to render a verdict in agreement with the judge's instructions regarding the law; the jury may acquit a defendant convicted on the grounds that the Act on which is based the conviction is unjust (Abramson 2000, XXV). Finally, if the mandate of the jurors is in general limite16, their deliberation has a binding force which can have serious consequences, particularly in countries such as the United States in which the death penalty is in force. It is, moreover, one of the two major weaknesses of the representation in the juries: in the trial involving the death penalty, jurors are more than proportionally inclined has condamner17. The second16More in all cases than the number of participants has mini-public.17Vidmar & Hans (2007, 341) or Abramson (2000, 12-13). If you couple this trend to bias of ethnic representation, this may give the explosive situations and resets very widely in question the legitimacy of cer3403. The conditions for achieving the policy aleatorienneHeavy trend concerned the civil trials in which enterprises are involved and which are more than proportionally decided in favor of the complainants prives18.The judicial panels do not seem meet all the conditions of the good deliberation. If the changes of opinion and debate took place, the discussion, she, is not necessarily to the appointment: the ringleaders can impose their views on the rest of the group (Abramson 2000, XI), the opportunities for participation are not equal for all, and the hierarchies of decision of speech are presented. In addition, the jurors do not have the opportunity to play an active role during the trial, since they do not have the right to ask questions or take notes, at least in the United States . It remains that the decision-making process is evidence of a quality important deliberative (Gastil & al. 2010, 73-105) and that it increases with the socio-economic diversity of the jurors, quality still increased by the need to render a unanimous verdict (Abramson 2000, 205). In addition, it seems that the jury either in ability to provide competent verdicts: the empirical studies show that the explanatory factor the more fort of a verdict is well the force of the evidence presented and that the professional judges approve the verdicts in their large majorite19. If one is interested in the question of the power to the people, it can be seen that the jury is probably the tool aleatorien the more radical and effective in this sense since its members are taking a decision which has the force of law, it is?"?the power of the people?"?(Abramson 2000, 1-3)20. This force is an important basis of the legitimacy of the tool which is double of a legitimacy of establishment based on the draw more widely accepted than in other tools, in part because the instrument is integrated into a broader process and framed by professional judges, particularly in systems such as that of France. For the jurors, the search for the correct decision is a major source of legitimacy (Hans & Vidmar 2001, 340). More generally, the arguments of representativeness and judgment by the peers are perceived as positive by the citizens who support greatly the institution and - if we take the case of the United States - would preferSome juries.18Vidmar & Hans (2003, 341) interpret this trend as the willingness of jurors to restore the balance of power between companies and ordinary citizens.19Vidmar & Hans (2007, 339-340):?"?Very significant to us are the research findings that identify the strengths of the evidence presented at the trial as the major determinant of jury verdicts. Civil jury damage awards are strongly correlated with the negligence and degree of injury. Thesis reasonable patterns in jury decisions go a long way to reassuring us that jury, by and large, listen to the judge and decided check boxes on the merits of the evidence rather than the biases and prejudice. Furthermore, in systemic studies spanning five decades, we find that judges agree with jury verdicts in most boxes.??20 It thus plays a role in procedural prevention as defined in Chapter 1: because judges and lawyers know that a case could happen before a jury, they are trying to adjust otherwise (Abramson 2000, 6-8).?341Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneFor 75% of them be tried by a jury rather than by juges21. The resonance of juries in the public sphere is a last element which tends to show the importance that they occupy in the framework of a justice transparent and democratic. The overall effects of juries are also remarkable. First, in terms of quantitative participation, it is estimated that one third of us nationals are brought has become de jure has a time in their lives (Gastil & al. 2010, 4). Secondly, the participation was a jury is a factor of empowerment,as Gastil & al. (2010) have been the show: the jurors earn not only technical skills during the trial, but also the social skills (Gastil & al. 2010, 129-130). They also remain deeply marked by their experience which changed their behavior: they engage in the political life and tend to participate more systematically to the elections (Gastil & al. 2010, 128). Thirdly juries are the meeting place between the justice professionals and citizens or develops a respect and a mutual understanding and a sense of justice and the common good (Gastil & al. 2010, 10).3.1.1 .2lotteries in educationFor the last ten years, more and more universities and schools employ a draw to distribute the seats they have. These lotteries seem to have an effect of major inclusion (Stone 2008, 267). They limit the perverse effects induced by methods of selection based on a review on geographic criterion (Boyle 2010, items 57-72) or of competence (Boyle 2010, 107-120) described his contributions ) thus minimizing the role of the economic capital, social and cultural life of the upper classes. Concerning the opinion of actors in the presence, the press and the media seem largely hostile has the idea of the drawing and the qualify of unjust and illegitimate (Boyle 2010, 51). The citizens about has them are more moderate. Thus, in the Netherlands, the students who have undergone the draw are not opposed (d'Hofstee 1983), the USA parents prefer sometimes even a lottery because it gives a chance to return to a?"?good?"?school (Stasz & Stolk 2007, 9-10). Finally, when we asked the British what is the method of choice the more just to select the children at the entrance of the school among a list of seven or eight possibilities, the drawing is located at the end of grading. On the other hand, if they are asked to compare the drawing with only one other method, then the latter21Vidmar & Hans (2007, 345).3423. The conditions for achieving the policy aleatorienneIs located has equal or even before (Sutton Trust 2007). Such a result makes emerge a fundamental issue of conditions of achievements of the theory of democracy random, that of the?framing?it is-a-say of the creation of a discursive space in which the printout may be compares?ceteris paribus?with other procedures, problematic to which we will return.3.1 .2Comparative ApproachesIt had been pointed out in the first chapter that the drawing is one of the four methods of selection in the side of the market, of the vote and of the examination. The result of the work took us has we concentrate on the printout, and the election and then on the drawing only. The reflection initiated in the first part of this chapter has remained in this framework and the strengths and weaknesses of mini-public have been evaluated for intrinsic manner, without appeal has a comparative approach with other decision-making procedures. This entry comparative inter-procedure (pulling/vote - drawing/review - draw/market) is yet a fundamental pillar of understanding of the emergence of the theory of random democracy but also procedures employing again the draw. That is why, although this is not the objective of this work, it is interesting to present a few succinct elements of a comparative nature. Boyle (2010) mobilized for example a wide series of studies which tend to show that the choice by examination is not more effective in terms of outcome that the choice by draw when it comes to selecting candidates at the entry of a university: the learned the fate are not significantly less efficient than the candidates chosen?"?on the merits?" on22. The same remark applies widely has the comparison between drawing and market: the programs of vouchers?, i.e. is the choice of a school based on a market are ineffective in the prediction of academic success. The more general comparison between drawing and market has been made by Kornhauser & Sager (1988) who argue that in a situation of economic inequalities, the draw is more just than the market. Regarding the vote and the draw, we saw in the first part of this chapter that the sorpresentants were in ability to produce results just as competent as the elected representatives. In another registry, it is interesting to ask the question of costs. In effect the patterns based on the drawing are often critical for22Boyle (2010, 137) :?"?The interview is in generally the ultimate decide of who has 'merit'. In reality it merely reflects the prejudices, witting gold use Goffmann s terminology i.e. of the interviewer. It is on this basis that a lottery becomes not just acceptable, goal has more just, even a more efficient process than the highly J. relies can be compared with those applicable interviews that are usually the final arbiter of merit.??343Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneTheir cost financial and moral, without a real serious evaluation of net costs would be realized. The mini-public are an obvious case of this bad faith. The cost of 25,000 euros per decision (a jury of citizens) seems far too high has many critics. But the cost of operation of the French parliament stood for example has EUR 741 million in 2002 to 122 laws, either 218 times more by?"?result?" on23. The question of the jurisdiction of the judicial selection boards is also done largely without taking into account the judicial procedures without a jury even though the difference between the two procedures is, in terms of results, insignificant (Vidmar & Hans 2007, 151-159).3.1 .3Balance SheetThe widening of the perspective book of the concordant indications on the first of the conditions of realization, that of relevance. When the draw is employee, he seemed to be able to have positive effects. Effects which are also present in a comparative dimension. The draw may be more effective, less expensive, more representative, more democratic, less biased than the other procedures of choice and therefore has a political potential. Despite these successes in some areas, the tools aleatoriens do not diffuse. By continuing in a quantitative manner the comparison procedural, we must go to the evidence clearly shows that the tools based on the drawing are insignificant. Only 8% of the trial in the United States include a jury, 99.99 per cent of the universities continue to select candidates on the academic merit, the mini-public are a phenomenon of niche reserve has rich countries, the?tie-breaker?elective are curiosities and the decision-making prints on serious issues are non-existent. Therefore, even when it is efficient, the printout is not a standard procedure which pushes has be interested in the second part of the conditions of realization, the one concerning the political actors: the draw is it desired? Is it desired? A return on the history of the dissemination of?Planungszellen?will provide a first lighting.23Calculation dating back to 2005: cf. Vergne 2005.3443. The conditions for achieving the policy aleatorienne3.2A desired change?3.2 .1" Tausende von Planungszellen ""?Ich denke year morgen, wenn du Tausende von Planungszellen stattfinden werden und Millionen von Menschen Master Corporal Daran teilnehmen' werden.???Peter Dienel (Vergne 2005, 2).The analysis of the questionnaires and interviews conducted for the study of diffusion24, as well as from the literature allows you to move forward seven elements explaining why the thousands of?Planungszellen?whose Peter Dienel revait yet in 2005 have never seen the light of day. The first cause of non-dissemination could reside in the poor quality of the model, what the results of the empirical study contradict. Another explanation is based on the assumption of the procedural competition, i.e. is the fact that other models equivalent but less expensive and/or more efficient will be developed and disseminated. This vision is defensible since, as we have seen, the 1990 have seen the models of participatory democracy multiply. However, it is noted that participatory democracy is not imposed in global terms. It remains a niche and the?Planungszelle?represents a small share of this small part. A third hypothesis focuses on the inability of the model to emerge from its product image scientific and academic. The figures however, contradict this explanation. In Germany, 24% of projects have been carried out as research projects25 on the whole of the period ; rates which mounted a 50 per cent for the first two decades but which drops to 13% over the period 1992-1998 and has only 5.5 per cent between 1998 and 2011. The explanation would then perhaps be a seek from the side of the political scale: the?Planungszelle?would not have managed to exceed the local level. In fact, and contrary to what might be expected, the distribution is wider and if 63% of the projects have had a local theme, 11% were from regional level (Land ), 19% national and 8% dealt with global themes / supranational.Has the reverse of these four assumptions little explanatory, three factors can enlighten the finding of the non-dissemination. First, the model has not been able to convince the decision makers and agents given that the correlation between successful projects and dissemination of the model is24 Cf. chapter 3, 2.1 , p. 186 and Annex 2.1 , p. 398.25Three types of projects fall into this category: those financed by a specific fund has research, those made up entirely on a university budget and those supported in part by the trustee recipient of recommendations but declared by the organizers as a research project.345Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneExtremely low. In Germany, only eight of the forty two agents have launched more than one project and only three of them more than three. Secondly, strong logical networks have been has the implementation. We know from the literature that the networks of stakeholders play a central role in the success of the diffusion of an innovation: the interpersonal contacts between the inventors of the model and the actors academic, political and social form the basis of the process (Rogers 2003). However, in the opinion of the vast majority of the members of the network?Planungszelle,?Peter Dienel has has the time been the biggest engine of the spread of the model but also one of the major obstacles posed has its dissemination. His missionary attitude of?"?Saint Paul of the?Planungszelle?"?has sometimes been strongly discredited the tool. In the same way - albeit at a more global level - we note that the structure of the German network, highly integrated, was the most important factor of dissemination but also of non-dissemination. All projects carried out in Germany, with the exception of one, have in effect been conducted by connected persons has one of these institutions, a control that has probably limited the possibilities of making projets26. The network for the promotion of the model therefore seems not to have managed to impose and has win the necessary support. In addition, and this is the third explanatory hypothesis, the dissemination of the?Planungszelle?if is based on the offer: its supporters have approach the political and administrative leaders to propose their standard model then that there was no request: the model has not received the overwhelming support of the elite preventing a broadcast?top-down, nor that of social movements blocking the road has a dissemination?bottom-up. In the end, the idea of?Planungszellen?is increased by the channels?side-up?and?side-down?of academic origin. In a 1985 report, conducted with collaborators at the University of Wuppertal, Dienel attempted to analyze the reasons for the failure of the dissemination of its model and concludes that what is lacking are the?Anwendungstrukturen?: of the same that the automotive industry has been able to largely do accept his innovation that, with the establishment of corresponding infrastructure (paved roads, garages and fuel supply system), the proponents of the?Planungszelle?must convince the political system that a new infrastructure of participation are necessary (Dienel & Mehlich 1985, 75-90). It is therefore in the social and political environment more broadly that it is appropriate to seek the causes of the non-distribution of the?Planungszelle?and may-be well also of the whole range of models based on the drawing.26But clearly ensures the quality of those made, unlike countries such as the United Kingdom.3463. The conditions for achieving the policy aleatorienne3.2 .2Ignorance and rejection: the absence of a society aleatorienneIt was widely had the opportunity to deal with all of the actors who wish the introduction and the reintroduction of the draw in politics, it is time now to see who does not wish this change and for what reasons. The first of them and the most widespread seems to be simply the ignorance. There is, of a few criticisms of the theory of democracy random but the latter are all the more spontaneous reactions has the writings of supporters of the tirage27. In reality, there is no trace of a discussion highly reasoned in the theory. Ignorance also seems at first sight be the attitude more generally widespread in the population. However, there are some groups likely to reject the institution drawing, in the first rank of which are located the political elite who would have much to lose has a widespread use of the instrument and which seems particularly react violently to the proposals in this direction, when they are informes28. The interest groups and economic actors also have good reasons to fear of instruments such as the mini-public on which they have only a reduced oversight and they choose to put in before the legitimacy of the procedure of market, only one has even to reveal the real preferences of citizens-29. It may even happen that the supporters of a greater democratization of democracy are likely to oppose the establishment of institution aleatoriennes30.However, the rejection is not limited to the elites. The experiences of Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers have shown that the participants, despite their rejection of the representative political current, their positive sense vis-a-vis the draw as a method of selection for the mini-public and their judgment on the model itself were not envy of a democracy aleatorienne. They27Classically the authors very thinly populated a chapter containing the reactions that they have received during the presentation of their text. See for example Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 73-78), Barnett & Carty (2008, 109-123) or (Boyle 2010, 86-94). See also point 3.5 of chapter 3, p. 160 et seq.28It returns has Sintomer (2007) who has presented an anthology of reactions has the announcement by S??Gol?¨ne Royal of its willingness to put in place citizens' juries. Reactions which, from the extreme left to the extreme right, were almost unanimously negative, sometimes violent and was often evidence of ignorance vis-a-vis the model of mini-public which it was question.29See for illustration the reactions very violent of the packaging industry after the jury on the deposit system that we have studied at the beginning of the chapter. Hendriks (2004, 84-85).30Carson & Martin (1999, 116) :?"?It's worth mentioning one additional source of resistance: many prominent figures in social movements and dissenting political groupings. In terms of their own principles, many of these individuals are committed to promoting increased citizen participation. However, they occupy positions in which they have status and power within an organization and peut wider visibility as spokespeople for a cause. To promote random selection might undermine their own status.??347Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneConsider that the policy should remain a profession and that it request the skills and vertus31. More generally, and in incorporating the categories of analysis of the first chapter, the pejorative speed of reception of the coincidence in our societies strongly prevents the dissemination of idee32. Liberal societies have modern fact of merit and of a certain form of rationality their credo, which is taught and internalized since the more early childhood (Carson & Martin 1999, 118). However, as noted in the Elster (1987, 173) based on Thomas (1971), the draw deeply questioned this approach:"?Thomas allegedly infringing that one cause of the decline of magic in the late is the editor of seventeenth century was the anacronym "ability to tolerate ignorance, which has been defined as an essential characteristic of the scientific attitude." (790) It follows that explicit lotteries should be more frequently used, with no attempt to dress them up as an expression of fate or God's will. Purpose Thomas aussi suggests that people in contemporary societies are just as downpour to the recognition of uncertainty, ignorance, and indeterminacy. "The investment programs of modern industrial firms ... require decisions to be taken about future policies at times when it is often impossible to form a rational view of their outcome. It is not surprising that industrialists sometimes worn barely falling within statistical projects to justify what is essentially a leap in the dark."??The central place of the concept of merit as legitimate key and unique of any selection procedure33 and the willingness of reasoning in terms?"?rational?" on?without recognizing the contingency of human reason are probably the two most important barriers to the diffusion of the idea of drawing in politique34. The psychological barrier is also semantics: the draw is linked to the ideas of chaos, lottery, game, etc. associations who abduct has the method its credibility. The results of the empirical studies are returning here in head: the liberal society is neither Babylonian nor anarchist.3.3Balance SheetA highlighted the potential of the drawing and the weakness of its dissemination have shown that the conditions of realization of the theory are not all together. If the cleros has of procedural benefits and may be powerful, it is-a-say desirable, it is not force31InquiryPosterior, cf. chapter 5, 4.2.3.2 , 298.32 Cf. chapter 1, 3.2.2 , p. 67 or Goodwin (2005, 55):?"?However, the association of the lottery principle with gambling and vice, especially in strongly Christian countries, has in general vitiated its reputation and blinded many people to its fairness and usefulness as a versatile instrument of social justice.??33Even though a combination between drawing and merit is everything has done imaginable by the establishment of a procedure topnotch a draw and a review on criterion of merit.34See also Buchstein (2009, 457) :?"?Machen wir few aber keine Illusionen: Um der Lottery in modernen Demokratien mehr Raum geben zu konnen, bedarf es eines gesellschaftlichen Mentalitatswechsels bezuglich der Akzeptanz "Zufalligen".??3483. The conditions for achieving the policy aleatorienneMENT wants: it is greatly ignored and the reluctance - more or less virulent and aware - are numerous. Then how do you reconcile these two aspects? How do happen the change? And what agenda concerning the theory of drawing in politics does it mean?4. What agenda for the theory of the draw in politics?4.1The scenarios of changeWe had in the third chapter class the authors supporters of the draw depending on the nature of the frame was debate that they employed and the tools that they were proposing. While maintaining this distinction in memory, we will now detail the strategies and scenarios imagined by them for that come hell or high water the change. We can distinguish three positions: do, reform and combat.4.1 .1Do: Dienel, Crosby and companyThe first strategy is pursued by the creators of the mini-public for whom it is before any to do. As the announced Dienel in a text to the programmatic style:"?Wir werden noch sehr vi?¨le Versuche unternehmen mussen. Die Erfahrungen werden wir sammeln und systematisieren. Das wurde few helfen, for Versuche gezielter anzusetzen. Es wird sich als notwendig erweisen, Planungsprozesse, die in unserer Gesellschaft sowieso vonstatten gehen, using als Modellvorhaben fur die Beteiligung von Betroffenen zu using. Die Vergabe von etwa Stadtebaumitteln muss mit der Auflage verbunden werden, bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Partizipationsformen experimentell anzuwenden. Die formen, die sich als praktikabel erweisen und die wir weiterentwickeln, werden Bezeichnungen s so wie heute Flugzeugtypen: pound Beteiligungsform fasst 30 Personen, pound 120 und jene 400.???(Dienel 1971a, 29).This is the number of jobs which will make the change. The proponents of such a strategy are little appeal has the theoretical arguments but much more has of success on a case-by-case basis. The main objective is to produce the supply of tools for drawing, which seems to be effective if you look at the process of dissemination on the mini-public. This is, in effect, the employment category of the draw?349Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneWho has the more branched out in recent years, in particular owing to the existence of a network of promoters of the deliberative democracy and participatory are seized of the model and which have door. It is also a strategy which has the advantage of being very pragmatic. It does not presuppose a citizen theoretical ideal - supporter of the first hour of the draw - and does not consider that the cleros suffice it has create the conditions of a renewed democracy. On the contrary, for its proponents and to the early pioneers of participatory democracy, the motivations of citizens are multiple. Dienel (1971b, 153) quoted by example the motivations has the participation in the following order:?Finanzielle Vergutung,?Objektbezogenes Interested,?objektunabhangige Communication,?moralische Werte,?Spielreiz,?Gruppenzugehorigkeit. In this approach, the reward of the participants, the facilities of organizations temporal, the limited mandate, are so many contradictions in the theory of the pull and policy described in the third chapter, but which allow the concrete experiences to take place and be successful. It is this which also explains that the drawing has played in this strategy a secondary role, unlike the central place it occupies in the theoretical constructions of a part of the authors of the corpus.Two questions arise concerning this tactic. Firstly, the question of its force has convince to have recourse to the draw in fields other than that of the mini-public in which there is no standardized instrument ready-a-employment, door by a network of actors having a professional perspective. Secondly, that of the ethics. Some as Fishkin did not hesitate to organize?Deliberative Poll?in China. Dienel about has him has always refused to accompany the process within private businesses while taking the reindeer of a project funded by a research center on atomic energy. No in contrast may be reluctant to work with all the actors of the political spectrum supporter, extreme right placing a hand. Do has any cost may however lead to anchor the draw and its practice in a context spam making its dissemination in other frameworks widely less easy. It has been seen that the existence of a suitable speech and a positive perception35 are elements absolutely central to the dissemination of any procedure of choice. However, a strategy of?"?make?" on?ready the sidewall has any associations negative discursive - drawing and dictatorship for example - which could impede the dissemination of the idea of the theory of random democracy.35On these concepts see chapter 1, 3.1 and 3.2 , p. 54 et seq.3504. What agenda for the theory of the draw in politics?4.1 .2pontificating and infiltrate, without being politicizedThis strategy is opposed to the previous one in the sense that it focuses on the production of a speech pro draw, encompassing, and macro from the theory and not of the practice. Its proponents develop normative pitches and thus designed a strategy for medium term consisting of a infiltrate the institutions and has reinvest the meanings associated with the selection procedures (operations of?reframing). From an operational point of view, it is to infiltrate the existing institutions lack legitimacy in the blow by blow:"?What I hope is that it may be possible to get the process started by finding areas of responsibility where the present ways of doing things manifestly fail. It will be in the interests of those who bear the stigma of that failure to try to get rid of those responsibilities to whatever institutions are willing to accept them. One of the great virtues of demarchy is that it can, les autres centralized forms of socialism, be gasnot in a piecemeal way, provided there is sufficient agreement that it is worth trying in a perticular area.???(Burnheim 1985, 160).This approach has involved the production of a subframe favorable ideological the draw and ready therefore less sidewall to the abuse that the strategy of the do but may prove particularly unproductive. The study of chapter 2 has shown that the proposals for reform have multiplied since 40 years, each year brings its lot of authors who proposed to revolutionize democracy by the use of the draw but the calls are piling up and the liberal democracy has yet beautiful days before it. Everyone seems to reinvent the wheel, in a world which does not seem to need it. Such a strategy runs the risk even that she denounced: the right to remain an intellectual pleasure reserve has the progressive elites steeped in history and ancient knitting woolen socks complex scenarios combining prints, on elections, exams in the radiance. A ludic activity in sum then that normal citizens are burdened with debts, unemployment and insecurity on a daily basis.4.1 .3become a political movement"?Many of the beneficial changes in society have been pushed along by social movements, such as those against slavery, for universal literacy, for women's rights, for workers' rights, against torture, and for environmental responsibility. Representative systems were not gasnot by benevolent monarchs, goal were the outcome of a complex process that included energetic advocacy. So, let's set up the "Movement for Random Selection in Politics".???Carson & Martin (1999, 126).351Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneUnlike the two previous strategies, a last series of actors offers a tactic based on the creation of a political movement. It is no longer to introduce experiences but to present a program consisting of and of the porter in the arena develop an important agonistic. This position is very largely minority among the university and the partitioning between activists and researchers and practitioners of the draw seems very waterproof. A notable exception is Barber, which has the inverse of Burnheim, pleaded for a battle front:"?Strong democracy looks to wage a second war for suffrage, a second campaign to win the substance of citizenship neutralise goal never achieved by the winning of the vote. We have the same interest in a substantive victory that we had in the original formal victory: the liberation of women and men from bondage to others, and tb privatism, through the legitimization of participatory self-government and the democratic establishment of a common good.???(Barber 1984, 266).For the proponents of this strategy, the experimentation, useful as it is, is not enough because it is not linked to a platform broader reforms politiques36. What is needed is therefore a party, such as the one door by some activists French and Belgian, aimed at anchoring the draw in the public discussion as the theme has hand entiere37. The proponents of this idea are nourished of past experiences, especially those of the fight for suffrage or the drawing at the Italian renaissance when the?popolani?took to the streets to claim the prize draw, then attempts successful.The continuation of such a tactic however, raises serious questions. First of all, concerning the relevance even to a party for a movement which in its overwhelming majority criticized the system supporter. Moreover, if this form of action is any of the same deemed acceptable, the question arises as to its anchor policy: the theory and practice of drawing in politics must-they resolutely anchor in the progressive camp, has left, for example? In the affirmative, rather color of socialist or anarchist? Or on the contrary take a pace deeply or even liberal libertarian? If the solution of the party is more comparable to the historical cases such as that of the struggle for the extension of the right to vote, follow the track non-partisan is closest to the spirit who breath in most practices aleatoriennes. The politicization also raises a major question: the anchor in a political camp and the integration in an electoral program allows a wider dissemination in case of victory,36Martin (1995, 45) :?"?Tea experimentation with policy juries and planning cells is vital in gaining experience and spreading the idea of participation through random selection. The limitation of these approaches is that they are not linked to major social groups which would be able to mobilize people to work for the alternative.??37See Amanrich (2006) or Grabzinsky (2007).?3524. What agenda for the theory of the draw in politics?But causes a rejection more systematic of the opposition. That is what the example compares of France and Germany gives a see concerning the mini-public. With the gradual integration of the theme of the participation in the platform of the socialist party and its victory in many French regions, participatory democracy, and by ricochet the practice of drawing, has developed considerably in a very short time, but has resulted in a systematic rejection of the part of the conservative camp. In Germany, on the other hand, all the parties of the political spectrum have and continue to put in place instruments based on the drawing, but in a manner more sporadic and without project consisting in the long term. A last poll concerning this strategy is that of its scope. It is quite obvious that a political movement which battle against the whole of an established system, based on the worship of merit and the vote, must expect has a widespread resistance and has be ignored and mocked more than listening and understood.4.2Research Questions4.2 .1theoretical research: Densification of the platform discursiveThe work done in the previous chapters has been widely demonstrated that develops for forty years a set of arguments which may have been condensed in the form of a theory of democracy random. This first step is however not sufficient and the stakes of the theoretical research future lies in the creation of a discursive legitimacy for the draw. Using the same categories of the first chapter, it is to produce regimes of justification raising the draw to the rank of legitimate procedure in itself, as is the case of the vote today. In this framework, we need to tackle issues such as theaccountability?which has not yet been satisfactorily addressed. It must also carry out operations of?meta-matching, it is-a-say bind regimes of justifications has of possible uses. It must seek here what speech is being combined with better with what practice and vice versa what practice has no speech convincing. Such research may be the opportunity to propose new instruments aleatoriens hybrids, although this does not seem a priority in view of the large number of publications of this type. At the level of the regime for reception, the important seems to reinvest the meanings associated with the drawing. It is of?353Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienneCreate situations of?framing?in which it becomes possible to compare the drawing?ceteris paribus?with other modes of selection. Finally, in another register it is necessary to continue the comparative research inter-procedures through studies - historical including - if interesting in the process of dissemination of the vote and elective procedures of direct democracy and semi-direct: what have been the strategies pay tv? The obstacles?4.2 .2empirical research: Compare the jobs, test modelsIn the empirical domain, three axs seem priority. First, we had the opportunity to note that the work regarding the lotteries and the advisory prints are deficient and it would therefore be particularly fruitful to look in this direction. Then, it was stressed the lack of comparisons inter-procedures: what are the differences between a draw and a review when the distribution of social housing? How would a?Planungszelle?with a recruitment by market, consideration or vote (same subject, same method, only the recruitment changed) ? What would happen if you pulled out real decisions to the fate? What happens in forums less structures? The formula printout + deliberation is it essential? Finally, it would be good - albeit that utopian - to test empirically the huge variety of theoretical proposals in order to see which pass the test of reality. Finally, the question of the precondition aleatorienne should be the object of all the attention: the citizens are they really reluctant to change? The merit is it the unsurpassable horizon of the liberal order? Is there a culture policy favorable to draw? Otherwise, how can accompany its emergence?3545. Conclusions5. ConclusionsThe highlighting of the empirical study and theoretical has license to drive has six conclusions. First, the study of a corpus of about twenty evaluations of process of mini-public confirmed in very large part the results obtained in chapter 5 concerning Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers. Secondly, the statement of common weaknesses allowed the update of criteria of qualities concerning the mini-public along four axs: the inclusion, deliberation, the efficiency and fairness. It also allows you to raise a series of questions for future research concerning the mini-public. Thirdly, by expanding the reflection has all the usages of the prize draw in politics, we were able to identify a double trend: the tools aleatoriens may be competitive in a perspective inter-procedure, they can be more rational, fair, effective, etc. Despite this, they still rely on the fingers of the hand and are almost never the standard procedure. In reality, and this is the fourth result of the contextualization, it seems that the conditions macro-policies of realization of the theory of democracy and random innovation?"?draw in?" policy?are not met: if the change can be seen as desirable, it is not desired. Then arises, fifthly, the issue of scenarios that can lead to a change. The analysis revealed that there are three strategies among the proponents of the prize draw in politics: get involved to multiply jobs (do), work has create a speech legitimizing the draw (pontificating and infiltrate without being politicized) and advocate (become a political movement). It was finally put in before that some of the questions concerning the draw in policy could find a response in additional research, empirical and theoretical opening a research agenda in the field.355Conclusion1. Contributions of the study1.1A typology relevantThe typology seems a relevant tool and useful, because it may, grace has it, enter live procedures, encased in their political and social context. She brings concrete elements of understanding on the dissemination of the tools for drawing in putting forward the central role of the regime of justification (why or do we reject the draw?) and receive (how interprets it the concept of the random which is the basis of the draw?) which have proved just as important as the hardware procedure itself (how do they make the fate concretely ? ). It is as well that it was able to advance a hypothesis explaining the reason for the draw is not disseminated in liberal societies. The latter would call into question the ideological foundations of these regimes - the objective jurisdiction and one-dimensional as well as the merits - and would be negatively associated with concepts such as the game, the risk or irrationality. The modular approach of the typology has also made it possible to emphasize the extrinsic nature of the draw, i.e. is the fact that the latter do not have a nature or value own (just, egalitarian, impartial, etc. ) but that it is the result of a set of engineering procedural, justifications and various interpretations. It has thus been able to identify prototypes of procedures of choice (cf. illustration 62, p. 358) and then prototypes of drawing which are derived from the cross between a hardware operation and a frame was debate (cf. illustration 11 of chapter 1, p. 87). The typology is also in a more comprehensive approach consisting of a?"?make a not in ? rear??to watch not only?"?the plethora of current policies?"?but also the level more abstract procedures, as well as the motivations and psychological context and symbolic of their use1. Finally, the work of the1Burnheim (2006, 2) :?"?My hand hope remains that people of all spells who are concerned about the problems that face our contemporary democracies may find it stimulating to step back from the plethora of current policy issues and devote more attention to questions of procedures of representation and decision-making.ConclusionFirst Chapter opens the tracks concerning the understanding of other political tools through procedural and would allow for example to deal in detail with the other methods of selection or more widely has objects as the monnaie2.BatchDecisionPostDraw (cleros)LotteryStack or faceSortitionVote (psephos)DistributionVotingElectionReview (docimasie)AllocationDeliberationMaintenanceMarket (Agora)TradeNegotiationVenalityIllustration 62: Prototypes of procedures of choice.1.2The emergence of a theory of democracy randomThe study scientometrics has first of all shows that there is indeed a growing set and coherent texts, is interesting to the - or even proposing the reintroduction of the - drawing in policy which allows itself to be analyzed in a quantitative manner. The trends observed during the data collection is continuing and the more recent publications which could not be integrated in the database confirms the analysis ; in bibliometric terms, they have a rate of intercitation important and orient themselves to the corpus of textes3. The approach of chapter 2 has in addition shows that the scientometrie can also be fruitful in such disciplines as political philosophy in order to delineate quantitatively a scientific field and to reveal the heavy trends before to take an interest in a more targeted way during a qualitative analysis.The work carried out in the third chapter has about has him clearly shows the existence of a frame was debate common has a series of authors supporters of the drawing composed of two elements: firstly a radical criticism of the current political system and of its intellectual foundations (which are the competence and merit) and secondly the formulation of an alternative based on the drawing of lots and accompanied by expectations concerning itsThe basic belief underlying my approach to our problems is that social relationships and structures are built up out of our social practices, our ways of doing things.??2The currency as a tool (banknotes and coins, or on the contrary cacao beans and pens, or even data pure virtual), recessed in a system of justifications (medium of exchange, value in itself, etc. ) and receive (money as a means or as a goal, etc. ).3See for example Stone (2011) or Pluchino & al. (2011).3581. Contributions of the studyImplementation (in the areas of formal representation and substantial, of participation, of the legitimacy and the society in general). The relevance of this analysis is confirmed by the issuance of subsequent publications has the drafting of chapter employing exactly the same frame: a theory of democracy seems random therefore well be emerging. We can define the latter as a current of political philosophy which the object of study is the draw in politics, which, in its vast majority, developed a partisan speech on the use of this procedure of choice with the aim to bring a solution to the multiple crises of liberal democracy, and which is crossed with differing sensitivities concerning the concrete modalities of implementation of the draw and the magnitude has give his employment.1.3The mini-public: An innovation came here from GermanyThe study of chapter 4 on the creation and dissemination of mini-public has shown that the real cradle of model is Germany and that the?Planungszelle?of Peter Dienel is the first practical model which has brought together citizens learned the fate in order to deliberate on a public policy issue on the basis of contradictory information: it is the first modern realization of the idea of mini-public. Contrary to expectations, this is not the example of judicial panels which has served as the main inspiration but much more a comprehensive approach to social engineering at the intersection of the sociology, psychology of group and of pragmatic concerns which have been the main reasons for the choice of draw for the recruitment of participants. The analysis has also shown that the sister model, that of?Citizens Juries?created by Ned Crosby, was inspired by the principles of social justice and ethics policy but had it no more, not had the jury for judicial model. In both cases, however, the main concern was to make possible the decision making in the context of pluralistic societies highly atomised. The result of the study has shown the paths taken by the two models which have led to their dissemination and gradual hybridization according to three modes: the faithful transposition (the model is imported without change as in Spain), the transfer with adaptation (the model is taken as a basis and then adapted to the local context as in the United Kingdom ) and the indirect inspiration (the model is known by literature and serves as a foundation for the development of an instrument clean as in France).359Conclusion1.4A theory which passes the test benchChapters 5 and 6 confirm that the greater part of expectations is carried out in the mini-public, which means that the theory of democracy random operates in this framework. The citizens learned the fate, put in a situation of information, deliberation and council, are representative of the population and to design as such. They incorporate and then assume their role of?"?representative citizen?" on?and strive to define and to defend the general interest in taking a posture of amateurs of policy. The participants are deeply marked by their experience and the forums are the place of an activation which lasts in time and key their immediate entourage. The mini-public and the draw are seen as legitimate not only by the organizers but also by the participants and by a part of the public sphere. In addition, we observed the birth of embryos of new educational institutions (all players earn technical skills and thematic), social (a part of the participants won the social skills and political) and economic (it creates a activity of council in participatory democracy and engineering of mini-public). Put in context through a comparative study, these results tend to confirm the hypothesis that the drawing has a strong political potential. They also allow you to propose 4 quality criteria updated for the mini-public: the inclusion (the procedure is available for a maximum of citizens and of interests formed, and the few as the other can express himself), the deliberation (the conditions of the debate, the discussion, of the trunk without hierarchy of participation are secured through methods of animation), the relevance (the mini-public is effective and efficient, that is, it has a hardware effects and media, that it is integrated in the decision-making process and that he has a report quality-price satisfactory) and equity (the process is difficult to manipulate because it is accompanied by professional, because it is transparent and because it is reflective).At the level of experiences, Aix-la-Chapelle has shown that the use of mini-public in a framework of blocking of politicking is particularly effective: the citoyenne becomes more autonomous and the instrument creates a new balance discursive. This effect would be yet to be confirmed in other cases, but is a major contribution of the study in regard to the?meta-matching?(study of relevance of the employment of a given instrument in a given context). The experience has also proved the usefulness of having groups working in parallel?3601. Contributions of the studyIn order to be able to aggregate the results independent of each other, a process able to increase the legitimacy of the whole: independently of each other, different groups and accompanied by different animators, but subject to the same information, come to the same conclusions, which objectively the results. The experience picto-Charente has shown that we must take seriously the issue of the drafting of the opinion citizen by the group because such an approach runs the risk of leaving resurface the sociocultural differences and hierarchies of floor (it has been seen that the participants from the higher PCS have drafted the greater part of the text then of the citizens from backgrounds more modest were merely a more passive role). She has also established the relevance of the deliberation in several separate sessions in order to allow the possibility for participants to influence the course of the procedure as well as to discuss the subject with their entourage. She has finally confirmed that it is possible to carry out the evaluation panels beyond the juries more conventional for prospective or policy-formulation, a condition to limit the mandate has a specific object (in the sense of?policy), which was not quite the case in Poitou-Charentes . The comparison of the two mini-public has shown that a hybrid model can be just as effective as the standard model, the?Planungszelle.2. Limitations and open questions2.1A typology incompleteThe typology in terms of prototypes developed in this work is primarily a land clearing. The deconstruction of the procedure company here has in addition an artificial character (including the division between regime of justification and of reception) may complicate the analysis of a phenomenon which is often apprehended as recognizable using a single marker, as can the be the moment blind (blind estate) of (Dowlen 2008a) or the effect hand sanitiser (sanitizing effect) of Stone (2011). In addition, the prototypes are probably not all relevant and the frames anything economically exploitable would gain to be supplemented. That is why this area is called comparative research and case studies of jobs of the draw to populate a database of jobs and historical pre361ConclusionPresent - it also has carried out - and to test the relevance of the distinction between hardware operation, regime of justification and a receipt.2.2" The age of the draw" is it "on us"?"?Cleary, the age of random selection is upon us.???(Leiman 1978, 8).The research Scientometrics, at the same time that it showed a growing interest for the draw, has also put in before the relativity of the phenomenon. Less than 500 texts in more than 40 years in a global context of exponential growth of publications in social sciences, are in fact a sign that?"?the age of random selection?"?is not??"?clearly upon us?". The definition of the theory of democracy random made here is, she also, limited, given that it deals with the sortition and leaves aside the lotteries (distribution of batches) and the drawings advisory (decision-making) which could well do not rely on the same discursive regimes and of reception, especially regarding the criticism of the skill (one thinks in particular of the discussions in the field of the places of education which often revolve around of the articulation between a draw and a competence element?"?classic?"?in the form of good notes for example). This limitation calls for additional research in these areas.Beyond that, the relevance of the theory of democracy random can be called into question on at least two points. First, it was seen in chapter 6 that the drawing is not necessarily desired in liberal societies. Could it mean that representative democracy is not structurally in crisis but that it does only face has a cyclical lack? The reflections of the authors are they disconnected from the reality? The proponents of the draw do they deceive during fault finding? May-be the draw is it that a partial solution has specific problems of democracy. Secondly, and at a level more than epistemological, the theory of democracy random considers that the advent of the draw does not need a new man or new wife. In reality, the acceptance of the principle random request that the human beings are in ability to recognize the limits of their rationality and their power. The human being aleatorien is located has the opposite of the liberal democracy: it is not a modern Prometheus on triumph of obs3622. Limitations and open questionsTackles by the reason, the discussion and the force, but on the contrary he who knows that the contingency is master in this world.2.3The limits of the methodologyThe empirical research has faced has the limits inherent in this type of exercise. First of all, the risk of influencing the conduct of the experiment through a comment too participant is real. A Poitiers, it has been felt mainly after that a discussion with one of the participants on the methodology in place has led the latter to use some of my remarks to criticize the conduct of the jury. A Aix-la-Chapelle, a misunderstanding during an interview with an official of the municipal governance has prompted me to reveal the results of?Planungszellen?even though they were still neither official nor even approved by the citizens responsible for the replay of the citizen report. The latter was then transmitted instanter my remarks has its direction, putting a poorly consistency of approach. Secondly, any qualitative study has encountered limits well known as are the non-statistical representativeness and the bias of the readings. A Aix-la-Chapelle i could not talk about that with 19 of the 94 participants. If the members of the first?Planungszelle?have responded very positively to my request, only two participants on 25 of the third group have agreed to conduct an interview. In addition, I have not been able or has Aix-la-Chapelle nor has Poitiers to speak with the officials responsible for the practical implementation recommendations but only with line managers the most senior. In both cases lack also the opinion of persons who have not participated, leaving open a series of questions on the reasons for participation or absence. Beyond these specific limitations of qualitative studies, the arrangements put in place has not been able to deliver information on the real power of the facilitators on the procedure and its results otherwise than through the interviews. Design a dedicated tool during the participatory observation in future research would provide valuable results on this crucial aspect of mini-public. In addition, the choice of the mini-public as field test has not allowed us to test all the expectations, including those in which the deliberation does not play a central role. The still should be complement research by finding a model in which the deliberation is minimal or absent.363ConclusionThe work on the corpus ready for its part the sidewall has a main criticism, the one to be incomplete and arbitrary in regard to the selection of texts. Linguistic boundaries are rapidly reached (only four languages have could be taken into account) and the fine distinction between the texts considered as published and those not is held at the age of auto-online publications.More generally, the choice to articulate a theoretical study and a practical test in this research has means a mass of important work in extended (mass of texts for the bibliometric study, complexity of the calculations, preparation, implementation and operation of the empirical survey) which has sometimes obliges the impasse on the depth of analysis. It is as well that we should understand the last chapter which raises more questions than it answers. The choice to take the mini-public as field of test is also subject to controversy. In effect, these have become with the time reference of the authors of the theory of random democracy. The risk exists that they have adapted, consciously or not, their expectations to the model explaining why the mini-public fulfill if well the expectations. To make sure, it should be tested for other uses of the draw having less affinity with the theory like the lotteries outlined in the chapter 6 concerning practices such as the?green card.2.4Some of the unfulfilled expectationsThe mini-public do not meet fully the expectations, in particular those related to the individual power and the mathematical representation of interests. Either that these expectations are doomed to be disappointed when a group of citizens takes the time to discuss a problem of public policy and will eventually take a common position, either that the mini-public do not constitute the model adapted to the test of this type of expectations (cf. supra). We do not observe non-more than the emergence of a new form of accountability, probably because of the limited framework in which are located the citizens, which forced the latter to seek in the sphere classic representative the means to render account of their work. It was also seen that the offer of participation is not sufficient to create the request and that the institutional arrangements (compensation, custody of children, the ability to take leave) are very important without that one can determine exactly what factor plays the biggest role in the motivation to participate, which called for some research Rshould3642. Limitations and open questionsBudgetary funds in this area. In addition, the mini-public are not the place of a unique enchantment of the policy. If the context of employment seems to play a role (reagent as a Aix-la-Chapelle vs proactive as a Poitiers), the comments made in the two experiments are asking to be supplemented beyond the comparative approach of chapter 6 which has not, to this point of view, book of complementary elements. There should be more accurately test the correlations has the work which lead to a decrease or an increase in the confidence of participants in representative politics traditional. Finally, the expectations concerning the emergence of a legitimacy purely procedural are not fulfilled. On the contrary, the citizens involved in the process are seeking has sit down their legitimacy on a substantial basis, that of the?"?good decision?" on.A more holistic point of view, the two experiments and the contextualization of chapter six have shown that the drawing torque has the deliberation bore fruit only in a limited area (geographically, socially and politically) even in the the most ambitious experiments as can be the?Citizens Assemblies. The expectations macrosocial views are the least performed and the main issue of a broad realization of expectations thus seems be the establishment of an effective interface between the deliberative bubble and the political world classic in order that the policy aleatorienne does not remain confined to a democracy of projects, granted and controlled by the representative bodies classics. This observation raises the question of the strategy to be followed for that are spreading the tools aleatoriens. We were able to identify three approaches in the chapter 6 - do, write and engage - who seem complementary and deserve to be pursued in parallel. The first is to work toward the establishment of experiences of mini-public in order to achieve a critical mass of jobs making the draw a central tool of the policy. The second is rather centered on the production of speech and of arguments pro-draw in the aim of creating a platform was debate in his favor. The third is a political action more direct and move toward the creation of a political movement pro-drawing ready to act on the scene politician and representative politics classic.?365Conclusion3. "Creating the world of tomorrow""?All the men could learn to use the tools of yesterday, made more effective and more sustainable grace has the science of today to create the world of tomorrow.???Illich (1970, 217).The ancestral technique of the draw is to return. It has been made more effective grace to the advanced mathematics of the last century: we know now make a representative sample, create the random grace has of algorithms, calculate probabilities, etc. The random tool is pervasive in all areas of science, it plays a central role in the research in medicine, computer security, physics or biology. It constitutes, in the form of probabilities, the foundation of any insurance activity. It has even since forty years started to broadcast in politics, last foreign domain to the quantum jump (Becker 1991), grace has the imagination and has the tenacity of pioneers such as Peter Dienel or Ned Crosby, grace has their patient work of research and testing, grace also has the enthusiasm of political leaders of all backgrounds willing to experiment with new ways of making policy. After a long separation, the?cleros?has again met with the?demos?and given birth to innovative practices.The time of experimentation seems however exceeded and it is time to implement the change of scale. The political news seems to offer from this point of view a window of opportunity. In Germany, the opposition to the rail project?Stuttgart 21?and the national debate that it has caused, have shown that the conventional process of planning, but also to participation, in this case the mediation, is no longer enough to citizens who want to be involved directly. In France, the participatory democracy is rooted progressively in the territorial practices and sometimes arises in the national political debate. Outside of Europe, the nuclear disaster of Fukushima has handed over in discussion the merits of decisions of centralized planning and of voices arguing for the change in patterns of production of public policies. China itself experienced the mini-be made publicly accessible4, and if such a development poses as many questions as it raises interest, the facts are the: the request for tools based on a legitimacy not elective is on the rise. The United States of America, the State of Oregon has made possible the holding of a mini-public before each referendum4Fishkin & al. (2010).3663. "Creating the world of tomorrow"Of initiative populaire5. The Arab revolutions show that the desire for democracy is a powerful engine of change and reforms in these countries are only just beginning. More generally still, the issues of climate change, international migration or to the end of the infinite growth in a finite world, are as many topics that go beyond the field representative classical and call for new ways of doing politics. 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AbbreviationsATFAAkademie fur Technikfolgenabschatzung Landes Baden-Wurttemberg?: Academy for the assessment of technological risks from the Land of Baden-wuerttemberg .CDUCristlich-Demokratische Union?: Christian democratic union.CESRConseil Regional Economic and Social.(Forschungsstelle FBPUW Burgerbeteiligung und Planungsverfahren der Universitat Wuppertal?: Center for Research on citizen participation and the planning of the University of Wuppertal.FDPFreiheitspartei Deutschland?: Freedom party german.FES?Friedrich-Ebert -Stiftung?: Friedrich Ebert Foundation.GfBGesellschaft fur Burgergutachten?: Society for the citizens' reports.IGEBPInstitut fur gesellschaftliche Entwicklungsforschung, Burgerbeteiligung und Politikberatung?: Institute for Research on the societal development, the participation and the council in policy.IPPRInstitute for Public Policy Research?: Institute for Research in public policy.NOCNational Democratic Party?: national democratic party.NIPNucleos of 'Intervencion made?: nuclei of participatory intervention.OGMOrganismes genetically modified organismsParliamentary OPECSTOffice assessment of scientific and technical choices.PCS Profession and socioprofessional categoryRRCLDRepresentative, rational, concerned and legitimate Decision:?decision representative, rational, assigned and legitimate.SPDSozialdemokratische Partei Deutschland?: German social democratic Party.ZTGZentrum Technik und Gesellschaft der Technischen Universitat Berlin?: Technical Center and society of the Technical University of Berlin.Annexs2. Documents relating to chapter 42.1Questionnaire sent to members of the network?PlanungszelleI. Wann und EIB welcher Gelegenheit haben Sie zum ersten das Wort Planungszelle gehort?II. Haben Sie Peter Dienel kennen gelernt? Falls Ja: Wann und EIB welcher Gelegenheit?III. Welche sind, ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach, die wichtigsten Personen in der Geschichte der Planungszelle?A. Seitens der Promotoren und Organisatoren?B. Seitens der Verwaltung, der Politik, der Medien?IV. Welche sind, ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach, die wichtigsten Listed in der Geschichte der Planungszelle?A. Seitens der Promotoren und Organisatoren?B. Seitens der Verwaltung, der Politik, der Medien?V. Welche sind, ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach, die wichtigsten Ereignisse (Projekte, Tagungen, national und international Ereignissen, etc) in der Geschichte der Planungszelle?A. Seitens der Promotoren und Organisatoren?B. Seitens der Verwaltung, der Politik, der Medien?VI. Im folgenden habe ich eine Graphik eingefugt, auf der die Zahl year Projekte pro Jahr zu Sehen , ist: Woran mag die zu sehende Evolution [hohe resp. niedrige Aktivitat - Hochpunkten resp. Tiefpunkten] liegen? Am Kontext? An der internen Aktivitat? Year etwas anderes??3982. Documents relating to chapter 4VII. Die Planungszelle ist auserhalb Deutschland bekannt. In der folgenden Table habe ich eine List von Lander, in der die Planungszelle bekannt ist, erstellt:A. konnten Sie die Informationen erganzen resp. permits?B. konnten Sie die in der Tabellen aufgefuhrten Fragen beantworten?VIII. Sie sind de teil der Geschichte der Planungszelle:A. Wie wurden Sie ihre Rolle charakterisieren?B. Haben Sie das Modell weiterentwickelt? Falls ja, betrachten Sie ihre Praxis immer noch als eine Planungszelle?IX. Zusammenfassend: welche sind, ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach, die Faktoren, die:A. zur Verbreitung of Modells dienen / gedient haben?B. zur Verhinderung der Verbreitung of Modells dienen / gedient haben?2.2Estimation of number of?Planungszellen,?Citizens Juries?and derivativesCountryProbable Number1Number provedFirst use2Last useGermany32831719722008United Kingdom3002719962007 ( ?)Japan15315320052011Spain605219922007 ( ?)United States of America545419742010Australia35281999 ( ?)2010France302519982011Belgium10820012010Italy10320062007Austria9919962004Ecuador3320062006 ( ?)India2220002001Switzerland2220012006Denmark2220042006Mali1120062006Bulgaria1120062006Quebec11200920091Corresponds to the?Planungszellen, Citizens Juries?and derivatives for which a primary source containing specific elements is available (opinion, dates of the jury, subject, organiser, presentation of the model used, etc). The number likely returns was the one cited in the secondary literature.2The question mark indicates that the date is not entirely certain.?399AnnexsCountry probable Number Number proved First use last useTOTAL1001688Figure 63: Estimated number of?Planungszellen,?Citizens Juries?and derivatives. Detail by country. Own calculations.2.3Estimate of the number of conferences of citizens in FranceYearOrganiserSubjectNotice(Visits the 08.22.2011 )1998Parliamentary Office for the evaluation of scientific and technical choicesGenetically modified organisms (GMOS). of Science and IndustryThe climate change of the environmentThe future of domestic sludge. (pharmaceutical laboratory)Face of the risks, what future for the medication? (pharmaceutical laboratory)The therapeutic progress: at what price? Ile-de-FranceNanotechnology LimousinThe climate change (pharmaceutical laboratory)The rights and duties of citizens in health Ile-de-FranceThe waste orientate in the health care system: Why? How? of the Delegated ManagementThe role of citizens in the improvement of local public services 64: French Experiences of conferences of citizens. Estimate the 04.01.10 .4003. Documents relating to chapter 53. Documents relating to chapter 53.1Arrangements put in place at Aix-la-Chapelle (A)3.1 .1Service Guide - participants1. Die EinladungA. Wie sind Sie zum Planungszelle gekommen?1. Von wem wurden Sie eingeladen?B. Was war Ihre erste Reaktion?[1. Eher "Positiv leben"? Eher skeptisch? Eher negativ?] Warum?2. Wie hat hpc Umfeld reagiert? [HPC Partner, Nachbarn, Freunde, Kinder?]C. Kannten Sie das Modell vorher? Vergleichbare ALLE MODELLE?D. Was hat Sie letztendlich zur Teilnahme bewegt?E. Wissen Sie warum das Modell angewandt wurde?1. Wer hat es befurwortet? Wer hat es vorgeschlagen?2. Mit the argued?3. Wer war dagegen? Mit the argued?2. Die Beurlaubung und VergutungA. Wurden Sie fur pound Tatigkeit beurlaubt?1.Wenn ja: War es schwer? Wie hat Ihren Pensionssicherungsverein reagiert?2.Und die KollegInnen?B. Sie wurden entschadigt:1. Was halten Sie von diesem Prinzip?2. War es ein (wichtiger) Grund zur Teilnahme? Hatten Sie auch mitgemacht, wenn es kein saying goes gegeben hatte? Meinen Sie, es kann fur bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Personen einen Grund zur Teilnahme within? Z. B. fur die unteren Schichten. (Wie es von den Entwickler of Modells gedacht wurde) Hat es dann ein anderes Wert??401Annexs3. Das AuswahlverfahrenA. Sie wurden durch ein Zufallsverfahren ausgewahlt:1. Sie Kannten sharps Mittel der Auswahl? Woher?2. Wurden Sie schon einmal (vor der PZ) krc Los ausgewahlt?B. Was halten Sie davon: sind die Ergebnisse of Zufallsverfahrens gut? Schlecht? Weshalb?1. Ware es besser die Auswahl anders durchzufuhren?2. Was Sie Sehen , als Vor- und Nachteile sharps Verfahren?3. Waren bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Kategorien unter- bzw uberreprasentiert? Ist es gut so? Vermeidbar? Unvermeidbar?4. Die Arbeit wahrend of BGA. Wie war der Rahmen hardware?1. Die Ausstattung? Die Raumlichkeiten?2. Die Materialien und Techniken?B. Sie haben Informationen von Referenten bekommen. Wie war sie?1. Quantitativ gesehen: Gab es it will perform Bach's cantata 'Information? Zuviel? Zu wenig? Wurden manche Sichtweise nicht vorgestellt?2. War die qualitativ Information umfassend? War sie neutral?3. Wurden Sie die Referenten als Expert bezeichnen? Gone? Wenn nein: welche Gruppe gab es? Haben die bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Expert Themen angesprochen und en nicht? Konnten Sie EIB den Experten der Unterschied zwischen Fakten und Meinungen spuren? Wie waren die Interessenvertreter, die sie am dritten Tag gehort haben?4. Meinen Sie, die Referenten konnen die BurgerInnen beeinflussen? Ist es in Ordnung?C. Am dritten Tag, haben Sie einen Politikerhearing erlebt: wie war pound Erfahrung?1. Haben Sie den Eindruck gehabt, Weninger, gleich oder mehr Kompetent zu sein?2. Meinen Sie, die Politikern konnen die BurgerInnen beeinflussen? Ist es in Ordnung?D. Wie waren die Debatten?1. Die Kleingruppenarbeit? Wie war sie? Konnten Sie sich einbringen? Gab es dominant Personen und Meinungsfuhrern? Hat ihre Meinung gezahlt? Warum?2. Die Fragebogen, die Sie bekommen haben? Waren sie geeignet? Gab es Fragen, die schwer zu beantworten waren? Fragen, die nicht angebracht waren??4023. Documents relating to chapter 53. Die Arbeit im Plenum? Konnten Sie sich einbringen? Gab es dominant Personen und Meinungsfuhrern? Hat ihre Meinung gezahlt? Warum?4. Der four last Tag: war es unterschiedlich?5. Insgesamt: wie war die Gruppendynamik? Ist es it? Die Pause?E. Der Prozess der Meinungsbildung:1. Haben Sie den Eindruck gehabt, vom Anfang year mitreden zu konnen? Warum?2. Gab es Diskussionen? Oder blieb es sachlich? Wurden die Debate irgendwann abstrakter? E.g. am Thema Gerechtigkeit?3. Haben Sie den Eindruck gehabt, Kenntnisse / Kompetenzen zu gewinnen? Welche? EIB und anderen TeilnehmerInnen?4. Haben Sie auf ihren alltaglichen Erfahrung mit dem Thema zuruckgegriffen wahrend die debate? Und die anderen? Ist es eine gute What der Argumentation?5. Haben Sie Ihre Meinung geandert wahrend der debate? Warum? Venom es Ihnen schwer? Und die anderen TeilnehmerInnen?6. Wie wurden die identifiable uber die Empfehlungen getroffen (per Abstimmung / per Konsens / anders)? In den Kleinen Gruppen? A in den grosen? Was halten Sie davon?F. Die Moderation: Wie war sie? Neutral? Meinen Sie, die Moderatoren konnen die BurgerInnen beeinflussen? Ist es in Ordnung?5. Die Ergebnisse der ArbeitA. Welche Empfehlungen hat ihre Gruppe gemacht? Im Nachhinein, wie bewerten Sie die Ergebnisse?[1. Gut? Schlecht? Neutral? Befriedigend?] Falls Status Quo: ist pound Entscheidung zum Status quo eine informierte Wahl?2. Hatten Sie die von Ihnen erarbeitete Ergebnisse erwartet? Warum?3. Sind Sie der Meinung, dass der Allgemeinwohl betrachtet worden ist? Ist das gut so?4. Und im Vergleich mit anderen Verfahren der Entscheidungsfindung wie Zum Beispiel das Parlament, der Burgermeister oder anderen,-Sie das Planungszelle ein gutes Instrument? Weshalb?B. Die As the BG:403Annexs1. Haben Sie das Gefuhl gehabt, nutzlich gewesen zu sein?2. Haben sie etwas gelernt? Was? Geht uber das Thema, was wahrend der vier like tagen bearbeitet worden ist, hinaus?3. Waren Sie vor dem BG politisch aktiv? (Wenn ja, wie? Wo?)4. Und nach dem BG, werden Sie anders agieren? Was werden Sie anders machen? Werden Sie sich politisch engagieren?5. Meinen sie, ein solches Verfahren kann zur Aktivierung der BurgerInnen fuhren?C. Das Projekt hat 144000euros gekostet. Was halten Sie davon? Ist es teuer? Related? Absolut?6. Die Planungszelle im KontextA. Sprechen wir uber das Losverfahren:1. Meinen Sie, dass es ein geeignetes Verfahren ist? Weshalb? Und in anderen Rahmen wie die Justiz (Schoffen)? Und in anderen Rahmen, die Sie kennen?2. Sollte man es ofters benutzen? Wofur?3. Manche Autoren schlagen vor, die Abgeordneten per Los auszuwahlen. Was halten Sie davon? Ist es eine Alternative zur Parlamentswahl?4. Was Sie Sehen , als Vor- und Nachteile of Losverfahrens?B. Die Planungszelle und die Demokratie: Es wird gesagt, dass unsere Demokratie in der 'steckt: teilen Sie pound Meinung? Falls Sie pound Meinung teilen:1. Sind Projekte wie das Planungszelle eine mogliche Alternative? Eine Hilfe? Eine Erganzung der reprasentativen Demokratie? Weshalb?2. Sollte man es ofters using? Warum?C. Wurde uber die Planungszelle in den Medien berichtet?1. Wann, wie?2. Was halten Sie davon?7. ZusammenfassungA. Wie bewerten Sie die PZ insgesamt?1. Was Sie Sehen , als project entitled the Modells?4. Was Sie Sehen , als Grenzen of Modells?5. Was konnte man im Modell verbessern?4043. Documents relating to chapter 5B. Mochten Sie noch etwas sagen, anmerken, wissen, fragen? Habe ich vergessen, etwas zu fragen? Waren Sie mit dem Interview zufrieden?3.1 .2Interviews (A2-A3-A4)Maintenance Group: citizens (A2)Function during the processSexAgePCSHousing3DurationUnique NumberCD4Participant has the?Planungszelle1M44Liberal ProfessionP - MID33:44A2-1+M44EmployeeP- MID52:30A2-2+M30Employee - upper frameP - MID01:13:20A2-3+F40Employee - HOSPITALP - MID01:00:03A2-4+M69RetirementP- MID56:07A2-5+M46LawyerP - MC48:48A2-6+M36OfficialC - MC58:41A2-7+M56TeacherP - MID43:37A2-8+Participant has the?PlanungszelleNumber 2F32Employee - RestoreC - A50:35A2-9+F64RestatedC - MC41:33A2-10+M66RetirementP - MC43:55A2-11+M45EmployeeP - MID46:58A2-12+F70RestatedP - MC51:33A2-13+Participant has the?PlanungszelleNumber 3M48EngineerC - MC42:00A2-14+M26StudentC - A01:12:45A2-15+Participant has the?PlanungszelleNumber 4F23StudentC - A01:13:37A2-16+M68RetirementP - MC01:16:12A2-17+F32Educator - UnemploymentC - MC01:05:50A2-18+F53OfficialP - MC48:00A2-19+Participant of the project?unser Bayern, test the maintenance guide.F60Restated-31:12A2-20+Maintenance Group: stakeholders and politicians (A3)Function during the processSexAgeActivityDurationUnique NumberCDAssignee - Economy of wasteM50Liberal Profession25:20A3-1+Assignee - IncineratorM54Framework23:35A3-2+Assignee - Association of waste reductionM48Sculptor27:39A3-3+Assignee - governed municipal garbageM35Official48:42A3-4+Intervener - intercommunal governed garbageM50Framework32:09A3-5+Assignee - Chamber of commerce and industryM50Framework39:18A3-6+Assignee - Association of ownersM62President of the association55:12A3-7+Representative of the SPDM66Teacher - Retirement - leader of fraction at the municipal council40:14A3-83C: Center, P: peripheral, MC: collective home, MI: detached house, HAS : apartment.4The documents marked with a cross are available on the attached CD, the others are either confidential or non-digitized.405AnnexsRepresentative of the CDUM60Upper Frame - Leader of fraction at the municipal council01:19:41A3-9Representative of Grunen / Bundnis 90M51Judge - responsible for questions of household waste33:46A3-10Representative of the FDPM47Liberal Profession - responsible for questions of household waste28:18A3-11Maintenance Group: facilitators and organizers (A4)Function during the processSexDurationUnique NumberCDModeratorM17:37A4-1+ModeratorF44:43A4-2+ModeratorM01:17:39A4-3+Moderator Project?unser Bayern.?Test the maintenance guideF29:56A4-4+3.1 .3analysis of documents (A5)Title and type of documentUnique NumberCDInvitation and preparationManuscriptA5-1Guide to animationManuscriptA5-2Presentations of speakersDigital SlidesA5-3-1 has A5-3-12PostersPlanungszelle 1A5-4-1+Planungszelle 2A5-4-2+Planungszelle 3A5-4-3+Planungszelle 4A5-4-4+BurgergutachtenPublicationA5-5+Press ArticlesAachener Nachrichten 05.16.2007A5-6-1+Aachener Zeitung 05.16.2007A5-6-2+Aachener Zeitung 05.30.2007A5-6-3+Pressemitteilung Stadt Aachen 09.06.2007A5-6-4+Westdeutscher Zeitung 11.10.2007A5-6-5+Westdeutscher Zeitung 11.10.2008A5-6-6+Aachener Zeitung 10.16.2008A5-6-7+Municipal Decree of 2007PublicationA5-7-1+Municipal decrees of 2009AbfallwirtschaftssatzungA5-8-1+AbfallgebuhrensatzungA5-8-2+Decisions and discussions of the municipal councilEstablishment of?Planungszellen 08.22.2007A5-9-1+Discussion on waste policy?12.12.2007A5-9-2+Discussion on the?PlanungszelleA5-9-3+Discussion on waste policy?12.10.2008A5-9-4+Request establishment of?Planungszellen 05.08.2007A5-9-5+Subsequent DocumentsContract of coalition (green party / CDU)?10.23.2009A5-10-1+4063. Documents relating to chapter 53.1 .4Survey Questionnaire posteriorSie haben im November 2007 an der Planungszelle "Eine neue Verteilungsregelung fur die Abfallwirtschaftssatzung der Stadt Aachen" teilgenommen. Sharps Projekt habe ich im Rahmen meiner Promotion mitverfolgt und als Fotograf begleitet, wie Sie sich vielleicht erinnern. Ich befinde mich nun in der Abschlussphase meiner Forschung und mochte den mittelfristigen Konsequenzen der Anwendung of Verfahrens nachgehen. Zu diesem Zweck habe ich einen Fragebogen entwickelt und wurde mich sehr freuen, wenn Sie die Zeit-wurden, further discussion of auszufullen. Das wurde mir sehr helfen. Gone Antworten sind freiwillig naturlich, werden in der Auswertung strikt anonymisiert und konnen auch in Stichpunkten formuliert werden. Anbei sende ich Ihnen einen frankierten Ruckumschlag. Als kleine Motivation organisiere ich eine Verlosung unter den Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmern, die mir den ausgefullten Fragebogen bis zum 15. Dezember zuruckschicken. Der Preis can ist ein hochwertiger MP3-Player der Marke Sansa (Modell SansaClip+ mit 4 Gb Speicher) oder ein Kaffee-Set , bestehend aus einem Bodum Kaffeebereiter ( French-Press - Modell Bean 1L) und einem Pfund Kaffee (fair gehandelter Bio-Arabica -Kaffee aus Guatemala von FairBindung). Um zu viel Postverkehr zu vermeiden, wurde ich Ihnen gerne das Ergebnis der Verlosung per Mail mitteilen. Daher wurde ich mich freuen, wenn Sie mir Ihre Mail-Adresse am Ende of Fragebogens oder auf einem separaten Paper (fur eine produce better Anonymisierung) geben konnten. Falls sie keine Mail haben, werde ich Sie naturlich per Post kontaktieren. Falls Sie nicht an der Lottery teilnehmen' mochten, sagen Sie mir Bescheid bollard. Vielen Dank im Voraus und viel Spas beim Ausfullen,MIT freundlichen Grusen,1. Ruckblick auf die Erfahrung1.1 Was haben Sie von ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Teilnahme an der Planungszelle am starksten in legal remedy behalten?1.2 Warum?1.3 Haben Sie danach noch Kontakt mit den anderen TeilnehmerInnen der Gruppe gehabt? In welchem Rahmen??407Annexs2.1 Falls heute eine for Planungszelle uber dasselbe Thema arbeiten wurde, wurden Sie den TeilnehmerInnen mehr, email viel oder Weninger vertrauen als ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung damaligen Gruppe?MehrEmailWeningerKeine Meinung / Weis nicht52.2 Weshalb?2.3 2.1 Falls heute eine for Planungszelle uber ein anderes Thema arbeiten wurde, wurden Sie den TeilnehmerInnen mehr, email viel oder Weninger vertrauen als ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung damaligen Gruppe?MehrEmailWeningerK.m. / W.n.2.4 Warum?3.1 Hatten Sie den Eindruck, dass Sie unabhangig von externer Beeinflussung arbeiten konnten?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.3.2 Wenn nein, woran mag es gelegen haben?3.3 Gibt es ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach eine Gefahr der politischen Manipulation der Planungszellen?4.1 Hatten Sie den Eindruck, dass Ihre Arbeit fur die Offentlichkeit it will perform Bach's cantata 'transparent gemacht wurde?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.4.2 Warum?5.1 War es ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach legitim, eine Planungszelle uber das Thema Mullgebuhren zu organisieren?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.5.2 Wenn ja, worauf beruht pound Legitimitat?5.3 Wenn nein, wie und unter the Bedingungen konnte die Legitimitat erreicht werden?6.1 Hatten Sie zu Beginn der Planungszelle den Eindruck, kompetent im Bereich der Abfallwirtschaft zu sein?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.6.2 Und am Ende der Planungszelle?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.6.3 Warum?6.4 Haben Sie programname Fahigkeiten in die Arbeit in die Planungszelle eingebracht?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.6.5 Wenn ja, welche? Wenn nein, warum nicht?2. Die Ergebnisse7.1 Wie dachten Sie direkt nach der Erfahrung uber die Ergebnisse der Planungszelle?7.2 Und heute?5Wird in den nachsten Fragen als "k.m. / W.n. "abgekurzt.4083. Documents relating to chapter 58.1 Wissen Sie, ob die Stadt Aachen Ihre Empfehlungen berucksichtigt hat?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.8.2 Wenn ja, wie haben Sie es erfahren?8.3 Wissen Sie, inwiefern sich seither Ihre Empfehlungen in der neuen Abfallgebuhrensatzung niedergeschlagen haben?8.4 Was halten Sie von dieser Lage?9.1 Hatten Sie den Eindruck, die EinwohnerInnen von Aachen zu reprasentieren?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.9.2 Die deutsche Bevolkerung allgemein?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.9.3 Sp?ter denken Sie, dass Sie die Basis der gesamten Bevolkerung Aachens verteidigt haben?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.9.4 Falls nicht, welche Basis wurden Weninger in Betracht gezogen? Zu viel in Betracht gezogen?3. Die Planungszelle in der Langzeitperspektive10.1 Hat die Erfahrung HPC Managing Board in der know "Mull" direkt nach der PZ beeinflusst?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.10.2 Haben Sie sich direkt danach mehr fur das Thema Mull interessiert? Wie hat sich das konkret ausgewirkt?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.10.3 Haben Sie damals uber die Planungszelle / die Abfallpolitik gesprochen? Mit wem?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.10.4 Haben Sie sich damals anders managing board (Mulltrennung, Mullvermeidung, etc)? Wenn ja, wie?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.11.1 Sie Beeinflusst die damalige Erfahrung heute?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.11.2 Interessieren Sie sich heute noch fur das Thema "Mull"? Wie wirkt sich das konkret aus?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.11.3 Sprechen Sie uber das Thema noch heute? Mit wem?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.11.4 Managing Board Sie sich noch anders? Wie?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.11.5 Beeinflusst Sie die Erfahrung der Planungszelle heute in anderen Lebensbereichen? Wenn ja, in the und wie?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.12.1 Haben Sie wahrend der Planungszelle Dinge gelernt? Wenn ja, was?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.12.2 Benutzen Sie heute noch pound Fahigkeiten? In welchem Rahmen?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.12.3 Haben Sie den Eindruck, dass Sie mehr uber das Thema Mull wissen als ihre Umgebung?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.12.4 Sp?ter denken Sie, dass jede/r year einer Planungszelle teilnehmen' kann? Wenn nicht, wer kann nicht und warum?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.13.1 Haben Sie von vergleichbaren Projekten in Aachen oder in Deutschland gehort? Wenn ja, von weljaNeinK.m. / W.n.409AnnexsChen?13.3 Im May sharps Many gab es Wahlen in Nordrhein-Westfalen . Wurden Sie sagen, dass die Teilnahme an der Planungszelle Ihre Wahlentscheidung beeinflusst hat? Wenn ja, inwiefern?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.13.4 Hat die Teilnahme an der Planungszelle generell Ihre Meinung uber die Politik beeinflusst? Warum und wie?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.13.5 Haben Sie mehr, email viel oder Weninger Vertrauen in die gewahlten Reprasentanten als fruher? Warum?MehrEmail vielWeningerK.m. / W.n.13.6 Haben Sie mehr, email sehr oder Weninger den Eindruck, dass die Politik in der Lage ist, die Dinge zu andern? Warum?MehrEmail sehrWeningerK.m. / W.n.4. Planungszelle und Politik14.1 Interessieren Sie sich fur Politik? Warum?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.14.2 Was halten Sie davon, dass Politik heute ein vollwertiger Beruf ist?14.3 Sp?ter denken Sie, dass bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'man braucht's Kompetenzen, um Politik zu machen? Wenn ja, welche?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.14.4 Es wird oft gesagt, dass die PolitikerInnen auf kurzfristige Ergebnisse zielen und sich an den Wahlperioden orientieren. Was halten Sie davon?14.5 Sp?ter denken Sie, dass die Planungszelle, an der Sie mitgewirkt haben, eine:Vergleichbar kurzfristigeLangerfristigeKurzfristigereK.m. / W.n.Perspektive hatte? Woran mag es liegen?14.6 Sp?ter denken Sie im Nachhinein, dass die Planungszelle ein geeignetes Instrument darstellt, um Empfehlungen im Bereich der Abfallpolitik aufzustellen?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.14.7 Und ruf en Bereiche? Falls ja, welche?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.14.8 Sp?ter denken Sie, dass die Planungszelle fur das Ausarbeiten von Beschlussen auf lokaler Ebene eingesetzt werden konnte?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.Unter folgenden Bedingungen:14.8 Sp?ter denken Sie, dass die Planungszelle auch fur das Entwerfen von Gesetzesvorschlagen oder sogar fur die Abstimmung uber Gesetze angewandt werden konnte?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.Unter folgenden Bedingungen:?4103. Documents relating to chapter 515.1 Sie wurden per Los ausgewahlt: Was halten sie von dieser Auswahlmethode im Bereich der Politik?15.2 Sp?ter denken Sie, dass es gut ist, ein solches Verfahren in der Politik anzuwenden? Warum?JaNeinK.m. / W.n.15.3 Wenn man die Wahlen und das Losverfahren vergleicht, welche Ausdrucke wurden sie mit jedem Verfahren verbinden:Mit dem LosverfahrenMit der WahlMit beidenMit keinemK.m. / W.n.TransparentUnparteiischGleichheitVerantwortlichkeitReprasentativPartizipationMachtRotationKorruptionAusgewahltKostengunstigWunsche EigenerManipulierbarMandateSchicksalUnberechenbarUnabhangigkeitKompetenzLegitimitatNational HandelnDemokratieAristokratieOligarchyNent VerfahrenSp?ter denken Sie year en Ausdrucke?16.1 Was sind ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach die drei wichtigsten Vor- und Nachteile of Losverfahrens?BenefitsNachteile16.2 Was sind ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach die drei wichtigsten Vor- und Nachteile der Wahl?BenefitsNachteile?411Annexs5. Zusammenfassend17.1 Eines Alizes-Sie auf dem's famous Flohmarkt eine alte Ollampe. Als Sie den Staub abreiben, erscheint ein Geist, der Ihnen drei Wunsche fur die Veranderung der Politik in Deutschland schenkt. Was wunschen Sie sich?123Noch ein paar Informationen:Wohnviertel in AachenDurchschnittliches JahresnettoeinkommenGeschlechtAlterMail (fur die Preisauslosung)Haben Sie Fragen oder Anmerkungen?Vielen Dank fur Ihre Teilnahme!3.1 .5Investigation posterior (A6)TypeSexAgeActivityHousingUnique NumberCDQuestionnaire6F67?P - MCA6-1M29StudentC - AA6-2M26StudentC - AA6-3F35EducatorC - AA6-4M39Liberal ProfessionP - MIDA6-5M29EngineerP - ?A6-6M52FrameworkP - MIDA6-7M47EmployeeP - ?A6-9F57?P - ?A6-10 PROBETelephone InterviewF?Framework?A6-11-1+6The questionnaire 8 does not exist, it is produced by an error in the original numbering which has been subsequently corrected. In addition, the questionnaires are not included on the CD because they are not anonymous.4123. Documents relating to chapter 53.2Arrangements put in place in Poitou-Charentes (P)3.2 .1Questionnaire of the written assessmentCitizen Jury - assessment - anonymous Questionnaire and optionalThank you for your cooperation.1. Could you assess the quality of the following elements:123456CommentsThe frameworkThe homeThe framework of work (the room, the comfort, equipment, etc. )The hotel and the mealsThe animationNeutralityCompetenceThe work in large groupQuality of people resourcesQuality of debatesDiversity of stakeholdersThe work in a small groupQuality of debatesOpportunity to take the floorPossibility of exchanging arguments2. Other elements you come from has the spirit, that you would like to evaluate? If yes, which?3. What you seems the more successful?4. What you seems the least successful?5. If the Region resurface a jury of citizens, what is that there be a change?6. The participation has this jury you has been useful? If yes, how?7. Are you satisfied with(e) of the notice produced by the jury? Why?8. What is your feeling about the future of the opinion??413Annexs9. Have you any other comments?10. You:Age: Sex: Occupation:Are you:member of an association?Member of a party?A member of another organization? If yes what type?3.2 .2written evaluation (P2)SexAgeActivityMember of an associationMember of a political partyA member of another organizationUnique NumberCDF71RestatedYesYesNonP2-1M69RetirementYesNonYesP2-2M40CommercialNonNonNonP2-3F42Woman at homeNonNonMunicipal CouncilP2-4F46DecoratorYesNot yetNonP2-5M56Early RetirementNonNonNonP2-6F55TeacherYesNonNonP2-7M45Maintenance WorkerNonNonNonP2-8M58Financial AdvisorYesNonCulturalP2-9F-WithoutNonNonNonP2-10M58RetirementYesYesMunicipal CouncilP2-11M63RetirementYes severalYesNonP2-12M63RetirementNonNonNonP2-13F60InnkeeperYes severalNonNonP2-14M60RetirementNonNonNonP2-15M49TeacherNonNonNonP2-16F-PlasticNonNonNonP2-17M50Technical AssistantNonNonGroup Sustainable DevelopmentP2-18F28Lab TechnicianNonNonNonP2-19------P2-20M49StevedoreYesNonRotaryP2-21M60Director PostYes-AMAPP2-223.2 .3Service Guide - stakeholders and politicians1. The invitation4143. Documents relating to chapter 5A. How are you in contact with the jury of citizens?B. What was your first reaction?1. Rather positive? Negative? Why?2. How your entourage has he reacted? (Family, colleagues, knowledge) ?C. Did you know about the model? Similar examples?D. That is what pushes you to participate?E. Do you know why the model has been used?1. Who has supported? Proposed? With what arguments?2. Who was against? With what arguments?2. Leave and compensationA. The citizens have the take of leave to participate: how do you do that?B. The citizens have received a compensation: what do you think of this principle?1. Do you think that money can motivate some people? Is this?2. You yourself, have you received compensation for your intervention? If not: do you think this should be the case? If yes: Did you sufficient? Would you also participated without compensation? Why?3. Procedure of choiceA. The participants have been drawn:1. Did you know about this method of selection? From where? In what frames?2. Have you yourself already been drawn by lot?B. What do you think of this principle?1. The results of the procedure you seem acceptable? Good? Bad? Why?2. Would it have taken do otherwise? Why?3. What are in your opinion the advantages and disadvantages of this procedure?4. You it seems that certain categories were over-represented? Under-represented? Is it inevitable? Is this?4. The work during the jury415AnnexsA. How was the framework?1. The parts, the place? The technique? Meals, nights, etc?B. You played the role of?"?resource person?"?and giving information to citizens and discussed with them:1. How was this exchange?2. Had you already done this type of presentation in front of the citizens?3.Have you had enough time to present your point of view / your information?4. You deem you as informant neutral? Is it important to be neutral?5. Do you think that the assignee may exercise an influence on the participants and on the result of the jury of citizens? Is this? Is it inevitable?C. How were the questions of citizens?1. You have they surprised?2. The citizens you have-they seemed competent on the subject of climate warming?3. You have-it published earn skills with the time?4. Have you identified the leaders of opinion? Is this?D. The movie:1. How was the movie? Do you think it has been neutral? Why?2. The moderators can they influence the citizens? What do you think?E. The region:1. Do you think it has been neutral in the process? Why? Its role has he been balanced?F. The questions posed to citizens?1. How you have they published? Too Complex, well, too simple? Realistic? Adapted? Neutral?2. Do you think that the citizens have been put in a position to assess the regional policy? Why?5. The results of the workA. The recommendations have been handed over to the regional council in June:1. How was the ceremony??4163. Documents relating to chapter 52. Have you been able to read these recommendations? What do you think?4. Do you think these recommendations take into account the issue of climate change? Are they competent?5. What will you do with these recommendations?6. Do you think the opinion citizen may be orchestrated?B. Costs: Do you know the price of the jury? What do you think?C. Consequences:1. What do you think of the future of the results?2. Will you integrate them into your work? Why? How?6. The jury in contextA. The jury citizen is defined by some authors as an instrument of participatory democracy:1. Do you know this expression? What do you mean by participatory democracy?2. Is this a good thing? What are the strengths and weaknesses of participatory democracy?3. Should we do more of juries citizens?4. What is, in your opinion, the report between participatory democracy and representative democracy?B. The citizens are drawn. Some authors propose to draw lots to the Hon. Member to resolve what they analyze as a crisis of representative democracy:1. What do you think of this proposal? Why?C. What has been / has there been a reaction in the media? Which? What do you think?7. In conclusionA. What is your overall opinion on the jury of citizens? What are the advantages and disadvantages of this model? What could be improved?B. Is there something that I have forgotten? That you want to add??417Annexs3.2 .4Interviews (P3 - P4 - P5)Maintenance Group: citizens (P3)SexAge GroupActivityPlace of residenceDurationUnique NumberCDM25-40CommercialVienna57:19P3-1+M40-60Technical AssistantVienna50:55P3-2+M25-40WorkmanDeux-sèvres50:13P3-3+M40-60RetirementCharente-Maritime48:55P3-4+F40-60RetirementCharente-Maritime47:20P3-5+F40-60PlasticCharente-Maritime01:03:46P3-6F40-60InactiveCharente56:46P3-7+F40-60RestatedCharente51:59P3-8+M40-60CommercialDeux-sèvres1:10:28P3-9+F25-40DecoratorVienna29:32P3-10+Maintenance Group: stakeholders and politicians (P4)Function during the processSexDurationUnique NumberCDAssignee - Director department transport and environment of the regionM47:10P4-1Representative of the opposition regional - UMPM19:52P4-2Representative of the regional majority - Green Party - the greensF29:07P4-3Representative of the regional majority - PSF38:42P4-4Representative of the opposition regional - UMPM50:22P4-5Maintenance Group: organizers (P5)Function during the processSexDurationUnique NumberCDAnimator / organizerF01:09:29P5-1Facilitator / organizerM34:00P5-2Organizer / regional administrationDepartment participatory democracy in the regionF01:31:24P5-3Organizer / regional administrationDepartment participatory democracy in the regionF01:11:51P5-44183. Documents relating to chapter 53.2 .5analysis of documents (P6)Title and type of documentUnique NumberCDInvitation and preparationDocuments of the steering committeeP6-1-1Documents public engagementsP6-1-2Documents stakeholdersP6-1-3Recruitment DocumentsP6-2-1Documents handed to participantsInformation Tag on the environmental policy of the region and on different subjects (water, pesticides, etc)P6-3+Animation and conductPlace animationP6-4Program of WorkP6-5Protocol of the first sessionP6-6-1Protocol for the second sessionP6-6-2Conduct of the jury - variousP6-6-7Subsequent DocumentsReport citizenP6-8-1+Awards CeremonyP6-8-1+Film Jury citizenP6-9Program socialist party regional 2010P6-11-1+Response to the report citizenP6-12+Press ArticlesP6-13+3.2 .6Survey Questionnaire posteriorI would like to contact you regarding the citizen jury assessment of regional policy against climate change, to which you had participated in June 2008 and during which I myself had even played the role of observer (and photographer) in the framework of my thesis. I now find myself in the final phase of my work and seeks to assess the consequences in the medium term of employment of such a tool of participatory democracy. To do this I would like to know if you have the time and the kindness to kindly answer has a short series of questions contained in the attached form. It would help me enormously. The questions are well on all optional and i anonymiserai the answers. I enclose an envelope pre-stamped for the answer. To make the participation more interesting, I put into play a superb batch between all the people who send me their response before the October 20, 2010: it is a meal for two people in the restaurant of the hotel?"ecological?the Orangeries??, that Olivia Gautier, the owner, was present at the jury. Ms. Gauthier has even kindly proposed to offer in addition the wine accompanying the meal. I would like to keep you informed of the result of the drawing by email. You would be-it?419AnnexsTherefore possible to inform me of your e-mail address at the end of the form (or on a separate sheet in order to facilitate the anonymization of questionnaires) ? I'll be contacting you by post if you do not have e-mail. Well on, if you do not want to participate in the draw it you will suffice for me the indicate.Thank you in advance,Antoine Vergne1. The experience two years after1.1 What is the remembrance that you has the most brand of your participation in the jury of citizens?1.2 Why?1.3 Have you had the news of the other members of the group? In what context?2.1 If today another jury citizen was working on the same topic, would you do more, as much or less confidence has its members that has your group of 2008 ?MoreAs MuchLessNo opinion / do not know72.2 Why?2.3 And if today another jury of citizens was working on another topic, would you do more, as much or less confidence has its members that has your group of 2008 ?MoreAs MuchLessSO / NSP2.4 Why?3.1 Have you had the impression of having been influence in your work?YesNonSO / NSP3.2 If yes, by whom and why has this happened?3.3 Is there in your opinion a danger of manipulation in the formula of the jury of citizens?4.1 Have you had the impression that the work of the jury has been fairly transparent for the citizens who have not participated?YesNonSO / NSP4.2 Why?7Shortcut in the suite by: NA / NA / NSP?4205.1 Do you think it was legitimate to organize a jury to deal with the issue of climate change?YesNonSO / NSP5.2 If yes, on what basis such a legitimacy?5.3 If not, a jury could it become legitimate? By what(s) way(s) ?6.1 Have you had the impression of being competent on the subject: At the beginning of the jury?YesNonSO / NSP6.2 At the end?YesNonSO / NSP6.3 Why?6.4 Have you made any personal skills in the work of the jury?YesNonSO / NSP6.5 If yes which? If not, why?2. The results7.1 How did you find the notice at the time?7.2 And today?8.1 Do you know if the region has used the opinion?YesNonSO / NSP8.2 If yes, by what means have you learned?8.3 If you have been informed of the suites data has the opinion, do you know how this has been done?8.4 What do you think?9.1 Have you had the impression to represent the inhabitants of the Poitou-Charentes ?YesNonSO / NSP9.2 The French in general?YesNonSO / NSP9.3 Do you think that you have defended the interests of the whole population of Poitou-Charentes ?YesNonSO / NSP9.4 If not, what interests have been less regarded? Or considered too much?3. The jury on the medium term10.1 The experience did she influence your daily behavior just after? If yes, how:YesNonSO / NSP10.2 You are you more interested in the subject of climate change? How is it translated?YesNonSO / NSPAnnexs10.3 Have you talked from time to time? With that?YesNonSO / NSP10.4 Have you acting otherwise? If yes how?YesNonSO / NSP11.1 The experience she continued to influence your behavior today and if yes how:YesNonSO / NSP10.2 You are interested you still on the subject of climate change today? How does this translate:YesNonSO / NSP11.3 You talking about it from time to time? With that?YesNonSO / NSP11.4 Made you certain things otherwise? Which?YesNonSO / NSP11.5 The jury he continues to influence you in other areas? If yes, which and how?YesNonSO / NSP12.1 Have you learned things during the jury?YesNonSO / NSP12.2 If yes, you are still useful today? How?YesNonSO / NSP12.3 Do you have the sense to know more things than your entourage on the subject?YesNonSO / NSP12.4 Do you think everyone can participate has a jury of citizens? If not, who cannot and why?YesNonSO / NSP13.1 Have you heard of other similar experiences in Poitou-Charentes or elsewhere? Which?YesNonSO / NSP13.3 There has been the regional elections in March of this year: would you say that the participation to the jury was able to influence your electoral choice? If yes, how?YesNonSO / NSP13.4 The jury did he influence your report has the policy and the elected? Why and how?YesNonSO / NSP13.5 Have you more, as much or less confidence in the elected? Why?MoreAs MuchLessSO / NSP13.6 Have you more, as much or less confidence in the possibility of changing things by the policy? Why?MoreAs MuchLessSO / NSP4. Jury and Policy14.1 You interested has the policy? Why?YesNonSO / NSP4223. Documents relating to chapter 514.2 A part of our elected representatives are professionals of the policy. What do you think of this state of fact?14.3 Do you think there should be special skills to make the policy? Which?YesNonSO / NSP14.4 It is often said that elected representatives act on a time scale short, taking into account the elections. Do you think this is true? And what do you think of this state of fact?YesNonSO / NSP14.5 Do you think the jury with which you have been involved had a time scale:Identical?Shorter?More long?SO / NSPWhy?14.6 With the benefit of hindsight, do you think the juries citizens are a suitable instrument to make recommendations on the issue of climate change?YesNonSO / NSP14.7 On other subjects? Which?YesNonSO / NSP14.8 Do you think that such a tool could also be used to formulate proposals for legislation or even directly of laws without going through Parliament?YesNonSO / NSPUnder the following conditions:14.9 Do you think that such a tool could also be used to directly take political decisions at the local level?YesNonSO / NSPUnder the following conditions:15.1 You have been drawn by lot: what do you think of this method of selection?15.2 Is this a good thing to use in politics? Why?YesNonSO / NSP15.3 If you had has compare prize draw and elections, what expressions would you association:With the drawWith the electionWith the twoWith none of the twoSO / NSPTransparencyImpartialityEqualityResponsibilityRepresentativenessParticipationPowerRotationCorruptionElectedEconomicDestiny?423 ManipulatableAnnexsExpression of a preferenceMandateUnpredictableIndependenceCompetenceLegitimacyRationalityDemocracyAristocracyOligarchyFair ProcedureOther associations you do they come from has the spirit?16.1 What would be the three advantages and three disadvantages of the draw?BenefitsDisadvantages16.2 What would be the three advantages and three disadvantages of the election?BenefitsDisadvantages5. To finish17.1 If a day you find an old lamp has oil and that by rubbing to clean a genius in went out and gave you three wishes concerning the political system french, that please ask him-you to change?A few more questions for do my statistics:Department of residence?Net annual income (more or less) ?Sex:Age:Mel (for the draw of the meal) :Other comments, questions?Thank you for your participation,3.2 .7Investigation posterior (P7)SexAgeAverage net income in eurosDepartmentUnique NumberCDM6128000Deux-sèvresP7-1M5745000ViennaP7-24243. Documents relating to chapter 5F57-Charente-MaritimeP7-4M4324000 (Home 5 people)Deux-sèvresP7-5M6050000Deux-sèvresP7-6M6112000Deux-sèvresP7-7F7116000CharenteP7-8F7427000CharenteP7-9425Freie Universit?t BerlinLinz Politik- und SozialwissenschaftenOTTO-SUHR-INSTITUTECotutelle-VerfahrenKleros?und?Demos:Die Theory of Losverfahrens in der Politik auf dem Prufstand der Praxis der Planungszelle und der?jury citizenDissertation zur Erlangung of akademischen GradesDoctor rerum politicarum (Dr. rer. pol.)- Deutsche Zusammenfassung -Antoine Vergne2011Betreuer:Univ. -Prof. Dr. Gerhard GohlerGil Delannoi, Research Director FNSPZusammenfassung -?AbstractDie vorliegende Doktorarbeit widmet sich der Untersuchung eines Korpus von Texten mit Vorschlagen fur die Einfuhrung of Losverfahrens in die Politik und 'stellt 'die Frage nach essen Koharenz und Relevanz: Bilden die Veroffentlichungen tatsachlich eine Einheit, die als "Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie" bezeichnet werden kann? Wenn ja, sind die Erwartungen, die von ihren BefurworterInnen formuliert werden, blose Utopien oder werden Sie in real existierende demokratischer Instrumented Partizipation (bekannt als Minipopuli), die auf der Auslosung der Teilnehmenden basieren, uberfuhrt? Die quantitative und qualitative Untersuchung of Textkorpus ergibt, dass yesterday in der Tat eine Theory entsteht, die gemeinsame Analysen, argues und Erwartungen aufweist: Die AutorInnen sind sich einig, dass das ein Losverfahren Losungsansatz fur die von ihnen konstatierten Krisen der liberalen Demokratie ist. Die Zuweisung eines Teils oder gar go Politischer Jugendring Posten durch das Losverfahren erhohe Reprasentation und Partizipation. Die so per Los ausgewahlten BurgerInnen seien im soziologischen sowie politischen Sinne (standing for?und?acting for) reprasentativer als die per Abstimmung ernannten PolitikerInnen, wodurch eine neue Legitimitat entstehe. Die Kompetenz der "einfachen" BurgerInnen gewinne year Bedeutung, und ein nachhaltiger Prozess der Selbstbefahigung wirke der weit verbreiteten Politikverdrossenheit entgegen. Die so formulierte Theory wird in einem zweiten Schritt ersten Jahrtausend anhand von zwei Minipopuli - einer Planungszelle und einer?jury citizen?- auf den Prufstand der Praxis gestellt. Pound empirische Untersuchung ?-sterreich zeigt, dass die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Erwartungen tatsachlich erfullt sind, jedoch in sehr begrenztem Mase. In that they are abschliesend werden Fragen zu Realisierungsbedingungen der Theory und moglichen Verbesserungen of Modells der Minipopuli untersucht.Schlusselworter: Losverfahren, Sortition, theory aleatorischen der Demokratie, Minipopuli, partizipative Demokratie, Planungszelle,?Citizens Jury,?jury of citizens.EinführungEine Renaissance, die Fragen aufwirftSeit 40 Jahren mehren sich Veroffentlichungen, die sich mit dem Losverfahren als Method der Auswahl und der Verteilung von Gutern beschaftigen. Ein de Teil der' rules on advertising by country park ist Natur und skizziert die Geschichte des Essen, was die Griechen der Antike?Kleros, die Venezianer der Renaissance?Brevia?und die Spanier der?Reconquista insaculacion?nannten. For Eine Gruppe von Autorinnen interessiert sich fur die Natur und die Logik of Verfahrens in einer explorativen Herangehensweise und vergleicht das Losverfahren mit anderen, wie Marktmechanismen oder Abstimmungsverfahren8. Eine four last Gruppe nimmt eine engagierte Stellung ein und wird zur Befurworterin of Loses: die Autorinnen dieser Gruppe schlagen vor, das Losverfahren in die Politik (wieder)einzufuhren, um knappe Mailing list: guter und wichtige politische Versions Support zu verteilen oder identifiable zu treffen9. Interesting Dabei Temple ist, dass sich die Verfasserinnen dieser Text, obwohl sie sich argumentativ sehr nahe stehen, bis vor kurzem gegenseitig kaum kannten, sich noch nicht als koharente Gruppe Sehen , und nicht als solche betrachtet werden. Sharps Paradox fuhrt zur ersten Forschungsfrage der vorliegenden Arbeit:?Bedeutet die Zunahme von looked for und Veroffentlichungen zum Losverfahren, dass zur Zeit eine "Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie" entsteht, die gemeinsame Argumentationsmuster, Referenzen und Erwartungen entwickelt??Eine detaillierte quantitative und qualitative analysis der Text wird im ersten de Teil der Arbeit eine positive Antwort auf pound Frage geben (see Methodik).Die politische Praxis der letzten 40 Jahre liefert einen weiteren erstaunlichen Befund: Das Losverfahren erlebt eine Renaissance Art und wurde wird resp. EIB verschiedensten Verteilungsfragen angewandt, wie e.g. EIB Organtransplantationen, Arbeitserlaubnissen oder Sozialwohnungen. Es wurde auch fur die Rekrutierung bei der Wehrpflicht velocity und wird im8Um eine gendergerechte Schreibweise zu gewahrleisten, wurde ausgelost, ob der franzosische und der deutsche Text die feminine oder die maskuline Form s readjustment may be necessary. Fur die deutsche Zusammenfassung wurde erstere gezogen. Ironischerweise mussen die ersten drei Adjektive Texts maskulin bleiben, da year den damaligen politischen System nur Manner teilnehmen' durften.9Der Begriff "Politik" wird in dieser Arbeit als Prozess der Verteilung von knappen Ressourcen und Verabschiedung von kollektiv bindenden identifiable verstanden.EinführungRahmen sogenannter "Minipopuli" angewandt. Pound vielen Anwendungen geschahen aber paradoxerweise grostenteils unabhangig von der Entwicklung der Theory. Als Peter Dienel 1973 eine Gruppe von 25 ausgelosten Burgerinnen in Schwelm business unit zusammenbrachte, mu uber die Mullabfuhr der Stadt zu diskutieren, schien er nicht zu wissen, dass Robert Dahl drei Jahre fruher einen ahnlichen theoretischen Vorschlag gemacht hatte. Und als Dahl im Jahre 1987 eine aktualisierte Version seines Vorschlages unter den Namen "Minipopulus" publizierte, schien er seinerseits nicht zu wissen, dass das Verfahren der Planungszelle in Deutschland schon uber 100 poorly angewandt worden war. In beiden Fallen aber geht es darum, ausgeloste Burgerinnen zu informieren und beratschlagen zu lassen, damit sie Empfehlungen an die Politik formulieren. Die is connected Vermutung Nahe, dass die Motivationen und Erwartungen der Praxis und der Theory sich ahneln:?Bieten sich die praktischen experienced von Minipopuli aussi nicht als ein besonders geeignetes Forschungsfeld year, um die Erwartungen der Theory zu uberprufen?Aus den zwei yesterday gestellten Fragen uber Theory und Praxis Losverfahrens kann die generelle Forschungsfrage der Doktorarbeit hergeleitet werden:?Sind die theoretischen Vorschlage fur die Wiedereinfuhrung of Losverfahrens in die Politik blose modern Utopien oder haben sie das Potential, bei der Bewaltigung der modernen Herausforderungen der Demokratie eine tragende Rolle einzunehmen? Kurz gefragt: Bewahrt sich die Theory in der Praxis??Ziel der Arbeit ist es, die Vorschlage zur Einfuhrung of Losverfahrens in der Politik ersten Jahrtausend anhand von real existierenden using a MIDI der Partizipation auf Ihre Koharenz und Relevanz hin zu tests.Stand der ForschungZwei Veroffentlichungen haben bisher den Korpus von Texten uber das Losverfahren als koharent bezeichnet. Erstens Snider (2007), der eine?Yale School of Democratic Reform?mu Dahl und Fishkin identifiziert und folgendermasen prasentiert: "the central insight of the Yale School is that a large, randomly selected sample of American voters could be brought together to deliberate in such a way that some of the most intractable problems of America's representative democracy could be solved" (Snider 2007, 3). Der Artikel ist besonders interesting, weil er das Argumentationsmuster von vielen theoretischen Texten auf den Punkt bringt. Er ubersieht allerdings, dass die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Schriften nicht aus den USA stammen (es ist?432EinführungAussi keine?Yale School), und dass vi?¨le Vorschlage nicht die Verteilung von beratenden Posten zum Thema haben. Pound Dimensionen werden ausfuhrlicher in der zweiten Veroffentlichung, der Monograph von Buchstein (2009), integriert. Buchstein qualifiziert die Gesamtheit der Text als "aleatorische Demokratietheorie" und this operating sie als "normative ein Projekt mit dem Ziel, die Rationalitatspotentiale of Zufallsprinzips as modern Demokratien nutzbar zu machen" (Buchstein 2009, 343). Pound Herangehensweise liefert eine Grundlage solid, um die erste Frage nach der Entstehung der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie zu beantworten.Die Frage nach der Relevanz der Minipopuli als Testobjekt fur die Erwartungen der Theory wurde zum ersten Evil von Carson & Martin (1999) und spater von Schmidt (2001), Ackermann & Fishkin (2004), Sintomer (2007), und Gastil (2000) aufgegriffen, die in ihnen samtlich ein geeignetes Instrument fur den Test der Sehen , Theory. Die genannten Autorinnen stutzen sich allerdings verstarkt auf der Theory der deliberativen Demokratie, sie stellen aussi Fragen der Deliberation und der Partizipation und nicht die of Losverfahrens ins Zentrum ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Analysis. Die vorliegende Arbeit verfolgt einen anderen Ansatz und erganzt die bisherigen Forschungen mit einer Analyze der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie.Die Frage of Potentials of Losverfahrens in der Politik wird in den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Texten of Korpus aufgegriffen und wurde in den letzten Jahren dank der Veroffentlichung von ersten Monographien uber das Thema (Goodwin 1992; Dowlen 2009; Stone 2011) verstarkt untersucht. Sie ist allerdings bisher nicht auf der Grundlage empirischer Feldforschung analysiert worden und deshalb steht im Zentrum dieser Arbeit.Method und Aufbau der ArbeitDie Herangehensweise gewahlte verbindet die empirisch orientierte Politikwissenschaft und die politische Theory (Gohler 2007), um die theoretischen Erwartungen ersten Jahrtausend anhand von zwei empirischen these models, see zu tests. Sie setzt sich aus einer Folge von induktiven und deduktiven Momenten 'Jetzt w?cht zusammen: Erstens wurde induktiv gearbeitet, um die Text zu Erfassen und zu klassifizieren, sowie um die ausgewahlten Minipopuli empirisch zu untersuchen. Zweitens wurde die allgemeine Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie aus der quantitativen und qualitativen Analysis der Text deduktiv abgeleitet und die Ergebnisse der Feldforschung ersten Jahrtausend anhand der so konstruierten Erwartungen interpretiert. Die konkret angewandten Methoden folgen den [now what belongs zu?433EinführungSkizzierenden Leitfragen der jeweiligen Abschnitte der Arbeit.Das Erste 'Pralatenwein' geht der Problematik einer Typology of Losverfahrens nach, die die Grundlage der weiteren Arbeit liefern wird. In Anlehnung an die Theory der Prototypen (Rosch 1973 ; 1975) - die beste met als Beispiele einer Kategorie lexikalischen in einer bestimmten linguistischen Umwelt this operating werden konnen - werden die existierenden intrinsischen (Sher 1980; Goodwin 2005), prozeduralen (Bromberger & Ravis 1987; Elster 1987), funktionellen (Buchstein 2009) und kombinierten (Delannoi 2010 ; Sintomer 2007) Typologien erganzt, um eine Dynamische Leistungsprüfst?nde und flexible Definition of Losverfahrens und pester France Prototypen zu erstellen. Pound Arbeit wird die Klassifizierung und Einordnung der vielfaltigen Formen of Losverfahrens, die in der gesamten Arbeit begegnet werden, ermoglichen.Das 'Pralatenwein' 'widmet sich der quantitativen Analysis der Schriften uber das Losverfahren ersten Jahrtausend anhand der Szientometrie, this operating yesterday als "Messung der Wissenschaftlichen Aktivitat in einem bestimmten Feld" (Gingras 2008, 3). Dafur zunachst wurde die Gesamtheit der Text, die das Losverfahren behandeln, erfasst und in einer Lists dokumentiert. Pound wird einer bibliometrischen unterzogen Analysis (Havemann 2009), die die Hypothesis der Entstehung eines neuen koharenten Korpus von Texten befurwortenden bestatigt.Auf der Grundlage sharps Ergebnisses nahert sich das dritte 'Pralatenwein' der qualitativ argumentativen Struktur der Text. Dafur werden besonders diejenigen Schriften betrachtet, die sich mit der Verteilung von politischen Posten, Sortition auch genannt, befassen. Grunde dieser Fokussierung sind erstens die zentrale bibliometrische Stellung der Autorinnen dieser Vorschlage und zweitens die qualitative Feststellung, dass sie die breiteste Palette year felt und Erwartungen aufweisen. Die Analysis wird dann zeigen Flagge, dass die Hypothesis der Entstehung einer Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie sich auch qualitativ bestatigen lasst. Damit wird es moglich, die Theory auf den Prufstand der Praxis zu stellen.Das vierte 'Pralatenwein' widmet sich dementsprechend der Identifikation aller eines geeigneten praktischen Forschungsfeldes. Die Untersuchung der gegenwartigen Anwendungen of Losverfahrens sowie der Geschichte der Planungszelle und der?Citizens Jury?ersten Jahrtausend anhand of Ansatzes der Dissemination sozialer Innovationen (Rogers 2003) zeigen Flagge wird, dass die Kategorie der Minipopuli, insbesondere die Planungszelle und die?jury citizen, vielversprechende Praktiken darstellen. Erstere wegen ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Vorreiterrolle, ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Standardisierung und der Haufigkeit ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Anwendung; zweitere wegen ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Hybridisierung, ihres innovativen Charakters in Frank434EinführungReich und ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Einbindung in einen anderen diskursiven Kontext als die Planungszelle (die?jury?ist in ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Konzeption viel naher year der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie). Um die Forschung zu operationalisieren werden zwei finds it schlieslich Fallbeispiele ausgewahlt: das Planungszellen-Projekt "Eine neue Abfallgebuhrensatzung as Aachen" von 2007 und die?jury citizen"?assessment of regional action in the fight against climate change" of?regional council?der Region Poitou-Charentes im Jahr 2008.Im funften 'Pralatenwein' werden folglich die Erfullung der Erwartungen der Theory in Aachen und Poitiers auf der Grundlage der Auswertung einer qualitativen : inleidende studie getestet. Pound setzt sich aus vier'Elementen 'Jetzt w?cht zusammen: Zwei teilnehmenden Beobachtungen, 50 Interviews (mit Teilnehmerinnen, Organisatorinnen, Politikerinnen, Moderatorinnen, Referentinnen und Beamtinnen), drei Fragebogen (der erste direkt nach dem Einsatz der Jury in Frankreich, der 'zwei Jahre spater und der dritte drei Jahre nach dem Planungszellen-Projekt ) und einer Textanalyse (Medienrezeption, Beratungen of?regional council?in Poitou-Charentes und Stadtrates in Aachen, beide Burgergutachten und administrative internal Dokumente).Im sechsten und letzten 'Pralatenwein' wird zuerst die empirische kontextualisiert : inleidende studie. Dafur werden 23 empirische Analysen von dem Minipopuli Analyseraster of funften Kapitels unterzogen. Auf Grundlage der Ergebnisse sharps Vergleichs werden Verbesserungen am Modell "Minipopulus" vorgeschlagen und neue Qualitatskriterien prasentiert. Anschliesend wird die Kontextualisierung auf der theoretischen Ebony weitergefuhrt und nach der Realisierungsbedingungen Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie in den liberalen Demokratien sowie nach der entsprechenden Forschungsagenda gefragt.435Le Teil 1: Die Theory of Losverfahrens in der Politik(Kleros)"I would propose the creation of what might be called a mini-populus. Its members would be a group of randomly selected citizens, who would serve for a limited period: let us say a thousand citizens serving for a year, when they would be replaced with a new minipopulus. More than one minipopulus would be desirable. One might decide on the agenda of issues, while several others might each pesticidal concerned with one of the major issues. A minipopulus could exist at any level of government, national, regional, or local. ... During their year members would be attended, again by means of telecommunications, by an advisory committee of scholars, and has staff monitored by the advisory committee. At the end of its year, has minipopulus would indicate the preference ordering of its members among the most under alternatives in the policy area assigned to it. A minipopulus would not be a lawmaking body, however, goal would represent what the public would prefer pesticidal if the public were as well informed as their fellow citizens in tea minipopulus had become during their period of service. If decision makers were to disagree with a minipopulus, they would need to explain the reasons for their disagreement."Dahl (1987, 205-206).'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensDas Losverfahren gehort zu den Erfahrungen of Alltages: es wird beim Bingo, vor vielen Fusballspiele oder EIB Lotterien angewandt. Auch im wellness and relaxation-burokratischem Rahmen kann es eine zentrale Rolle Maxxi spielen+lernen. So werden Zum Beispiel die Jury-Mitglieder - auch Schoffen genannt - in vielen Landern per Los ausgewahlt. In diesem Fall die verfugen ausgewahlten Burgerinnen uber eine grose Verantwortung, da sie teilweise uber Leben und Tod entscheiden mussen. Losverfahren Das wird, wie in der Einleitung bereits verladene" should angemerkt, auch fur die Verteilung von Sozialwohnungen velocity. Auch in der Antike und im Mittelalter wurde das Losverfahren fur die Auswahl wichtiger Magistraten eingesetzt. Eine solche wirft Vielfalt einer Reihe Fragen auf: was ist eigentlich das Losverfahren? Was ist seine "einfache stets komplexe Natur" (Stone 2009, 1)? Wie unterscheidet es sich von anderen Auswahlverfahren, dass seine heist "allokative Rival" (Buchstein 2009, 390)? Ist es moglich eine Typology of Losverfahrens zu personalities ",, ahnlich den Typologien of Wahlverfahrens?Ziel sharps ersten Kapitels ist es, eine solche Typology zu personalities ",. Dafur werde ich zuerst das Losverfahren als eine der vier Typen von Auswahlverfahren definieren und seine Besonderheit hervorheben (1 -?Was ist das Losverfahren?). Anschliesend werde ich die?Blackbox?Auslosens offnen und seine Mechanik prozedurale darstellen (2 -?Wie wird ausgelost?) daraufhin wird das Verfahren wieder in seinem intellektuellen Kontext betrachtet und seine diskursive Komponente eruiert (3 -?Warum ausgelost wird? Und wie wird das Los interpretiert?). Abschliesend wird es moglich breast, "Prototypen" of Losverfahrens zu konstruieren (4).Losverfahren als Auswahlverfahren"Wer bekommt was, wann und wie?"Die€?mitglieder Misfires der 500 oder?Ball -?einer der wichtigsten Gremien der attischen Demokratie - wurden ein Poorly im Jahr aus der Gesamtheit der uber 30-jahrigen Burger Athens mittels eines Losverfahrens ausgewahlt. Bevor sie ihre Aufgabe wahrnehmen konnten, mussten die so ausgelosten?Bouleuten?allerdings eine sogenannte?Dokimasia?vor dem austrekapitel1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensTenden Rat absolvieren1. Dabei Temple handelte es sich um eine Prufung, bei der sie einzeln uber went moglichen ausgefragt Themen wurden und anschliesend mittels einer entweder Handabstimmung bestatigt oder abgelehnt wurden2. Sharps Beispiel einer mehrstufigen Prozedur illustriert hervorragend die Problematik der Auswahl und Verteilung Politischer Jugendring Ressourcen, die klassischerweise als Kern der politischen Aktivitat gesehen wird und von Lasswell (1935) in knapper Form zusammengefasst wurde: "who gets what, when, and how". Die Ressourcen, der "what"?- auch genannt Items - um die es sich handelt, werden in drei Kategorien geteilt (Elster 1987, 108). Hierbei handelt es sich um erstens die Lose, die hardware (ein Computer) oder immateriell (eine Eintrittskarte zu einer Computerfachmesse) within konnen3. Zweitens die Posten, die politisch oder nicht politisch sind. Die Kategorie 'verweist auf die Arbeitsposten (Berufe, Stellen, etc). Die politischen Posten werden in der Regel in sechs Kategorien unterteilt: legislative-Gesetzgebend, legislative-Verfassungsgebend im Fall der Verfassung), exekutive (Umsetzung der Gesetze), gerichtliche (Kontrolle der Konformitat der Gesetze mit der Verfassung und Sanktion im Fall der Missachtung der Gesetze), konsultative (Beratung der anderen Posteninhaber durch Deliberation) und elektive (Auswahl ruf - Posten durchfuhren). Drittens die identifiable, die als Selektion einer von mehreren Aktionskursen (Handlungsoptionen) zu verstehen sind ( 'Abgeordnete des konnen Zum Beispiel ein Gesetz per Abstimmung oder per Los verabschieden oder ablehnen). Das Beispiel der?Bouleuten?kann dieser Unterscheidung nach als Auswahlverfahren fur einen konsultativen Posten bezeichnet werden, da sie die Gesetze fur die Ekklesia (die Vollversammlung) vorbereiteten. Nach dem die Frage Items ( "was" ungleich verteilt wird), befasse ich mich [now what belongs mit der Frage of Auswahlverfahrens ( "wie" ungleich verteilt wird).Ein Auswahlverfahren kann als Prozess bezeichnet werden, bei dem ein Set von Items auf einem einzigen half wird: "moving from many options to just one"4. Beim vorherigen Beispiel bildete die Gesamtheit der athenischen Burger, die uber dreisig waren, das Set. Die Re1Cf.Blackwell (2003), Hansen (1999) oder Headlam-Morley (1891).2Die Fragen konnten gone Themen betreffen.3Interessanterweise bedeutet im allgemeinen equipment could result das Wort "Los" auf Deutsch wie auf franzosisch using das Item und das Auswahlverfahren (Losverfahren). Gleiches gilt Zum Beispiel mit "mandate", das oft als Synonym fur einen Posten gilt, das durch einer Abstimmung ungleich verteilt wurde. Der Name eines Items hangt eng mit der Rezeption der Auswahlverfahren 'Jetzt w?cht zusammen: ein positive Los wird Zum Beispiel "gut" genannt und ein negativ empfundenes Los wird als "Ubel" betrachtet. Eine solche Unterscheidung macht die Auswahl of Begriffes "Los" falling within, weil es die Art von Item beschreibt, ohne es zu werten. Das Wort Objekt wurde nicht ausgewahlt, weil es zu restriktiv ist (es umfasst nicht die immaterial Lose).4 Ullmann-Margalit & Morgenbesser (1977). See auch Elster (1984, 76).?440Losverfahren als AuswahlverfahrenDuktion erfolgte durch das Kombinieren von einem Losverfahren, einer Prufung und einer Abstimmung. Die Prozedur wurde Karel Schwarzenberg will take part as der 500?Bouleuten?wiederholt. Wie vi?¨le Arten von Verfahren es handle the device the wrong way gibt, wird allerdings noch diskutiert. Buchstein (2009, 232) unterscheidet sieben Methoden: "Los", "Wahl", "Kooptation", "Auktion", "strikte Rotation", "Temporalitat" sowie "monopolisierte Zuteilung" (die er noch einmal in verschiedene Gruppen unterteilt: Verteilung aufgrund der Basis von bestimmten "Leistungen", "Eignungen" oder "Bedurfnissen" ). Elster ( 1987,128 ff. ) zahlt sechs Typen von Auswahlverfahren: "Losverfahren", "?equal physical division", "Allokation" (Elster unterscheidet drei Arten: die Allokation aufgrund der "Bedurfnisse", der "Produktivitat" oder "Verdienstes" ), "Markt", "Warteschlange" und der "status"5. Kornhauser & Sager (1987, 483) schlagen eine respectively in vier Arten vor: die Abstimmung, die Allokation (Aufgrund of Verdienstes oder Bedurfnisses), der Markt und das Auslosen. Saunders (2008, 361) differenziert zwischen drei Methoden: die Selektion, das Losverfahren und die Versteigerung. Die Kreuzung dieser Typologien ermoglicht es vier Typen zu unterscheiden: die Abstimmung (Psephos) (Delannoi 2003), der Markt (Agora), das Losverfahren (Kleros) und die Prufung (Dokimasie). Pound respectively in vier Verfahren muss [now what belongs begrundet werden, in dem die Verfahren voneinander getrennt werden.Die Besonderheiten der einzelnen AuswahlverfahrenDie?Abstimmung?grenzt sich von den anderen drei Verfahren ab, weil sie die Aggregation von individuellen Meinungen zu einer kollektiven Entscheidung als Mittel der Reduktion velocity (Thiele 2008, 22). EIB einer Abstimmung Praferenzen werden unter der Form von Stimmen und dank eines Abrechnungsmechanismus (einfache Mehrheit, Proporz, Konsens, etc. ) addiert. Daraus resultiert eine Entscheidung. EIB dem Verfahren?Markt, bilden zwar die Praferenzen der ? [Demands auch die Grundlage der Entscheidung unter der Form der Nachfrage und Angebotes. Sie werden allerdings nicht sondern addiert konfrontiert. Als Mittel der Reduktion gilt der Preis, der das Gleichgewicht zwischen den Praferenzen ausdrucken soll6. EIB dem Verfahren der?Prufung?at die Reduktion mittels einer List von vorgesetzten5Der Begriff?Status?bleibt?€ EIB Elster ( 1987,128 ) unklar: "There are other mechanisms too, such as queuing, rotation, gold status, which I do not have the space to consider here".6Pound konnen die de Qualitat betreffen aber auch Kriterien wie die Nachhaltigkeit, die Mode, etc. Der Preis - und nicht die Charakteristika der Items - ist im Markt der Vektor der Reduktion.441'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensKriterien, die erfullt werden mussen7. Die bekanntesten sind die Rotation, die Geburt (Erbschaft oder Staatsangehorigkeit), das Bedurfnis, der Verdienst und die Zeit vor (german Warteschlange). Da die relevanten Kriterien von den Akteurinnen selber malen this operating werden und kombinierbar sind, ist es unmoglich eine systematische Aufzahlung durchzufuhren.Losverfahren Das unterscheidet sich von den drei bisher dargestellten Verfahren dadurch, dass die Transformation von den individuellen Praferenzen kollektiven in identifiable den Willen der Akteure umgeht: gibt es beim Los ein Augenblick der Unbestimmtheit. Sharps Phanomen wird von Dowlen (2008, 11-30) als?blind estate?bezeichnet. Stone (2010, 33) spricht von Unvorhersehbarkeit: "It is unpredictability, then, that characterizes a lottery, setting it apart from other processes". EIB Wahrend den anderen Methoden die Akteure "das Ergebnis intentionnelle begrunden" (Schmidt 2000, 369) verlieren sie beim Los die Kontrolle uber die Prozedur. Das Los ist eine?chance device?(Alford 1958, 2) und spiegelt die Entscheidung wider, "year intentionnelle choice to make the decision by a nonintentional mechanism" (Elster 1987, 108). Beim Losverfahren aussi wird gezielt der Zufall eingesetzt. Dieser kann als "meeting of two causal chains independent" (Cournot 1851, 30) oder als nicht komprimierbare Information (Chaitin 1975) this operating werden. In diesem Sinne ist eine zufallige - auch aleatorische genannt - Nummernreihe diejenige, die nicht mit einer zusammenfassenden Formal programmable controller werden kann. Somit ist ein zufalliges Phanomen nicht vorhersehbar8. Das als Auslosen Auswahlverfahren stutzt aussi sich auf die Benutzung eines aleatorischen Time als Mittel der Reduktion.Eine Unterscheidung for year muss dieser Stelle zwischen "naturliche" und "kunstliche" Lotterien gemacht werden9. Beim ersten beziehen sich die Akteure lediglich auf die Anwendung of Zufalls, fixieren aber nicht die moglichen Ausgange. Ein Beispiel fur die erste Kategorie ist das Wahrsagen ersten Jahrtausend anhand von Eingeweide und fur die 'einen Munzeinwurf. Der Unterschied ist gewaltig, da im ersten Fall der Haruspex (Eingeweideleser) eine tief greifende Interpretationsmacht owns: er allein kann die Konstellation zufallige deuten und hat die7Sharps korrespondiert Verfahren zur Kategorie der Allokation EIB den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system anderen Autorinnen. Der Begriff scheint mir zu generell zu sein, da eine Allokation auch mittels eines Losverfahrens gemacht werden kann. Die Unterkategorien wie "Allokation aufgrund of Verdienstes" oder "Allokation aufgrund der Bedurfnisse" sind eher Kriterien, die EIB einer Prufung velocity werden, um die Items zu verteilen.8Chaitin nimmt als Beispiel die Reihen und 010101010101010101 011011010111100010. Die erste kann auch " 09x01" geschrieben werden, die 'kann nicht half werden. Die erste ist nicht ganz zufallig.9Die Unterscheidung ist von Aubert (1959). Elster (1987, 107) spricht von informellen und formellen Lotterien. Stone (2008, 21) nennt die Verfahren ohne festgelegte Ausgange?lotteries with risk?und diejenigen mit definierten Ausgange?lotteries with uncertainty.442Losverfahren als AuswahlverfahrenMacht uber das Verfahren (Molino 1987, 140). Im zweiten Fall ist der Ausgang klarer und muss nicht interpretiert werden: es ist Kopf oder Zahl und die which it is concluded von jedem Ausgang is connected EIB 50 %. Daher scheint eine Unterscheidung zwischen zwei Arten von Losverfahren notig. Auf der einen Seite stehen die kunstlichen Lotterien, in denen die Akteure ihre Kontrolle uber das Verfahren zuruckweisen. Pound wurden in der griechischen Antike?Kleros?genannt und bildeten Zum Beispiel die Grundlage fur die Auswahl der?Bouleuten. Auf der anderen Seite stehen die Lotterien, die von denselben Griechen?Kleromanteia?(Kleromantik) genannt Waren und in denen eine Person fur die Interpretation der Ergebnisse of zufalligen Augenblicks - of?blind breaks?- zustandig ist.AuswahlverfahrenSCH??ssel der ReduktionMoving from many options ...Abstimmung (Psephos)Aggregation der Praferenzen durch eine Abstimmung + Abrechnungsmechanismus... To one.Market (Agora)Konfrontation der Praferenzen bis zum Gleichgewicht durch den PreisPrufung (Dokimasie)Erfullung von vorgesetzten Kriterien und prospective Diskussion, ob die Kriterien erfullt sindLosverfahren (Kleros)Aleatorisches TimeKleromantik (Kleromanteia)Aleatorisches Time + InterpretationAbbildung 65: Die Unterschiede zwischen den Auswahlverfahren.Der prozedurale BlockBetrachtet man noch einmal das Beispiel der?Ball, muss man feststellen, dass unterschiedliche Typen von Verfahren kombiniert werden: eine Prufung (Alter und Staatsangehorigkeit), ein Losverfahren, wieder eine Prufung (Fragen der ausscheidenden?Bouleuten) und eine Abstimmung. Wie ist eine solche Konstruktion zu verstehen? Man Kann uberhaupt noch sagen, dass die Ratsmitglieder wurden ausgelost? & Ferner, musste man logischerweise sich fragen wie die Regeln der Prufung festgelegt wurden (warum eine?Dokimasie?statt zweimal ein Losverfahren?) und naturlich wie pound Personen ausgewahlt worden sind, und mit welchem Verfahren, etc. Kurz gesagt: Es bildet sich EIB Auswahlverfahren schnell eine Endlosschleife. Mu sharps Problem zu umgehen, yesterday wird der Begriff "prozeduraler Block" eingefuhrt. Pragmatische Dieser Ausdruck versucht - ohne tief greifende analytische Method - die Logik eines Verfahrens zu beschreiben und kann auch fur das obige Beispiel angewandt werden:?443'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensKonkretes VerfahrenPrufung of Alters und der StaatsangehorigkeitAuslosung von bronzenen Schildern mit den Namen der BurgerDokimasieHandabstimmungProzedurPrufung ersten Jahrtausend anhand eines biologischen und eines politischen KriteriumsLosverfahrenPrufung mittels einer AnhorungAbstimmungProzeduraler BlockAuswahl der?BouleutenAbbildung 66: Der prozedurale Block.So gesehen war die Auswahl der Ratsmitglieder vierstufige eine Reduktion, die auf call Auswahlverfahren beruhte, aber eine prozedurale Einheit rund um ein aleatorisches Time bildete.Blackbox Losverfahren"A lottery allocates a benefit (sometimes called a prize) among a designated group of potential profits (candidates who understood has pool) according to a stipulated procedure (pay-off condition) ." Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 485).Was passiert eigentlich aussi gelost wenn wird? Wie vi?¨le Formen of Losens gibt es? Und kanneine Systematik in der Vielfalt der Praktiken erkannt werden? Ausgehend von der respectively von Kornhauser & Sager (see Inschrift) werden sukzessiv das Item (prize) und das?Pool?(2.1 ), das aleatorischen Moment, oder?Palos?(2.2 ) und die Bestatigung (2.3 ) prasentiert.Der Pool der Items, der Ausg?nge und der KandidatinnenDie erste Stage eines Losverfahrens besteht in der Regel, wie schon oben angesprochen, in der Festlegung der zur verteilenden Items und der moglichen Ausgange. EIB einem (6 seitigen) Wurfelwurf fur die Besetzung eines Vereinsvorstandes (Item) sind Zum Beispiel die Optionen 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 und 6 moglich. Die Ausgange konnten so within festgelegt, dass gerade Zahlen ein positive und ungerade Zahlen ein Ergebnis negative bedeuten (Ausgang).Die 'Road Ahead besteht in der Festlegung der "Losberechtigten" (Buchstein 2000, 170). Obwohl ein Losverfahren ohne Vorabbegrenzung der Kandidatinnen denkbar ist, scheint ein solches Verfahren nicht zu existieren10. In der Tat gibt es immer eine?ex ante?Prufung ent10Elster(1989, 67-68) bringt es auf dem Punkt: "I know of no instance of social lotteries without some announcment444Blackbox LosverfahrenLang von Kriterien, die yesterday deduktiv vorgestellt werden und eine overall "Qualifikationsschwelle" darstellen11:1.Obligatorische vs. undertaking' which extends an undertaking Teilnahme: mussen oder konnen die Losberechtigten (equal ob Menschen oder Gegenstande) teilnehmen'? I verbindlicher die Teilnahme, "niedriger die Qualifikationsschwelle.2.Gone, einige, eins: die aristotelische Trilogy kann yesterday angewendet werden. I mehr teilnehmen' Items, "niedriger die Qualifikationsschwelle.3.Angeborene vs. erworbene Qualifikation. Im ersten Fall handelt es sich um intrinsische Charakteristika (Mann, Frau, Klein, big) und im zweiten um mit der Zeit gewonnenen " Properties (Zum Beispiel eine Geldsumme, um ein Teilnahmerecht zu kaufen).4.Passive vs. aktive Haltefunktion (return Teilnahme: im ersten Fall wird das Item ohne Anstrengung grose im Pool integriert (Die nordamerikanische Jury) und im zweiten muss es sich bewerben (Universitatsplatze). I passivate die Einbeziehung, "niedriger die Schwelle.Das aleatorische Moment, oder?Palos"Two terms ancient Greeks shall designate the draw: cleros and palos. Cleros applies to both the object used in the prize draw, the draw itself, has this which is assigned by the draw and, especially, has the share of property and more still has the one receives in inheritance. The etymologistes the related has a radical cla, signifying the breakup, so that cleros would nominate materially a piece of wood. Palos, him, proceeded to a root pe/ol meaning shake so that if one of the names comes from the object uses and covers the whole field semantics, the other fact of first reference has the act of drawing." (Pralon 1987, 151).Im Vorhinein wurde der unvorhersehbare Augenblick als Besonderheit of Losverfahrens identifiziert und mit Pralon als?Palos?- Akt of Ziehens - benannt. In jedem Losverfahren einigen sich die Akteure auf die Konturen of?Palos?und bestimmen wie viel Unvorhersehbarkeit es"soll. Es gibt drei Stufen of Eingriffes:1.Das queen Los, in dem die Akteure ihre Kontrolle in dem Augenblick abgeben, in dem die Items, die Ausgange und der Pool fixiert worden sind. Fur eine Wahl von 10 Reprasentantinnen konnte man Zum Beispiel eine Urn benutzen, mit schwarzen und weisen Kugeln. Wer eine weise zieht, wird gewahlt.Gold selection-qualification scrutiny on the basis of need, merit, and the like."11Aussi i niedriger die Eintrittsschwelle "mehr Leute Montag Kommen in den Pool.445'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of Losverfahrens2.Das gewichtete Los, mit dem die Mitstreiter die which it is concluded eines bestimmten Ergebnis bewusst erhohen konnen. Im vorherigen Beispiel konnte man die Auswahl von Frauen fordern wollen und dementsprechend jede Frau zwei, drei, vier oder poorly ziehen lassen.3.Das Los mit Publisher (Elster 1989, 96-97). In diesem Fall wollen die Akteure noch tiefer in den?Palos?eingreifen und healthy cities highlighted Vorgaben fest. Eine Frauen-Quote von handle the device the wrong way 50% (Paritat) wurde Zum Beispiel bedeuten, dass sobald UNFF Manner eine weise Kugel gezogen haben, nur noch Frauen ziehen durfen, und umgekehrt, wenn schon UNFF Frauen ausgewahlt worden sind.Das gewichtete Los und das Los mit Publisher sind unterschiedlicher als es scheint. Im ersten Fall kann es passieren, dass trotz Gewichtung 10 Manner gewahlt werden. Im zweiten kann ein solcher Fall nicht eintreten, da der Zufall keine Rolle bei der Frage Manner/Frauen spielt (man weis von vorne rein, dass 5 Frauen und 5 Manner ausgewahlt werden). Das ist Losverfahren aussi partiell deterministisch und nahert sich den drei anderen Auswahlverfahren (Psephos,?Agora?und?Dokimasie). Es ist allerdings nicht ganz deterministisch, weil man nicht wissen kann, welche Frauen und welche Manner als ? [Demands ausgelost werden (man Weis, dass 5 Frauen ausgewahlt werden aber man kann nicht sagen ob es Frau A, B, C, D und E oder von Frau X, Y, Z, A und B within wird) und wer zuerst ausgewahlt wird (ist Frau HAS zuerst oder Frau B). Beide Fragen sind falling within, wenn die zu verteilende Items nicht gleich sind.Die Kontrolle der Akteure uber das Verfahren hangt auch von dem Grad der Formalisierung ab. Angenommen, eine Fahrerin hat sich verfahren und will bei der nachsten Kreuzung per Los entscheiden, ob sie links oder rechts prater-rechts abbiegen soll. Sie kann das erste Auto der Marke X beobachten und dementsprechend handeln (in die Richtung zu biegen, aus der das erste Auto kommt), eine Munze werfen (Kopf links und Zahl rechts) oder auch ein Zufallsgenerator benutzen (gerade Zahl links und ungerade rechts). Pound Moglichkeit bilden Stufen der Formalisierung. Im ersten Beispiel hat man mit einem epistemischen Losverfahren zu tun (Elster 2000, 242). Es reicht aus, wenn das Verfahren den Eindruck vermittelt, dass es zufallig ist, muss aber nicht equi-probabilistisch within. Wenn Zum Beispiel eine Fabrik der Marke X links von der Kreuzung ist und eine Garage in dem pound Autos verkauft wurde sich rechts befindet, ist die which it is concluded sehr hoch, dass das X Auto von links Montag Kommen wird. Es handelt sich nicht um ein gleich gewichtetes Los (equiprobable lottery), aber dies ist fur die Fahrerin nicht falling within.?446Blackbox LosverfahrenDer Zufallsgenerator dagegen wird ausdrucklich velocity, um eine Lottery mit einem gleich gewichtetem Los durchzufuhren. Das Instrument wurde extra dafur konzipiert und weist einen hohen Grad year Formalisierung auf (Ekeland 1991, 20-37). Mit dem Einsatz von solchen Mitteln will man bewusst die Praferenzen der Mitstreiterinnen ausschalten und den Augenblick zufalligen seine Rolle Maxxi spielen+lernen lassen.Der Munzwurf bildet eine Art Kompromiss. Das Instrument wird auch bewusst angewandt, weil es eine 50% ermoglicht which it is concluded. Es ist aber nicht, primar Zweck of saying goes Instrument eines Losverfahrens zu sein und ist damit mathematisch gesehen Weninger zuverlassig als ein dezidiertes Instrument (eine Munze aufgrund will pester France Physik nicht eine genaue 50% which it is concluded und auserdem ist einfacher zu manipulieren).Die Formalisierung ist aus drei Grunden it. Erstens, weil es eine Moglichkeit darstellt, den?Palos?- den Akt of Ziehens - zu kontrollieren und zu manipulieren (Munzewurf kann kontrolliert werden). Zweitens, weil es die Intention hinter dem Prozess boar. Als die Athener die?kleroteria?(Losmaschine) entwickelten und die Florentiner die?imborsione?(Sacke mit den Namen der Kandidatinnen fur eine Auslosung) konzipierten, wollten sie ganz bewusst und in einer unbestreitbaren Weise die Entscheidung auserhalb der Kontrolle der Akteure setzen. Drittens, weil die Frage der epistemischen Losverfahren oft nicht bewusst ist und zur Verzerrungen in dem Ergebnis of Losverfahrens munden kann: wenn Zum Beispiel eine reprasentative Auswahl der Bevolkerung gezogen werden muss, reicht ein Zufall scheinbarer nicht12.Die Best?tigungNach dem?Palos?findet noch eine for Road Ahead Bestatigung der statt (Delannoi 2003). Es wurde unterstrichen, dass die?Bouleuten?die?Dokimasie?bestehen mussten. Eine solche Kontrolle?ex post?gleicht einer zusatzlichen Einfugung von Determinismus ins?Palos. Bei der Abstimmung fur die?Trackball?konnten die austretenden€?mitglieder die Kandidaten ausgelosten ablehnen. Pound Kontrolle ist extrem interesting, weil sie eine?ex post und?retroaktive Korrektur of aleatorischen Time ist: sie kann die Unvorhersehbarkeit im Nachhinein zunichte machen.Weiterhin verfugen die Kandidatinnen manchmal auch uber einen bestimmten Grad year Einfluss, der in drei grobe Kategorien fallen kann. Erstens, die Ablehnung (Elster 1990,78 ): Manchmal konnen die Kandidatinnen ausgewahlten ihre Teilnahme verweigern, Zum Beispiel12Pound Problematik wird im sechsten 'Pralatenwein' (, S. 537) konkret angesprochen.447'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensEIB den Planungszellen. Zweitens, der Widerspruch: In Sardinien werden die call Teile einer Erbschaft per Los ungleich verteilt (Carosso 1987, 286). Die Kinder mussen Master Corporal Daran teilnehmen', haben aussi kein Recht auf Ablehnung. Durfen Sie allerdings bis dreimal zu Widerspruch einlegen. In dem Fall wird das wieder Los gezogen. Drittens, die correctly reads: Im 19. Jahrhundert erfolgte die Konskription in Frankreich mittels eines Losverfahrens, bei der die Ausgewahlten eine correctly reads-konnten (Bohigas 1968). Sie konnten sich dann freikaufen.Das Los im Kontext: Rechtfertigung und Rezeption of Verfahrens"The random procedures in the culture are at the same time hardware manipulations and strategies intellectual" (Molino 1987, 141).In der politischen Praxis ist das Losverfahren in einem Kontext intellektuellen eingebunden, der sich aus einem Diskurs uber das Los (3.1 ) und einer Rezeption of aleatorischen Momentes (3.2 ) zusammensetzt.Pro und kontra?Kleros: die Rechtfertigung of LosverfahrensAuf der Basis einer induktiven Literaturanalyse13 werden die yesterday "reasons for" und "reasons against" (Engelstad, 1989) of Losverfahrens zusammengetragen14. Da es sich yesterday um eine Vorstellung der Argumente aus der Sicht der Akteure handelt, mussen die Argumente nicht auf ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Richtigkeit gepruft werden15.Gleichheit, Fairness, GerechtigkeitDas zentralste Argument fur das Losverfahren ist die Gleichheit (Goodwin 2005, 44), die entweder prozedural (Gleichheit der Project entitled) oder substantiell (Tendenz zur Gleichheit der Ergebnisse, wenn das Losverfahren wiederholt wird) verstanden werden kann. Durch den Ein13EsHauptsachlich wurde mit den Texten von Buchstein (2009), Delannoi (2010), Elster (1987), Engelstad (1989), Goodwin (2005), Schmidt (2000) und Sintomer (2007) gearbeitet.14Goodwin (2005, 51) spricht von "theoretical arguments for and against using sortition as the basis for social distribution", Buchstein (2009, 295) von "funktionalen argued fur und gegen Lotterien" und Elster (1987, 159) von "normative justifications."15Das Argument der Gleichheit der Project entitled ist Zum Beispiel mathematisch falsch wenn das Losverfahren mit Publisher gemacht wird. Es kann aber trotzdem im Diskurs verwendet werden.448Das Los im Kontext: Rechtfertigung und Rezeption of VerfahrensThe satz Loses kann auch eine Gleichheit kreiert werden, die vorher nicht existiert16, da das Losverfahren die soziale bulb holderby, Wunsche, Bedurfnisse und Verdienste der Teilnehmerinnen ignoriert (Goodwin 2005, 56). Dadurch kann auch mehr Gerechtigkeit und Fairness erreicht werden17: Die regelmasige Neuverteilung der sozialen und okonomischen Rollen wurde so die ungerechteste Lottery, die der Geburt, relativieren18. Fur die Befurworterinnen einer geometrischen Sicht der Gerechtigkeit, die auf dem Prinzip "to each according to contribution" sich stutzt (Elster 1987, 170), 'stellt 'das Losverfahren im Gegenteil "a denial of man's humanity"19 und eine Ignoranz der naturlichen Unterschiede zwischen den Menschen. Pound debate 'stellt ', historisch gesehen, den Drehpunkt der meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Diskussion uber das Losverfahren in der Politik dar und reicht von der attischen Antike bis zum heutigen Tag20.UnvorhersehbarkeitBefurworterinnen und Gegnerinnen of Losverfahrens sind sich uber die Tatsache einig, dass das Ergebnis eines Losverfahrens unvorhersehbar ist. Fur die ersten ist es eine Eigenschaft positive, da es die Anreize fur Manipulationsversuche, Korruption und strategischen Handlungen senkt (Lockard 2003 ; Vergne 2006). Fur die zweiten spiegelt es die willkurliche Natur of Loses exponiert und die Leute zu "high degree of risk and uncertainty" (Goodwin (2005, 78). Es ist somit mit einer liberalen Gesellschaft inkompatibel, die auf dem Prinzip of Verdienstes aufgebaut ist: "people become passive containers of equal chances rather than active seekers of equal opportunities" (Fishkin 1980, 112).KostenersparnisDas Argument lautet, dass das Losverfahren?ceteris paribus?schneller und einfacher als die year16DasLos wird velocity "weil die doch naturlich bestehenden Unterschiede keine Rolle Maxxi spielen+lernen sollen) for" (Schmidt 2000, 364).17Broome (1984, 40): "Randomness appears to be a way of bringing some fairness into an inherently unfair situation." See auch Goodwin (2005, 122): "the justification for adopting the lottery as a distributive procedure resets on the choice of equality as the proper basis for socially just distribution."18Goodwin (1984, 192): "However, the problem for liberalism is that the biggest chance distribution of all takes place when we are born and is beyond our control - the distribution of health, beauty, intelligence and other natural endowments. In societies where a strong class system operates, social status can also be regarded as a 'natural' endowment. Under these circumstances, a merit-based system of social justice straighten merely to reinforce natural advantages disadvantages gold."19Wolfle (1970, 1201): "each man is reduced to a cipher, distinguished from other ciphers only by the uniqueness of the combination of digits that identify his records in a growing number of office files."20Uber die Antike, see Buchstein (2009), uber die heutige Diskussion see 'Pralatenwein' 3, , S. 488.449'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensDeren Auswahlverfahren ist (Broome 1984, 40; Delannoi 2010, 18; Schmidt 2000, 367). Auslosen lohnt sich, sobald die Kosten fur die Einordnung der Alternativen, das Nutzen der Auswahl der eigentlichen besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente 'Alternative ubertrifft (Bunting 2006, 168)21. Das Losverfahren auserdem ist treffsicher: "was immer das Problem, die Entscheidung in auf dem Fuse und ist the. Sind die Wurfel einmal gefallen, wissen went unmittelbar Beteiligten', was nun zu tun oder welches hpc Los ist" (Schmidt 2000, 367) und man spart at sich unendliche Diskussionen und Interpretationen.Das Gegenargument nennt die versteckten Kosten of Verfahrens. Das Auslosen ist weder deliberativ (Buchstein 2000, 99) noch aggregativ: Es kann lediglich die Symptom und nicht die Ursachen der Allokationsprobleme losen. Weiterhin fuhrt es zu einer suboptimalen Verteilung der Ressourcen. In einer Joblotterie konnte Zum Beispiel eine great Biologin, eine Stelle als Dirigentin ziehen. Die Gesellschaft wurde in diesem Fall eine great Biologin verlieren und keine gute Dirigentin gewinnen (Engelstad 1989, 32).Rationalit?t zweiter Ordnung"In pester France reinsten Form erscheint das Auxiliarmotiv beim Losen. Wer durch Einsicht nicht mehr imstande ist, sich fur eine von mehreren Handlungsweisen zu entscheiden, kann das Los zur Hilfe rufen, oder, was dasselbe ist, in formloser Weise erklaren, er killed eben "irgend etwas." (Neurath 1913, 63).Neurath folgend kann man ausfuhren, dass das Los metarational ist. Es ermoglicht eine Entscheidung, wenn die menschliche Rationalitat year ihre Grenzen stost. Es ermoglicht weiterhin, die "Pseudorationalitat" (Neurath), das heist den GLAUBEN )year die Unendlichkeit der menschlichen Rationalitat umzugehen. Losverfahren Das kann auch als Verfahren national gelten, wenn die verschiedene Alternativen nicht voneinander zu disconnect all external sind und es ist unwichtig, welche Alternative ausgewahlt wird (Elster nimmt als Beispiel die Auswahl einer Suppendose, supreme court dealt with Marke, supreme court dealt with so, in einem Regal im Supermarkt. As choosing ihn ware es irrational, nicht zufallig auszuwahlen).Das Gegenargument basiert auf derselben Rationalitat. Das Losverfahren zu benutzen ware eine "Abdankung der moralischen Verantwortlichkeit" (Bellioti 1980, 255). Wenn die Rationalitat nicht mehr die Grundlage der Entscheidung darstellt, wird jede Verantwortlichkeit ab21Im20. Jahrhundert wurde sharps Argument hauptsachlich von den Anhangerinnen der?rational choice theory?entwickelt.450Das Los im Kontext: Rechtfertigung und Rezeption of VerfahrensGegeben und der Willkur of Loses ausgeliefert: "All reference of public issues and elections tb batch includes in it one of two evils' ,, moral imbecility gold cowardice ... There is no alternative that can be offered to our choice that does not include in it a better and a worse" (Godwin 1793, VI, 10).Exteriorit?t"The spell is a way to elect that has afflicted person ; it left has every citizen a reasonable expectation to serve his homeland." (Montesquieu, the Spirit of Laws, 2, 2).Der Begriff Exterioritat bedeutet, dass "against" die Wahl trifft und pound Tatsache kann als Eigenschaft positive of Losverfahrens gesehen werden, da die Verbindung zwischen Praferenz und Ergebnis nicht gegeben ist22. Die Ausgelosten konnen nicht mit ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Wahl prahlen, die Organisatoren nicht fur die Wahl verantwortlich gemacht werden: "Sortition eliminates the feeling of entitlement that comes from election or selection by merit" (Goodwin 1999, 20).Die Exterioritat bedeutet aber, dass es keine?accountability?geben kann: es ist nicht moglich fur die identifiable, selbst wenn Sie unangenehm sind, jemanden zur Verantwortung zu ziehen. Auserdem wird beim Los rein quantitativ bewertet: die de Qualitat der Items wird nicht bewertet und nicht zwangslaufig die am besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente 'geeignete Person ausgelost wird.Unparteilichkeit"Per sperencia tenim vist that los regiments called fate y of sach conferences my al good vuire, saludable Régimen e administracio of the ciutats y vile that los altres speeds that iron acostumen per eleccio, electric percola tor com its my continuous y iguals, passifichs y apartats of tota " passio." Ferdinand II23.Da das Losverfahren: 'I ride with Willen und keine Praferenzen hat, bleibt?€ es unparteiisch, neutral und auserhalb der Manipulationsversuche. Dowlen (2008, 15) fasst pound Eigenschaft unter dem Begriff der Arationalitat. Stone (2009, 377) nennt es?sanitizing effect.?EIB einem Losverfahren werden weder die guten noch die schlechten Grunde betrachtet: das Verfahren22In manchen Fallen wird der "against" als "jemand extern" interpretiert, ein Gott oder der Schicksal Zum Beispiel. See unten, S. 454 ruf mehr Details.23Zitiert in Nels (1972, 132).451'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensOwns eine hohe "prozedurale Autonomy" im systemischen Sinne (Buchstein 2009, 299) und die ist gesichert24 Strategy.Losverfahren Das kann aber auch als parteiisch betrachtet werden, weil sie die mathematische Gleichheit uber die Bedurfnisse und Verdienste bevorzugt; sie untergrabt somit die Gerechtigkeit (Goodwin 2005, 56; 1970 Wolfle, 1201). Selbst wenn pound sich manchmal rechtfertigen lasst, 'stellt 'das Losverfahren lediglich eine Maske uber eine parteiische Entscheidung, die vorher gefallen ist, dar: "casting lots is deceptive because, although lotteries purport to be random, they are frequently preceded by by non-random decisions that result in important distributional effects that the lottery masks." (Brown 2005, 8)RotationWenn das mehrfach Losverfahren aus dem selben Pool angewandt wird, entsteht eine Rotation. Pound entspricht dem Ideal der aristotelischen "regieren und regiert werden" (Manin 1996, paras. 43-45), sie dampft die Monopolisierung der Macht und der Ressourcen durch eine Gruppe und mindert die Verschworungsanreize: Die Verschworer von heute sind die regierende von morgen (Engelstad 1989, 30). Es entsteht eine Logik der reflexiven Wechselseitigkeit: "submit to what you choose and choose only that to which you yourself would willingly submit" (Goodwin 2005, 124).Die Rotation kann auch als Eigenschaft negative betrachtet werden, da sie die Stabilitat of Systems 'stellt 'infrage. Die Entscheidungstragerinnen standig wechseln und tragen eine viel niedrigere Verantwortlichkeit (keine?accountability) als EIB anderen Verfahren. Sie sind dadurch einfacher zu bestechen.Erstellen einer Stichprobe - Repr?sentativit?tWenn eine Gruppe von Items per Los ungleich verteilt wird, erstellt man eine reprasentative Auswahl, Essen Reprasentativitat von der Form der Mechanik prozeduralen abhangt25. Pound Funktion of Loses wird als "Positiv leben"betrachtet, weil sie es ermoglicht Aussagen uber die met Bevolke24DasWort?strategy proof?stammt aus der?public choice theory?und bedeutet, dass EIB einem Los die Akteure kein Interested haben "strategische" (das heist nicht die eigentlichen) Praferenzen zu formulieren, um eine Abstimmung zu gewinnen (see Kap. 2, , S. 469).25Die de Qualitat der Reprasentativitat hangt von der Grose der Ausgangsgesamtheit (i mehr besser "bis das Gesetz der grosen Zahlen in Kraft tritt), die Formalisierung of Verfahrens (Zufallsgenerator ist besser als das epistemisches Los) und die Anwendung von Korrekturmasnahmen. Publisher konnen die Reprasentativitat erhohen aber auch mindern.452Das Los im Kontext: Rechtfertigung und Rezeption of VerfahrensRung zu treffen, ohne sie ganz untersucht zu haben. Sie ist modernize Natur, da sie auf der Statistik basiert (Schwartz 1991, 18). Die Befurworterinnen of Losverfahrens in der Politik, die in den Kapiteln nachsten detailliert vorgestellt werden, pound betrachten als Rechtfertigung starkstes Argument fur das Zufallsprinzip.Die Gegnerinnen of Losverfahrens ihrerseits unterstreichen, dass ein schlecht durchgefuhrter?Palos?eine ungenugende Reprasentativitat will. Sie auserdem argumentieren, dass die Reprasentativitat lange nicht einer politischen Reprasentation gleichzusetzen ist. Pound Debate wird in den Kapiteln 3 bis 6 naher betrachtet.Prozedurale Pr?ventionYesterday wird die Anwendung of Losverfahrens angedroht, damit die Mitstreiterinnen sich auf einer anderen Weise verstandigen oder agieren, bevor das Losverfahren zum Einsatz kommt. Als Beispiel wird gerne das Sorgerecht fur Kinder angefuhrt (Mnookin 1975, 290): "The effect on negotiation would depend on each parent's risk preferences and on how much each wanted the child. Because each parent would face a 50 per cent chance of losing, this might encourage private compromised if both wanted the child and were very risk-averse."Sharps Argument in that they are wird in Frage gestellt, als es risikoscheue voraussetze Menschen, die es nicht zwangslaufig gibt. So konnen die Eltern sich eher fur ein Losverfahren entscheiden, weil sie ihre year project entitled GLAUBEN ) (Duxbury 1999, 129-130) oder weil sie lieber ein Losverfahren als eine lange Diskussion haben wollen (Mnookin 1975, 291).Heuristischer WertSharps Argument lautet, dass das Losverfahren ermoglicht eine real Praferenz zu entdecken: Erst dadurch, dass ich auslose, entdecke ich, welche meine eigentliche und unbewusste Praferenz war (Duxbury 1999, 159). Das Argument kritisiert wird, weil es eine for Form der Abdankung der Rationalitat und eine Denkfaulheit darstellt.Einbeziehung und AusgrenzungLosverfahren Das kann eine positive Rolle der faktischen und/oder Einbeziehung symbolischen Maxxi spielen+lernen, da gone Losberechtigten eine Chance bekommen, ausgewahlt zu werden oder es zumindest GLAUBEN ). Im Florenz der Renaissance wurde ein de Teil der ersten Jahrtausend anhand Stadtmagistraten?453'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensDer?scrutini?ausgewahlt. Dieser erstens bestand aus der Nominierung von losberechtigten Kandidaten und zweitens aus einem Losverfahren. Die Auswahl der ersten Stage war geheim und die nicht berucksichtigten Kandidaten wussten nicht, dass sie nicht dem EIB Losverfahren teilnehmen' wurden. Obwohl sie faktisch abgegrenzt waren, konnten sie trotzdem den Eindruck gewinnen, teilzuhaben und eine Chance zu s, was zu einer symbolischen Einbeziehung fuhrte (Elster 1987, 140; Dowlen 2008, 95). Fur die Kandidaten hatte das Losverfahren faktische eine Einbeziehung zur Konsequenz.Eine solche Einbeziehung 'stellt 'zwei Problem dar: Sie kann symbolisch bleiben und bedeutet die using arbitrare Ausgrenzung der nicht Ausgelosten.Die Interpretation of Zuf?lligen und die Rezeption of LosverfahrensDie Akteurinnen streiten sich aussi um die Natur und die as of Losverfahrens. Sie deuten auch die Prozedur ersten Jahrtausend anhand ihres Weltbildes und interpretieren das aleatorische Time, den Zufall, auf verschiedene Art und Weise, wie Molino (1987, 137) es unterstrichen hat: "Thus is necessarily introduced in the analysis the system of thought which is ours and there is the problem of the validity of our clipping: what we call random appears-it itself as such in the eyes of those whose we analyze the practices and institutions?" Schematisch gesehen kann man drei Muster identifizieren. Erstens kann der Zufall als "the revelation of God's will" (Elster 1987, 117) gesehen werden. Es gabe aussi kein aleatorisches Time sondern eine Finalitat, die man personifizieren (die Gottin Fortuna, cf. Abbildung 3) und entdecken kann (durch die?Mantike, das Vorhersagen).'Das Muster leugnet auch die Existenz of Zufalligen und betrachtet sharps als eine deterministische Kausalkette, die verstanden werden kann. Der Zufall ist nur das Ergebnis eines Informationsmangels und es ist Theoretisch en moglich, gone Ereignisse zu erklaren26.Das dritte Muster beruht auf einer probabilistischen Interpretation of Zufalligen (Bromberger 1987, 129). Sie betrachtet die Welt als nicht deterministisch und rezipiert das Losverfahren als Ergebnis einer statistischen Wahrscheinlichkeitsrechnung ohne jegliche Finalitat.26In den Wortern von Voltaire (1766, XIII): "We know that the chance is nothing. We invented this word to express the known effect of any unknown cause."?454Abbildung 67: Fortuna. What: WikimediaDas Los im Kontext: Rechtfertigung und Rezeption of VerfahrensHistorisch gesehen scheint das erste Rezeptionsmuster von der Antike bis zum 18. Jahrhundert eine Rolle dominant stereo sampling will reduce zu haben27. 'Das Muster hat sich ab der Erfindung der "Geometry of Zufalls" (Schwartz 1999, 17) entwickelt und ist das Paradigma der Wissenschaft geworden (Molino 1987, 138) bevor es im 20. Jahrhundert radikal in Frage gestellt und schrittweise durch das dritte Muster wurde28 ersetzt. Die drei Muster sind allerdings weder noch exklusiv sukzessiv. In der politischen Praxis mischen sich oft die deterministische und probabilistische Rezeption, selbst wenn the ist, dass man es mit einem formalisierten Los zu tun hat29. Auserdem ist die historische Entwicklung nicht linear. Es gibt Zum Beispiel vi?¨le Grunde zu der Annahme, dass die Athener der Antike selber malen einen Unterschied zwischen machten religiose audiens et fidenter proclamans und Zivile Makauskiene Anwendungen of Losverfahrens30.Die Existenz solcher Interpretationsmuster nimmt eine zentrale Rolle im Diskurs um das Verfahren ein und bestimmt teilweise die Haufigkeit und die Moglichkeit seines Einsatzes: so wurde Zum Beispiel die Anwendung of Loses lange von der katholischen Kirche verboten, weil es fur die damaligen Akteure eine Intervention von Gott verlangte. Die Frage der Legalitat oder Illegalitat of Losverfahrens hat eine met Reihe von Kontroversen verursacht (Aquinas,?sortibus; Gataker 1619). Goodwin (2005, 170) unterstricht: "religious belief and the work ethic have united to generate year opposition to lotteries which can still, at times, be virulent." Die?r Psychologische Interpretation of Zufalls kann aussi die Anwendung of Losverfahrens in der Politik fordern oder hindern31.The Prototypen Losverfahrens27Eckhoff (1989, 18): "no doubt, the official interpretation of …lotteries in ancient Israel was that decisions were left to God."28Brown (2005, 24): "In modern times, the general perception of the batch as a method of discerning God's intentions has been replaced by a more analytically critical interpretation of casting lots and of randomization as merely one of several decision-making devices."29See die Artikel von Lerner & Miller (1978) oder Rubin & Peplau (1973) uber die Reaktionen auf dem amerikanischen?Draft. Fur die Organisatoren handelte es sich um eine statistische Operation, die konskripten deuteten hpc dagegen als Auswahl ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Konsequenz Handlung und mit Begriffen wie Schicksal.30See Ehrenberg was inspired (1927, 1462), Staveley (1972, 56), Dowlen (2008, 33-34) oder Buchstein (2009, 104-108). Die akademische Diskussion uber das Losverfahren in der Politik unterliegt auch Interpretationsmustern. So wurde bis Ende of 19. Jahrhundert der attische?Kleros?als religioses Phanomen betrachtet, bevor er mehr und Mehr als sakulares und kidney politisches Instrument wurde analysiert.31Uber die Konsequenzen sharps Aspektes of Losverfahrens auf die Verbreitung der Theory und Praxis der aleatorischen Demokratie, see 'Pralatenwein' 6, , S. 541.455'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of Losverfahrens?bersicht der existierenden TypologienIntrinsische, prozedurale und funktionale TaxonomyEs konnten in der Literatur 16 Typologien identifiziert werden, die vier Ansatze verfolgen. Die Autoren der ersten Gruppe ordnen die Prozedur ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Natur nach und bilden intrinsische Typologien. Sie unterscheiden Zum Beispiel zwischen naturliche und nicht naturliche Losverfahren (Stone 2006)32, oder suchen die Grenzlinie zwischen fairen und unfairen Lotterien (Sher 1980; Kornhauser & Sager 1989; Stone 2006). Pound Typologien sind sehr it ubersehen allerdings, dass das Losverfahren grostenteils von ausen this operating wird, und dass seine Fairness sehr von anderen Faktoren abhangig ist.'Die Gruppe von Typologien setzt den Akzent auf den prozeduralen Aspekt und das wird Losverfahren pester France Anwendungen (was?) und pester France Form (wie?) nach eingeordnet. So unterscheiden Bromberger & Ravis (1987, 130-135) zwischen "Glucks- und Geldspiele" und "politische Losverfahren"33. Elster (1987 und 1989, 78 ff. ) zieht eine erste Linie zwischen individuellen und kollektiven Losverfahren. Er unterscheidet drei allgemeine (Posten, Ressourcen und Mailing list: guter) und sechs politische Anwendungen (choice of representative, choice of laws, choice of whom to prosecute under laws, choice of judge Gold jurors, choice of verdict and sentence). Dowlen (2008, 215-232) identifiziert drei Umbruchstellen. Die erste, historische, zwischen antike-party spectrum comprises und mittelalterliche-republikanische Anwendungen. Die ', systemische, zwischen den politischen Korperschaften in der das das Losverfahren Standardverfahren war und diejenigen in der es am Rande angewendet wurde. Die dritte, prozedurale, zwischen?strong worn, in der die "Arationalitat" of Loses unumganglich ist und aktiv include Nachmieter gesucht wird und?weak worn, in der Charakteristik pound notig weder noch richtig ist gewollt oder in Widerspruch mit anderen Prinzipien steht (Dowlen 2008, 11). Pound Typologien sind zentral fur das Verstandnis of Losverfahrens, vernachlassigen aber teilweise die diskursive Komponente der Prozedur. Pound 'stellt 'die Grundlage der dritten Reihe von Typologien, die eine Herangehensweise funktionalistische haben. Aubert (1959) unterscheidet vier Versions Support: die Kommunikation, die Innovation und die Kreativitat, die Reprasentativitat und die Gleichheit und die Gerechtigkeit. Wasserman (1996) identifiziert drei Versions Support: die Chancengleich32SeeAuch oben S. 41.33Im ersten Fall nehmen die "Spieler" freiwillig le teil, beteiligen sich mit einem Spieleinsatz, und konnen jederzeit aussteigen. Die "Akteure" der politischen Losverfahren nicht unbedingt.?456The Prototypen LosverfahrensHeit, die Prophylaxe (keine Grunde werden betrachtet) und die "expressive" Funktion (durch ein Losverfahren kann man eine Gleichheit der Project entitled bekunden). Buchstein (2009, 295-335) hat eine "typology mit sieben Argumentationsfiguren, die sich einzeln oder in Bundeln zu Gunsten of Loses vorbringen lassen" vorgestellt und mit einer "Kaskade kritischer Einwande" konfrontiert: "das Los ist ein neutraler und verfahrensautonomer Mechanismus (1), es ist unbedingt treffsicher (2), es ist kostengunstig (3), es Entscheidungstrager entlastet und Entscheidungsunterworfene (4), es produces Kreativitat und produktive Unsicherheiten (5), es schafft M?rkte gesellschaftliche Stabilitat (6) und es verfugt uber eine Art Rationalitat zweiter Ordnung, die in bestimmten Situation eine Entscheidung erst uberhaupt moglich macht (7) ". Pound Taxonomien haben zwei Grenzen: erstens spiegeln sie die Schwache der prozedurale Typologien, da sie sich auf dem funktionalen Aspekt konzentrieren und die hardware Operation im Hintergrund lassen. Zweitens vernachlassigen sie die interpretative Dimension of Loses34.Gekreuzte Typologien"With regard to les remplacer [lots], we must consider the place tea batch has among things, what the end of lots is, their mode, their power, and whether, in accordance with the teaching of the Christian religion, it is permissible for them to be used." (Thomas von Aquin of Sortibus, ).In seinem?Of Sortibus?kreuzt Thomas von Aquin aussi eine prozedurale (tea place tea batches has among things?und?their mode), eine funktionale ( whattea end of lots is) und eine interpretative (whether it is permissible) Herangehensweise. Prozedural gesehen unterscheidet er zwischen Methoden wie der Vision, der Prophezeiung, der Nekromantie, die?geneatics?(calculators of nativities), die Auspizien, etc. ( 'Pralatenwein' 3). Die funktionale Trennung ( 'Pralatenwein' 4) at in drei Kategorien: die Verteilung von Gutern ( "the batch is one way ordered tb finding out who ought to have sourt has possession, gold has dignity, gold has punishment and this may be called distributive tea batch" ), die Entscheidungsfindung ( "where uncertainty cannot be fully implements by human counsel, they should have recourse to a decision by batches ( ... ). And because a lot of this type takes the place of consultation, it may be called the advisory lot") und das Wahrsagen ( "In order to34Molino (1987, 142): "In other words, after you have isolated the operations based on a random regarded as immutable reality and clear, it goes directly to the study of functions, and we tried to explain the use of the operation through its functions by not granting the meanings experienced that a role annex, secondary. But it is important not to remain the and see what means the chance for the men of a given culture."457'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensKnow something about future events, men sometimes think they ought to have recourse to batches, which type we call tea divining batch, for they are called divine who foreknow certain things about the future" ). Die Dimension interpretative unterscheidet dann zwischen erlaubten und nicht erlaubten Anwendungen ( 'Pralatenwein' 5). Molino schlagt eine zweidimensionale Taxonomy: er unterscheidet sieben prozedurale Typen und UNFF interpretativen Muster35. Sintomer (2007, 135-139) identifiziert UNFF politische Logiken of Losverfahrens in der Verteilung von Posten, die prozedurale, funktionelle und interpretativen Dimensionen mischen36. Delannoi (2010) mischt UNFF "Anwendungen" (Umfrage, Rotation, Neutralisieren eines Verfahrens, Ressourcenverteilung, Zeitgewinn) mit UNFF as oder "Anwendungswerten" (Konsultation, Deliberation, Unparteilichkeit, Partizipation und Antwort zur Knappheit).Die Theory der PrototypenDie bisher durchgefuhrte Analysis hat gezeigt, dass relies on konkrete Losverfahren aus der Kombination von einem Zufallsmoment mit einem Rechtfertigungs- und Interpretationsmuster resultiert. Eine solche Dynamische Leistungsprüfst?nde Natur macht den Aufbau einer klassischen Typology mit exklusiven, notigen und ausreichenden Kategorien unmoglich. Daher wurde yesterday eine Herangehensweise ausgewahlt, die aus der Theory der Prototypen in der Linguistik basiert Rosch (1973 ; 1975). Ein Prototyp kann als bestes Beispiel einer lexikalischen Kategorien in einer bestimmten linguistischen Umwelt, this operating werden. Es ist "eine mittlere Form, die die typischsten Attribute owns" (Girard 2006, 296). So gilt in Europa der Spatz und nicht der Strauss als Illustration fur die Kategorie Vogel, und umgekehrt in Australian. Pound Herangehensweise es ermoglicht die Hauptmerkmale einer Kategorie zu betrachten und lasst ihre Grenzen offen (Rosch 1978, 36).35Molino (1987, 140-141): "distributing goods, distribute the roles and social functions, highlight the guilty, predict the future, indicate what decision an individual must take, play and bet."36Sintomer (2007, 135-139): "The draw can be interpreted in a religious perspective or supernatural, in particular as a divine sign ... the random selection can also be thought as an impartial method to resolve a controversial issue ... The draw can still be conceived as a procedure favoring the self-government of all by all, each being a tower of role governing and governed ... in a slightly different way, the draw can be seen as ensuring that the power on all is assumed by everyone, i.e. by individuals interchangeable with other because having recourse to the?"?common sense?" on. (One last logical think the prize] as a way to select a representative sample of the population, a sort of microcosm which can nodding, evaluate, judge and possibly decide on behalf of the community, or all may not take part in the deliberation and or heterogeneity social prohibited to believe that all individuals are interchangeable."458The Prototypen LosverfahrensVorschlag einer TypologyDie Dimension hardwareYesterday werden die prozeduralen Trennungen wieder aufgenommen und prasentiert.Natürliches und künstliches LosverfahrenDie oben gemachte Unterscheidung zwischen Kleromantik und?Kleros?gilt als erste Trennlinie in den Typen von Verfahren (see oben, S. 41) und wird aufgenommen yesterday.Politische und nicht politische LosverfahrenBromberger & Ravis (1987, 130-135) folgend kann man zwischen politischen (Allokation von begrenzten Ressourcen) und nicht politischen (Maxxi spielen+lernen) Anwendungen unterscheiden. Die Kategorie 'umfasst auch die Losverfahren im Rahmen wissenschaftlicher experienced. Die Zufallsauswahl im Rahmen von Umfragen ist nicht year sich politisch (sie ist eine wissenschaftliche Anwendung of Loses), kann aber durchaus politische Konsequenzen und Motivationen haben. So sie befindet sich zwischen beiden Kategorien. Im Rahmen der politischen Losverfahren konnen drei Prototypen unterscheidet werden.Die LotterienDas Erste betrifft die Verteilung von Losen und wird ublicherweise Lottery genannt. Zwei for Unterscheidungen konnen gemacht werden: erstens zwischen materiellen (Sozialwohnung e.g. ) und immateriellen Losen (Arbeitserlaubnis e.g. ) und zweitens zwischen Gutern (Studienplatz e.g. ) und Ubel (Wehrpflicht e.g. ).Die beratenden Losverfahren'Der Prototyp ist im Rahmen der Entscheidungsfindung per Los zu-. Der Begriff "beratendes Los" von Thomas von Aquin scheint yesterday passend. Weiterhin kann die Trennung zwischen individuellen und kollektiven identifiable von Elster ubernommen werden. Erstere werden haufig ersten Jahrtausend anhand eines Losverfahrens gemacht (Munzeinwurf Zum Beispiel) letztere sehr Selten.Das elektive Losverfahren: die Sortition und das Auslosen von PostenLosverfahren Das kann auch fur die Auswahl von einer Kandidatin fur eine Funktion eingesetzt wer459'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensDen. Wenn es sich um eine politische Funktion handelt (see oben, S. 440), kann der Begriff Sortition werden37 angewendet. Fur die anderen Versions Support scheint das Wort "Posten" zu-rays pass.Die geistige Dimension: Rechtfertigungs- und RezeptionsmusterDie When zwischen einem Rechtfertigungsmuster und einem Rezeptionsmuster mundet in einem Argumentationsmuster38. Es konnten sieben solche Muster identifiziert werden, die yesterday synthetisch vorgestellt und mit den Kategorien prozeduralen gekreuzt werden. Daraus entstehen die Prototypen of Losverfahrens (im folgenden Text werden Sie?fett?geschrieben, fur eine Zusammenfassung, see Abbildung 68, S. 464).Argumentationsmuster der Finalit?tIn diesem Fall bestimmt die Interpretation of aleatorischen Moments als Ergebnis einer Entscheidung von ausen das Argumentationsmuster Zeitsch-rift. Losverfahren Das wird angewandt, um den Willen der Gotter oder das Schicksal zu erfahren39 und die Kleromantik wird oft als Prozedur eingesetzt. Fur die Verteilung von Ubeln kann der Prototyp?of Gottesurteils?identifiziert werden (die Schuld wird ersten Jahrtausend anhand einer Anfrage year Gott gegeben).?Das Auslosen von Bibelverse?konnte als Prototyp of individuellen (Niederer 1987, 336) und?Eingeweidelesens?of kollektiven beratendes Los gelten.?Der Auserw?hlte?profiliert sich als Prototyp der Sortition und elektiven Losverfahrens (Cireze 1995, 99). Die Verteilung von Mailing list: guter durch ein?Kleros?verweist auf die?respectively Israel?in der Bibel (Joshua 21.1 -42). Und im Rahmen nicht Politischer Jugendring Losverfahren scheint?das Tarotspiel?als ein passender Prototyp.Mors tua vita mea: tragische identifiableIm Fall von identifiable, die einen fatalen Ausgang haben, befindet man sich im Rechtfertigungsmuster der tragischen Entscheidungen40. Die suivante fur die Anwendung of Losverfahrens basieren auf den felt der Unparteilichkeit, der Exterioritat und der prozeduralen Gleichheit: gone Kandidatinnen readjustment may be necessary die supreme court dealt with Chance s, weil sie supreme court dealt with Year37DasWort ist hauptsachlich in der angelsachsischen Literatur zu-. Carson & Martin (1999, 1) :?"?Finally there is the term "Sortition," which means the act of casting lots, which can be used to refer to choosing decision makers by batch, lottery, or random selection.??38 "Schemes" (Argumentationsschema) as Molino (1987), "logical policies" (politische Logiken) as Sintomer (2007), as Argumentationsfiguren Buchstein (2009).39Es entspricht Zum Beispiel die erste Logik von Sintomer (2007, 135-139)40Kilner says people (1981, 245): "In such boxes, a decision must be made as to who may live and who must die."460The Prototypen LosverfahrensForderungen haben (Katz 1973; Kilner says People 1981; Mavrodes 1984). In dem Fall einer Entscheidung wird auch das Argument der Pravention prozeduralen mobilisiert, damit die ihre Mitstreiterinnen uberlegen Strategy: der Prototyp ist das?solomonische practical politics?(Elster 1989). Im Rahmen einer Lottery uberzeugt die When Starting Mot zur Transplantation: es gibt zu vi?¨le Kandidatinnen und zu wenig Component, es ist unmoglich und nicht wunschenswert die Verdienste der Initiate a for a patientusing einzuordnen, da das Leben go im Spiel ist (Rescher 1969, 183). Tragisch ist auch die Auswahl fur einen Posten durch?das Knobeln: auf dem Rettungsflos nach einem Schiffbruch neigt sich die Nahrung dem Ende zu und eine der Schiffbruchigen muss gegessen werden (Holmes vs United States 1842).Das rationalistische ArgumentationsmusterSharps Muster bezieht sich auf das Argument der Rationalitat zweiter Ordnung (see oben, Punkt , S. 450). For Drei Argumente werden eingefuhrt: die Unparteilichkeit, die Exterioritat und die Kostenersparnis. Der Prototyp klarste sharps Argumentationsstrang ist?Kopf oder Zahl?fur die Verteilung von unwichtigen Mailing list: guter und Ubel (ein Stuck Kuchen, der Abwasch) oder as identifiable individual (Elster 1989). Wichtige kollektive identifiable werden kaum per Los getroffen. Das bekannteste Beispiel und zugleich Prototyp bildet?das schwedische Parlament, das in den sechziger Jahre of 20. Jahrhunderts mehrere Gesetze per Los entschied, da die zwei vertretenen Parteien gleich viel Stimmen hatten und sich nicht einigen konnten. Im Fall eines Patts bei der Verteilung von Posten wird oft ein Losverfahren in Form of?tie-breaker?velocity, um die Situation schnell und unparteiisch zu losen und ohne eine neue Wahl organisieren zu mussen (Buchstein 2009).Das utilitaristisches ArgumentationsmusterSharps Muster nahert sich dem vorherigen, es konzentriert sich aber verstarkt auf das Argument der Kostenersparnis. Zusammengefasst: "Allocation by lot will commend itself to the utilitarian if and only if the costs of allocation by a more conventional mechanism exceeds its utility-seeking advantages, resulting in a lower social utility net of allowances costs than the expected yield of a lottery" (Kornhauser & Sager 1988, 484-485). Argued wie die prozedurale Gleichheit und die Neutralitat werden oft vorgebracht, ohne zentral zu sein. Das beste met Beispiel und Prototyp der Lotterien in diesem Fall 'stellt 'das US-amerikanische?green card?461'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of LosverfahrensSystem dar: Die Administration will sich die Kosten einer qualitativen aufwendigen Uberprufung und sparen', using allen Kandidatinnen eine Chance geben. Im Rahmen alltaglichen elektiven Losverfahrens taucht der Prototyp?Kopf oder Zahl?wieder auf: es ist kostengunstiger auszulosen als eine Debate mit anschliesender Abstimmung zu organisieren wenn es e.g. um den Abwaschturnus geht. Mit der Rechtfertigung der Reprasentativitat kann die?Umfrage?als Prototyp eines beratenden Losverfahrens betrachtet werden: es ist aber kostengunstiger email effizient mit einer reprasentativen Auswahl der Bevolkerung als mit der gesamten Bevolkerung zu arbeiten (Delannoi 2010). Das ist auch die Grundlage fur den Prototyp der?Pool von W?hlerin, die reprasentativ fur die Bevolkerung Zeitsch-rift wahlen sollte (See Kap. 2, , S. 470). Kontrovers aber konsequent utilitaristisch ist der Prototyp der?survival lottery?im Rahmen der Lotterien (See Kap. 2, , S. 468).Das party spectrum comprises ArgumentationsmusterZentral in diesem Argumentationsmuster ist die Idea der Gleichheit prozedural soweit als auch substantiell und die Argumente der Rotation und der Einbeziehung. Ein solches Muster war der zentrale Pfeiler der attischen Demokratie, sodass sie als Prototyp genommen werden kann. Die Sortition legislative as Posten konnte am Prototyp der?Trackball?anknupfen, die exekutive Posten waren?Magistraten?und die judikative Versions Support konnte man als?Dikasten?bezeichnen (Dowlen 2008; Manin 1996). Party spectrum comprises Lotterien waren die?Konskription?(went Burgerinnen mussen zur Verteidigung des Landes beitragen man aber nicht braucht's gone) wenn es sich um Ubel handelt und?Erbe?wenn es um Mailing list: guter geht (in dem attischen System waren die Erbteile per Los geteilt. Gone Kinder readjustment may be necessary ein gleichwertiges de Teil of Erbes bekommen und gleich behandelt werden).Republikanisches ArgumentationsmusterSharps Muster basiert vor german auf der Idea der Unparteilichkeit, der Neutralitat, der Exterioritat und der Unvorhersehbarkeit. Es geht darum, die?res publica?(die "offentliche Know") vor dem Einfluss der Cliquen und privaten Basis zu schutzen. Die republikanische Argument ist oft mit einer aristokratischen Konzeption der Gleichheit verbunden. Der Prototyp eines solchen Losverfahrens befindet sich in den mittelalterlich-republikanischen Kommunen Italians: so 'stellt '?Florenz?das beste met Beispiel dieser Argumentationsfigur dar (Dowlen 2008; Manin 2007)41.41Dowlen (2008, 94): "The aim was not to produce random individuals, goal to obtain an unpredictable mix?462The Prototypen LosverfahrensIm Rahmen der Justiz scheint die?Jury?ein passender Prototyp zu sein: eine Gruppe von Burgerinnen, die unparteiisch und neutral uber eine Angelegenheit offentliche berat. Die?Lottery voting?ist ein Prototyp mailing list: guter ruf elektive Posten (Kap. 2, , S. 470).Das "aleatorische" ArgumentationsmusterPound base paylist der Argumentation basiert hauptsachlich auf drei Grunden: die Gleichheit noun, die Reprasentativitat und die Einbeziehung. Die Rechtfertigung der Exterioritat und der Unparteilichkeit Maxxi spielen+lernen auch eine Rolle. Im Gegensatz zu den anderen Mustern ist die Reprasentativitat absolut zentral zur argumentation. Auserdem wird das yesterday Losverfahren als beste met Option -?prima ratio?und nicht?ultima ratio- eingesetzt. Da sharps Muster die Grundlage of dritten Kapitels darstellt, wird es yesterday nicht weiter prasentiert. Es scheint allerdings sinnvoll, die Prototypen, die sich in diesem Muster einordnen, schon [now what belongs zu nennen bevor Sie spater detailliert wieder aufgegriffen werden (Kap. 2 Bis 6). Im Rahmen der Lotterien, kann die?School Lottery?erwahnt werden (Boyle 2010): gone Burgerinnen readjustment may be necessary eine Chance haben die bestmogliche Erziehung zu bekommen, ohne ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Berucksichtigung Milieus (Kap. 6, , S. 541 ff. ). Die Sortition legislative verweist auf den Prototyp der "Loskammern"?(Kap. 2, 4.3.5 , S. 112 ff. ). Die konsultativen Versions Support werden am besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente 'mit dem Prototyp of?Minipopulus?programmable controller (Kap. 4, , S. 496 ff. ). Die?Deliberative Lottery (?Kap. 2, 4.3.1 , S. 109) konnte der Prototyp der judikativen und den?Anti-council?(Kap. 2, , S. 470) der exekutive Posten within. Die nicht politische elektive Losverfahren verweisen auf den Prototyp der?joblottery?(Kap. 2, , S. 470) und die elektive Posten auf die?Random constituency?(Kap. 2, , S. 470). Finds it schlieslich gilt die?Probability voting?als Prototyp fur die kollektive identifiable (Kap. 2, , S. 469).Such as would keep all parties interested in maintaining the system."?463Dimension ProzeduraleArgumentationsmusterEs gibt eineFinalitatOhne Finalitat (deterministisch oder nicht)Identifiable TragischeRationalistischUtilitaristischDemokratischRepublikanischAleatorischNaturliches Los - KleromatikNicht politisches LosverfahrenTarotspiel?Losverfahren PolitischesLotteryMailing list: guter?UbelGottesurteilBeratendes LosIndividuellBiblische Chronologie PaidKollektivEingeweidelesenSortition und PostenAuserwahlteKunstliches Los -?KlerosNicht politisches LosLottery und beratend?Spiele und Wissenschaftliche ExperiencedPostenAuserwahlteKnobeln??Joblottery?JoblotteryLosverfahren PolitischesLotteryMailing list: guterIsrael respectivelyTransplantationKopf oder ZahlGreen cardErbeSchool lotterySchool lotteryUbelSurvival LotteryKonskription?TransplantationBeratendes LosIndividuell?Practical Politics SalomonsKopf oder ZahlKopf oder Zahl???Kollektiv?Schwedisches ParlamentUmfrage??Probability votingSortitionLegislativ /KonstitutionellAuserwahlte?Tie-BreakerWahlerspezialisierungTrackballFlorenzLoskammerExekutiv?MagistratenDogeAnti-councilJudikativDikastenJuryDeliberative lotteryDeliberativ / KonsultativTrackballFlorenzMinipopulusElektivModest Proposal?Lottery votingRandom constituencyAbbildung 68: Die Prototypen of Losverfahrens. Fragezeichen bedeuten, dass kein passender Prototyp stations are included in wurde.'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischeIn diesem 'Pralatenwein' Text werden, in denen das Losverfahren diskutiert wird, erfasst und eingeordnet (1). Im Anschluss werden die deskriptiven (2), untersuchenden (3) und befurwortenden (4) Schriften detailliert prasentiert. Der so dargestellte Korpus anschliesend wird einer szientometrischen Analysis unterzogen, die der quantitativen Uberprufung der Hypothesis der Entstehung eines neuen theoretischen Ansatzes innerhalb der politischen Philosophy dienen wird (5)1.KorpusIn einem ersten Schritt wurden gone text, in denen das Losverfahren erwahnt wird, in einer Lists erfasst. Vier Kriterien wurden angewandt, um die Textauswahl zu begrenzen2. Erstens die Sprache. Einbezogen wurden Text in englischer, franzosischer, deutscher, spanischer und italienischer Sprache. Zweitens wurde, chronologisch gesehen, das Zitationsfenster (Havemann 2009, 21) auf die Period 1945-2010 half, wobei sich nachtraglich herausstellte, dass die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Text seit 1960 will worden sind. Manche Vorkriegstexte, die sich als Referenzen durchgesetzt haben, wurden einbezogen3 up. Drittens wurden die Text, die das Losverfahren erwahnen, aber nicht umfassend diskutieren ausgeschlossen, mit Ausnahme der Veroffentlichungen, die sich als zentrale Referenzen fur die anderen Autorinnen durchgesetzt haben. So wurden manche Text, die sich mit dem Zufall oder mit Statistik befassen, einbezogen (e.g. Chaitin 1975). Viertens wurde zwischen dem eigentlichen Korpus der Untersuchung und der Lists der Text unterschiden. Wahrend der Korpus nur die jeweils gegebenen erste Veroffentlichung der Text in der Originalsprache umfasst, beinhaltet die Lists auch nicht-veroffentlichten Text, Referenzen der Ubersetzungen und Neuauflagen sowie Text vor 1945.1Eine verkurzte Version sharps Kapitels ist in Delannoi & Dowlen (2010) erschienen. Aufgrund of historischen Tabakgenuss Charakters der : inleidende studie werden in diesem 'Pralatenwein' die bibliographischen Angaben EIB mehrfachen Nennungen chronologisch eingeordnet.2See Abbildung 69. S. 466. Die Referenzliste kann unter: (zuletzt am eingesehen 08.25.2011 ) gesehen werden.3Ruf 2010 wurde das Enddatum auf den 01. April gesetzt. Seitdem (Booth August 2011) wurden rund 10 for Text veroffentlicht resp. entdeckt, die zwar in die available or no entries are available, nicht aber in die szientometrische : inleidende studie eingegangen sind. Es handelt sich um: Harcourt (2007), Peonidis (2009), Delannoi & Dowlen (2010), Boyle (2010), Saunders (2010), Buchstein (2010), Sintomer (2010), Zakaras (2010), Delannoi (2010), Dryzek & al. (2011), Pluchino & al. (2011).'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischeThematisch gesehen konnen die Text in drei Gruppen geteilt werden. Erstens gibt es deskriptive text, in denen die Autorin eine bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Anwendung of Losverfahrens beschreibt, Zum Beispiel im Fall eines Erbes (Gudian 1971). In pound Kategorie werden auch die erfundenen Anwendungen aus der Belletristik integriert, wie etwa die beruhmte?solar lottery?von Dick (1955). Zweitens findet man' rules on advertising by, die uber die deskriptiven Stopped hinaus eine interpretative und analytische"Dimension. Das wird Losverfahren prasentiert, mit anderen Werkzeugen verglichen und Theoretisch en diskutiert. Drittens gibt es Befurwortende text, in der die Autorin proaktiv einen Vorschlag zur (Wieder- )Einfuhrung of Losverfahrens in der Politik formuliert4. Pound Text wurden yesterday ersten Jahrtausend anhand der im ersten erlauterten 'Pralatenwein' respectively zwischen Lotterien, beratenden Losverfahren und Sortition eingeordnet.TextartListsKorpusText uber den Zufall, Statistik oder Spiele und Text vor 1945640Deskriptive und literarische Text5042Text Erkundende8066Text BefurwortendeUber die Lotterien2423Uber das beratende Losverfahren2423Uber die Sortition8058Summe befurwortenden Text512497Summe erkundende und befurwortende Text204163Summe318205Korrigierte Summe fur die szientometrische : inleidende studie6318254Abbildung 69: Verteilung der Text der : inleidende studie.Deskriptive und erkundende TextDie deskriptiven Text reprasentieren 20,8 % der Datenbankeintrage 20.5% of Korpus) und werden in dieser Zusammenfassung tabellarisch vorgestellt (see unten, Abbildung 2, S. 4). Die erkundenden entsprechen Text 32.2 per cent of the Korpus (31% der Lists) und sind sehr4Elster (1987, 136) spricht von?advocative?Texten: "even today the proposal of random selection of candidates is often discussed, and sometimes advocated."5Die Zwischensumme ist kleiner als die Summe der drei Kategorien. Text, die Vorschlage in call Felder"wurden nur einmal gezahlt.6See unten, Punkt 1.3 , S. 94.466Deskriptive und erkundende TextZentral fur die vorliegende : inleidende studie, weil sie das Potential of Losverfahrens in der Politik Theoretisch en untersuchen. Der erste Nachkriegstext dieser Kategorie scheint der Aufsatz "Chance in Social Affairs" von Aubert (1959) zu sein. Die wichtigsten Meilensteine sind die Veroffentlichungen und Monographien von Elster (1987 und 1989)7, Goodwin (1992)8, Manin (1996), Dowlen (2008), Buchstein (2009) und Stone (2011).ThemaBeispieleKommentare) An article-by-Statistik und ZufallChaitin (1975); Bennett (1998)Hacking (1975 ; 1990) ; Thomas (1991)Bellhouse (1988)When Starting Mot Meistzitierte uber die Definition of Zufalls.Rezeption of Zufalligen.BelletristikBorges (1944)Dick (1955); Klein (1968); Clarke (1986)Rhinehart (1972)Lottery in Babylon. Wird sehr oft extreme als Beispiel einer losbasierten Gesellschaft zitiert.Sciencefiction-Romane in denen das Losverfahren eine zentrale Rolle spielt.Extremes Beispiel of?Dice-Man. 20. Meistzitierter Text of the Korpus.Geschichte:AntikeAthen und GriechenlandPrimarquellen: Aristoteles (Politik, IV, 15 & VI, 2; Rhetorik, 1393b3; Verfassung, 43-55 & 63-65), Herodots (Geschichte, III, §80-84), Plato (Politeia, 557a-558 & 562a-564e; Nomoi, 740a, 741b, 745e, 759b-c) Pseudo-Xenophon (I. 2, 10-12 und I. 3, 1-3), Xenophon (Memorabilia, I. 2.9 & III. 9.10 )Die Primarquellen Maxxi spielen+lernen fur die Autorinnen of Korpus eine sehr zentrale Rolle: Die?Politik?von Aristoteles wird 36 poorly zitiert (3. Rank unter den zitierten Texten). Die?Athenische Verfassung?findet sich auf dem 8. Platz und die Republik??von Plato auf Platz 12.Sekundarquellen: Headlam (1891)Dow (1940); Bishop (1970)Bleicken (1995); Hansen (1991, 51)Lang (1959); Alford (1985); Kroll (1972); Rhodes (1985); Blackwell (2003)Erste : inleidende studie uber das Losverfahren als politisches Instrument.Entdeckung der Funktion der Kleroteria.What Referenzen uber die attische Demokratie.Detailuntersuchungen Zum Beispiel uber die Trackball oder die Magistrate.Biblische Chronologie TextGataker (1619); Lindblom (1962);Boursin (1990)Wurde wenig untersucht.Romisches ReichMeier (1956); Staveley (1982); Manin (1997), Rosenstein (1995)Primarquellen werden im Korpus kaum erwahnt.Geschichte:Mittelalter undRenaissanceItalianPrimarquellen: Bruni (1421); Guicciardini (1513); Machiavelli (1519, 1525)Sekundar Quellen: Lane (1973); Finlay (1980); Najemy (1982); Manin (1996); Dowlen (2008)Die Beispiele von Florenz und Venedig sind die meistuntersuchten.SpanienNels (1972); Sesma Munoz (1978); Vicens (1980); Bisson (1988); Weller (2010)Wenig untersucht trotz breiter Anwendung.EnGretton (1912); Rambert (1889)Landverteilung im Mittelalter und exekutive Posten in der Schweiz.Das Losverfahren ger?t in VergessenheitPrimarquellen: Harrington (1661); Montesquieu (1742); Rousseau (1762)Revolution: Lanthenas (1792); Condorcet (1793)Ab dem 18. Jahrhundert wird das Losverfahren immer Weninger untersucht und betrachtet. Autoren wie Montesquieu Rousseau oder sind die letzten, die das Thema behandeln. Ausnahmen findet man7See auch die Reihe von Artikeln in der?Social Science Review: Kornhauser & Sager (1988), Eckhoff (1989), Engelstad (1989) und d'Hofstee (1990).8Goodwin ist die am vierthaufigsten zitierte Autorin of Korpus und damit zentral.467'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischeThema Beispiele Kommentare) An article-by-Wahrend der franzosischen Revolution. Im 19. Beschrankt Jahrhundert sich das Losverfahren auf die Jury.Die Jury als AusnahmeJacobsohn (1977); Levine (1984); Constable (1994); Abramson (2000)Die : inleidende studie von Abramson steht in der Zitationsrangfolge Korpus of year 13. Stelle.Transhistorische AnwendungenEthnology: Bromberger & Ravis (1987)Landverteilung: Bohanon & Coelho (1998); Levy (1956)Guterverteilung allgemein: Boyle (2005); Silverman & Chamlers (2001)Das wurde Losverfahren uberall und oft neu erfunden und ruf alltagliche industrielle Zwecke eingesetzt, sodass die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Anwendungen wahrscheinlich nie richtig dokumentiert worden sind. Ein paar Ausnahmen findet man in der Ethnology oder der Geschichte.Abbildung 70: Deskriptive Text - Zusammenfassung.Text BefürwortendeText, in denen ein theoretischer Vorschlag zur Einfuhrung of Losverfahrens in der Politik gemacht wird, machen etwa die Halfte of Korpus aus und konnen im Anschluss an die Analysis of ersten Kapitels in drei Gruppen unterteilt werden: Lotterien (Verteilung von Gutern und Ubeln, 25% der Vorschlage), beratendes Losverfahren (Auslosung von identifiable, 25% der Vorschlage) sowie Sortition und elektives Losverfahren (Verteilung von Posten, 50% der Vorschlage).LotterienIm Bereich der Vorschlage von Lotterien Maxxi spielen+lernen drei sozialpolitische Diskussionen und Entwicklungen eine wichtige Rolle. Erstens hat die Erfindung von neuen Techniken in der Medizin (Transplantation und medizinische Apparaturen, e.g. zur Behandlung des von Diabetikern) in den sechziger Jahren die ethische Frage der Verteilung von knappen, lebensrettenden Gutern mit neuer Brisanz versehen. Rescher (1969, 183) hat als erster die Einfuhrung of Losverfahrens vorgeschlagen, um solche Mailing list: guter zu verteilen und damit eine intensive Auseinandersetzung mit der Thematik ausgelost9, die sich teilweise auf das allgemeine Feld der Ethik ausgebreitet hat10. 'Die Diskussion begann mit der Veroffentlichung kollektiven of texts?on the Draft?(Harvard Study Group 1967) als Reaktion auf die Kriterien der Auslosung von9See?Due Process in the Allocation (1975), Bassoon (1979), Mavrodes (1984) und Hirose (2007) als Kritikerin und Childress (1970), Katz (1973), Kilner says People (1981) und Waring (1995) als Befurworterin of Vorschlages.10See den Vorschlag einer?Survival Lottery?von Harris (1975) und die Reaktionen von Glover (1977), Singer (1977), Harris (1978), Green (1979) und Leiman (1983). Der Text von Harris ist der am zwolfthaufigsten zitierte.468Text BefürwortendeRekruten fur den Vietnamkrieg11. Vorschlage fur die Verteilung von anderen sozialen Ubeln wurden auch in trennen wie Steuerpolitik (Stiglitz 1982) oder Justiz (Verteilung von Strafen - Lewis 1989) gemacht. Die dritte Diskussion konzentriert sich auf die Verteilung von nicht lebenswichtigen, aber trotzdem knappen sozialen Gutern, Zum Beispiel Forschungsgelder (Abert 1972), Nutzungslizenzen (Haspel 1985) oder die Staatsburgerschaft (Grotzinger 1998). In den letzten Jahren hat auch - parallel zur vermehrten Anwendung of Losverfahrens fur die Auslosung von Schul- und Studienplatzen - eine Diskussion uber die Vor- und Nachteile of Losverfahrens edukativen im Bereich begonnen12.Das Los als Instrument rationaler und fairer identifiableDie meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Vorschlage im Bereich of beratenden Losverfahrens wurden von Anhangerinnen der?Public Choice Theory?formuliert. Sie folgen einem argumentativen Muster, das im vorherigen 'Pralatenwein' als rationalistisch this operating worden ist13. So schlugen bereits verladene" should 1969 zwei Text (Frey 1969; Zeckhauser 1969) die Einfuhrung von losbasierten identifiable EIB kollektiven Fragen vor, da Sie den Vorteil hatten, strategy?proof?zu sein (Zeckhauser 1969, 697)14. 'Das Feld, in dem man entsprechende Vorschlage findet, ist die Ethik, genauer, die Frage der "richtigen Entscheidung". Taurek (1977) hat pound Frage als erster gestellt und damit eine langanhaltende akademische Diskussion eingeleitet15:"I can hear the incredulous tones: "Would you flip a corner, were it a question of saving fifty persons or saving one? Surely in situations where the numbers are this alternatives you must admit that one ought to save the many rather than the few or the one." I would flip a corner even in such a case, special considerations apart. I cannot see how or why the mother addition of numbers should change anything. It seems to me that those who, in situations of the kind in question, would have me count the relative numbers of people involved as something in pesticidal of Significance?, would have me attach importance to human beings and what happens to them in merely the way I would to objects which I valued."11Fur Details see (Buchstein & Hein 2009) sowie Fienberg (1971) oder Scheirer & Fienberg (1971). Der Text?On the Draft?ist auch wegen pester France Autoren interesting, da greenhorn like myself recognizes John Rawls, Samuel Huttington und Michael Walzer Master Corporal Daran beteiligt waren.12See Simpson (1972), d'Hofstee (1983), Goudappel (1999), O'Hear (2007), Saunders (2008), Stone (2008) oder Boyle (2010).13As - Text der?Public Choice theory?uber das Losverfahren, die keine Vorschlage", see Fishburn (1972b), Fishburn & Gehrlein (1977), Intriligator (1973), Gibbard (1977), Pattanaik & Peleg (1986), Ledyard & Palfrey (1994).14Der Artikel von Zeckhauser wurde umfangreich rezipiert. Man findet nicht Weninger als neun Reaktionen zu diesem Artikel im Korpus, sieben davon sind kritisch (Zum Beispiel Shepsle 1970 oder Fishburn 1972) und zwei "Positiv leben" (Nitzan 1975; Holler 1985). See dazu auch den neuen Text von Frey (2010), der Zeckhausers Vorschlag wieder aufnimmt und?probability voting?nennt.15See Zum Beispiel Parfit (1978), Kavka (1979), Sanders (1988) oder Lawlor (2006).469'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischePosten, oder Sortition und elektives LosverfahrenDie?Joblottery, oder die Verteilung nicht-Politischer Jugendring Posten per LosDie Verteilung von nicht-politischen Posten interessiert nur wenige Autorinnen. Zentrale Ausnahmen sind die Arbeiten von Goodwin (1992; 2005) mit Ihren Vorschlagen zur?Joblottery?sowie die' rules on advertising by von Boyle (1998; 2005).Die Jury verbessernDie ersten Vorschlage im Bereich der Justiz wurden in den 1970er Jahren formuliert und zielten auf eine Verbesserung der Reprasentativitat der Jury in den USA durch die Einfuhrung von Publisher, um das Problem der?all white jury?zu losen16. In den letzten Jahrzehnten wurden ehrgeizigere Vorschlage gemacht, Zum Beispiel die Auslosung of verantwortlichen Richters Karel Schwarzenberg will take part as neuen Fall (Bunting 2006) oder die Einfuhrung einer?deliberative jury?(see Lichtman 1996).Lottery voting?und?modest proposalPound Vorschlage betreffen elektive Posten oder elektive Verfahren, die??mit Kleros?Psephos?(Abstimmung) mischen. So schlugen Abrams & Settle (1976, 45) einen?Modest Proposal for Election Reform?vor, bei dem ein Pool von 1000 ausgelosten Burgerinnen reprasentativ fur gone anderen EIB den Parlamentswahlen abstimmen sollte, um "die Kosten der Wahl deutlich zu reduzieren, ohne ihr Ergebnis zu andern". Amar entwickelte 1984 das?Lottery Voting, ein der can be sampled again der Stimmen nach gewichtetes Losverfahren, um zwischen den Kandidatinnen einer Wahl zu entscheiden. Rehfeld (2005) hat eine Reform vorgeschlagen, in der jede Burgerin per Losverfahren einem virtuellen Wahlbezirk wird17 zugeteilt.Die Verteilung von exekutiven PostenVidal-Naquet (1969, 40) war der erste Nachkriegsautor, der mit dem?anti-administrative council?year der franzosischen Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes einen Vorschlag fur die Auslosung von exekutiven Versions Support gemacht hat. For Vorschlage wurden von Emery (1976b) as gone16See Zum Beispiel Alker & al. (1976). Zur Polemik uber die ethnische Zusammensetzung der amerikanischen Jury, see Abramson (2000).17Within Vorschlag hat eine Diskussion in der Politikwissenschaft ausgelost, see die Ausgabe 40 der Zeitschrift?Polity?von 2008, die dieser Frage gewidmet ist.470Text BefürwortendePosten of?Government Service?; von Barber (1984) fur Burgermeisterinnen und Stadtmagistrate; von Mulgan (1984, 555) as Vereins- und Gewerkschaftsvorstande; von Burnheim (1985) fur gone exekutive Versions Support oder von Knag (1998) fur die Auswahl der zwei besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente 'Kandidatinnen EIB den nordamerikanischen Prasidentschaftswahl formuliert.Minipopuli in theory und PraxisDer Vorschlag Burgerinnen per Los auszuwahlen, um die politischen Mandatstragerinnen kurzzeitig zu beraten, wurde fast using von drei Autoren gemacht. Erstens von Dienel (1969) unter den Namen "Planungsurlaub", spater weiterentwickelt und umgesetzt als Planungszelle18. Zweitens von Dahl (1970), der seine Idea spater neu formulierte und nannte Minipopulus (Dahl 1987, 207; see S. 437). Drittens von Crosby im Jahr 1976, der within Modell RRCLD -?representative, rational, concerned and legitimate Decision?- getauft hatte, bevor es 1987 in?Citizens' Juries?unbenannt wurde19. Dahl Obwohl der Einzige der drei ist, der seinen Vorschlag denies operationalisiert hat, setzte sich seine Benennung nach und nach als Beschreibung pound as Art von Partizipationsinstrument durch. Registered Vorschlag gilt heutzutage als zentrale When Starting Mot der meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Autorinnen of Korpus (see unten, Abbildung 79, S. 477). So hat Zum Beispiel Fishkin (1991) seine?Deliberative Poll?in Anlehnung year Dahl konstruiert. Die Idea und Praxis der Minipopuli hat in den letzten Jahren vi?¨le Vorschlage inspiriert, Zum Beispiel die?Deliberative Elections?von Gastil (2000) oder das?People's House?von O'Leary (2006).Ein ausgelostes Parlament: von der?Random Legislature?zur Loskammer über die?Athenian Option20Muller, Tollison & Willet haben 1972 als erste folgenden Vorschlag gemacht (Muller & al. 1972, 50): "we would like to propose for consideration the selecting of a national legislature at random from the voting populace." Eine solche Legislatur wurde "the advantages of collecting decentralized information through polling with the efficiency of representation" kombinieren. Seitdem wurde die Idea uber 40 poorly wieder aufgenommen oder unabhangig neu entwickelt21, allerdings mit teilweise anderen felt. Da ich im nachsten 'Pralatenwein'18Der erste Text von Dienel, in dem die Planungszelle erwahnt wird, erschien 1970. Die Monograph zur Planungszelle wurde 1978 veroffentlicht set das Modell schon zweimal getestet worden war.19Pound Entwicklung wird detailliert in 'Pralatenwein' 4 analysiert.20Muller & al. (1972), Buchstein & Hein (2009), Barnett & Carty (1998).21Die Lists enthalt 40 und der Korpus 15 Vorschlage in diesem Bereich. Der Unterschied lasst sich auf zwei Grunde zuruckfuhren: Erstens sind vi?¨le Vorschlage nicht veroffentlicht und zweitens gibt es zahlreiche?471'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischeDetailliert auf pound argued und ALLE MODELLE eingehe, stelle ich sie lediglich yesterday tabellarisch dar (See Abbildung 71, S. 472)22.When starting MOTVorschlagArt of InstrumentsMuller & al. 1972Random LegislatureUS - House of RepresentativeHorn 1980WahlerspezialisierungNational legislative VersammlungCannac 1983The just powerFranzosische?National AssemblyBarber 1984Strong DemocracyLegislative Werkwinkel VersammlungenBurnheim 1985DemarchyLegislative CommitteesCallenbach & Phillips 1985A Citizen LegislatureUS - House of RepresentativeMartin 1990Democracy without ElectionsGone legislativen VersammlungenLong 1996-Gone legislativen VersammlungenBailey 1997-National legislative VersammlungBarnett & Carty 1998The Athenian OptionUK - House of LordsSchmidt 2001Statistical DemocracyNational legislative VersammlungSchmitter & al. 2004Citizens AssemblyLegislative Europaische VersammlungSutherland 2004Deliberative National Legislative AssemblyUK - House of CommonsMc Cormick 2006Tribunate AssemblyNational "législatif"Sintomer 2007SenateFranzosischer?SenateBuchstein & Hein 2009Loskammer'Europaische Kammer legislativePeonidis 2009The Case of alloted MpsLe Teil of Parlaments ', which means MembersAguileo Cancio 2010Camaras sorteadasSpanische?CortesZakaras 2010Modest ProposalUS - House of Representative?der StaatenDryzek et al. 2011Global Citizens' AssemblyInternational Regulation BurgerversammlungPluchino et al. 2011PWO's damgeParlamentAbbildung 71: Ubersicht der Vorschlage fur die Sortition der legislativen Posten.Ein neuer Ansatz in der politischen Philosophy?HypothesisDie bisher Prasentation erfolgte ?-sterreich zeigt, dass Interaktionen und Diskussionen uber das Losverfahren im akademischen Diskurs seit 40 Jahren stattgefunden haben. Es 'stellt 'aussi sich die Frage der Logik des Inneren sharps Korpus von Texten und Thesen:?Entsteht ein neues Forschungsinteresse oder sogar ein neuer Ansatz in der politischen Philosophy?Drei Autoren haben die Evolution of Feldes der Forschungen zum Losverfahren in diesem Sinne gedeutet. Snider (2007, 1) hat als erster von einer?Yale School of Democratic ReformNeuauflagen (Muller & al. wurde Zum Beispiel drei poorly veroffentlicht).22Yesterday wurden auch die Text, die nach April 2010 erschienen sind, integriert.472Ein neuer Ansatz in der politischen Philosophy?Gesprochen und damit Autorinnen wie Dahl, Fishkin, Leib oder O'Leary gemeint, weil sie went an der kalifornischen Universitat aktiv waren. Buchstein (2009, 390) schlug den Begriff "aleatorische Demokratietheorie" vor und individual authority further discussion of auf das Feld der deliberativen Demokratie und Auswahl von Posten. Stone (2009, 375) finds it schlieslich charakterisierte die Gesamtheit der Veroffentlichung als "surge of interest"23. Ersten Jahrtausend anhand der vorgestellten Text werde ich im Folgenden mithilfe der Szientometrie die Hypothesis der Entstehung eines neuen Ansatzes der politischen uberprufen philosophy.MethodikDie Analysis wurde in drei Etappen durchgefuhrt:1.Der can be sampled again der Text in der Lists und im Korpus korrigiert wurde, Manche Veroffentlichungen ausgeschlossen wurden, um "richtig" erfasst zu werden. So wurden Zum Beispiel die UNFF component supports the Buches?Die Planungszelle?von Dienel nur als eine Version betrachtet, da gone anderen Autorinnen die Component supports undifferenziert zitieren. En wurden neu aufgenommen, da sie von vielen Autorinnen zitiert werden, wie beispielsweise?A Theory of Justice?von John Rawls. Die so erstellte szientometrische Matrix enthalt 318 Text im Falle , der Lists und 254 im Falle , of the Korpus (cf. Abbildung 69, S. 466).2.Die Text wurden einer bibliometrischen Analysis unterzogen, die auf der Berechnung von vier Indikatoren basiert: Erstens deskriptive Statistiken (can be sampled again der Veroffentlichungen), zweitens eine Zitationsanalyse (Erstellung einer Matrix der Referenzen, die ein Text "bekommt" und "gibt", und Berechnung der Dichte der Zitationsmatrix), drittens eine Zentralitatsanalyse der Autorinnen und der Text (i ofter ein Text oder eine Autorin zitiert wird, "Zentraler ist er/sie im bibliometrischen Sinne und "wichtiger ist sie/er vermutlich im Feld), viertens eine Analyze der wechselweisen Zitationen (Karel Schwarzenberg will take part as Text wird berechnet, wie vi?¨le pester France Referenzen auf sich innerhalb Text23Stone (2009, 375-376): "within the past twenty-five years, there has been a surge of interest in the use of random selection techniques, gold lotteries, in decision making. Some authors have suggested that distributive justice may mandate the use of lotteries to allocate scarce customer servicecheck benefits and burdens. Others have advocated the incorporation of lotteries into democratic decision-making processes ... A handful of authors have attempted to survey the entire field of potential worn for lotteries …Scholars in a variety of disciplines - including political science, philosophy, economics, and law - thus now approved that lotteries may be more important than conventional wisdom suggests."473'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischeResp. auserhalb der Matrix beziehen. I hoher die Rate der Matrix-internen Zitate, "integrierter und koharenter ist der Korpus bibliometrischen im Sinne).3.Zudem wurden drei Stopped for bibliometrischer Netzwerkanalyse betrachtet: Erstens eine Analyze der Danksagungen (i haufiger sich die Autorinnen gegenseitig erwahnen, "wahrscheinlicher ist es, dass man es mit einem koharenten Korpus zu tun hat). Zweitens eine Aufzahlung der Koredaktionen (man kann davon ausgehen, dass eine hohe Zahl year Koredaktionen eine hohe Integration of Netzwerkes bedeutet). Drittens eine Erhebung der entsprechenden Diskussionsforen (Tagungen, Internetseiten, Blogs, etc).ErgebnisseDie Entwicklung der Publikationsanzahl (Abbildung 72, S. 474 und Abbildung 73, S. 475) ?-sterreich zeigt deutlich, dass das Interested year dem Thema seit Ende der 60er Jahre stark gewachsen ist und wellenformig verlauft. Auserdem sind von den 318 Veroffentlichungen Mehr als die Halfte in den letzten 20 Jahren und Mehr als ein Drittel in den letzten 10 Jahren erschienen. Deutlich wird auch, dass der Argumentationshorizont immer normativer wird und deskriptive Text abnehmen (Abbildung 74, S. 475).19441946194819501952195419561958196019621964196619681970197219741976197819801982198419861988199019921994199619982000200220042006200820100510152025ListsKorpusAbbildung 72: Can be sampled again der Publikationen pro Jahr.474Ein neuer Ansatz in der politischen Philosophy?1944194619481950195219541956195819601962196419661968197019721974197619781980198219841986198819901992199419961998200020022004200620082010050100150200250300ListsKorpusAbbildung 73: Can be sampled again der Publikationen insgesamt.Das Zitationsnetzwerk wird im beobachteten Raum immer dichter (Abbildung 75, S. 476),UND es gibt einen bemerkenswerten Anstieg der can be sampled again (Abbildung 76, S. 476 und Abbildung77, S. 476) und der Rate (Abbildung 78, S. 477) der Zitationen wechselweisen innerhalb derMatrix. Pound Entwicklung deutet darauf hin, dass die Autorinnen ihre Referenzen immerMehr innerhalb of Korpus suchen. Die zunehmende Dichte bedeutet auch, dass die AutorinnenSich trotz einer steigenden insgesamt can be sampled again von Texten immer mehr gegenseitig zitierenUND wahrnehmen. Die call Peaks, die man in der Grafik beobachten kann, spiegelnDie Diskussionen wider, die am Anfang of Kapitels prasentiert worden sind (Der Peak mu1980 Beispielsweise resultiert aus der Diskussion um die Organverteilung). ZusammenfassendZeigen Flagge pound Indikatoren, dass die Autorinnen, die das uber Losverfahren schreiben, thematischImmer mehr aufeinander aufbauen.19561957195819591960196119621963196419651966196719681969197019711972197319741975197619771978197919801981198219831984198519861987198819891990199119921993199419951996199719981999200020012002200320042005200620072008200920100%10%20%30%40%50%60%70%80%90%100%Untersuchende Befürwortende Text Text Text DeskriptiveAbbildung 74: Can be sampled again der Publikationen, thematisch geordnet.475'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischeAbbildung 75: Dichte der Zitationsmatrix.Abbildung 76: Zahl der wechselweisen Zitationen pro Jahr.19441946194819501952195419561958196019621964196619681970197219741976197819801982198419861988199019921994199619982000200220042006200820100500100015002000Cumulation of cross-citationsAbbildung 77: Zahl der Zitationen wechselweisen insgesamt.476194419461948195019521954195619581960196219641966196819701972197419761978198019821984198619881990199219941996199820002002200420062008201000.050.10.150.20.25Dichte J?hrlicheDichte Durschnittliche1944194619481950195219541956195819601962196419661968197019721974197619781980198219841986198819901992199419961998200020022004200620082010050100150200250300350400Ein neuer Ansatz in der politischen Philosophy?Abbildung 78: Rate der wechselweisen Zitationen in Prozent.ListsKorpusVer?ffentlichungZitationenRankVer?ffentlichungZitationenRankRawls 1970441Burnheim 1985361Rousseau 1762382Barber 1984352Burnheim 1985363Elster 1989313Aristoteles - Politik363Manin 1996294Barber 1984354Hansen 1991294Elster 1989315Fishkin 1995265Montesquieu - Spirit of Laws315Broome 1984256Manin 1996296Dahl 1970237Hansen 1991296Fishkin 1991228Arrow 1951296Carson & Martin 1999219Abbildung 79: Zentralitat der Veroffentlichungen.ListsKorpusAutorZitationenRankAutorZitationenRankAristoteles611Fishkin591Dahl592Dahl591Fishkin592Elster502Elster503Broome453Rawls464Goodwin394Rousseau464Burnheim365Broome455Dienel355Goodwin396Barber355Burnheim367Stone346Barber358Hansen347Dienel358Abbildung 80: Zentralitat der Autorinnen.Die Text und Autorinnen, die eine zentrale Position im Netzwerk innehaben, mehrheitlich vertreten eine normative Position und sind starke Befurworterinnen einer flachendeckenden?477194419461948195019521954195619581960196219641966196819701972197419761978198019821984198619881990199219941996199820002002200420062008201001020304050Misfire J?hrlicheDurschnitt'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung szientometrischeAnwendung of Losverfahrens (see Abbildungen 79 und 80, S. 477). Die bibliometrische Analysis ?-sterreich zeigt auch, dass insbesondere Fishkin, Dienel und Crosby wichtige Referenzen fur die anderen Autorinnen sind. Pound Tatsache unterstutzt intuitive die Annahme, dass die Minipopuli ein geeignetes Modell der Uberprufung within konnten. Die seit zehn Jahren stetig anwachsende Zahl von gegenseitigen Danksagungen24, Koautorschaften25, Tagungen (UNFF von den sechs Tagungen uber das Losverfahren haben in den letzten UNFF Jahren stattgefunden) und Kommunikationsplattformen26 auch deutet darauf hin, dass uber die reinen Veroffentlichungen hinaus rund um das Thema ein Akteursnetzwerk entsteht.ZusammenfassungDie szientometrische Analysis bestatigt aussi die Ausgangshypothese auf einer quantitativen Ebony: Seit 40 Jahren hat sich in der politischen Philosophy ein neuer, in sich geschlossener Ansatz entwickelt, der sich fur die Analysis of Potentials of Losverfahrens als politisches Instrument interessiert. Dieser Ansatz wird nun im nachsten 'Pralatenwein' qualitativ analysiert.24See Zum Beispiel die Danksagung von Elster (1987, 107) der sieben en Autorinnen der Matrix erwahnt: "I am especially indebted to Fredrik Engelstad and Aanund Hylland for their constructive and critical contributions. Thanks are also due to Torstein Eckhoff, Karl O. Moene, and Kirsten Sandberg. I received many useful comments when presenting earlier versions of thesis readings at seminars at the University of California at Davis, the University of Pittsburgh, Yale University, and the University of Miami. Earlier drafts have also been read by Akhil Amar, Robert Bartlett, John Broome, G. A. Cohen, J. Gregory Dees, Gerald Dworkin, Ed Green, Stephen Holmes, Mark Kishlansky, William Kruskal, Isaac Levi, Stephen Stigler, Cass Sunstein."25So findet man spezielle Ausgaben von Zeitschriften uber das Losverfahren (Social Science Review?1989 oder?Constellation?2010) oder die Erscheinung der Buchreihe?Sortition in Public Policy?EIB?Imprint Academic.26See den Blog?Equality by lottery?: wordpress. (zuletzt am eingesehen 08.20.2011 ).478'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischenDas dritte 'Pralatenwein' widmet sich der qualitativen Uberprufung der Hypothesis der Entstehung eines neuen theoretischen Ansatzes innerhalb der politischen philosophy. Dafur werden 67 Text of im zweiten 'Pralatenwein' identifizierten Korpus ersten Jahrtausend anhand einer qualitativen Analysis ausgewertet. Pound ?-sterreich zeigt, dass die Autorinnen inhaltlich stark verknupft miteinander sind: personalities ", Sie einen ahnlichen theoretischen Diskurs, der einerseits auf einer Kritik der liberalen heutigen Demokratie (1) und andererseits auf der Formulierung von Erwartungen gegenuber erwunschten einer breiteren Anwendung of Losverfahrens in der Politik (2) basiert. Dennoch weisen die Autorinnen of Korpus Diskrepanzen auf und es gibt eine Vielfalt relative EIB den vorgeschlagenen konkret Instrumented (3). Zusammenfassend kann die Thesis der Existenz einer "Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie" qualitativ bestatigt werden (4). Die important Analysis nimmt ausdrucklich die Perspektive der Autorinnen in den newspaper Blick und spiegelt ihre Argument wider. Sie enthalt deshalb keine Diskussion der Theory und der Relevanz ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung argues, 'stellt 'sondern eine deskriptive Zusammenstellung ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Analysen und Erwartungen dar. Die Diskussion um die Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie und Ihre Grenzen wird im sechsten 'Pralatenwein' dargestellt.Die Krisen of liberalen politischen SystemsRepr?sentation und Partizipation in der 'Die Kritik der Autorinnen konzentriert sich zunachst auf die what Form der Stellvertretung (standing for)1, die ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Meinung nach reprasentativ wenig ist: Die per Abstimmung gewahlten Vertreterinnen sind weder demographisch, noch sozialpolitisch ein Abbild der gesamten Bevolkerung. In der liberalen Demokratie existiere so eine politische Elite oder gar Klasse:"Americans are worried about Congress, and they are right to worry. The founding fathers intended Congress to be representative of all Americans "a portrait of the people1Die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Autorinnen ubernehmen die klassische Zweiteilung der Reprasentation in?standing for?(Stellvertreten) und?acting for?(Reprasentieren), die von Pitkin (1967) vorgeschlagen worden ist.'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischenIn miniature". Purpose today 95% of its members are still white male property-owners, almost half of them lawyers." (Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 1)2.Ein solcher Unterschied ware nicht dramatisch, wenn die Reprasentantinnen als reprasentativ empfunden waren, das heist wenn Sie eine symbolische Reprasentativitat besitzen wurden. Den Autorinnen zufolge ist dies nicht der Fall und die Burgerinnen fuhlen sich nicht von ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung politischen Elite reprasentiert3. Daruber hinaus noch existieren for bedeutsame Einschrankungen bezuglich der Reprasentation als Aktivitat (acting for). Erstens haben die Reprasentantinnen programname Communication entwickelt, da die Politik ein Beruf geworden ist. Zweitens hat sich das Parteiensystem so weit entwickelt, dass es die Demokratie monopolisiert hat vor (german die Rekrutierung der Reprasentantinnen) und jede bremst4 Innovation. Fuhrt Drittens das Wahlverfahren und die by VEAG der Wiederwahl (aufgrund der Professionalisierung der Politik) zu vielfaltigen problem is not restricted to: es kommt zu einer Verschiebung of Problemlosungshorizontes, denn obwohl die Menschheit vor dringenden Herausforderungen steht (Snider 2006, 3), die nur langfristig geregelt werden konnen, ist es fur die Kandidatinnen kontraproduktiv, eine langfristige Perspektive anzunehmen, da ihre Wiederwahl auf kurzfristige politische Erfolge basiert5. Of Weiteren mussen die Kandidatinnen mu Stimme kampfen und vi?¨le Wahlversprechen Machen, die sie nicht einhalten went konnen, was zum Vertrauensverlust und somit zu Politikverdrossenheit fuhrt. Um solche Kampagnen zu fuhren, mussen sie auserdem immer mehr saying goes sammeln und werden so von Partikularinteressen geleitet:"A selection between a representative democracy and a democracy by lot depends on two factors: how competent are the citizens and how likely are the representative to serve the people as a whole rather than special interests? There is now a fairly average emerge among both hidden face? and the general public about the ability or interest of elected representative to serve the interests of all." (Crosby 1976, 5).Viertens funktioniert das zentralste Kontrollmechanismus der Regierten uber die Regierenden, die?accountability?durch die Wahl, schlecht oder gar nicht: die gewahlten Reprasentantinnen sind in der Lage Gesetze fur sich selber malen zu formulieren (Zum Beispiel uber ihre Diaten oder uber Wahlgesetze) und konnen an die Macht gelangen oder bleiben, ohne oder nur mit2See auch Mulgan (1984, 555) oder Amar (1984, 1284) : "The plight of discrete and insular minorities - paradigmatically, the poor and the blacks - who are systematically denied free access to the bazaar of pluralist politics posed a vexing problem in American democratic and constitutional theory." See auch Dienel (1971, 155): "Auf Verbandskongressen oder EIB Protestaktionen sind die Coming Up unter sich, im Supervisory die Fachleute, im Parlamentsausschuss die von den Karrieremechanismen der Parteien Selektierten."3See Gastil (2000, 41-50), Manin (1996, 248-250) oder Sintomer (2007, 16).4See Aguileo Cancio (2010, 12), Carson & Martin (1999, 3), O'Leary (2006, 34-54) oder Sutherland (2008, 11): "So political parties are not just useless, their role is actually counterproductive."5Dienel (1978), Schmitter & Trechsel (2004, 18-22) or Snider (2006, 3).?482Die Krisen of liberalen politischen SystemsSchwachem Mandate durch das Wahlvolk (durch Listenwahl, Uberhangmandate, die Ernennung year strategischen bulb holderby und das Parteiensystem allgemein).Die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Vertreterinnen der aleatorischen Demokratietheorie argumentieren Daher, dass eine tief greifende 'der Partizipation besteht, fur die bisher kein glaubwurdiger Losungsansatz stations are included in wurde. Aufgrund der oben genannten Entwicklungen wurden die Burgerinnen sich von klassischen Arenen der Beteiligung - Wahlen, Parteien, Gewerkschaften - losen und sich immer mehr in ihrem privaten Umfeld zuruckziehen. Ein Prozess der vielerorts als zunehmende Politikverdrossenheit wird6 programmable controller. Fur die Autorinnen of Korpus bedeutet dieser Trend allerdings nicht, dass die Menschen generell kein Interested year der Politik hatten. Vielmehr sind die aktuellen Moglichkeiten nicht ausreichend7. So is connected die Vermutung nah, dass sie Vorschlage fur die Einfuhrung und Starkung von neuen Beteiligungsmoglichkeiten wie die direkte oder semi-direkte Demokratie unterstutzen wurden. Dies ist wider Erwarten nicht der Fall: die Autorinnen aleatorischen Sehen , in using a MIDI wie soziale Bewegungen, Burgerinitiativen, Volksbegehren oder Referenda lediglich eine Erweiterung der liberalen Demokratie unter anderen Formen: die aktive Haltefunktion (return Burgerinnen Maxxi spielen+lernen eine zentrale Rolle, die Wahl bleibt?€ monopolistische das Verfahren der Meinungsbildung, die Elite behalt ihre Macht und die met Prozedur ist agonistisch und aggregativ und nicht deliberativ8. Nach Ansicht der Autorinnen is connected das fundamentale Problem aussi tiefer - in den eigentlichen Grundlagen der Demokratie reprasentativen - yesterday setzt ihre Kritik an.Die Dekonstruktion der Fundamente der liberalen DemokratieDie eigentlichen Grunde der zweifachen ' (Reprasentation und Partizipation) erforschen aussi die Autorinnen, moni sie eine Dekonstruktion der zwei Kernkonzepte der liberalen Demokratien - die Abstimmung elektive als Auswahlverfahren und die Kompetenz als Masstab der legitimen Reprasentation - vornehmen. Die Wahl ist, so die Befurworterinnen of Loses, konjunkturell geschwacht, da es nicht die Auswahl der besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente 'durch eine aufgeklarte Bevolkerung ermoglicht, sondern die Durchsetzung der attraktiven, reichen und besser kommunizierenden bedeutetet9. Dar6UberDie klassische Kanale Grande - der Partizipation see Norris (2002, 3-19) oder Barber (2003, XI). Uber die Grenzen der klassischen Beteiligungsmoglichkeiten, see Carson & Martin (1999) oder Schmitter (2004, 23-44).7Zum Beispiel, Burnheim (1985, 78): "there is a great interest in public affairs and, I believe, great 'willingness' to participate in them if only it were more possible to do so in some limited purpose effective way."8Barber (1984, 175): "the aim in adversarial proceedings is to prevail - tb verbal score points and to overcome one's interlocutors. In fact, speech in adversary systems is a form of aggression, simply one more variety of power." See auch O'Leary (2006, 22-26) oder Sintomer (2007, 32).9Uber die Korrelation zwischen physischen Auftreten und Wahlergebnisse, see Sutherland (2008, 19). See?483'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischenUber hinaus hat die Wahl jeglichen symbolischen Wert verloren:"Our primary electoral act, voting, is rather like using a public toilet: we wait in line with a crowd in order to close ourselves up in a small compartment where we can relieve ourselves in solitude and in privacy of our burden, pull a-level, and then, yielding to the next in line, go silently home." (Barber 1984, 188).Aber auch strukturell ist die Wahl per Abstimmung fur die Autorinnen sehr problematisch, da sie nicht?strategy proof?ist: d.h. , dass die Akteure sie manipulieren konnen10. Sie ist weiterhin eine statische, quantitative method der Entscheidung11 und wird falschlicherweise mit dem Ausdruck einer qualitativen Praferenz gleichgesetzt12. Letztlich ist sie ein year sich aristokratisches Verfahren, das die Elite bevorzugt. Allein die Elite owns das okonomische, kulturelle und Soziale Kapital, das fur eine erfolgreiche politische Karriere notig ist. Und die Wahl ausdrucklich zielt auf die Auswahl der "besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente '" und nicht die Auswahl von "jeder"13: "put simply, election is a magistrate selection method that directly and meaning work- favors tea popular form and keeps political offices from being distributed widely among citizens of all socioeconomic backgrounds." (McCormick 2006, 1).Liberal Die Konzeption der Kompetenz bildet die Grundlage der zweiten Kritik der Autorinnen of Korpus. Fur sie ist die liberal Sicht der Kompetenz nach Schumpeter nicht nur uberholt, sie ist grundsatzlich falsch14. In der Tat, schreiben die Befurworterinnen of Losverfahrens, gibt es wenig Korrelation zwischen der Kompetenz, die notig ist, um einen Staat zu regieren und diejenige die it ist, um heutzutage eine Wahl zu gewinnen:"Election process hast practised in our media age rewards candidates who have congenial TV images, have a convincing verbal delivery, and are adept tools at sensing transientAuch derselben (2008, 141): "The outcome of general elections depends more on the weather on polling day however the fate of the national football team than it does on the coherence of the policies presented". See auch Carson & Martin (1999).10Die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Autorinnen basieren ihre Analysis auf den Arbeiten der?Rational Choice Theory?und zitieren Arrow. Yesterday befindet sich die Erklarung fur die Zentralitat sharps Autors (See Kap. 2, , S. 474).11Barber (1984, 136-137): "Where voting is a static act of expressing one's preference, participation is a dynamic act of imagination that requires participants to change how they see the world. Voting suggests a group of men in a cafeteria bargaining about what they can buy as a group that will follows their individual tastes. Strong democratic politics suggests a group of men in a cafeteria contriving new menus, inventing new recipes, and experimenting with new number in the effort to create a public taste that they can all share."12Burnheim (1986, 83-84): "My voting for rather than against does not say how strongly I am in favor of a proposal. It cannot express anything like a price I am willing to pay. A majority with slight preferences one way may outvote almost as many strong preferences the other way."13Martin (1995, 25): "It should be a truism that elections empower tea PWO's and not the voters." Uber die Wahl als aristokratisches Verfahren, see die grundlegende Arbeit von Manin (1996), der pound Unterscheidung zwischen "die besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente '" und "jede" gemacht hat.14Schumpeter (1942, 262): "The typical citizen drops down to a lower level of mental performance as soon as he enters the political field. Hey allegedly infringing and analyzes in a way which he would readily recognize as infant within the sphere of his real interests. He becomes a primitive again."484Die Krisen of liberalen politischen SystemsPublic emotional moods. Thesis quality do not necessarily correlate with either intelligence or responsible political leadership." (Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 22).Strukturell gesehen, beruht die liberal Konzeption der Kompetenz auf einem skeptischen oder sogar negativen Menschenbild, in dem das Volk - die Ground - nur begrenzt an der Macht teilhaben sollte15. Sie wird auch objektiv und monolithisch konzipiert: es gibt eine beste met as Losung relies on Problem, die durch technisches Wissen stations are included in werden kann. Pound Vision hat - so die Autorinnen of Korpus - zwar eine gewisse Uberzeugungskraft, sie ubersieht aber die eigentliche Natur der Kompetenz. Ausgehend von der Definition von Dewey16, stellen sie eine alternative Konzeption der Kompetenz dar. Pound ist erstens mehrdimensional, da jede Person eine programname, aus der Erfahrung gewonnenen Expertise und Kompetenz owns (Becker 1976a, 184). Dazu ist sie related: es gibt keine a blendenring, fur immer geltende Wahrheit und nur die wenigsten Problem haben in einer modernen, pluralistischen Risikogesellschaft eine eindeutige Losung17. Daraus resultiert, dass die politische Kompetenz prozedural verstanden werden sollte. Sie kann auserdem gelernt und weitergegeben werden18.Die Kombination der konjunkturellen call Krisen und strukturellen Schwache der liberalen Demokratie mundet fur die Autorinnen of Korpus in eine generelle 'Legitimitat der, die nur durch eine radikale, strukturelle Losung aufgehoben werden kann.Eine neue party spectrum comprises ?raDie Losung is connected fur die Autorinnen in der Anwendung of Losverfahrens in der Politik. So personalities ", sie eine Zukunftsvision der moglichen Aspekte und Wirkungen einer Wiedereinfuhrung of Loses in der Politik.Eine gerechtere Stellvertretung und eine neue Form der Repr?sentation15ALS Grundlage, see die Meinung von Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book XI, Chapter VI) oder Delannoi (2003, 12): "However, the reluctance to the procedures the more democratic has deeper roots, often close to the reluctance platoniciennes. The idea of Protagoras, according to which the political competence and the competence moral, unlike the other skills, are also distributed among all struck many minds. This idea is both admitted and denied by the DOXA Documentary film contemporary democratic, therefore recognized in principle but watered down by the procedures."16Dewey (1927, 207): "The man who new added locations from the shoe knows best that it pinches HBTX and where it pinches."17Uber die Risikogesellschaft, see Sintomer (2007, 22-23). Uber die Relativitat, see Barber (1984, 120).18Zum Beispiel Dienel (1971, 155): "Informierheit lasst sich wie eine Funktion von Teilnahme behandeln."485'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischenFur die Befurworterinnen of Losverfahrens wurde die aleatorische Auswahl der Reprasentantinnen Gremien schaffen, die einem sozio-demographischen Abbild der Gesellschaft naher Kame. So wurden gone geographischen Herkunfte, soziale und okonomische Situationen und auch gone politische Sensibilitaten ihren Platz-und ein?real proportional system?(Mueller & al. 1972, 60) verwirklichen:"A Representative House would be them astonishingly tremendous different from its predecessors. Upon entering the House chamber you would EDC at work a body whose members included more than 50% women and some 12% blacks, 6% Hispanics, and 1% persons of other races. Because of their dress and manner, your overwhelming impression would be of middle- and working-class people. Gone would be notamment arch, gentlemen's -agreement phrases as, "Will the honorable member yield?" In their place would be the direct, homely idioms of the American people. "The learned member from Nebraska msfss to have forgotten the morning's testimony" would give way to "What's the matter, you asleep this morning?" ... There would also be several dozen managers and administrators dressed in upper-middle-class style. Purpose no air of privilege would prevail here. Looking around at the faces, you would see hundreds of ordinary working people, the "average Americans" who mainly make up this country. You would not, most years, find more than one or two lawyers, and most of the members would have quite modest incomes. Less than 5% of the members would be as rich as the average present Congress member." (Callenbach & Phillips 1985, 14).Die per Los ausgewahlten Reprasentantinnen wurden auch eine hohere symbolische Stellvertretung erreichen konnen, da sie der Bevolkerung ahnlicher waren (being their own selves') und wahrscheinlich als unabhangige Vertreterinnen waren19 angesehen.Die aktive Haltefunktion (return -?acting for?- Reprasentation wurde in einem aleatorischen System eine vollig neue Bedeutung bekommen, da die Verbindung zwischen Abstimmung und?Authorization?und Abstimmung und Legitimitat verschwande und eine neue, genauere Interessenvertretung ermoglichen wurde. As ein de Teil der Autorinnen trate ein "automatic and inevitable"20 Phanomen der statistischen Reprasentation ein: die Abgeordneten wurden wie das Volk met agieren, weil sie das Volk met statistisch reprasentieren wurden. En Autorinnen hingegen vertreten die Ansicht, dass die Reprasentation sich eher aus denn psychologischen mathematischen Grunden en: die Abgeordneten von heute waren das Volk von morgen und die Reprasentantinnen wurden nach dem Prinzip der reflexiven Gegenseitigkeit agieren (altruisti19Emery(1976, 201-202): "they (the members of the industry councils] could command the respect of Australian Parliament and the people because of their collective experience, knowledge and representation of the major interests directly involved in the industry and they could command the trust of des Parlements and the people because they were leaves out villain-proof …Tea Council will be more likely to be seen by Parliament and people as being their own selves'. Their advice may be judged to be erratic, ill informed etc, goal there will be less of the suspicion that hidden hands have drafted tea advice."20Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 15). See auch, Engelstad (1989, 29): "Goal in year assembly of between 400 and 700 members, the deviations from a suitable interpretation of "popular will" furthered by elections will probably be much more important than those created by the chance mechanism."486Eine neue party spectrum comprises ?raScher Egoismus), Kurz gesagt (Goodwin 2005, 114): "the submit-to-what-you- choose-and-only-choose-what-you-would-Madagascar makes freely-submit-tb principle"21. Gone Autorinnen sind der Meinung, dass die Reprasentation durch das Losverfahren eine Wiedervereinigung der Basis der Burgerinnen mit denen der Politikerinnen zur Konsequenz haben wurde: es gabe keine Anreize mehr zur correctly reads von Partikularinteressen oder gar Bestechlichkeit, keine politische Karriere ware moglich und es konnte keine politische Klasse entstehen22. Der Fraktionszwang wurde verschwinden und jede neue Entscheidung ware der Anlass fur eine Diskussion und eine Deliberation, die langfristige Perspektiven konnten23 miteinbeziehen.In dem neuen System wurde zwar die?accountability?nicht mehr uber die Wahlen konnen laufen, sie wurde aber eine en -?ex ante?- Grundlage bekommen aufgrund der Reprasentativitat der Reprasentantinnen (in dem Fall wurde sich sogar fur manche Autorinnen die by VEAG der Rechenschaftspflicht erubrigen). Auserdem wurde die offentliche und Offener Kanal Diskussion eine Kontrolle uber die Ausgelosten erlauben24. Um die?accountability?zu made part, sprechen sich manche Autorinnen fur die Werkwinkel Anbindung der Reprasentantinnen aus (Barber 1984).Gone, nicht jeder: die Partizipation durch das LosverfahrenDie Anwendung of Losverfahrens wurde laut den Autorinnen zu einer besseren quantitativen und qualitativen Partizipation fuhren. Durch das Losverfahren und die daraus important Rotation automatisch bekamen mehr Menschen eine Chance, an der politischen Entscheidungsfindung teilnehmen' zu konnen: gone wurden sich beteiligen. Gabe Es allerdings nicht eine 100% Sicherheit dranzukommen, sodass nicht jeder tatsachlich involviert ware. Global gesehen, wurde aber die can be sampled again am der politischen Prozess Teilnehmenden sich drastisch erhohen.Auf der qualitativen ebony, wurde eine aleatorische Politik vier Anderungen mit sich bringen. Erstens konnte das party spectrum comprises Ideal of "regieren" und "regiert werden", verwirklicht werden25. Zweitens wurde die Partizipation von mehr und mehr Burgerinnen year den politischen Entscheidun21RufJede Entscheidung hatte man aussi eine Situation "hinter dem Schleier of Nichtwissens" has the Rawls.22See Zum Beispiel Delannoi (2003, 8), Elster (1987, 143) oder Martin (1989, 3).23Amar (1984, 1298-1299) oder Burnheim (1986, 137): "they would try to director-generalor not the unreflecting desired of people aim their long-term interests and those of generations to come."24See Zum Beispiel Barber (1984, 270): "ensuring the accountability of American political officials is generally the responsibility of the press, the media, and the opposition party. Neighborhood assemblies would shift some of this responsibility directly to the citizenry, "permitting individuals to question their representative on a regular basis in their own home territory and according to their own rules of procedure."25Es existiert keine "group of people whose capacities entitle them to a position of special gold wide-ranging power in the community." Burnheim (1985, 156). See auch Ranciere (2006, 47).487'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischenGen ein Prozess der Selbstbefahigung (Empowerment) in Gang setzen26. Drittens wurde jede die Chance bekommen ihre "Burgerrolle" zu Maxxi spielen+lernen (Dienel 1978, 78) und somit den Weg zu einer aktiven Burgergesellschaft eroffnen, weit weg von der individualistischen Massengesellschaft der liberalen Systeme27. Viertens wurde Burgerinnen jede eine hohere which it is concluded bekommen, die "entscheidende Wahlerin" im Sinne der?Rational Choice Theory?zu werden28.Die Entpolitisierung der GesellschaftIllich vertritt in seinem Buch?Deschooling society (?1970) die Thesis, dass die Abschaffung der Schule als Institution die Bildung als Gemeingut befreien wurde. Pester France Argument nach tendiert jede Institution dazu, hpc Kompetenzfeld zu monopolisieren und abzuschirmen - die Army den Krieg, das Krankenhaus die Gesundheit, die politische Parteien die Politik - und verhindert somit die Innovation. Die Abschaffung dieser Listed konnte einen wichtigen Impuls setzen und die Gesellschaft befreien. Die Autorinnen der Theory der Demokratie aleatorischen Sehen , in dem Losverfahren machtigste das Mittel, um die Gesellschaft zu "entpolitisieren". Die Anwendung of?Kleros?wurde die Macht immer wieder neu verteilen, die Parteien wurden verschwinden und "Gone Macht dem Volke" wirklich gehoren29. Wenn aber die Wahl verschwindet, verschwindet auch die zentralste Legitimationsquelle reprasentativen der Regierung und die Legitimation of neuen Systems wird in Frage gestellt. Die Autorinnen bringen ein zentrales Argument vor: die aleatorische Politik basiert nicht auf der Frage "what will we choose?" sondern auf der Frage "how do we will? "30 Es aussi findet eine Umkehrung statt: die Ergebnis-orientierte Legitimitat wird von einer prozeduralen Legitimitat abgelost. Und das26See Martin (1989, 3-4), Mulgan (1984, 556) oder Rehfeld (2005).27Barber (1984, 154-155): "masses make noise, citizens deliberate; masses etiquette, citizens act; masses student?€?S and intersect, citizens engaged, share, and contribute. At the time when "weights" start deliberating, correspondece, sharing, and contributing, they cease to be masses and become citizens."28Elster (1987, 143): "the problem of the wasted vote is real enough. It would be reduced by lottery voting, which ensures that each vote counts equally, that is, increases by the same amount the likelihood of the candidate's being elected. Under lottery voting, the power of an individual - measured by the probability of casting the decisive vote - is l/n where n is the size of the electorate. Under deterministic majority voting, the power of an individual equals the chance that he or she will be pivotal, that is, that the other votes will be exactly evenly divided between the candidates. Under all plausible circumstances, this probability is much smaller than l/n."29See Delannoi (2003, 8): "the draw is the cure the more powerful has a democratic pathology recurring: the government on behalf of the people and not by the people. In this sense, the use of the draw is a good test of the accession has democracy and real confidence in its presuppositions. Because not only is the undemocratic oligarchies who were wary of him. The test of the draw unmasks the alleged democrats who speak on behalf of the people and are very careful not to leave him the power."30Barber (1984, 200). See auch Burnheim (1986, 4) oder Dienel (1971, 151): "vermehrte Beteiligung ist ein Verfahrensproblem."488Eine neue party spectrum comprises ?raLosverfahren ist - fur die Autorinnen of Korpus - eine Prozedur legitimate, da sie eine produce better Beteiligung und eine effizientere Reprasentation ermoglicht. Zusammenfassend (Goodwin 2005, 43): "random distribution negates the need for equality at a primary level ... and opens it at a secondary level ( ... ). It can therefore be considered as a procedural conception of justice, goal one which ... resets it substantive assumptions and has substantive implications."Eine neue Gesellschaft ohne "neue Menschen"Die Vision der Anhangerinnen of Losverfahrens in der Politik wird manchmal noch breiter aufgefasst und inkludiert die Zeitsch-rift Gesellschaft. Eine losbasierte Politik wurde kooperativer und menschlicher werden, weil die Konkurrenz um die Macht und die Kurzfristigkeit der Basis verschwinden wurden, aber auch, weil die Menschen durch die Partizipation toleranter und offener werden wurden (Burnheim 1986). Es wurden neue Listed entstehen: das Losverfahren konnte sich als solches etablieren und die Auslosung wurde ein wichtiges Ereignis der Polis sein31. Jede Versammlung ware auch eine Mini-Universitat 32 und eine vollig neue wirtschaftliche Branch, die der partizipativen Demokratie, wurde entstehen (Dienel 1978, 199-200). Das met, ohne "neue" oder "Uber" Menschen33 und ohne eine gewalttatige Revolution, obwohl die what politische Klasse wahrscheinlich Widerstand leisten wurde (see Kap. 6, Punkt , S. 543).Vielf?ltigkeit und DiskrepanzenObwohl sich Autorinnen went uber die Konsequenzen einer Einfuhrung of Losverfahrens in der Politik im weitesten einig sind und einer gemeinsamen Verteidigungsstrategie gegen Kriti31Fishkin(1995, 174): "just as the apparatus of selection by lot in ancient Athens involved so many citizens, so often, that it msfss tb have galvanized year active citizenry, it is not country would be that selection by lot for deliberative poll could, someday, have the same effect on our own country."32Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 20-21): "we assumed that the Representative House would establish means to initiate its new members and provide them with training and background information to enable them to carry out their new functions. ... This mini-university of politics should be among the finest educational institutions in the country."33Burnheim 1985, 3): "in particular, I shall argue that it [demarchy] does not presupposes that people perform substantially better either morally or intellectually than they do at present." Sharps four last Argument war vor german in den ersten Texten falling within, in einer During in der die sozialistische Alternative viel diskutiert wurde, von den Autorinnen of Korpus aber abgelehnt war. See Zum Beispiel Burnheim (1985, 13) uber den Klassenkampf: "at best it is haphazard, ill-coordinated, often foolish and shortlived. At worst, it is terror manipulated by leaders engaged in power struggles."489'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischenKerinnen folgen34, bestehen unterschiedliche Auffassungen uber die Deliberation und die Kompetenz, die im Folgenden dargestellt werden.Die Debate um die genaue Bedeutung von Deliberation, Repr?sentativit?t und KompetenzDer groste Unterschied zwischen den Autorinnen of Korpus betrifft die Bedeutung of Losverfahrens fur die Reprasentation. Autorinnen wie Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 28) sind der Meinung, dass "representative House members do not have to be forced by external circumstances to director-generalor constituents because, by the very statistics of their selection, they inevitably?do?director-generalor their segment of the populace." En Autorinnen, die die Mehrheit of Korpus darstellen, sind im Gegensatz dazu der Meinung, dass das allein Losverfahren sogar kontraproduktiv ware: eine Versammlung mit reprasentativen - aber zu sehr heterogenen - Abgeordneten ware problematischer als das what homogeneous und elitare System, wenn es nicht von zusatzlichen institutionellen Arrangements unterstutzt ware. Die Autorinnen betrachten die Deliberation als das Hauptinstrument der Unterstutzung (Fishkin 1995, 167): "institutions that speak for the people need to be both representative and deliberative." Auf einer Seite hat man aussi die Gleichung: "Losverfahren + Aggregation = Reprasentation" und auf der anderen "Losverfahren + Deliberation = Reprasentation".Die 'Debate adressiert die Frage nach den spezifischen Kompetenzen der Burgerinnen. Eine erste Gruppe von Autorinnen ist sehr optimistisch und sieht keine Grenzen in den der Fahigkeiten Ausgelosten, die mit viel Macht forklift truck is equipped werden konnen (legislative oder sogar exekutive). 'Eine Gruppe betrachtet die Kompetenz als auch weit verbreitet, konstatiert aber, dass bestimmte Wirkstoffe '?checks and balances?notig seien. So sollte die Macht am besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente 'zwischen gewahlten und ausgelosten Reprasentantinnen ungleich verteilt within. Die dritte Gruppe ist skeptischer und befurwortet eher eine konsultative Rolle fur die ausgelosten Gremien oder aber eine Vorauswahl aufgrund von einer minimalen Prufung (Interessenbekundung, oder sogar IQ Test)35.Die Vielf?ltigkeit der Diskurse und instrumented34Dieser Paragraph wurde in der deutschen Zusammenfassung nicht eingefuhrt.35ALS Beispiel der ersten Gruppe see O'Leary (2006, 206). Als Beispiel der zweiten, see Dienel (1978). Fur die dritte Gruppe see Zum Beispiel (Dahl 1970, 30): "I would not want to travel on year airline that neutralise passengers the right to participate equally (by batch? By majority vote?) with crew and pilot in the operation of their flat."490Vielf?ltigkeit und DiskrepanzenDrei DiskurseErsten Jahrtausend anhand der oben aufgezeigten Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede und mithilfe der Typology of ersten Kapitels, lassen sich die Anhangerinnen of Losverfahrens in der Politik in drei Gruppen unterteilen. Die erste bevorzugt eine reformistische Herangehensweise und bleibt?€ sogar manchen Stopped der liberalen Demokratie Treu. Schlagt Sie Instrumented dementsprechend vor, die die aktuellen Listed erganzen sollen) for und Ihre Position Pro-Losverfahren basiert auf einem Diskurs, der im ersten 'Pralatenwein' als "republikanisch" wurde36 charakterisiert.Mit demselben reformistischen Ansatz, aber mit einem weitaus radikaleren Diskurs uber die liberalen Demokratien, schlagt 'eine Gruppe von Autorinnen Instrumented vor, die auf einem als "aleatorisch" zu verstehenden Diskurs basieren37. Pound Instrumented sind in der Regel ehrgeiziger und umfassender, bleiben aber Erganzungen zu den aktuellen listed.Eine dritte Gruppe von Autorinnen nimmt eine revolutionare Position ein und pladiert fur die Einfuhrung von neuen using a MIDI in der Politik, die die aktuellen Listed vollkommen ablosen readjustment may be necessary. Die Autorinnen argumentieren zum liberal de Teil, zum de teil "anti-liberal" und grunden ihre Argumente fur das Losverfahren auf ein im ersten 'Pralatenwein' als "demokratisch" bezeichnetes Argumentationsmuster38.Lettering reads "F?NF Typen von using a MIDIDie von den Autorinnen formulierten Vorschlage konnen in UNFF Kategorien unterteilt werden. Erstens die elektiven instrumented, die oft mit einem republikanischen Argumentationsmuster und einem liberalen und Diskurs reformistischen kombiniert werden. Ziel dieser Instrumented ist es, die liberal Demokratie und das Parteiensystem durch die Anwendung of Losverfahrens zu vervollstandigen resp. zu permits. Man findet Zum Beispiel yesterday die?Lottery Voting?von Amar (1984) oder die "Wahlen Anno 2000" von Horn (1980) sowie der Vorschlag von Gastil (2000).Auf Grundlage of selben Argumentationsmusters, aber mit einem Diskurs radikaleren entwickelt eine 'Gruppe von Autorinnen instrumented, die man "Tribunate" (McKormick 2006) nen36SeeZum Beispiel (Barnett & Carty 2008, 24-25): "our proposal for citizens to take part in year Athenian style chamber of scrutiny is not an attack on party politics. Rather it suggests a way in which members of the public can play a complementary and not a competitive role alongside elected PWO's whose democratic mandate will give them the exclusive right to propose new legislation ... We are not: that selection by a form of batch is better than elections."37See Zum Beispiel Barber (1984).38Eine revolutionare liberal Argument wird u.a. von Callenbach & Phillips (1985) gefuhrt. Burnheim (1985), Goodwin (1984, 1992) oder Carson & Martin (1999) vertreten eine eher anti-liberal und revolutionare Ansicht.491'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der Demokratie aleatorischenNEN konnte, in denen die ausgelosten Reprasentantinnen Kontrolle uber die ausgewahlten Reprasentantinnen Maxxi spielen+lernen readjustment may be necessary. Sie verfugen uber ein Vetorecht, durfen Enquetekommissionen einrichten, haben aber in den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Fallen keine Macht legislative (see Raskin 1974 oder Sutherland 2008a).Im Gegensatz dazu formuliert eine dritte Reihe von Autorinnen Vorschlage fur eine Loskammer (citizen Legislature), basierend auf einem demokratischen Argumentationsmuster und einem revolutionaren Diskurs. Es gilt die Parlamente per Los auszuwahlen, ohne wirklich auf die Problematik der Deliberation einzugehen (Becker 1976a; Cannac 1983; Callenbach & Phillips 1985; Aguileo Cancio 2010).Die vierte Gruppe von Autorinnen hingegen sieht die Deliberation als zentral und die legislative Macht als peripharisch und basiert ihre Vorschlage auf einem aleatorischen Argumentationsmuster und einem anti-liberalen Diskurs. Das beliebteste Instrument in diesem Rahmen ist der Minipopulus (see Emery 1976b; Dienel 1978; Crosby 1986; Fishkin 1991 oder O'Leary 2006).Die funfte und four last Gruppe von Autorinnen argumentiert radikal demokratisch und revolutionar und schlagt "demarchistische" Instrumented vor (Burnheim 1985), die die gesamten Listed der liberalen Demokratie ersetzen readjustment may be necessary: so gibt es nur noch Rate EIB Burnheim,?Lotreps?in einem Land Namens?Random angulation?EIB Goodwin (2005) oder eine "Demokratie ohne Wahlen" EIB Martin (1995).ZusammenfassungDie in diesem durchgefuhrte 'Pralatenwein' qualitative analysis ?-sterreich zeigt, dass die Hypothesis der Entstehung einer Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie mit call Ansatze bestatigt werden kann. Pound basiert auf der Kritik und zum de Teil Ablehnung der liberalen Demokratie und sieht eine mogliche Losung ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung konjunkturellen sowie strukturellen Krisen in der Anwendung of Losverfahrens in der Politik. Pound wurde eine verbesserte Reprasentation und eine produce better ermoglichen Partizipation und die Grundlage fur eine party spectrum comprises und Politik legitimate bilden.Offensives bleibt?€ aber die Frage der konkreten Umsetzung: was taugt pound Theory in der Praxis? Ist die Gleichung Losverfahren + Deliberation = Demokratie oder Losverfahren + Aggregation = Demokratie eine blose Utopia? Pound Frage wird im zweiten de Teil der Doktorarbeit eruiert und die Theory ersten Jahrtausend anhand der Praxis gepruft.492Le Teil 2: Aachen und Poitiers, die Theory auf dem Prüfstand(Demos)"Das Modell Planungszelle 'stellt 'eine mogliche Anwendung der Benefits of aufgabenorientierten,'ermoglichenden Gruppenprozesses fur die industrielle Zwecke der Beteiligung year politischen identifiable dar. Der yesterday gemeinte Gruppenprozes last sich durch eine Reihe von Merkmalen beschreiben. Einige von ihnen, wie can be sampled again der Beteiligten'oder Dauer der Teilnahme, sind in bestimmten Grenzen variierbar. En sind es nicht. Sie werden als yesterday Hauptmerkmale bezeichnet. Ihre Bedeutung wird - auch wenn Sie lediglich zunachst technisch anmuten - sichtbar, wenn die Moglichkeiten long-term survival, die sich aus ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Kombination ergeben, bedacht werden. Pound Hauptmerkmale of Modells lassen sich in folgendem Satz zusammenfassen: "Die Planungszelle ist eine Gruppe von im Zufall ausgewahlten, auf bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Zeit freigestellten und verguteten Burgern, die - assistiert von Prozesbegleitern - Losungen fur vorgegebene, losbare Bewertungs-, Kontroll- oder Planungsprobleme erarbeiten." Der Begriff "losbar" meint yesterday, das die zur Losung of Problems relevanten Informationen in der zur Verfugung stehenden Zeit in die Gruppe eingegeben und von den Teilnehmern verarbeitet und angewendet werden konnen."Dienel (1976, 28).'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und?jury citizen:?zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenDas vierte 'Pralatenwein' beschaftigt sich mit der Identifizierung von Praktiken of Losverfahrens in der Politik, die zur Uberprufung der theoretischen Annahmen dienen konnen1. Nach einem kurzen Uberblick (1), wird die Entwicklung der Minipopuli und ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Anwendung nachgezeichnet (2) und es werden aufgrund dieser Vorstellung die Kriterien der Fallauswahl expliziert (3). Anschliesend werden die zwei Forschungsfelder vorgestellt (4).Kurzer ?berblick einer RenaissanceIm Rahmen dieser Analysis der Entwicklung Politischer Jugendring Praktiken die das Losverfahren integrieren, zunachst ist festzustellen, dass pound seit Ende of Zweiten Weltkriegs zunehmend zum Instrumentarium der liberalen Demokratien gehoren. Aufenthaltserlaubnisse (Green Cards), Wohnungen, Studienplatze werden per Los ungleich verteilt, Schoffinnen oder Wehrpflichtige per Zufall rekrutiert. Losverfahren Das wird auch als?Tie-Breaker?in unentschiedenen Wahlen oder zur Auswahl von Burgerinnen im Rahmen der so genannten "Minipopuli" eingesetzt. Innerhalb dieser Vielfalt scheint die letztgenannte Praxis am interessantesten und geeignetsten, um die theoretischen Erwartungen zu tests. Um pound Thesis zu uberprufen, wird im Folgenden eine detaillierte Rekonstruktion der Innovationsgeschichte der Minipopuli durchgefuhrt.Planungszelle und?Citizens Jury?als a Pioneer der MinipopuliDie Theory der?diffusion of innovations?von Everett Rogers wurde als methodologischer Ansatz ausgewahlt, um den Diffusionsprozess der Planungszelle und ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Ableitungen zu rekonstruieren. Rogers (2003, S. 5-12) this operating die Dissemination als "a process by which an innovation is communicated through certain channels over time among the members of a social system". Die Innovation programmable controller wird als "an idea, practice, or object that is perceived as new by1Die Forschungsarbeit sharps Kapitels wurde dadurch ermoglicht, dass die Familie Dienel uneingeschrankten mir Zugang zum Nietzsche's Nachlass -von Peter Dienel gewahrt hat. Es sei hpc year dieser Stelle herzlich dafur gedankt. Der Nietzsche's Nachlass -befindet sich im theologischen Seminar Elstal und wurde zum Zeitpunkt des Abschlusses des dieser Arbeit von mir indexiert.Planungszelle und Citizens Jury als a Pioneer der MinipopuliAn individual or other unit of adoption". Die Planungszelle kann ohne Zweifel als Innovation im Bereich der Demokratieinstrumente bezeichnet werden, da sie deren zwei grundlegende Charakteristika owns: erstens ist sie ein objektiv neues Verfahren und zweitens wird sie als solches wahrgenommen. Auch die von Rogers definierten Diffusionskanale-sich in der Entwicklungsgeschichte der Planungszelle in Form von vier Hauptkomplexen - Personen, Listed, Veroffentlichungen und realisierte Projekte - wieder, und bilden die Grundlage der Untersuchung.1969 - 1979: "Neue Entwicklungen fordern ein neues Instrumentarium"2"Die Werte, die es yesterday zu transportieren gilt, etwa die Wertvorstellungen, die dieser neuen 'demokratischen Gesellschaft' entsprechen, pound Werte lassen sich durch Ubernahme von Rollen eintrainieren, Zum Beispiel, moni man Leute year Planungsprozessen teilnehmen' lasst, moni man sie dafur finanziert und freistellt, sagen wir evil fur ein Vierteljahr. Laien nehmen year einem Planungsprozess de teil und entdecken zum ersten poorly in Ihrem Leben, was cast ja schon immer gewusst haben, dass es um ganz langfristige Problem geht und dass unsere 'Communication', die von further discussion of und jenen immer so lautstark ins Spiel werden the factory default condition, NC: Hoechst kurzfristige Basis sind, dass wir insgesamt ganz en langfristige Basis haben." (Dienel 1971, 8)."In 1971 I finally decided that the best we could do to raise our views about social ethics above the level of mother taste gold subjective statements was to gather a group of people and let them say what they thought was the social good." (Crosby2003, 255).Im Grunde scheint es unmoglich von der Geburt der Planungszelle zu sprechen, ohne ihre Zwillingsschwester, die?Citizens Jury, zu erwahnen. In der Tat werden pound beiden fast identischen theoretischen ALLE MODELLE in Deutschland und in den USA mit wenigen Monaten Verschiebung zeitlicher und in volliger Unabhangigkeit voneinander entwickelt3. Die zwei Erfinder sind Peter Dienel und Ned Crosby, beide Soziologen, jedoch mit unterschiedlichen fachlichen Schwerpunkten. Dienel beschaftigt sich zu diesem Zeitpunkt des Abschlusses des mit Problem Is Not Restricted To der Raumplanung im Planungsstab of Kabinetts of nordrhein-westfalischen Ministerprasidenten, Crosby promoviert uber das Konzept der sozialen Ethik an der?University of Minnesota.2Dienel (1971, 8).3Nach eigener Aussage der Autoren in mit ihnen durchgefuhrten Interviews haben sie sich erst 1985 kennengelernt.497'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenAuf den ersten newspaper Blick haben pound beiden Wissenschaftler aussi wenig gemeinsam, und dennoch analysieren sie ihre jeweilige Gesellschaft in erstaunlich ahnlicher Art und Weise. Dienel fragt sich, inwiefern der "soziale Pluralismus" ein Problem fur die Raumplanung darstelle (Dienel, 1969, 1) und Crosby konstatiert, dass die "Planung" inkompatibel mit "unserer aktuellen Form der pluralistischen Regierung" sei (Crosby 1976, 23).Doch nicht allein die analytischen Ausgangspunkte, auch die Losungsansatze sind analog. Ziele waren jeweils gegebenen die "Weiterentwicklung ... der Techniken burgerschaftlicher Beteiligung" (Dienel 1969, 4) resp. die "Schaffung neuer Formen der Demokratie, die mit der Planung kompatibel sind" (Crosby 1976, 23). Die ausformulierten Fassungen der Losungsvorschlage werden 1971 von Peter Dienel und 1973 von Ned Crosby prasentiert. Die Ahnlichkeit ist beeindruckend: In beiden Fallen soll eine kleine Gruppe von ungefahr 20 Burgerinnen per Los ausgewahlt und in ein Umfeld deliberative the factory default condition werden, um ersten Jahrtausend anhand verschiedenartiger Informationen von Expertinnen und Zeuginnen uber ein im Vorfeld definiertes Problem zu beraten. Am Ende of Prozesses, der EIB Crosby auf einige Tage, EIB Dienel auf einige Wochen bis Monate angesetzt ist, geben die Burgerinnen ihre Empfehlungen year die Auftraggeberin weiter. Nur ein zentraler Unterschied besteht zwischen den beiden Vorschlagen: As Peter Dienel erfordert die Demokratisierung eine Reform der OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Planungsprozesse; Durch Planungszellen sollen) for konkrete Masnahmen - der Umbau von Strasen oder Flughafen, die Sanierung von Stadten, etc. - vorbereitet werden, wahrend Ned Crosby seinerseits - gepragt von seinen looked for uber Ethik in der Politik - einen moglichen Einsatz der?Citizens Juries?in der Evaluation der Wahlprogramme der Kandidatinnen sieht.Lange dauert es nicht, bis beide Vorschlage in die Wirklichkeit umgesetzt werden. Peter Dienel tritt 1970 von pester France Stelle zuruck und always organised - neben pester France Tatigkeit der padagogischen Hochschule Rheinland - das erste Projekt. So-im November 1972, finanziert von der Volkswagen-Stiftung , die ersten drei Planungszellen in Schwelm business unit statt. 75 Per Los ausgewahlte Burgerinnen bekommen den Auftrag, Empfehlungen zur Verbesserung der Mullabfuhr zu formulieren. Ned Crosby grundet 1974 das "Zentrum fur neue party spectrum comprises Prozesse"4 und always organised in den darauf folgenden Jahren - in Eigenfinanzierung - zwei?Citizens Committees54CNDP - Center for New Democratic Processes, das Ende der achtziger Jahre in?Jefferson Center?umbenannt wurde.5Der Name?Citizens Juries?wird von Crosby erst ab 1987 velocity. Vorher prasentierte er das Modell als?RRCLD: Representative, Rational, Concerned and Legitimate Decision?und dann als?Citizens Committee, d.h. "reprasentative, rational, betroffene und legitimate Entscheidung" und "Burgerkomitee".498Planungszelle und Citizens Jury als a Pioneer der MinipopuliZum nationalen Gesundheitsplan (1974) und den Programn der Prasidentschaftskandidaten (1976). Die Rezeption ist in beiden Fallen "Positiv leben"und ermoglicht es den beiden Soziologen, hpc Modell zu verbessern und zu standardisieren (Vergne 2010a).1979 Erhalt die Gruppe um Peter Dienel ihren ersten grosen Auftrag: Die Stadt Koln will zehn Planungszellen einsetzen, um Empfehlungen zur Sanierung und Neu-Bebauung of Viertels " Rathaus-Gurzenich " zu erarbeiten. Fur die Promotorinnen der Idea, damals etwa zehn Personen um Dienel, lauft sharps Projekt ideal ab; die Empfehlungen der Burgerinnen werden von den gewahlten Reprasentantinnen berucksichtigt, die ist Medienwirksamkeit oral und das Modell wird in der Offentlichkeit nicht als Experiment oder Test, sondern als Planungsinstrument gleichberechtigtes vorgestellt. In diesem Zusammenhang scheint die innerhalb of Netzwerks vorherrschende Meinung verstandlich, nach der die beginnende Dekade der achtziger Jahre die der Planungszelle within werde (Garbe 1980).1980 - 1991: zwischen begrenzter Verbreitung und VorzeigeprojektenPound Hoffnungen werden jedoch nicht erfullt. Zwischen 1980 und 1991 Montag Kommen trotz einer konstanten Aktivitat der FBPUW6 lediglich elf Projekte zustande. Mehr als 40 "Werkstattpapiere"7 und wohl rund 20 Bucher8 werden veroffentlicht, parallel Dazu werden rund 100 wissenschaftliche Qualifikationsarbeiten uber die Planungszelle verfasst (Hausarbeiten, Diplomarbeiten, Promotionen etc. )9. Daruber hinaus wird die Planungszelle auf Tagungen und in Zeitungsartikeln vorgestellt. Dennoch sind die Reaktionen zuruckhaltend, und die PZ-Promotorinnen beginnen sich mit der Frage der (fehlenden) Dissemination of the Modells zu beschaftigen10. Zu dieser wissenschaftlichen relativen Isolation kommt die Passivitat oder gar Skepsis der Mehrheit der politisch-administrativen Kreise hinzu. Die Bilanz ist jedoch nicht vollstandig negativ, da in den Jahren 1980 bis 1991 einige wichtige Projekte entstehen. Das Burgergutachten zur Energiepolitik zukunftigen aus dem Jahr 1982 yesterday ist ein gutes Beispiel denn es 'stellt 'nicht nur das erste Projekt bundesweite dar, sondern ist auch bisher das umfangreichste6Die (Forschungsstelle Burgerbeteiligung und Planungsverfahren der Universitat Wuppertal, Kurz FBPUW, wurde von Dienel im Jahr 1978 gegrundet, um eine institutional Grundlage fur within Projekt zu schaffen.7Pound Arbeitspapiere wurden von der (Forschungsstelle veroffentlicht. Im Zeittraum von 1991-2004 wurden nur 20 for Werkstattpapiere will.8Der Nietzsche's Nachlass -Dienels enthalt gone Publikationen zum Thema, die zum Zeitpunkt des Abschlusses des aktuellen aber noch nicht vollstandig ausgewertet werden konnten.9Das Zeitsch-rift Material befindet sich im Dienel-Nachlass in Elstal.10See Buning (1980), Kranz & Skirzinski (1986), Nolte & Muller (1992).499'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenIn Bezug auf die can be sampled again der Planungszellen (24) und Teilnehmerinnen (400) sowie auf das Ausmas der Begleitforschung (Renn et al. 1985).1992 - 2002: partizipativer Boom und Anerkennung ausl?ndischer Flüchtlinge internationalEin 1992 in we could highlight Idiazabal (Spanien) durchgefuhrtes Projekt bildet die erste Anwendung eines der beiden Ursprungsmodelle auserhalb ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Heimatlander und kennzeichnet using den Beginn eines quantitativen soweit als auch qualitativen Aufschwungs. Zwischen 1992 und 2002 steigt die can be sampled again durchgefuhrter Planungszellen auf 165 in Deutschland (Abbildungen 81 und 82. S. 501); in derselben Zeit werden you will find insgesamt rund 350 Minipopuli always organised (Abbildung 83, S. 501). Further discussion of Uber kidney quantitativen Anstieg hinaus findet eine qualitative Entwicklung statt. Die Planungszellen adressieren neue Themen und erzielen damit eine Verbreitung in neuen Sektoren der Gesellschaft. Using wandelt sich der Diskurs um das Modell; es wird immer Weninger von einer technischen Innovation der Planung und immer mehr von einem Instrument der Demokratie gesprochen. Erscheinen bis Mitte der 90er Jahre die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Aufsatze uber die Planungszelle in Veroffentlichungen der Planung oder der Urbanistik, so steigt in der zweiten Halfte der Dekade die can be sampled again der Veroffentlichungen in Publikationen der Demokratietheorie und der Politikwissenschaft11.197319751977197919811983198519871989199119931995199719992001200320052007200905101520253035Abbildung 81: Can be sampled again der Planungszellen in Deutschland. PROGRAMNAME Berechnung.11Crosby seinerseits bleibt?€ EIB seinem demokratischen Diskurs.500Planungszelle und Citizens Jury als a Pioneer der Minipopuli1973197519771979198119831985198719891991199319951997199920012003200520072009012345678Abbildung 82: Can be sampled again der Planungszellen-Projekte in Deutschland. PROGRAMNAME Berechnung.1972197419761978198019821984198619881990199219941996199820002002200420062008201001020304050607080?Abbildung 83: Can be sampled again der Planungszellen,?Citizens Juries?und Ableitungen you can look up. Schatzung programname.Neben der Entwicklung eines fruchtbaren politischen und institutionellen Kontextes spielt auch die Dynamic of Planungszellen-Netzwerks eine zentrale Rolle in der dissemination. Drei Trends zeichnen sich ab: Erstens entstehen zwei neue Generationen von Promotorinnen, die nach und nach aktiv werden. Zweitens geht pound Entwicklung Hand in Hand mit der Entstehung von neuen Listed, die Planungszellen organisieren (Zum Beispiel die ATFA, die CitCon, die IGEBP, etc. )12. Drittens zeichnet sich pound Dekade auch dadurch aus, dass neue politische Wurdentragerinnen fur die know gewonnen werden konnen.Die Dissemination auserhalb Deutschlands ist quantitativ email bedeutend, verlauft allerdings qualitativ anders. Dies ist in erster Linie deswegen der Fall, weil kein vergleichbar stabiles Netzwerk in der Lage ist, das Feld monopolistisch zu besetzen. Die von Hans Harms in Spanien durchgefuhrten Planungszellen interessieren bald katalanische Wissenschaftlerinnen, die12Pound Dynamic lasst sich unter anderem auf einen gewissen Usus unter den Planungszellen-Moderatorinnen zuruckfuhren: Das jeder Moderationssteam Planungszelle normalerweise besteht aus drei Personen, einer Frau, einem Mann und einer Assistentin, die ausgebildet wird, um spater eigenverantwortlich Planungszellen durchfuhren zu konnen. So haben die Personen, die in den 80er Jahren Assistentinnen waren, die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Projekte der 90er Jahren geleitet.501'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenSich das Modell aneignen und selbst?jurados published?(Burgerjuries) realisieren. In Grosbritannien findet ein Prozess ahnlicher statt: Das IPPR (Institute for Public Policy Research), welches das Modell ins Land eingefuhrt hatte, ist nicht mehr Hauptkanal der Verbreitung, en Listed stosen ihrerseits Projekte year und personalities ", programname Herangehensweisen. In den USA fuhrt Crosby zunehmend Projekte durch. Dieser Trend der zunehmenden Diversifikation der Methoden lautet 2002 eine neue During in der Geschichte der oben beschriebenen ursprunglichen ALLE MODELLE ein.2002 - 2011: 'und Beginn eines neuen ZyklusDer Preis of RuhmsDas Jahr 2002 bildet in der Tat in vielerlei Hinsicht einen Wendepunkt der Dissemination beider country park ALLE MODELLE. Nach einigen Jahren der Euphoria, die im Jahre 1999 ihren Hohepunkt erreicht hat (31 Planungszellen in 7 Projekten in Deutschland), ebbt die Aktivitat nun-fast wieder ab, bis sie im Jahr 2005 ihren finds it schlieslich Nullpunkt erreicht; in diesem Jahr findet kein Projekt statt. Ein vergleichbarer Prozess ist in Grosbritannien zu beobachten und in den USA fuhrt Ned Crosby 2002 within letztes Projekt durch. In der Gesamtbetrachtung ist pound During von einer doppelten Tendenz gepragt. Einerseits vermehren sich die experienced, die sich in einer zunehmenden Hybridisierung von Planungszelle und?Citizens Jury?inspirieren lassen oder ableiten13. Andererseits bemuhen sich die historischen Tabakgenuss Akteure, Standardisierungsprozesse der ALLE MODELLE einzuleiten. In Deutschland wird in diesem Zusammenhang das Wort "Planungszelle" geschutzt, was eine gewisse Qualitatskontrolle moglich macht. Using erneuern aber die deutschen Planungszellen-Promotorinnen hpc Modell, um es auf die Entwicklungen in theory und Praxis der partizipativen Demokratie abzustimmen.Die Lage verschlechtert sich trotzdem ab 2002, unter anderem aufgrund intern Spannungen im PZ-Netzwerk und Verschwindens einiger zentraler institutioneller Durchfuhrungstrager. Die ATFA wird so nach einem Regierungswechsel geschlossen, und CitCon wird nach langen internen Streitigkeiten aufgelost. Verschiedene Akteure, die insbesondere der ersten13In England und Schottland werden so zahlreiche Projekte durchgefuhrt, die einen Tag dauern und mit indirekt ausgelosten und nicht verguteten Teilnehmerinnen besetzt sind. In call Teilen Deutschlands werden Burgerforen always organised, die einen Abend dauern und sich als Ableitung der Planungszelle prasentieren (Wienhofer 1996).?502Planungszelle und Citizens Jury als a Pioneer der MinipopuliStunde, steigen aus dem Netzwerk aus und erklaren, dass sie sich neu orientieren wollen14. In den USA muss Ned Crosby das?Jefferson Center?nach langwierigen juristischen Konflikten mit den Finanzbehorden schliesen15.Further discussion of Neben internen Entwicklungen spielt der gesellschaftspolitische Kontext eine wichtige Rolle. Ab Ende der 90er Jahre hatte die partizipative Demokratie eine Hochkonjunktur erlebt, die nun paradox as auf die Planungszelle hat. Pound wird starker in Konkurrenz zu billigeren und Weninger anspruchsvollen these models, see gestellt, die in den Augen der Auftragsgeberinnen aber eine vergleichbare Legitimation besitzen. Das Jahr 2005 bildet den Hohepunkt dieser paradoxen Entwicklung: Die ALLE MODELLE Planungszelle und?Citizens Jury?sind bekannter als i zuvor, werden aber fast nicht mehr angewendet.Ein Neuanfang?Das Jahr 2006 bringt jedoch eine erneute Trendwende in der Dissemination of Modells, die sich auf Ebenen call abspielt. Erstens vermehren sich wieder die Anwendungen. Es werden Testlaufe in Japan und Italian durchgefuhrt, Mali beruft als erstes Land in Afrika eine?jury citizen?ein, in Ecuador 2007 findet eine erste Anwendung statt, und in Grosbritannien werden im selben Jahr 10 bis 15 Projekte vom gewahlten neu Premierminister Gordon Brown angestosen. Das Projekt groste findet allerdings 2006 auf europaischer Ebony statt: 10 Gruppen von Burgerinnen like tagen in 10 Within Europass und work place on Entwicklungsstrategien zur Zukunft der landlichen Raume. In einer zweiten Phase treffen sich Delegierte der nationalen Gruppen in Brussel, um die Ergebnisse zusammenzufuhren und Empfehlungen year die europaische Kommission zu erarbeiten. Diesem Projekt in 2007 ein zweites uber die Zukunft Europass.Dieser Prozess in der Praxis geht mit einer verstarkten Prasenz of theoretischen Diskurses uber das Modell einher. Im Oktober 2006 halt das Thema auf Aufsehen erregende Weise Einzug in die franzosische politische Debate, als S??Gol?¨ne Royal - Prasidentschaftskandida14DiesIST in einer Umfrage deutlich geworden, die der Autor im Jahr 2008 mit 12 Mitgliedern of Netzwerkes durchgefuhrt hat.15Grund der Differenzen ist eine Verwaltungsklage wegen der Organization von?Citizens Juries?zu den Wahlprogrammen von Kandidatinnen fur mehreren legislativen Wahlen. Fur die Verwaltung 'stellt 'das Verfahren einen Bruch der Gleichbehandlung der Kandidatinnen dar, da nicht gone Program in der Jury wurden thematisiert. Nach drei Jahren Prozess wird ein Abkommen folgenden Inhalts getroffen: Die Verwaltung zieht ihre Klage zuruck und Crosby verpflichtet sich im Gegenzug, keine "politische" Jury mehr zu organisieren. Da jedoch gerade pound Form die erfolgreichste ist, das Gerat radar?Jefferson Center?in grose finanzielle Schwierigkeiten (Crosby 2008, Ap. ).503'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenTin der sozialistischen Partei - die Einfuhrung der?juries citizens?in die Republik Funfte vorschlagt. In Grosbritannien werden die von Gordon Brown angestosenen Projekte in der breiten Offentlichkeit kommentiert. Beide Falle , bringen eine Debate uber die "Demokratisierung der Demokratie" ins Rollen.Die dritte zu beobachtende Entwicklung betrifft das Promotorinnen-Netzwerk , das immer groser und internationaler wird. Die europaischen Projekte bringen Durchfuhrungstragerinnen aus ganz Europa 'Jetzt w?cht zusammen, die das Modell und seine Ableitungen gut kennen. In diesem Kontext entwickelt sich eine lebhafte und teilweise internal kontroverse Diskussion uber die Kriterien eines "Guten" Minipopulus. Schrittweise tritt der gemeinsame Wunsch nach internationalen Standards zutage16. Sharps Phanomen ist auch auf nationaler Ebene zu beobachten; so fordern beispielsweise verschiedene Forscherinnen in Grosbritannien die Einfuhrung strikter Standards (Wakeford 2007). International Der Trend geht in die Richtung einer progressiven Verbreitung der Idea innerhalb immer starker strukturierter Forschungsnetzwerke.Das Jahr 2006 kann auch deshalb als wichtiger Wendepunkt verstanden werden, weil es mit dem Tod Peter Dienels restric tions; ein Ereignis, das - zumindest in Deutschland - das Ende einer Ara bedeutet. Zwischen 2006 und 2011 entstehen in Deutschland erneut neun Projekte, die teilweise die neue Form der "Kurzplanungszelle" annehmen. International gesehen ist die japanische Entwicklung am schnellsten, da zwischen 2006 (erste Anwendung) und 2011 uber cup 150 Projekte durchgefuhrt werden.Begründung der Auswahl der Planungszelle und der?jury citizenDie Vermehrung und Verbreitung der ALLE MODELLE von MinipopuliZwei neue ALLE MODELLENeben pound Dissemination entstehen auch ab Ende der 1980er Jahre zwei zentrale en ALLE MODELLE von Minipopuli. Das Erste, die Konsensuskonferenz, wird vom danischen?Teknologi-Radet?entwickelt, und inspiriert wurde durch die nordamerikanische Praxis der?Consensus Development16SoEntsteht Zum Beispiel eine Kontroverse um die buffet will be charged with Projekte, welche dafur kritisiert werden, sich angeblich nicht year minimum Standards zu halten. See Carson (2006) und Bobbio & al. (2006).504Begründung der Auswahl der Planungszelle und der jury citizenDevelopment Conference. Der Prozess sieht vor, dass eine Gruppe von Laien uber ein Thema Alle informiert wird und Fragen entwickelt, die sie in einem zweiten Schritt wahrend einer OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Konferenz year 'stellt 'Expertinnen. Anschliesend entwickelt die Gruppe eine gemeinsame Position zum Thema. Obwohl die Konsensuskonferenz vi?¨le Ahnlichkeit mit der Planungszelle - Citizens?Jury?aufweist, unterscheidet sie sich in drei Aspekten grundlegenden: Erstens werden die Teilnehmerinnen nicht immer per Losverfahren direkten ausgewahlt sondern oft per announcement in der Presse rekrutiert (ein Losverfahren mit Publisher wird dann velocity, um die Kandidatinnen auf 15 zu reduzieren). Zweitens ist das Modell konzipiert, um die Meinung einer informierten Gruppe von Burgerinnen uber ein kontroverses Thema (oft uber die neuen also tied wie Zum Beispiel Biotechnology) zu s, und nicht um?Policy -Empfehlungen zu bekommen (die Organisatorinnen sind nicht direkt Mandatstragerinnen). Drittens existieren prozedurale Unterschiede (die Teilnehmerinnen werden nicht bezahlt, die Arbeit erstreckt sich uber verschiedene Wochenenden, die Kleingruppenarbeit Weninger ist zentral, etc. ). Seit der ersten Anwendung 1987 hat sich die Konsensuskonferenz in den ganzen Welt verbreitet, sich weiterentwickelt methodisch (Zum Beispiel direktes Losverfahren zur Auswahl der Teilnehmenden) und gilt als eines der zentralsten ALLE MODELLE der Minipopuli.'Das Verfahren ist die?Deliberative Poll, die von James Fishkin ab 1991 in den USA entwickelt worden ist und von hmi folgendermasen this operating wird (Fishkin 1995, 162):"The idea is simple. Take a national random sample of the electorate and transport those people from all over the country to a single place. Town immersed tea sample in the exits, with carefully balanced briefing materials, with intensive discussions in small groups, and with the chance to question competing experts and politicians. At the end of several days of working through the issues face to face, poll the participants in detail. The resulting surveys Odeon has representation of the considered judgments of the public - tea views the entire country would come to if it had the same experience of behaving more like ideal citizens immersed in the issues for an extended period.?In der Entwicklung pester France Idea wurde Fishkin hauptsachlich von der Arbeit von Dahl und Crosby beeinflusst17. Die erste Anwendung fand 1994 in England statt und es seitdem wurden uber 50?Deliberative Polls?you will find always organised. Das Modell ist sehr nah an den beiden ursprunglichen Verfahren der Planungszelle und der?Citizens Jury, mit drei fundamentalen Unterschiede. Erstens werden die Teilnehmenden mittels eines indirekten Losverfahrens ausgewahlt (die Burgerinnen beantworten eine met normal Umfrage und werden am Ende ge17Fishkin(2009, ix), Fishkin (1991, vii) und Crosby (2007, 2). Fishkin sagt, er hatte die Idea im Jahr 1987 gehabt. Der erste Entwurf wird 1988 veroffentlicht und 1991 detailliert dargestellt.505'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenFragt, ob sie in die List der potentiellen Teilnehmenden eingeschrieben werden wollen). Zweitens zielt die deliberative Umfrage auf die Erstellung einer aufgeklarten Burgermeinung und nicht auf die Entwicklung von Empfehlungen ab: Es geht um hauptsachlich die Deliberation und Weninger um die Partizipation. Drittens gibt es, auch yesterday, prozedurale Unterschiede (keine Bezahlung der Teilnehmenden, die Kleingruppen sind dreimal so big, die Gesamtgruppe ist mit ca. 400 Burgerinnen auffallend big, etc. ).Dissemination der historischen Tabakgenuss ALLE MODELLE und Ihre HybridisierungIm Hinblick auf die Art der Verbreitung der historischen Tabakgenuss ALLE MODELLE lassen sich drei Diffusionsmodi identifizieren: Ubertragung, Transfer und Einfluss. Der erste Modus bezeichnet einen direkten und vollstandigen Import; das Modell wird Dabei Temple ohne jegliche Anderung ubernommen. Dies ist Zum Beispiel in Spanien der Fall, wo die Planungszelle direkt von einem Akteur deutschen Planungszelle-Netzwerkes angewandt wird. Derselbe Prozess lasst sich aber auch in Osterreich und der Schweiz beobachten. Der einzig bemerkbare Unterschied is connected yesterday im Namen, da die Planungszelle in Spanien?nucleos of 'Intervencion made?und in der Schweiz Einwohnergutachten und Burgergutachten genannt wird.Im zweiten Fall importieren die Akteure zwar das Modell, setzen es aber nicht exakt nach der Vorlage mu. Dieser Transferprozess findet vor german in England und in Australian statt. Das London's?Institute for Public Policy Research?und die Forscher der Universitat Sydney treten im Laufe der 90er Jahre mit Peter Dienel und Ned Crosby in Kontakt. Es folgen gegenseitige Besuche und Einladungen, die wissenschaftliche Zusammenarbeit mundet ab 1996 in konkrete experienced, innerhalb derer das Ursprungsmodell angepasst wird (Lenaghan 1997). Pound Art der Dissemination kombiniert und personliche unpersonliche Kanale Grande -: Die Forscherinnen in London und in Sydney treffen sich mit Dienel und/oder Crosby und kennen parallel dazu die Literatur uber ALLE MODELLE beide unabhangig von ihren Erfindern.Im dritten Fall geschieht die Verbreitung auf indirekte Weise, bei der das deutsche und nordamerikanische als Vorbild entfernte Inspirationsquellen gelten. Die Akteure'das Modell durch Dritte kennen und lassen sich im Rahmen ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung eigenen Uberlegungen anregen. Frankreich 'stellt 'ein solches Beispiel dar. Die erste Anwendung einer?jury citizen?im Jahr 2006 findet ohne jegliche Bezugnahme auf die deutsche Planungszelle statt; dafur berufen sich die Organisatorinnen auf die britischen Inseln?Citizens' Juries, die Berliner Burgerjury, und vor german die?conferences?506Begründung der Auswahl der Planungszelle und der jury citizenOf citizens?(see unten). Pound Art der Dissemination lauft uber unpersonliche Kanale Grande -: Die franzosischen grunden Akteure ihre Projekte auf Schriften von Wissenschaftlerinnen, die, in turn, ihrerseits die Praxis der ALLE MODELLE nicht immer direkt kennen18.HybridisierungenDie Entstehung neuer ALLE MODELLE, gekoppelt mit der Dissemination der historischen Tabakgenuss ALLE MODELLE fuhrt ab Ende der 1990er Jahre zu einer Vermehrung der Formen der Minipopuli. So wird 1998 in Frankreich eine erste?conference of citizens?uber das Thema der gen-modifizierten Pflanzen durchgefuhrt. Dabei Temple handelt es sich um eine Kreuzung zwischen einer Konsensuskonferenz und einer?Citizens' Jury?welche sich als der Standard Minipopuli in Frankreich etabliert (Boy 2006; Vergne 2008). Erst 2006 und nach der OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Debate mu S??Gol?¨ne Royal werden?jury citizen?(auch?workshop citizen?genannt), die polling politische und planerische Fragen erarbeiten, erstmalig always organised. Pound experienced werden in den von den Sozialisten seit 2004 gefuhrten Within realisiert und sind de Teil der Wahlversprechen und Program der neu gewahlten Koalitionen. Auch in anderen Lander wird das Modell Minipopuli weiterentwickelt. Einen Meilenstein dieser Verbreitung 'stellt 'die kanadische?Citizens Assembly?von 2004 in der Provinz?British Columbia?dar19.Planungszelle und?jury citizen?als geeignete Instrumented der empirischen ForschungDie Diffusionsgeschichte hat gezeigt, dass die Minipopuli in ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung theoretischen Konzeption sowie in ihrem praktischen Einsatz ein starkes Potential fur die empirische Uberprufung der Theory der Demokratie aleatorischen besitzen: Erstens stellen pound ALLE MODELLE eine polling Umsetzung der theoretischen Vorschlage dar: Burgerinnen werden per Los ausgewahlt, mu year dem politischen Entscheidungsprozess teilzunehmen. Zweitens wurden pound Instrumented immer mehr in die theoretische Argument integriert, die Minipopuli befinden sich an der Interface zwischen aleatorischer Demokratietheorie und Praxis. Ein drittes Argument ist, dass pound Anwendungen im Gegensatz zu den anderen im ersten Abschnitt ) Since using a MIDI vorgestellten it will perform Bach's cantata 'komplex sind,18Die vorgestellten yesterday Diffusionsmodi lassen sich auch in Deutschland beobachten. Die Ubertragung ist zwar extrem verbreitet, es gibt allerdings Falle , Transfers - wie in den Praktiken der ATFA - und Einflusses wie im Fall der Berliner Burgerjurys. Auch yesterday entwickelt sich die Bezeichnung of Modells, und die Planungszelle wird so teilweise zum Burgerforum oder Burgergutachten.19Uber sharps Experiment see Warren & Pearse (2008) und auch im 'Pralatenwein' 6 (, S. 532 ff. ).?507'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenUm die met onto Breite der theoretischen Annahmen zu tests.Weiterhin hat die Analysis gezeigt, dass die Planungszelle und die?jury citizen?gute Beispiele innerhalb der Minipopuli darstellen. Die Planungszelle ist nicht nur deswegen geeignet, weil sie eine historische zentrale Rolle in der Praxis politischen Losverfahrens einnimmt, sondern auch weil sie das bisher meist angewandte Modell darstellt und zudem eine standardisierte Form der Minipopuli ist. Die?jury citizen?'stellt 'dagegen eine Hybridisierung go Minipopuli dar und entstand related psat, sodass mit hpc diachronische stopped in die Analysis eingebracht werden konnen. Auserdem ist die?jury citizen?im Gegensatz zur Planungszelle durch ihre Entstehungsgeschichte mit der aleatorischen Theory der Demokratie verbunden. Sie hat eine auserdem national politische Dimension erreicht, wie wahrscheinlich kein Minipopulus davor.Aachen und Poitiers: Pr?sentation und Begründung der empirischen ForschungsfelderBegründung der AuswahlBasierend auf den vorangestellten Uberlegungen wurden als das Forschungsgegenstande Planungszellen-Projekt "Eine neue Mullgebuhrensatzung fur die Stadt Aachen" und die?jury citizen?"Evaluierung der regionalen Klimapolitik der Region Poitou-Charentes " ausgewahlt. Die Grunde dieser Auswahl lassen sich wie in zusammenfassen: Beide Projekte sind vergleichbar, da sie Umweltpolitik zum Thema hatten. Weisen Sie dennoch wichtige methodologische (Teilnehmerinnenanzahl, Tagesablauf, Integration der Ergebnisse in die Politik, etc. ), thematische (Politikformulierung versus Politikevaluierung) und kontextbezogene (Werkwinkel gegen regional ebony, Politischer Jugendring Kontext, etc. ) Unterschiede auf. Es wird davon Voraussetzungen, dass gerade der Vergleich unterschiedlicher Falle , eine verbesserte qualitative Uberprufung der theoretischen Erwartungen ermoglicht. Daruber hinaus war ein zentrales Kriterium der Fallauswahl ihre Zuganglichkeit: Beide Projekte boten die Moglichkeit einer teilnehmenden Beobachtung.Eine neue Müllgebührensatzung für die Stadt Aachen508Aachen und Poitiers: Pr?sentation und Begründung der empirischen ForschungsfelderDie Planungszelle in Aachen ist aus einer politischen Blockade hervorgegangen. Gone im Stadtrat vertretenen Parteien waren sich einig, dass das Mullgebuhrensystem geandert werden sollte, weil es ungerecht erschien. Es konnte allerdings kein Kompromiss uber einen neuen Schlussel der Verteilung stations are included in werden. Drei Alternativen waren moglich: Das bestehende Modell der Einheitsgebuhr, ein Zwei-Saulen -Modell und ein Drei-Saulen -Modell. Die Einheitsgebuhr ist is as easy as making und produces eine mathematische Gleichheit: Gone Burgerinnen bezahlen derselbe Literpreis (see Abbildung 1, S. 39). Berucksichtigt Sie auch das Verusacherinnenprinzip: i mehr cilitate man velocity, "mehr zahlt man. Im Aachener Kontext birgt sharps System allerdings mehrfache Ungerechtigkeiten: Erstens produzieren die Einwohnerinnen in der Periphery der Stadt mehr Biomull, weil sie meistens einen Garten haben. Da die Mullgebuhr aber nur aufgrund der Mengen von Restmull berechnet wird, zahlen in diesem Fall die Einwohnerinnen of Zentrums fur die Einwohnerinnen der Periphery mit. Zweitens konnen die Haushalte in der Periphery ihre Mullproduktion besser optimieren: Sie verfugen uber kleine Tonnen, die sie besser fullen konnen und demensprechend Weninger oft abfuhren lassen mussen. Die Haushalte im Zentrum leben hingehen mehrheitlich in Mehrfamilienhausern oder Wohngebauden mit viel groseren Behaltern, welche automatisch jede Woche geleert werden. Sie bezahlen aussi "leere cilitate" und querfinanzieren somit die Einwohnerinnen der periphery. Drittens sind die der Einwohnerinnen Periphery tendenziell wohlhabender als die of Zentrums. Im Drei-Saulen-Modell hingegen wird der Literpreis fur jede Art Mull erfasst und im Zwei-Saulen -Modell werden der Restmull und der Biomull getrennt berechnet (das wird Paper 'Jetzt w?cht zusammen mit dem Restmull berechnet), sodass die Gebuhren "gerechter" ungleich verteilt werden20. As pound : inleidende studie ist von Bedeutung, dass im Juni 2007 und nach Jahren UNFF ergebnisloser Diskussion der Stadtrat (gefuhrt von einer Koalition aus SPD und Grunen) die Universitat Wuppertal mit der Durchfuhrung von 4 Planungszellen zum Thema "eine neue Abfallgebuhrensatzung as Aachen" beauftragte. Die vier Gruppen tagten von 12. bis15. und vom 19. bis 22. November 2007 mit folgendem Mandate: "Die Burgerinnen in den Planungszellen aussi haben die Aufgaben20Fur eine detaillierte Vorstellung der zwei ALLE MODELLE, see die Abbildung 35 ( 'Pralatenwein' 4, Punkt 5.2.1 , S. 225), in der franzosischen Fassung.509Abbildung 84: Die Arbeit in der Planungszelle.'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der Demokratie aleatorischenZu entscheiden, ob und wie Mullgebuhren: Gerechter als bisher aufzuschlusseln sind; starker als bislang unter okologischen Gesichtspunkten zu bemessen sind; verringert werden konnen. "21 Das aus der Arbeit der Teilnehmenden resultierenden Burgergutachten wurde im Februar 2008 year den Oberburgermeister offiziell ubergeben.Evaluierung der regionalen Klimapolitik der Region Poitou-CharentesDas franzosische Projekt ist nicht wie in Aachen aus einer Blockade entstanden, sondern als Konkretisierung eines Wahlversprechens der sozialistischen Partei in der?Region Poitou-Charentes .Der Wille, eine Jury zur Evaluierung einer?policy?(und nicht zum Entwerfen einer?policy) zu organisieren, stand im Zentrum der Uberlegungen. Als Thema wurde im Februar 2008 die Evaluierung der regionalen Klimapolitik ausgewahlt, da es sich Dabei Temple um ein Querschnittsthema handelte. Die Beratungsfirma?Public Missions?wurde als Durchfuhrungstragerin ausgewahlt und Ihre Mitarbeiterinnen organisierten und moderierten die Jury year zwei Wochenenden im April und May 2008. Die Regionalverwaltung kummerte sich um die Rekrutierung der 25 Teilnehmenden und die logistische Organisation22. Das?opinion citizen?(Burgergutachten) wurde am 23. Juni an die Regierung regional wahrend einer Sitzung of?regional council?ubergeben und diskutiert.21Moderationsanweisungen, Aachen (S. 5).22Die drei Fragen, die die Burgerinnen beantworten readjustment may be necessary, waren folgendermasen formuliert: "In the action of the Poitou-Charentes Region against the climate change, what is it that has surprised you? What is it that you think is best? The worst? Is the action of the Poitou-Charentes Region against the climate change induced sufficiently the inhabitants, public and private companies, associations, communities has act? Do you have any advice to give us to improve the effectiveness of the fight against climate change in Poitou-Charentes ? "Regional Council Poitou-Charentes (2008).?510'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?In Aachen und Poitiers, in 2007 und 2008, haben sich 125 per Zufall ausgewahlte Burgerinnen vier Tage lang mit Mullgebuhren und Klimapolitik beschaftigt, haben diskutiert und evaluiert; finds it schlieslich haben sie Empfehlungen year die politischen Mandatstragerinnen formuliert. Haben pound aleatorischen experienced die Erwartungen der Theory erfullt? Um pound Frage zu beantworten, wird zuerst die angewandte Methodology vorstellen (1). Im Anschluss werden die Erwartungen im Rahmen der Reprasentation (2), der Partizipation (4) und der breiteren gesellschaftlichen Prozesse (4) getestet.MethodUm die Nachvollziehbarkeit der Quellen zu gewahrleisten, wurde das empirische Material eingeordnet und indexiert und jede What wurde mit einem Buchstaben (A fur Aachen und P as Poitiers) und zwei Number gekennzeichnet: Die erste fur die Art der What (Interview, Text, teilnehmende Beobachtung, etc. ) und die 'fur die What selbst (drittes Interview oder viertes Dokument Zum Beispiel). Das Detail der Quellen befindet sich im Anhang der franzosischen Fassung.Teilnehmende Beobachtung (A1 - A2 / P1 - P2)In beiden Fallen hat die : inleidende studie mit einer teilnehmenden Beobachtung begonnen. Im Rahmen Aachener Projektes habe ich in Oktober 2007 die FBPUW besucht und zwei Tage lang die Vorbereitung der Planungszelle mitverfolgt sowie Kontakt zu dem Organisationsteam aufgenommen (A1-1). Im November 2007 habe ich dann die vier Planungszellen beobachten konnen (A1-2). In Poitiers habe ich die Vorbereitung der?jury citizen?in Ararat marz 2008 beobachtet (P1-1) und war dann in April und May bei der Durchfuhrung sowie im Juni bei der Ubergabe of Burgergutachtens anwesend (P1-2).Schriftliche Evaluierung (P2)Am Ende der franzosischen Jury konnte ich eine schriftliche Evaluierung of Verfahrens ersten Jahrtausend anhand eines Fragebogens durchfuhren (P2-1 bis P2-22).MethodInterviews (A2 - A3 - A4 / P3 - P4 - P5)In Aachen wurden 37 Interviews gemacht: 20 mit Teilnehmenden (A2-1 bis HAS 2-20), 11 mit Politikerinnen und Referentinnen (A3-1 bis A3-11) und 6 mit den Organisatorinnen (A4-1 bis A4-6). In Poitiers wurden 10 Interviews mit Teilnehmenden (P3-1 has P3-10), 4 mit dem Organisationsteam und mit Referentinnen (P5-1 bis P5-4) sowie 5 mit politischen Mandatstragerinnen (P4-1 bis P4-5) realisiert.Dokumentanalyse (A5 / P6)Das schriftliche Material besteht in Aachen erstens aus dem Organisationsmaterial- das heist, die Einladungen (A5-1), die Moderationsanweisungen (A5-2), die Prasentationen der Referentinnen (A5-3) und die von den produzierten Burgerinnen Flipcharts (A5-4) - zweitens aus dem Burgergutachten (A5-5), drittens aus den Mullgebuhrensatzungen von vor (A5-7) und nach dem Projekt (A5-8), viertens aus den Diskussionen im Stadtrat (A5-9), funftens aus den Reaktionen der Press (A5-6) und sechstens aus den Dokumenten, die nach dem Projekt entstanden sind (A5-10). In Poitiers findet man vier Gruppen von Quellen: erstens die vor und wahrend of Projektes produzierten Dokumente (P6-1 bis P6-7), zweitens das Burgergutachten (P6-8) und die Antwort der Region (P6-12), drittens die Reaktionen der nationalen und regionalen Press (P6-13) sowie der Film, der uber die Jury gedreht worden ist (P6-9), viertens die Dokumente, die nach dem Projekt entstanden sind (P6-10) sowie die ubrigen Dokumente (P6-11).Nacherhebung (A6 / P7)Um die Mittel- bis langfristige Wirkung of Meissen Projektes zu konnen, habe ich im November 2010 eine '-gestutzte Nacherhebung durchgefuhrt, die jeweils gegebenen year 25 ehemaligen Teilnehmenden verschickt wurde. In Aachen haben 10 Personen (40 %, A6-1 bis A6-10 which notiert) und in Frankreich 9 Personen (36 %, A7-1 bis HAS7-9 notiert) geantwortet.Anpassung der Erwartungen year das ForschungsfeldUm die theoretischen Erwartungen uberprufen zu konnen, mussen sie in konkrete Fragen year das empirische Material ubersetzt werden. So wird fur jede Gruppe von Erwartungen eine Er513'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Wartungsmatrix prasentiert und ersten Jahrtausend anhand of Materials hinterfragt, mu finds it schlieslich ein Ergebnis zu produzieren.Repr?sentieren durch das Los und die DeliberationEine Stellvertretung, die tats?chlich repr?sentativer istErwartungsmatrixDie Autorinnen of Korpus erwarten, dass die Reprasentantinnen demographisch, soziologisch und symbolisch reprasentativer werden. Um dies zu uberprufen, werden die geographischen und sozialokonomischen Charakteristiken der Teilnehmenden analysiert. Fur die symbolische Dimension der Stellvertretung wird die Meinung der Akteure uber die empfundene Reprasentativitat der ausgelosten untersucht.Eine?cross-section?und kein?people in miniatureDie Statistiken zeigen Flagge, dass die zwei Gruppen als reprasentativ bezeichnet werden konnen, wobei bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'leichte Diskrepanzen zu beobachten sind: so wird in Aachen die Mittelschicht uber-reprasentiert, in beiden Fallen sind die alteren Burgerinnen uber- und die jungeren unter-reprasentiert. In Poitiers sind die Einwohnerinnen von zwei?Departments?unter-reprasentiert. In Aachen sind die Einwohnerinnen vom Zentrum und von der Periphery aufgrund einer Quote reprasentiert handle the device the wrong way (see Abbildungen 85 bis 88, S. 515 ff. ). Es handelt sich aussi um eine?cross-section?der Bevolkerung und nicht um eine genaue Abbildung Essen.Deux-sèvresCharentesCharente-MaritimeVienna0510152025303540Citizen JuryPoitou-Charentes514Repr?sentieren durch das Los und die DeliberationAbbildung 85: Geographische Verteilung der Teilnehmenden in Poitou-Charentes .10 - 1920 - 2930 - 3940 - 4950 - 5960 - 6970 And More0102030PlanungszelleAix-la-ChapelleAbbildung 86: Altersstruktur der Teilnehmenden in Aachen.20-39Application No 40/59 shall be borne60 And More020406080Citizen JuryPoitou-CharentesAbbildung 87: Altersstruktur der Teilnehmenden in Poitou-Charentes .FarmersArtisans, traders, business leadersFrameworks, higher intellectual professionsIntermediate ProfessionsEmployeesWorkersPensionersWithout professional activity010203040Citizen JuryPoitou-Charentes515'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Abbildung 88: Berufssoziologisches Profile der franzosischen Teilnehmenden.Die symbolische Repr?sentation"I am anonymous, I represent a part of the population, I feel useful." (P3-10, 23:30).Die Burgerinnen fuhlen sich reprasentativ (see Abbildung 89, S. 516)1 und werden in Frankreich als solche betrachtet2. Es gibt keine Hinweise auf die empfundene Reprasentativitat der deutschen Teilnehmenden.AachenPoitou-CharentesSumme9.1 Haben Sie das Gefuhl gehabt, die Burgerinnen von Aachen / Poitou-Charentes zu reprasentieren?Ja6915Nein404Keine Meinung0009.2 Die Franzosen / Deutschen?Ja178Nein8210Keine Meinung101Abbildung 89: Gefuhlte Reprasentativitat der Teilnehmenden.ErgebnisDie Erwartung erfullt ist, wenn man die?cross-section?When Starting Mot als nimmt: die Ausgelosten sind geographisch und berufssoziologisch reprasentativ und fuhlen sich reprasentativ.Die Repr?sentation der basis in den MinipopuliUm die Frage der "Reprasentation als Aktivitat" zu beurteilen, werden zuerst die Erwartungen operationalisiert und die anwesenden basis in Poitiers und Aachen vorgestellt. Im Anschluss wird untersucht, welche Basis sich durchgesetzt haben und welche Form die Reprasentation angenommen munication und ErwartungsmatrixIn Aachen sowie in Poitiers konnten UNFF Gruppen von Akteure mit unterschiedlichen dekla1SeeAuch A2, A3, A4, (Fragen 3.B und 7.A) und A6 (Fragen 9.1 bis 9.4 ) sowie P3, P4, P5 (Fragen 3.B und 7.B) und P7 (Fragen 9.1 bis 9.4 ).2The cross (2006, 1) : "The jury of citizens is proving popular: Almost six French on ten (59 %) say they favor the idea of?"?citizen juries?"?mentioned by S??Gol?¨ne Royal, according to a CSA poll published yesterday by the Parisian (817 persons interviewed on 25 October) ."516Repr?sentieren durch das Los und die DeliberationRierten oder induktiv konstruierten Communication identifiziert werden, die yesterday synthetisch vorgestellt werden (see Abbildung 91 und 90, S. 517 und 517).AkteursgruppeCommunicationBurgerinnenVom ZentrumZwei- oder Drei-Saulen ModellVon der PeripheryEin-Saule ModellWohnt in einem FamilienhausEin-Saule ModellMehrfamilienhausZwei- oder Drei-Saulen ModellWohnensembleZwei- oder Drei-Saulen ModellStadtbetriebZwei-Saulen ModellPolitikerinnenCDUDrei-Saulen ModellSPDDrei-Saulen Modell, dann Zwei-Saulen Modell, dann PlanungszelleBundnis 90 - Die GrunenDrei-Saulen Modell, dann Ein-Saule Modell, dann PlanungszelleFDPDrei-Saulen ModellOrganisierte CommunicationVermieterEin-Saule Modell (wenn man eine Wohnung vermietet)MieterVon der Art der Wohnung abhangigIndustrie und HandelSolange die getrennte Gebuhr existiert, ist es equal welches Modell angewandt wird.Indirekte CommunicationUmweltModell, in dem die Mullproduktion am niedrigsten ist, oder en Communication, die induktiv zu definieren sind.MullexperteWerden induktiv this operatingAbbildung 90: Vertretene / angenommene Basis der Akteure in Aachen.Art der BasisAkteursrgruppeCommunicationStrukturellGone AkteureKlimawandel bekampfen und "Menschheit retten".KonjunkturellPolitischeVertreterinnen der regionalen Regierung und AdministrationWahlversprechungen einhalten und eine positive Evaluierung der Burgerinnen bekommen.Vertreterinnen der regionalen OppositionNegative Die Seite der regionalen Politik zeigen Flagge und die eigenen bulb holderby stark machen.FinanzielleBurgerinnenDas beste met Kosten-Nutzen Ratio fur die eigenen Steuer erreichen.OkonomischeOkonomische AkteureMehr Investitionen in der Oko-Branche erreichen.Abbildung 91: Vertretene / angenommene Basis der Akteure in Poitou-Charentes .Die Autorinnen erwarten von der Anwendung of Loses eine produce better Interessenvertretung (durch eine statistische Reprasentation, den Prinzip der reflexiven Gegenseitigkeit oder durch eine Wiedervereinigung der Basis der Burgerinnen und der Politikerinnen) und eine Uberwindung der Schwachen der Reprasentation in den liberalen Demokratien (Politik als Beruf, Fraktionszwang, fromthe loose hose Agendasetzung, Kurzsichtigkeit). Pound Erwartungsmatrix lasst sich ersten Jahrtausend anhand von vier Fragen tests: erstens, welche Basis haben sich tatsachlich durchgesetzt und welche Form der Reprasentation entspricht es? Zweitens, waren die Burgerinnen in einer unabhangigen Position? Drittens, welche Rolle haben die long-term survival Interés517'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Sen stereo sampling will reduce? Viertens, wie und von wem wurde die bestimmt Agenda?Eine neue Form der Repr?sentation in einem begrenzten Raum"Waren Sie mit den Empfehlungen zufrieden?" "Ja. (LATCH). Es war das Vernunftigste, obwohl ich ruf mich personlich sehe, dass ich demnachst viel mehr werde bezahlen." (A2-10, 26:00)."It was the whole of climate and everyone is concerned even if all do not know. These are not, for this subject at least, of the individual interest." (P7-9, 9.4 ).Die empirische : inleidende studie liefert eindeutige Ergebnisse: in Aachen und Poitiers setzen sich weder die mathematisch starksten Basis, noch die Basis der schwachsten oder der anderen Akteure (politische Parteien, okonomische Interested, etc. ) durch. Es entsteht eine neue Form der Reprasentation, die als Konstruktion of Gemeinwohls bezeichnet werden kann. In Aachen wird so das Ein-Saule -Modell empfohlen, weil es is as easy as making und gerecht (im mathematischen und nicht geometrischen Sinne) Erscheint. In Poitiers wird die Politik der Region unterstutzt und es werden konkrete Empfehlungen fur die Verbesserung der regionalen Umweltpolitik gemacht, die sich sehr year dem Gemeinwohl orientieren. Die wahlen Burgerinnen eine langfristige Perspektive, agieren unabhangig von jeglichen Fraktionszwangen und tendieren dazu, hpc Mandate zu uberschreiten: sie agieren als Reprasentantinnen. Pound Aktivitat allerdings ist in einem engen Raum begrenzt: das Mandate kommt von ausen und imperativ ist, die Agendasetzung konnen die Burgerinnen nicht wirklich beeinflussen, sie haben keine legislative formal Macht und das Modell forciert die Gemeinwohlorientierung (es globall ging. zum Beispiel in Aachen um die Formulierung einer "gerechten" und nicht einer "kostendeckenden" oder "billigen" Mullgebuhr).ErgebnisDie Erwartungen sind nicht als solches realisiert. Entsteht Vielmehr eine neue Form der Reprasentation, in der eine Gruppe von "Burgerreprasentantinnen" den Auftrag bekommt, Gemeinwohl orientierten Empfehlungen zu formulieren.Eine ausreichende?accountabilityErwartungsmatrix518Repr?sentieren durch das Los und die DeliberationDie Autorinnen der Theory verteidigen eine Konzeption der?accountability, die?ex ante?at (durch die Reprasentativitat der ausgelosten) und sich auf der OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN stutzt Diskussion. Wie ist also in Aachen und in Poitiers die Rechenschaftspflicht at? War sie anders als in der klassischen reprasentativen Demokratie?Die Rechenschaftspflicht in Aachen und Poitiers"What was different compared to other forums or i rise of habit ... it was the character invested members of the jury of citizens, to feel responsible for a mission that they had been entrusted and to which they had responded present virtually body and soul ... they had a copy has make and they felt responsible. In other forums such as the academic conferences, there is more to assert staff. The there was the determination to bring about a common work." (P4-1, 14:06)"We are in the idea to be actors and full citizens, that is the impression that we have had and to be messengers also other citizens." (P6-9-1, 01:00).Die Interviews sowie die teilnehmende Beobachtung machen Klar, dass die Burgerinnen eine eher traditionnelle Sicht der Rechenschaftspflicht haben: die Teilnehmenden bekommen ein Mandate von den gewahlten Reprasentantinnen, erfullen dies, in dem sie ein Burgergutachten produzieren und abgeben und erwarten dann die Umsetzung der Empfehlungen resp. die Begrundung der Ablehnung. Sie sind auch in Kontakt mit der Offentlichkeit, entweder durch die Kommunikationsmedien oder durch ihre Rolle als Multiplikatorinnen.ErgebnisDie Erwartung ist nicht ganz erfullt. Es entsteht keine vollig neue Form der Rechenschaftspflicht. Im Gegenteil wird eine eher klassische Konzeption von den Akteuren bevorzugt. Der Hauptunterschied is connected in der interaktiven Dimension der?accountability :die Burgerinnen erfullen hpc Mandate und erwarten, dass die gewahlten Reprasentantinnen es auch tun, in dem sie ihre Empfehlungen berucksichtigen.Partizipieren durch das Los und die Deliberation519'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Gone, nicht jeder: "We have a small piece of the world to our table"3ErwartungsmatrixDie Autorinnen der theoretischen Text erwarten von der Anwendung of Loses eine quantitative und qualitative Verbesserung der Partizipation. Auserdem wurde sich die Kosten-Nutzen -Berechnung der Partizipation wieder umdrehen. Wie ist die Lage in Deutschland und Frankreich gewesen? Wer hat teilgenommen? Wer nicht? Warum? Hat man wirklich eine qualitative Verbesserung der Partizipation erlebt?Anwesende und Abwesende"Was hat Sie letztendlich zur Teilnahme bewegt?" "Das Thema Mull Schon, aber das Verfahren nicht wirklich. Das ist eher ein allgemeines Interested year der Kommunalpolitik." (A2-10, 01:00)."And finally why you participated?" "the subject. But also the context, that we are being asked as simple citizens." (P3-10, 0:35).Die : inleidende studie ?-sterreich zeigt, dass die Motivation der Teilnehmenden email von dem Thema als auch vom Modell kommt. Beide sind allerdings nicht ausreichend, um wirklich gone Burgerinnen zu motivieren: es gibt vi?¨le Absagen und man weis nicht immer, aus welchem Grund (wenn man es gefragt hat, scheint nicht das Modell oder das Thema das Problem zu sein, sondern eher konjunkturelle Grunde, wie die Unmoglichkeit Urlaubstage zu nehmen, eine Krankheit oder das Alter). Die Einfuhrung von unterstutzenden Masnahmen (Vergutung, Kinderbetreuung, etc. ) Maxxi spielen+lernen eine Rolle, die weit Mehr als symbolisch ist. Die Absprungquote nach einer ersten Zusage ist sehr niedrig und nicht intrinsisch motiviert (es handelt sich um Krankheiten, Beerdigung in der Familie, etc. ). Ein Unterschied existiert zwischen den zwei empirischen Falle ,: in Aachen spielt die kommunale Politik eine zentrale Rolle bei der Teilnahme (Skandal der MVA; lokales Referendum ein Jahr fruher, der die Stadt gespalten hatte); in Frankreich spielt eher die nationale Politik eine Rolle (S. Royal als ehemalige Prasidentschaftskandidatin).Ergebnis3Vorstellung der Burgerinnen in der ersten Arbeitseinheit in Poitiers (P1-1, 14).520Partizipieren durch das Los und die DeliberationDie theoretischen Erwartungen sind teilweise erfullt: das Partizipationsangebot reicht nicht aus, um die Nachfrage zu kreieren und die institutionellen Arrangements sind it. Wenn aber die Burgerinnen antworten, dann nehmen Sie auch aktiv de Teil. Die Rucklaufquote ist viel hoher als in anderen these models, see und es scheint keine grundsatzliche Abneigung der partizipativen Demokratie seitens der Burgerinnen zu geben."The opinion of Mr. all-the-world? "4ErwartungsmatrixDie Anhangerinnen der Theory der Demokratie aleatorischen betrachten die Kompetenz als related und mehrdimensional. Welche Art von Kompetenz wurde in Aachen und Poitiers mobilisiert: sind die Burgerinnen Expertinnen gewesen oder haben sie sich eher als Dilettantinnen managing board? Haben sie eine kritische Position gehabt? Wie wurde ihre Kompetenz von den Referentinnen beurteilt?Die Bürgerinnen als Amateur"War die alltagliche Erfahrung it?" "Ja, ich glaube Schon, dass es zunachst poorly ein wichtiges Argument war." (A2-17, 50:30)."Man hat schon bemerkt, dass sie sich mit dem Thema beschaftigt haben und auch ihre Erfahrung alltagliche velocity haben." (A3-10, 11:53).In beiden Foren bringen die Teilnehmenden soweit alltagliche ihre Erfahrung als auch spezielle Kompetenzen auf. Oft beginnen sie ihre Argument mit einem personlichen Beispiel aus dem Alltag oder dem Beruf, bevor Sie allgemeiner werden. Sie betrachten sich allerdings als nicht kompetent, sondern viel Mehr als "interessiert", "verantwortlich" oder "aufgeklart". Eine Meinung, die von den Referentinnen geteilt wird. Weiterhin stehen die dem Burgerinnen Expertenwissen kritisch gegenuber.ErgebnisDie Erwartungen erfullt sind: die Burgerinnen managing board sich als permissible "Politik Amateur",4 (P2-22, 8): "The opinion has the merit to exist, to be apolitical and is the reflection of a neutral jury and popular, the opinion of Mr. all-the-world."521'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?HPC mobilisieren eigenes Wissen, ubernehmen eine kritische Stellung und erkennen die Grenzen ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Kompetenzen.Die Minipopuli als Ort der Selbstbef?higungErwartungsmatrixFur die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Anhangerinnen der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie wurde die Teilnahme an einem Minipopulus einen doppelten Effekt auf die Teilnehmenden haben: sie wurden einerseits Fachkompetenzen gewinnen und sich andererseits Handlungskompetenzen aneignen, die den Funcken einer Selbstbefahigung darstellen wurde. Weiterhin wurde eine neue Art der Politik entstehen: das Vertrauen zwischen Reprasentantinnen und Reprasentierten Germany: wurde und die "laute Earth" sich in eine "Gemeinschaft beratschlagender Burgerinnen" umwandeln5. Was ist in der Planungszelle und in der?jury citizen?geschehen: Haben die Teilnehmenden Fachkompetenzen gewonnen? Haben sie ihre Meinung aufgrund der argued geandert? Haben sie Handlungskompetenzen erworben? Haben sie sich nach dem Forum anders managing board? Haben sie ihre Meinung zur Politik geandert und sind sie aktiv geworden? Was bleibt?€ mittelfristig von der Partizipation?Der Gewinn von Fachkompetenzen"Infolge der Modernisierung wird nach dem KAG-NRW und nach LAbfG proportional, typengenau, kostendeckend gearbeitet und der Wirklichkeits- und Wahrscheinlichkeitsmasstab eingehalten. Soziale Staffelung, fehlende Gefasgrosen, Mindestentleerung und die Pflicht-Bio-Tonne fallen weg." (A5-5, 86)."Ich war entsetzt vorher, dass eine Stadt 250 000euros as so ein Verfahren ausgibt. Sie hat eine Verwaltung und muss in der Lage stayed within Sichtpunkten zu betrachten. Ich habe nachher die Komplexitat of Themas gesehen und habe Dabei Temple bemerkt, dass die Verwaltung in gewissen befangen Sachen ist ... Ich habe aussi meine Aussage revidiert." (A2-17, 03:45).Das empirische Material ?-sterreich zeigt eindeutige Indizien einer zunehmenden Fachkompetenz EIB den Teilnehmenden. So sind ihre Fragen und Bemerkungen am Anfang eher konkret und personlich und am Ende immer allgemeiner und fachlicher. Sie eignen sich sehr schnell die Fach5MuDen Ausdruck von Barber (1984, 154-155) aufzugreifen.522Partizipieren durch das Los und die DeliberationWorter year und benutzen die Informationen der ersten Referentinnen, um die nachsten zu befragen. Andern Sie ihre Meinung aufgrund der Informationen und der Diskussionen in den Kleingruppen. Es entstehen auch allgemeinere Diskussionen uber Concepts, wie Gerechtigkeit in Aachen oder reprasentative Demokratie in Poitiers.Die Handlungskompetenzen: das Erlernen von?soft skills?und der Multiplikatoreffekt"Ich habe gelernt, dass Lobbies starkeren einen Einfluss auf Meinungsbildungsprozesse in der Bevolkerung haben, als ich dies zuvor hatte gedacht. Aus diesem Grund fand ich die stetig wechselnden Gruppen in der Planungszelle eine tolle Moglichkeit, das Aufkommen von " Alpha-Tieren " und Meinungsmachern zu unterbinden. Im Rahmen meiner beruflichen Tatigkeit setze ich aus o.g. Grunden wechselnde Teamkonstellationen ein und hinterfrage allgemein politische identifiable in hoherem Mase im Hinblick auf die oben genannten Substitute." (A6-5, 12.1 )."Manchmal, muss ich sagen, ich wunsche mir eine Planungszelle fur die Politiker mit vielleicht eine aus When Politiker und Burgern. Da wurde man ein bisschen mehr Verstandnis fur handle identifiable der Politiker haben." (A2-16, 01:08 AM:30).In Aachen und in Poitiers hat die Teilnahme kurzfristige und mittelfristige As auf den Burgerinnen gehabt. Sie haben nach dem Forum ihre Handlung geandert, haben anders agiert und sich weiter fur das Thema "Mull" oder "Klimawandel" interessiert. Sie wurden zu Multiplikatorinnen der angesprochenen Themen in ihrem Umfeld und haben versucht, en zum Agieren zu bringen. Manche haben daruber hinaus soziale und politische Kompetenzen erworben und weiter velocity. Mittelfristig bleiben pound As bemerkbar.Im Gegensatz dazu 'stellt 'weder die Planungszelle noch die?jury citizen?ein Ort der unmittelbaren Versohnung mit der traditionellen Politik dar: die Burgerinnen lehnen die agonistische Politik?in block?ab. In Aachen verlieren sie sogar noch mehr Vertrauen in die Parteienpolitik. In Poitiers wachst dagegen das Vertrauen. Letztendlich managing board sich die Teilnehmenden tatsachlich als eine kooperative, deliberative Gemeinschaft, auch weil die Method es erzwingt.ErgebnisGone Erwartungen auser einer erfullt werden: die Burgerinnen betreten das Reich der Komplexitat, sie eignen sich Fachkompetenzen year und entfalten Handlungskompetenzen. Die Teilnahme hat soweit kurzfristige als auch langfristige As und es findet eine Selbstbefahigung?523'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Statt. Die Teilnehmenden managing board sich - aufgrund der angewandten Method - sehr kooperativ und kollaborativ zueinander. Lediglich der Effekt bezuglich of Vertrauens in die Politik ist zwiespaltig: die Burgerinnen erkennen das Potential of instrumented Minipopulus; das Vertrauen in die gewahlten Reprasentantinnen steigt in Frankreich und sinkt in Deutschland. Dieser Unterschied ist auf folgenden Kontext zuruckzufuhren: in Deutschland wurde das Modell in einer Krisensituation angewandt, in der die traditional Politik nicht weiter kam. In Poitou-Charentes wurde die?jury citizen?pro-aktiv eingesetzt.Die "entscheidende W?hlerin"ErwartungsmatrixEin de Teil der Autorinnen betrachtet das Losverfahren als bestes Instrument, um die Macht der einzelnen Burgerin zu made part. Wie ist pound in Aachen und Poitiers gewesen? Haben die individuellen Meinungen in dem Burgergutachten eine Rolle stereo sampling will reduce? Und in der endgultigen Entscheidung der Stadt resp. der Region?"All the world has been able to give its opinion"6"Sindh went zur Wort gekommen?" "Ja, auf Karel Schwarzenberg will take part Fall" "Wurde darauf aufgepasst, oder hat es sich ergeben?" "Es wurde aufgepasst" "Und hat deine Meinung gezahlt?" "Ja sicher." (A2-16, 32:30).Die interviewten Teilnehmerinnen sind sich einig: gone konnten in den Kleingruppen zur Wort Montag Kommen und Ihre Meinung ausern. In Aachen zahlen auch dank den Zwischenabstimmungen die einzelnen Meinungen in der gesamten Gruppe. Mit dem Lauf in Forums werden allerdings die individuellen Stimmen seltener. Am vierten Tag entsteht eine gemeinsame Position und das Burgergutachten 'stellt 'das Ergebnis der Deliberation und nicht mehr die Meinungen der Burgerinnen dar. Die Umsetzung der Empfehlungen durch die Region und die Stadt hat letztendlich nichts mehr mit den individuellen Meinungen zu tun.ErgebnisDie Erwartung ist innerhalb Forums erfullt und auserhalb nicht. So sind die Hoffnungen6P3-4 (29:50): "and all the opinions have account?" "Ah yes, the whole world has been able to give its opinion."524Partizipieren durch das Los und die DeliberationDer Autorinnen bestatigt, die die Deliberation als zentral betrachten.Der Minipopulus als neue Minigesellschaft?Die tats?chliche Macht der ausgelosten BürgerinnenErwartungsmatrixDie Autorinnen Hoffen, dass die Anwendung of Losverfahrens zu einer Entpolitisierung der Gesellschaft wird fuhren. Die Macht soll neu ungleich verteilt werden und die Politik soll eine "Know go" werden. Sie soll auch einfacher werden. Hat in Poitiers und Aachen tatsachlich "das Volk" teilgenommen oder handelte es sich um eine neue politische Elite? Und was ist aus den Empfehlungen der Teilnehmenden geworden? Wurden sie umgesetzt? Hat eine Vereinfachung der Politik stattgefunden?Eine neue politische Elite?"Es muss eine stringente Uberwachung ... " "Was bedeutet stringency washing? Konnen Sie es bollard ins Deutsche ubersetzen?" "aussi stringency washing heist genaue Uberwachung." (A1-1, 75).Die Analysis of politischen Commitments der Teilnehmenden ?-sterreich zeigt, dass sie uberproportional aktiv sind (see Abbildung 87, S. 515). Auserdem sind in Aachen die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system von vornherein year der Kommunalpolitik interessiert und in Poitiers sind die Unterstutzerinnen der regionalen Koalition uberreprasentiert.Nicht aktivMitglied eines VereinsMitglied einer Partei, eines Stadtrates oder einer BurgerinitiativeMehrere MitgliedschaftenJury of citizens?(N= 22)50 %32%5%13%Frankreich???%33%??4% (Partei) ?? 0.3 % (Stadtrat)??5 %Planungszellen (N= 89)41 %47%4%??8 %Deutschland?????%30 %?? 2.3 % (Partei) ??3% (Stadtrat oder Burgerinitiative)??5 %Abbildung 92: Commitment der Teilnehmenden7.7Quellen: fur die Planungszellen und die?jury, wurde der Evaluierungsbogen velocity (P2-1 bis P2-22 und A5-5, no. 94-96). Fur das undertaking' which extends an undertaking Commitment zahlen of?INSEE?und Deutschen Institut fur Wirtschaftsforschung. Die anderen Zahlen sind selbst-geschatzt mithilfe von Informationen der politischen Parteien, der Vereinsverbande und der Medien.525'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Die Vereinfachung der Politik findet innerhalb der Foren statt und spiegelt sich in dem Stil of Burgergutachtens wider. Allerdings, sobald die Empfehlungen von der Auftraggeberin umgesetzt werden, werden Sie wieder an die legalen Vorschriften angepasst.Die Macht der Empfehlungen und der Bürgermeinung"Dennoch war es letztendlich immer nur ein Ideensammeln und Meinungsaustausch und kein Beschluss." (A6-2, 1.2 )."The region has taken more than a year of study and explained why some recommendations have not been able to be followed and why others have been." (P7-9, 8.3 ).In Aachen wurden die Empfehlungen der Burgerinnen in zwei Texten integriert: die Abfallwirtschaftssatzung (A5-8 -1) und die Abfallgebuhrensatzung (A5-8 -2). Wie die Abbildung unten 56 der franzosischen Fassung es ?-sterreich zeigt, wurden die bevorzugten Vorschlage der Burgerinnen mit einer Ausnahme (das Leerungsrhythmus) ganz oder teilweise umgesetzt8. In Poitiers wurden die eher Vorschlage betrachtet als umgesetzt, da sie von allgemeinere Natur waren. Die Empfehlungen konkreteren wurden in den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Fallen in verschiedene Teilaspekte der regionalen Umweltpolitik integriert. Die Burgermeinung hat daruber hinaus eine symbolische Macht im politischen Umfeld erlangt. Die ubrigen Akteure, unabhangig von ihrer handschriftlichen ?berlieferung Unterstutzung oder Ablehnung of Experiments, mussten vor, wahrend und nach der Durchfuhrung Stellung nehmen. Die Burgermeinung etabliert sich als politisches Objekt und schafft M?rkte einen neuen diskursiven Zustand, year den sich die politischen und administrativen Akteure orientieren9 oder gar teilweise instrumentalisieren (der Stadtbetrieb in Aachen velocity Zum Beispiel die Vorschlage mu pester France eigenen Position zu made part (A6-11).ErgebnisEs sind nicht gone, die teilnehmen'. Die Empfehlungen umgesetzt werden und die Meinung der8Die schwarzen Zellen Links stellen die jeweils gegebenen bevorzugte Option der Burgerinnen. Rechts befinden sich in schwarz die tatsachlich umgesetzte Losung und in grau die teilweise umgesetzte Empfehlungen9See Zum Beispiel HAS3-10 (22:35) : "und wenn die Ergebnisse, die Idea der CDU unterstutzt?" "Das mussen wir akzeptieren und wir mussen few damit abfinden." Oder (A3-1, 22:56): "und wenn die Ergebnisse nicht umgesetzt werden, 'stellt 'es das Verfahren infrage? " "Ich halte es as unwahrscheinlich, dass die nicht umgesetzt werden" "Warum?" "Ja, weil das politische?Setting?so ist, dass [now what belongs irgendeine Entscheidung getroffen werden muss. Da haben sich gone Beteiligten'?committed .Sie konnten sich nicht einigen, welche Entscheidung treffen sie wollten und [now what belongs gibt es ein Burgergutachten. Da kann ich mir nur schwer vorstellen, dass man ein grundsatzlich anderen Weg geht."526Der Minipopulus als neue Minigesellschaft?Burgerinnen wird zum vom Zentralen Busbahnhof - diskursiven Objekt in der traditionellen Politik, obwohl Sie nur beratend ist. Soweit in der?jury citizen?als auch in der Planungszelle aussi findet eine individual authority Entpolitisierung statt: die Erwartung somit ist teilweise erfullt.Die Legitimit?tErwartungsmatrixFur die Autorinnen of Korpus wird die Anwendung of Losverfahrens eine neue Legitimitat hervorrufen, die auf zwei Saulen beruht: die Prozedur und die Offentlichkeit. Ist in Aachen und Poitiers die Prozedur intern als legitim betrachtet worden und erfullte Mindeststandards sie, die sie als legitim qualifizieren (vor german die instrument CUCO (Customer Conditions der "Guten Deliberation" )? Ist pound Legitimitat im Kontext ubertragbar? Wie beurteilen die Akteure, die nicht teilgenommen haben, die Legitimitat der Minipopuli (Politikerinnen, Durchfuhrungstragerinnen, Referentinnen)? Medienwirksamkeit Welche beide haben Foren gehabt? Wie sieht die Beziehung zwischen Minipopulus und Maxipopulus aus?Intrinsische Legitimit?t = Losverfahren + Deliberation + gute Entscheidung"From the moment it is believed that all citizens are equal (principle of democracy) we also need to admit that any which can occupy any function - the draw is therefore legitimate." (P7-2, 15.2 ).Soweit der Minipopulus als auch das Los als Verfahren werden von den Teilnehmenden als legitim betrachtet, wird von den aber nicht immer als beste met Moglichkeit der Auswahl von Burgerinnen Instrumented as der partizipativen Demokratie, sondern oft als kleinstes prozedurales Ubel definiert10. Wahrend der vier Arbeitstage sind die instrument CUCO (Customer Conditions der guten Deliberation erfullt: gone Burgerinnen konnen ihre Meinung ausern, sie bekommen eine ausreichende Information, um eine minimum Fachkompetenz zu erreichen, deliberative und aggregative Momente aufeinander folgen, die sozialen Ungleichheiten werden so gut wie moglich kom10SeeZum Beispiel (A2-14, 08:00) : "Das Prinzip ist schon in Ordnung. Aber nur jeder Zehnte hat sich bereiterklart und das fuhrt das Prinzip ad absurdum ', weil sich nur diejenigen gemeldet haben, die Interested tatsachlich haben." See im Gegensatz dazu (A2-1, 08:29): "Ich halte es fur die beste met Art, einen reprasentativen Download This From zu bekommen. Man kann zwingen, aber das wurde das Verfahren grundsatzlich andern. Unter den aktuellen Bedingungen ist das die einzige Moglichkeit."527'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Pensiert. Fur die Teilnehmenden spielt die "gute Entscheidung" eine zentrale Rolle der Legitimitat, die in der Lage ist, die fehlende elektive Legitimitat zu erganzen11.Die Legitimit?t im Kontext = Medienwirksamkeit + Umsetzung der Empfehlungen"Die Berichterstattung der Idea und die Durchfuhrung der PZ waren in den Medien prasent. Weiterhin habe ich mit einigen Beteiligten'wahrend of Verlaufs der PZ gesprochen und festgestellt, dass auch sie als Multiplikatoren tatig Waren und Freunden, Bekannten und Kollegen von dieser Arbeit erzahlt haben." (A6-5, 4.1 )."Sp?ter denken Sie im Nachhinein, dass die Planungszelle ein geeignetes Instrument darstellt, um Empfehlungen aufzustellen? Wenn ja, in the trennen?" "Ja, in jeglichen trennen der Kommunalpolitik, in denen extrem Communication unterschiedliche aufeinander treffen, da Politiker is as easy as making vielfach nicht mit genugend widerstrebenden Communication konfrontiert werden (konnen) ". (A6-5, 14.7 ).Die deutschen und franzosischen Medien haben zwar die Minipopuli verfolgt, die Berichterstattung hat allerdings keine onto Breite offentliche Diskussion angestosen, obwohl gone Akteure die Anbindung an der Offentlichkeit as zentral halten12. Das Burgergutachten ist auch nicht sehr umfangreich rezipiert worden. Die Teilnehmenden Maxxi spielen+lernen eine wichtige Multiplikatorinnenrolle und tragen zur Transparenz Prozesses of EIB, in dem sie in ihrem Umfeld daruber sprechen und sich selbstandig year die Medien Wenden, um ihre Erfahrung zu erzahlen. Sie betonen, dass die Legitimitat nur gegeben ist, wenn die gewahlten Reprasentantinnen ihre Empfehlungen Ernst nehmen. Letztere Gruppe, die der Politikerinnen, ist gespalten: fur die einen sind das Losverfahren und der notwendige Minipopulus Mittel, um die 'der Demokratie zu11See (A6-1, 5.2 ): "Den Ratsmitglieder und den "sachkundigen Burgern" of zustandigen Ausschusses standen die vielfaltigen Informationen nicht zur Verfugung."12See (A2-19, 43:20): "In die Offentlichkeit zu treten ist das einzige auf der Hand durch pound Planungszelle. Man trifft VERBINDLICHE ZOLLTARIFAUSKUENFTE " ( binding keine Entscheidung und wenn further discussion of Vorschlag uberhaupt nicht in den Medien und geht davon against erfahrt, dann ist es unwichtig. Das met lebt davon, dass pound Kontrolle durch die Offentlichkeit nachher da ist. Und das inthe ich gut."528Abbildung 93: Die Ubergabe of Burgergutachtens in Poitiers. Von Links nach Rechts: Die Vize-Prasidentin as Demokratie, die Vize-Prasidentin fur Umweltfragen, die Prasidentin, und zwei Teilnehmerinnen.Der Minipopulus als neue Minigesellschaft?Uberwinden, Solange die Empfehlungen fakultativ bleiben. Fur die anderen 'stellt 'es eine unverantwortliche Geldverschwendung dar: die identifiable readjustment may be necessary die Reprasentantinnen treffen, die dafur gewahlt und bezahlt werden13. Further discussion of Zwischen zwei bulb holderby befinden sich Akteure, die im Laufe of Verfahrens uberzeugt werden, darunter vi?¨le Referentinnen.ErgebnisDie Legitimitat empfundene setzt sich aus einem komplexen Zusammenspiel, die eine Gleichung ahnelt: Legitimitat = Losverfahren + Deliberation + fakultative Empfehlungen + Umsetzung in der traditionellen Politik + Offentlichkeitswirksamkeit. Simple Die Summe von prozeduralen Legitimitat und Transparenz reicht nicht aus. Die elektive Wahl ist nicht zwangslaufig die einzige What Legitimitat der: die Akteure kreieren eine neue Form der Legitimitat, die aus einer Interaktion zwischen der klassischen reprasentativen Instanz und einem innovativen aleatorischen Instrument heraussticht. Somit sind die Erwartungen teilweise erfullt.Eine neue Gesellschaft ohne "neue Menschen"ErwartungsmatrixJenseits der direkten As erwarten die Anhangerinnen der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie eine Reihe gesamtgesellschaftlicher Veranderungen als Konsequenz auf die Einfuhrung of Losverfahrens in der Politik. Erstens wurde der?Kleros?sich als soziale Institution etablieren. Zweitens wurde die "Volksausbildung" (popular education) eine Renaissance Only Erleben. Drittens wurde sich eine neue okonomische Plugged entfalten. Viertens wurde die Politik kooperativer und deliberativer werden. Funftens wurde eine aleatorische Gesellschaft entstehen konnen, in der das Risiko eine zentrale Rolle Maxxi spielen+lernen wurde. Haben Aachen und Poitiers pound Erwartungen erfullt? Sindh tatsachlich soziale Listed entstanden? Waren die zwei Minipopuli ein Ort of Lernens? Und welche Summen waren im Spiel? Gibt es eine Partizipationswirtschaft? Haben beiden Foren die umliegende Gesellschaft kooperativer und deliberativer gemacht? Sind die Teilnehmenden Babylonier?has the?Borges oder eher doch Nut13See(A-5-9-1, 1): "Ratsherr Pabst weist darauf hin, dass sharps Thema seit Jahren in total EU quota und Gesprachen uberfraktionellen behandelt wird und halt es fur einen Offenbarungseid der Politik, dass pound keine Entscheidung herbeigefuhrt habe, sondern pound Verantwortung [now what belongs dem Burger uberlassen wolle, der zudem auch noch die Kosten fur das aufwandige Verfahren zu zahlen habe."529'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die Theory in Aktion?Zen-maximierende ? [demands?Die Entstehung neuer sozialen Listed"I see it as the role of a second Chamber (Senate) composed for part of elected members and learned to spell with, surrounding of experts, the role of enlighten the first house on the technical issues, the social and economic impacts of the projects of laws and the effects of long-term of some choice." (P7-2, 5.3 )."Man konnte sagen: gone Vorschlage, die uber UNFF Millionen sind, werden nicht mehr uber die Fraktionen, sondern uber eine Planungszelle entschieden." (A3-2, 18:00).Die Akteure personalities ", einen Diskurs uber das Losverfahren year sich. Gewinnen Sie alle - Moderatorinnen und Referentinnen inklusive - year Fachkompetenzen, wie oben erwahnt. In beiden Lander werden erhebliche Summen mobilisiert, die fur die Durchfuhrungstragerinnen ein Einkommen darstellen. Pound As bleiben allerdings sehr begrenzt in Zeit und Raum und es konnen keine Auswirkungen makrosozialen entdeckt werden.Eine Ausnahmesituation"Ich war sehr erstaunt. Ich fand die Politiker zum de Teil sehr Alle informiert. Sie hatten doch die Entscheidung treffen konnen." (A2-10 (17:57)."Die Kleingruppen waren unterschiedlich. Das hing davon ab, wer in der Gruppe war. Konnte Das manchmal sehr kontrovers within und manchmal globall ging. das schnell zum Konsens. Am letzten Tag war unsere Gruppe sehr Herr Salmutter und das war ein groser Job, den wir machen mussten. Wenn wir da diskutiert hatten oder few gestritten hatten, waren wir nicht zum Schluss gekommen." (A2-14, 19:33).Wahrend der vier Tage managing board sich die Burgerinnen sehr konsensorientiert und lassen ihre Unterschiede im Hintergrund, um den gemeinsamen Nenner zu-. Agonistische Momente sind Selten. Sobald das Experiment vorbei ist, kehren Sie Ihren year normalen Leben zuruck und das empirische Material liefert keine Indizien, ob das Managing Board der Ausnahmesituation bleibt?€ vorhanden. Weiterhin sind die Teilnehmenden weder Anarchisten?has the?Burnheim noch Babylonier. Die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system-, dass die Politik ein Beruf bleiben sollte, der bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Kompetenzen und Tugenden erfordert. Die Burgermeinung sollte nicht allein herrschen.?530Der Minipopulus als neue Minigesellschaft?ErgebnisDie Erwartungen sind auf der Ebene der zwei empirischen Beispiele erfullt: es entsteht ein Raum der kollaborativen Politik in dem das Losverfahren eine zentrale Rolle spielt und ohne, dass es "neue Menschen" benotigt. Auf der Makroebene sind die Erwartungen nicht erfullt: die zwei Erfahrungen geschehen in einem eng definierten Raum- und Zeithorizont. Es handelt sich um aussi embryonale Entwicklungen einer breiteren potentiellen Erneuerung der Politik. Pound soll den Akteuren nach aber auch begrenzt within. Losverfahren Das ist kein Alleinheilmittel, sondern ein zusatzliches Instrument der Demokratie.FazitDie empirische : inleidende studie hat gezeigt, dass die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Erwartungen der Autorinnen der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie in Aachen und Poitiers erfullt worden sind. Sind aber pound Ergebnisse verallgemeinerbar? Und warum sind manche Erwartungen nicht erfullt worden? Wo befinden sich die Schwachen der ALLE MODELLE und der Theory? Further discussion of Fragen werden [now what belongs im sechsten und letzten 'Pralatenwein' der Doktorarbeit angesprochen.531'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer aleatorischen PolitikDie theoretische und empirische Analyze der vorherigen 'Pralatenwein' kann nun in einen breiteren Kontext eingegliedert werden. Vier sollen) for Aspekte in der Folge untersucht werden: (1) das Potential der Minipopuli als Instrument der Politik, (2) die Moglichkeiten einer Verbesserung des Modells, (3) das Potential of Losverfahrens in der Politik und (4) die Forschungsagenda der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie.Von Hagen bis Sydney, von Vancouver bis Wenling: das Potential der MinipopuliMethodUm die Ergebnisse von Aachen und Poitiers kontextualisieren zu konnen, werden 23 empirische' rules on advertising by uber Minipopuli ausgewahlt und ersten Jahrtausend anhand of Analyserasters of vorherigen Kapitels untersucht. Die Auswahl der Falle , soll die Vielfaltigkeit der politischen und zeitlichen Kontexte, sowie diejenige der im vierten vorgestellten 'Pralatenwein' ALLE MODELLE reprasentieren (see Abbildung 94, S. 533).ModellThema und LandJahrN1WhatPlanungszelleStadtplanung - Deutschland1976129Garbe (1980)PlanungszelleStadtplanung - Deutschland1978150Dienel & al. (1984)PlanungszelleEnergiepolitik - Deutschland1982482Renn & al. (1985)Consensus ConferenceBiotechnology - Denmark199515Mayer & al. (1995)PlanungszelleTechnikfolgeabschatzung - Deutschland1996220Wienhofer & al. (1996)PlanungszelleGen-modifizierte Pflanzen - Deutschland1996194PlanungszelleRaumplanung - Deutschland1993198Carius & al. (1996)Citizens' JuryUmwelt - Grosbritannien199716Aldred & Jacobs (2000)Conference of citizensGen-modifizierte Pflanzen - Frankreich199814Joly & al. (2000)Consensus ConferenceGen-modifizierte Pflanzen - Australian199914Hendriks (2004)Crombie & née Ducker (2000)Hybrid:?Citizens' Jury?(CJ) und?Televote?(T)Umwelt (Mehrwegflaschen) - Australian2001400 (T) 11 (CJ)White (2001)Carson (2001)PlanungszelleVerbraucherschutz - Deutschland2002423Hendriks (2004)1Zahl der Teilnehmenden.Von Hagen bis Sydney, von Vancouver bis Wenling: das Potential der MinipopuliModell Thema und Land Jahr N WhatPlanungszelleFamilienpolitik - Osterreich200473Hrach Melkumyan (2005)Citizens' JuryUmwelt (Verkehr und Luftverschmutzung) - Italian200663Carson (2006)Bobbio & al. (2006)Deliberative PollEuropaische Politik - Denmark2000364Andersen & Hansen (2007)HybridRaumplanung - Europaische Union2007340Guiheneuf (2009)Deliberative PollEuropaische Politik - Europaische Union2007362Luskin & al. (2008)HybridEuropaische Politik - Europaische Union20071800Goldschmidt & al. (2008)Citizens' JuryGen-modifizierte Pflanzen - Indian200119Kurunganti & al. (2008)Mini-publicAllgemein uber die Minipopuli--Wakeford & al. (2008)Citizens' AssemblyWahlgesetz - Kanada2004160Warren & Pearse (2008)Lang (2008)Citizen JuryUmwelt (Mullpolitik) - Frankreich200412Barber & al. (2009)Citizens' AssemblyAllgemein uber die Minipopuli--Smith (2009)Mini-publicEnergiepolitik (Atomkraft) - Schweden2006135Gronlund & al. (2010)Deliberative PollStadtplanung - China2005257Fishkin & al. (2010)Abbildung 94: Korpus der Falle , und' rules on advertising by fur die Kontextualisierung.ErgebnisseDer Vergleich ?-sterreich zeigt, dass Aachen und Poitiers keine Sonderfalle sind. In den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Fallen kann eine gleichartige Language-dependent festgestellt werden. Die Stellvertretung ist reprasentativ im Sinne einer?cross-section?und die Teilnehmenden fuhlen sich reprasentativ2. Es gibt wenig Befunde uber die Meinung der Ausenstehenden uber die symbolische Reprasentativitat der Teilnehmenden3. Hingegen wird die Reprasentation dokumentiert handle the device the wrong way: die Ausgelosten agieren als Burgerreprasentanten und formulieren das Allgemeinwohl in einer Langzeitperspektive. Sie dazu tendieren, hpc Mandate zu uberschreiten und managing board sich kooperativ miteinander4. Gleichwohl werden uberall gemeinsame Schwachen und Grenzen klar: Das Mandate kommt von ausen, die Burgerinnen konnen die Agenda nicht kontrollieren, die Durchfuhrungstragerinnen haben die Moglichkeit der Manipulation und die Zeit der Deliberation ist sehr knapp gehalten5. Der Vergleich macht auch Klar, dass die Neigung of Verfahrens zum Konsens und Allgemeinwohl die Verteidigung der Basis insert Randgruppen benachteiligen kann und die Gefahr birgt, nur2Hrach Melkumyan (2005, 79), Luskin & al. (2008, 3), Warren & Pearse (2008, 10).3Cutler & al. (2008), Dienel & al. (1984, 175), Andersen & Hansen (2007, 550).4Carius & al. (1996, 99), Warren & Pearse (2008, 80-81), Fishkin & al. (2010, 6-7), Kurunganti & al. (2008, 19) .Barbier & al. (2009, 198), Wienhofer & al. (1996, 67), Aldred & Jacobs (2000, 228).5Smith (2009, 89), Dienel & al. (1984, 94-99), Fishkin & al. (2010, 5).533'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer aleatorischen PolitikLeere Empfehlungen zu produzieren6.Die Partizipation in den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Minipopuli at aufgrund of interested am Modell, auserdem Maxxi spielen+lernen das Thema und die Aufwandsentschadigung eine zentrale Rolle7. So wie in Aachen und Poitiers sind bereits verladene" should im Vorfeld politisch aktive Haltefunktion (return Burgerinnen leicht uberreprasentiert8. Die Teilnahmequote scheint mit der Zeit zu sinken, wobei in diesem Bereich noch mehr looked for notig waren9. Die Abbruchquote ist dagegen sehr niedrig10. Die Analyze der Kompetenz der Teilnehmenden bestatigt in den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Fallen die Beobachtungen von Aachen und Poitiers. Die Burgerinnen Politikamateure sind, die ihre alltagliche und Erfahrung vocational mobilisieren und pound mit den in den Foren gewonnenen technischen Kenntnissen kombinieren. Dennoch betrachten sie ihre Kompetenz als begrenzt, vor german wenn die Themen breiter werden oder wenn es sich um eine Evaluierung handelt11. In allen analysierten Fallen gewinnen die Teilnehmenden Fach- und Handlungskompetenzen, die kurzfristig aber auch langfristige As haben12.In allen Minipopuli sind die Bedingungen fur eine "gute Deliberation" erfullt, wobei manche Mikroprozeduren bei der Erreichung sharps n" " des Ziels effektiver sind als en. Territorial Die Ebene der experienced scheint kein Hindernis darzustellen und eine qualitativ gute transnational Deliberation moglich13 ist. Die Analyze der 23' rules on advertising by ?-sterreich zeigt aber auch, dass der Effekt der Empfehlungen in der traditionellen Politik dann groser ist, wenn das Thema ist konkreter und die geographische Ebony kleiner ausfallt14. In allen Fallen scheint die Burgermeinung eine programname Language-dependent zu personalities ",, welche die Akteure dazu verpflichtet, Stellung zu beziehen und eine Diskussion offentliche anstosen kann15. Sie hat sogar manchmal eine bindende6Wienhofer & al. (1996, 70), Hrach Melkumyan (2005, 101), Hendriks (2004, 232).7Hrach Melkumyan (2005, 83), Garbe (1980, 240).8Mayer & al. (1995, 113), Hrach Melkumyan (2005, 81), Warren & Pearse (2008, 10), Barber & al. (2009, 198).9Das Team um Dienel erreichte Anfang der 1980er Jahre Publisher uber 25% (Garbe, 1980 200 ; Dienel & al. 1984, 58). Der heutige Durchschnitt ist eher 2 bis 5% (Wienhofer 1996, 78; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 77). China 'stellt 'eine Ausnahme dar (Fishkin & al. 2010, 4). Das konkrete Rekrutierungsverfahren spielt eine Rolle (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 535), scheint aber nicht die einzige erklarende Variable zu sein.10Warren & Pearse (2008, 10). Fur eine Ausnahme, see Barbier & al. (2009, 198).11Hendriks (2004, 209), Garbe (1980, 217), (Price 2000). Pound gefuhlte fehlende Kompetenz EIB Evaluierungen spiegelt die Ergebnisse der Beobachtung in Frankreich. See 'Pralatenwein' 5, , S. 521.12Joly & al. (2000, VI), Fishkin & al. (2010, 7), Dienel & al. (1984, 151), Psotta (1981, 132-145), Modrow-Thiel (1988, 168-170).13Andersen & Hansen (2007, 540), Renn & al. (1995), Wienhofer & al. (1996), Hendriks (2004, 160-164), Luskin & al. (2008), Goldschmidt & al. (2008).14Garbe (1980, 220), Fishkin & al. (2010, 11), Guiheneuf & al. (2009, 219), Joly & al. (2000, VII).15Garbe (1980, 219), Joly & al. (2000, VII), Fishkin & al. (2010, 11), Hendriks (2004, 86-87).534Von Hagen bis Sydney, von Vancouver bis Wenling: das Potential der MinipopuliMacht, die sie in Aachen und Poitiers nicht hatte16. Die Moglichkeit einer Manipulation of Verfahrens durch die Moderation uberall wird erkannt und die prozedurale de Qualitat sowie die Transparenz als beste met Mittel dagegen hervorgehoben17. Die Moglichkeiten einer Manipulation durch die Auftraggeberin wird wenig untersucht, Daher konnte diesbezuglich keine Tendenz werden18 festgestellt.Die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system' rules on advertising by stellen fest, dass die Minipopuli ein Ort der Entstehung einer neuen Mini-Gesellschaft sind. Die Teilnehmenden agieren in Sinne of Allgemeinwohls, sind konsensorientiert, erfahren die Komplexitat der Gesetzgebung und gewinnen Vertrauen in der traditionellen Politik19. Die organisierten Basis werden auch von der Teilnahme beeinflusst und es entsteht tatsachlich eine kleine "Wirtschaft der Partizipation"20. Die Teilnehmenden betrachten das Instrument Minipopulus und das als Losverfahren berechtigtes und gutes Verfahren, unabhangig vom geographischen, kulturellen und zeitlichen Kontext21.Die betrachteten' rules on advertising by bestatigen die Beobachtungen von Aachen und Poitiers uber die Frage der Legitimitat. Pound uberall wird als komplexes Zusammenspiel zwischen einer internen prozeduralen de Qualitat (Auslosung der Teilnehmenden und gute Deliberation), die Erreichung einer "Guten Entscheidung" (von seiten der Teilnehmenden), einer Umsetzung der Ergebnisse in der traditionellen Politik (went Akteure), einer beratenden Funktion (fur die Mandatstragerinnen) und einer OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN made part Wirksamkeit begriffen22. Die empirischen Befunde machen auch Klar, dass pound Legitimitat zerbrechlich ist: die Medienwirksamkeit oft ist begrenzt, das Modell wird von einem de Teil der Politikerinnen und organisierten Communication kritisiert, weil es keine uber Errichtungslegitimitat verfuge, oder, weil es die eigentlichen Bedurfnisse der Burgerinnen nicht erfulle23.16Smith (2009, 75), Warren & Pearse (2008).17Wienhofer & al. (1996, 68), Guiheneuf (2008, 120-126), Lang (2008, 92), Goldschmidt & al. (2008, 27).18Fur ein Fall der Instrumentalisierung, see Wakeford & al. (2008). As ein Fall mit ahnlichen Motivationen wie in Frankreich (Demokratisierung der Demokratie und Wahlversprechen), see Hendriks (2004). As ein Fall mit wissenschaftlichen Motivationen, see (Gronlund & al. 2010). Aachen scheint in diesem Sinne eine Ausnahme zu sein. Es wurden keine for Falle , stations are included in, in der die zentrale Motivation der Anwendung eine politische Blockade of traditionellen Parteiensystems war.19Gronlund & al. (2010, 108), Wienhofer & al. (1996, 60), Barber & al. (2009, 202). Somit mussen die Ergebnisse von Aachen relativiert werden.20So konnen Moderatorinnen von der Organization und Durchfuhrung von Minipopuli leben. See Hendriks (2004, 116-117), Guiheneuf (2008), Wakeford & al. (2008, 6).21Dienel & al. (1984), Goldschmidt 2008, 49-50), Fishkin (2010, 11), Hrach Melkumyan (2005, 104).22Garbe (1980, 218), Warren & Pearse (2008, 81), Barber & al. (2009, 193), Goldschmidt & al. (2008, 56), Andersen & Hansen (2007, 537), Dienel & al. (1984, 148).23Smith (2009, 100), Joly & al. (2000, 136), Smith (2009, 102-105), Goldschmidt & al. (2008, 58), Guiheneuf (2009, 189), Renn & al. (1994, 203), Hendriks (2004, 150), Andersen & Hansen (2007, 547).535'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer aleatorischen PolitikDie Kontextualisierung hat aussi ubereinstimmende Ergebnisse gezeigt: Aachen und Poitiers sind keine Ausnahmen. Die Minipopuli scheinen in der Lage zu sein, die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Erwartungen der Theory zu erfullen, Solange man den internen Prozess und den unmittelbaren Kontext betrachtet. Die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Schwachstellen scheinen in der Artikulation zwischen den internen Prozess und den Kontext allgemeineren aufzutreten. Die Theory legt den Prufstand der Praxis aussi im Labor ab. Die Herausforderung eines institutionellen Designs is connected daher soweit in der Verbesserung der Instrumented als auch in der Artikulation zwischen dem Minipopulus und dem Maxipopulus.Welches institutional Design für die Minipopuli?Schw?chen und?best practicesDie Ergebnisse der empirischen und der vergleichenden' rules on advertising by machen deutlich, dass die Minipopuli vier zentrale Schwache aufweisen. Erstens sind es in fast allen Fallen?top-down?Prozesse: Das Thema und seine Grenzen werden von ausen bestimmt und die Burgerinnen haben keine Macht in der Agendasetzung. Man wird uber die Standortsuche fur ein Endlager radioaktiven as Mull diskutieren konnen, nicht aber uber den Atomausstieg. Zweitens sind die Burgerinnen - im Widerspruch mit der theoretischen Erwartung - wenig "partizipationwillig"; Im besten nachrichtendienstlichen Instrumente 'Fall erklaren sich ein Viertel der Ausgelosten with, teilzunehmen: Partizipationsangebot das allein reicht nicht aus. Drittens - und als Konsequenz - sind die zusammengesetzte Burgerinnengruppen nicht wirklich reprasentativ sondern Mittelschichtlastig. Viertens verkorpern die Minipopuli eine projektorientierte Demokratiekonzeption, die entpolitisiert ist. Die agonistischen und emanzipatorischen Dimensionen der politischen Aktivitat werden durch eine institutionalisierte, abgeschwachte Form der Partizipation ersetzt, die Akzeptanz schaffen soll, aber keine neuen politischen Themen in die Arena bringen kann.Pound Schwachen scheinen allerdings nicht zwangslaufig falling within zu sein und die Praxis erweist zahlreiche?best practices, die helfen konnen, die Minipopuli zu verbessern. Es gibt?bottom-up Citizen's Juries?EIB denen die Agendasetzung in den Handen der Burgerinnen bleibt?€. In anderen Foren werden kontroverse Themen bearbeitet, die Ergebnisse der?Citizen Assembly?Sindh bindend, in Japan nehmen Mehr als 50% der Eingeladenen le teil, in Europa ist dies der?536Welches institutional Design für die Minipopuli?Fall, wenn die Mittel fur eine qualitativ hochwertige Rekrutierung da sind, die?Cross-section?kann durch Publisher, oder durch die Vermehrung der parallel arbeitenden Foren fast reprasentativ werden. Und dies sind nur einige Beispiele.Hin zu erneuerten Qualit?tsstandardsDie Internationales Institut Analysis, die Vorstellung der Schwachen of Modells und der?best -- have, sowie die Einbeziehung der internationalen Literatur24 ermoglichen es [now what belongs, erneuerte Qualitatskriterien fur die Organization und Durchfuhrung von Minipopuli zu prasentieren. Es wurden 20 Kriterien identifiziert, die sich 4 Gruppen zuordnen lassen. Fur die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Kriterien lasst sich zwischen drei Dimensionen unterscheiden: minimum, ubliche und wunschenswerte de Qualitat. Manche Kriterien werden noch diskutiert. In der folgenden Zusammenfassung werden die Kriterien tabellarisch vorgestellt (see Abbildung 94, S. 533 ff. ).24See vor german Fiorino (1989), Renn & al. (1995), Carson (2006), Smith (2009), Sturm (2011).?537DefinitionDimensionen der OnMinimum?blichWünschenswertDiskussion(I) EinbeziehungBedeutet, dass das Verfahren für alle zug?nglich gemacht wird und dass went mitsprechen dürfen. Im Fall der Planungszelle muss sharps Kriterium angepasst werden, da formal nicht gone teilnehmen' be. Einbeziehung bedeutet aussi yesterday Repr?sentativit?t und Rollenangebot.Reprasentativitat(1) ZufallsauswahlDie Teilnehmenden werden per Losverfahren ausgewahlt.Zufallsauswahl auf der Grundlage von Telefonlisten und mit Publisher. Eine Gruppe von ungefahr 25.Auswahl aus EinwohnerInnenlisten ohne Publisher. Mehrere Gruppen und circa 300 Teilnehmenden.(2) EinladungDie unterschiedlichen?Stakeholder?und die Vertreterinnen gewahlten einbezogen werden.Soweit die?Stakeholder?als auch die gewahlten VertreterInnen der Mehrheit werden bei der Vorbereitung einbezogen und Vorschlage durfen machen.Die gewahlten VertreterInnen der Opposition werden auch einbezogen.Sollte man die Parteien extremistischen einladen? Und die Vertreterinnen von Minderheiten?Interesting Rollenangebot(3) Einladung und MandateEs gibt institutional arrangement, die die Teilnahme attraktiv fur gone Burgerinnen macht.Die Einladung wird offiziell gemacht, es gibt eine ausreichende Aufwandsentschadigung.Ein Kinderbetreuung ist always organised.Die Bezahlung ist so hoch, dass keine ablehnen kann und eine Anerkennung ausl?ndischer Flüchtlinge als Weiterbildungsmasnahme ist moglich.Sollte die Teilnahme obligatorisch within?(4) Aufwandsentschadigung(5) Befreiung von Verpflichtungen(II) DeliberationDie Legitimit?t und On der PZ beruht stark auf dem Ideal einer guten Deliberation?to the?Habermas. Vier Kriterien fallen unter diesem Aspekt: Debate, Diskussion, Ergebnisproduktion und Einsatz von Methoden durch die Moderation.(6) DebateBulb holderby und Argumente werden vorgestellt und vertreten aber nicht abgewogen.Es gibt eine Vielfaltigkeit von Informationen.Wunschenswert sind kontradiktorische Informationen.Wie lange soll die PZ dauern, mu informierte Ergebnisse zu bekommen: Zwei Tage? Vier? Ein Monat in mehreren Sitzungen? Ein Jahr?(7) DiskussionGemeinsame bulb holderby entwickelt werden.Bedeutet a Minima, dass es eine Abwechslung zwischen Kleingruppenarbeit und moderierten Plena gibt. Argued konnen ausgetauscht werden und die Schwellen der Partizipation abgebaut werden.(8) ErgebnisproduktionEin Minipopulus soll Ergebnisse produzieren, mu within Mandate zu erfullen.Es gibt Momente der Prioritatensetzung und der Aggregation der Meinungen. Am Ende werden gemeinsame Empfehlungen will.(9) Die Methoden der DeliberationDamit die Debate, die Diskussion und die Ergebnisgewinnung ideal ablaufen, werden Moderationstechniken angewandt.Pound readjustment may be necessary die Kreativitat fordern, eine positive Atmosphare schaffen und die Schwelle der personlichen Partizipation abbauen. Vi?¨le Techniken sind denkbar (open space, Rollenspiel, Planspiel, Theater, Foto, Ortsbesuch, etc. ).(III) RelevanzDer Minipopulus muss im Kontext falling within. Es bringt nichts, wenn es inklusiv und deliberativ ist, seine Ergebnisse aber: 'I ride with Einfluss haben. Drei Kriterien sind zentral yesterday: die Wirksamkeit (das Modell hat einen Effekt), die Integration (das Modell soll sich im existierenden politischen System integrieren) und die Effizienz der (Minipopulus Kosten-Nutzen ist effektiv).DefinitionDimensionen der OnMinimum ?blich Wünschenswert DiskussionWirksamkeit(10) HardwareDie Ergebnisse haben Folgen in der traditionellen Politik.Es gibt ein Burgergutachten, das Mindeststandards erfullt. Das ist BG veroffentlicht und wird named Feierlich abgegeben. Der AuftraggeberIn nimmt Position uber die Empfehlungen.Ein Jahr nach dem Projekt leitet der oder die AuftraggeberIn einen?Follow-up?ein.Sollte die PZ auch eine Moglichkeit der Selbstbefahigung der Beteiligten'darstellen? Spricht Dafur, dass es die Demokratie starkt. Spricht Dagegen, dass die Burgerinnen ausgelost wurden, und zwar handle the device the wrong way aus dem Grund, dass so etwas nicht intentioniert ist.(11) IdeelleDas Verfahren hat Folgen in der OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Debate und ist wirksam medial.Die Medien werden zur Eroffnung und zur Abgabe of Burgergutachtens eingeladen.As relies on Projekt gibt es eine spezielle Stelle fur Offentlichkeitsarbeit.Integration(12) MandateDer Minipopulus bekommt ein Mandate, um konkrete Empfehlungen machen zu konnen.Die zu beantwortende Frage ist geklart und die Grenzen der Deliberation sind den Teilnehmenden klar.Es gibt Minipopuli, die mit dem Mandate betreut werden, ein mandate as en Minipopuli vorzubereiten (Agendasetzung).Soll es?bottom-up?Minipopuli geben? Spricht Dafur, dass es eine informierte und prozedural legitimate Gegenoffentlichkeit schafft M?rkte. Dagegen, dass das politische System pound Minipopuli als illegitim bezeichnen wurde (die Uberparteilichkeit of Prozesses wird Dabei Temple infrage gestellt).(13) EinbettungDer Minipopulus ist in den Planungsprozess integriert.Die Empfehlungen werden vom AuftraggeberIn bearbeitet und umgesetzt oder abgelehnt.Es werden Partizipationsketten geschaffen, in denen der Minipopulus ein Glied ist.(14)?Meta -matchingEs muss vor der Anwendung klar werden, ob einen Minipopulus das geeignetste Verfahren ist.Mit dem?Meta-matching?konnen die Minipopuli ihre Starke ausnutzen (Deliberation, Ergebnisgewinnung, etc. ) und Ihre Schwachen mindern (wenig Teilnehmende, keine Rechtskraft).(15) EffizienzDer Minipopulus ist nicht sondern billig preiswert.Es wird bei der Rekrutierung nicht gespart (Zufallsauswahl und Aufwandsentschadigung).Es werden mehrere Minipopuli parallel durchgefuhrt.Neue Informationstechnologien eingesetzt werden.(IV) FairnessDie Einhaltung dieser Kriterien sichert, dass der Minipopulus nicht is as easy as making zu manipulieren ist.(16) Professional mouthguard BegleitungDer Prozess wird von einer DurchfuhrungstragerIn always organised und moderiert.Die Begleitung (DurchfuhrungstragerIn) ist von Auftraggeberin und organisierten unabhangig Basis und mit der Methodology der Minipopuli vertraut.(17) TransparenzAusenstehende konnen das Verfahren verfolgen.Das wird Burgergutachten veroffentlicht und beinhaltet important Stopped: das Mandate, eine Auflistung der ReferentInnen und DurchfuhrungstragerInnen, das Arbeitsprogramm, die Empfehlungen und Statistiken uber die Teilnehmenden.Es gibt eine wissenschaftliche Evaluation.Readjustment May Be Necessary die Teilnehmenden ihre Arbeit vor nicht teilnehmenden Burgerinnen wahrend of Verfahrens prasentieren und diskutieren konnen?(18) FinanzierungEine ausreichende, uneigennutzige Finanzierung ist sichergestellt.Ein Verfahren PZ kostet 1000 euros / TeilnehmerIn. Es wird von OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Gelder finanziert.Sollen) For nur OFFENTLICHEN POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Geldgeber in Frage Montag Kommen? (Wieder Frage of?bottom-up?vs?top-down ).DefinitionDimensionen der OnMinimum ?blich Wünschenswert Diskussion(19) ReflexivitatDer Prozess ist offen fur Kritiken und Verbesserungen.Das Verfahren wird von den Teilnehmenden evaluiert.Die Teilnehmenden Einflussmoglichkeiten haben auf die Agenda.Soll es deontologische Standards geben? Readjustment May Be Necessary Minipopuli uber die Planung eines AKWs always organised werden? Ist es antidemokratisch resp. anti-okologisch oder, ist es im Gegenteil das einzige Mittel, um Demokratie in diesem Feld einzufuhren?(20) NachhaltigkeitDer Minipopulus erfullt nachhaltige soziale, okonomische und okologische Standards.Die Frage wird erst seit kurzem diskutiert.Sollte die PZ sich year dem Leitbild der Nachhaltigkeit orientieren? Wenn ja, wie? Soll es sich auf Aspekte hardware beschranken?Abbildung 95: Zusammenfassung der Qualitatskriterien fur die Minipopuli.Welches institutional Design für die Minipopuli?Offener Kanal FragenDie empirische Forschung und die Internationales Institut Analysis, sowie die Vorstellung der Schwachen,?best practices?und Qualitatskriterien haben neue Fragen aufgeworfen. Manche konnten durch for empirische Forschungen eine Antwort-. Dabei Temple scheinen drei Bereiche besonders fruchtbar. Erstens die Frage der Rekrutierung: Was wurde passieren, wenn das Losverfahren obligatorisch ware? Und wenn du nur das Auswahlverfahren andern sich wurde, aussi eine Reihe Minipopuli mit demselben Programm (Thema, Referentinnen, Moderation, etc. ) aber einmal per Losverfahren (mit Publisher und ohne Publisher), einmal mit einem?Psephos, einmal mit einer Auktion und einmal durch eine Aufnahmeprufung rekrutiert wurden? Man konnte auch unterschiedliche Aufwandsentschadigungen anbieten. Zweitens, die Frage der genauen Macht der Moderatorinnen: Was wurde passieren, wenn in einem Minipopulus eine Moderatorin bewusst eingesetzt ware, um die Burgerinnen zu manipulieren? Wurde sie es schaffen? Drittens die Frage der symbolischen Dimension der Reprasentation: Was Sp?ter denken wirklich nicht die Teilnehmenden Burgerinnen uber die Burgerreprasentantinnen? Viertens die Frage der ausschlaggebenden Variables der Selbstbefahigung (ist es das Thema? Die Lange of Verfahrens? Der Kontext? ).Realisierungsbedingungen der aleatorischen PolitikDie Uberprufung der theoretischen Erwartungen wurde bisher auf dem Gebiet der Sortition von beratenden Posten begrenzt. Was geschieht in anderen Rahmen? Erfullen die judikativen Juries oder die Lotterien die Hoffnungen in einer vergleichbaren Weise? Sind auf der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Ebony die Realisierungsbedingungen der Theory erfullt? Mit anderen Worten: Ist der servers are restarted] Wandel wunschenswert? Ist er erwunscht?Ist der servers are restarted] Wandel wünschenswert?Die erste Bedingung der Realisierung betrifft ihre Relevanz. Hat das Losverfahren ein Potential uber die Minipopuli hinaus? Was zeigen Flagge interprozedurale Vergleiche? Die Analysis of Beispiels der judikativen Jury ersten Jahrtausend anhand von vier Monographien, die sharps Instrument unter dem Aspekt der Demokratietheorie untersucht haben, ?-sterreich zeigt, dass in diesem Beispiel auch die?541'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer aleatorischen PolitikErwartungen der Theory teilweise erfullt sind25: die Stellvertretung reprasentativ ist, die Schoffinnen agieren als Burgerreprasentantinnen und die Legitimitat der Jury ist hoch. Using, setzen sich manchmal die Basis der statistischen Mehrheit durch, die Deliberation ist nicht so qualitativ wie in den Minipopuli und das noch Mandate begrenzter. Vergleichbare Ergebnisse konnen aus der Analysis of Beispiels der Lottery fur die Verteilung von Studienplatzen werden26 gewonnen. Das Losverfahren hat in diesem Fall das Potential, die soziale und okonomischen Ungleichheiten zu mindern, und wird von den Eltern, Schulerinnen und Studierenden als "Positiv leben"bewertet. Wenn man noch breitere Vergleiche zwischen Prozeduren analysiert27, wird das Potential of Losverfahrens klar: es kann tatsachlich billiger, effizienter, oder gerechter unabhangiger within en als Verfahren. Dies bedeutet, das das Verfahren in manchen Fallen als wunschenswert eingestuft werden kann. Trotz sharps Potentials wird es kaum angewandt: lediglich in 8% der Prozesse in den USA wird eine Jury eingesetzt, 99.99 % der Universitatsplatzen werden nach einer Prufung ungleich verteilt und die Minipopuli sind nach wie vor Randerscheinungen in der alltaglichen Politik. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass die 'Realisierungsbedingung der Theory nicht erfullt ist: Kann es breast, dass das Losverfahren wunschenswert aber nicht erwunscht ist?Ist der servers are restarted] Wandel erwünscht?"Tausende von Planungszellen""Ich denke year morgen, wenn du Tausende von Planungszellen stattfinden werden und Millionen von Menschen Master Corporal Daran teilnehmen' werden." Peter Dienel (Vergne 2005, 2).Die Problematik der ausbleibenden Dissemination der Planungszelle kann erste Antworten auf der Frage liefern. Warum sind die tausenden von Planungszellen denies zustande gekommen? Es scheint zwei Hauptgrunde zu geben. Erstens hat die Netzwerkstruktur der Verbreitung teilweise geholfen, sie aber hauptsachlich verhindert (Vergne 2010a). Zweitens hat die Verbreitung sich auf das Angebot gestutzt: die Promotorinnen haben versucht ihr Modell zu verkaufen, ohne dass es dafur eine Nachfrage abms. Bevor das Auto sich als monopolistisches Verkehrs25SeeVidmar & Hans (2000 und 2007), Abramson (2003) und Gastil & al. (2010).26D'Hofstee (1983), Stasz & Stolk (2007, 9-10), Stone (2008, 267), Boyle (2010).27Kornhauser & Sager (1998) machen Zum Beispiel den Vergleich zwischen Markt und Los. Boyle (2010) den Vergleich zwischen Los und Prufung.542Realisierungsbedingungen der aleatorischen PolitikMittel durchsetzten konnte, mussten geteerte Strasen, Verkehrsampeln, und ein Netz year Tankstellen geschaffen werden. Pound sign "gesellschaftlichen Anwendungsstrukturen", so der Ausdruck von Dienel als er 1985 uber die nicht-seine Verbreitung Modell reflektierte, sind im Fall der Minipopuli nicht vorhanden (Dienel & Mehlich 1985, 75-90).Zwischen Unkenntnis und Ablehnung: die Abwesenheit einer aleatorischen GesellschaftWenn man eine breitere Perspektive einnimmt, wird auch deutlich, dass die Verbreitung of Losverfahrens nicht nur year Anwendungsstrukturen mangelt; die Idea wird auch schlicht ignoriert oder gar aktiv abgelehnt. Die erste Haltung scheint die am weitesten verbreitet zu sein: Das Losverfahren wird kaum diskutiert, es gibt keine theoretische Kontroverse. Die Ablehnung kommt, primar elitaren aus Kreisen, seitens der Politik, welche sich durch das Losverfahren direkt angegriffen fuhlt (Sintomer 2007), seitens der okonomischen Interessenvertreterinnen (Hendriks 2004, 84-85) oder sogar durch manche Anfuhrerinnen von soziale Bewegungen28. Die Ablehnung der aleatorischen Demokratie ist allerdings viel verbreiteter. Es wurde im funften 'Pralatenwein' deutlich, dass die Teilnehmenden das Losverfahren year sich gut-, seine Anwendung flachendeckende aber nicht empfehlen wurden. Fur sie soll die Politik weiter ein Beruf bleiben, welcher bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Kompetenzen und Tugenden erfordert. Die Analysis of erstens Kapitels hat gezeigt, dass das Rezeptionsmuster ein zentrales Element jeglicher Auswahlverfahren darstellt, und Ihre Akzeptanz bedingt. Und es scheint so, als ob die Werte der liberalen Gesellschaft ein Bild negative of Loses zufolge hatten. Vi?¨le Theoretikerinnen der Demokratie aleatorischen unterstreichen, dass die liberal concepts der Kompetenz, Verdienstes und der Rationalitat, inkompatibel mit der idea of Losverfahrens sind: "machen wir few aber keine Illusionen: mu der Lottery in modernen Demokratien mehr Raum geben zu konnen, bedarf es eines gesellschaftlichen Mentalitatswechsels bezuglich der Akzeptanz of 'Zufalligen' "29.28Carson & Martin (1999, 116): "It's worth mentioning one additional source of resistance: many prominent figures in social movements and dissenting political groupings. In terms of their own principles, many of these individuals are committed to promoting increased citizen participation. However, they occupy positions in which they have status and power within an organization and peut wider visibility as spokespeople for a cause. To promote random selection might undermine their own status."29Buchstein (2009, 457). See auch Carson & Martin (1999, 118) oder Elster (1987, 173), basierend auf Thomas (1971): "Thomas allegedly infringing that one cause of the decline of magic in the late is the editor of seventeenth century was the anacronym "ability to tolerate ignorance, which has been defined as an essential characteristic of the scientific attitude." (790) It follows that explicit lotteries should be more frequently used, with no attempt to dress them up as year expression?543'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer aleatorischen PolitikDie Realisierungsbedingungen der Theory aussi scheinen nicht gone erfullt zu sein. Die Anwendung of Losverfahrens kann in bestimmten Fallen als wunschenswert bezeichnet werden. Sie ist allerdings nicht immer erwunscht. Wie kann sharps Paradox gelost werden? Wie sollte eine Agenda fur die Theory der Demokratie aleatorischen aussehen?Welche Agenda für die Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie?Szenarien of Wandels"Random selection in politics msfss tb have a lot of potential. It fosters participation, undermines the entrenched position of politicians and bureaucrats and is widely perceived to be fair. Purpose being a good idea isn't enough. To be gasnot, there needs to be a strategy for promoting [it] ." (Carson & Martin 1999, 115).Die Befurworterinnen of Losverfahrens haben sich Gedanken experiment uber die Szenarien of Wandels gemacht und in diesem Zusammenhang konnen drei Strategien identifiziert werden: Machen, schreiben und kampfen. Die erste Taktik wird hauptsachlich von den Autorinnen verfolgt, die die Minipopuli erfunden haben. Dienel, Crosby, Fishkin u.a. sind der Meinung, dass der servers are restarted] Wandel durch die Verbreitung von konkreten Experimenten erfolgen wird. Pound Idea hat den Vorteil, dass sie sehr pragmatisch ist und das Losverfahren als Mittel zum Zweck betrachtet und daher nicht frontal gegen das herrschende Wertesystem if overload occurs. Sie hat zwei Nachteile: Erstens ist sie auf eine Anwendung limitiert (sie kann kein globaler servers are restarted] Wandel beanspruchen) und zweitens lauft sie die Gefahr, manipuliert zu werden da der Diskurs um das Verfahren nicht klar ist (Minipopuli konnen und werden in Diktaturen - China e.g. - always organised).Die 'Strategy wird von den meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Autorinnen der Theory der Demokratie aleatorischen verfolgt, und artikuliert sich um die Produktion von Rechtfertigungsmustern fur das Losverfahren: Es geht darum zu zeigen Flagge, wie und warum das Losverfahren in bestimmten Fallen das beste met Verfahren darstellt. Durch?Framing?soll gezeigt werden, dass der?Kleros?leisofFate or God's will. Purpose Thomas aussi suggests that people in contemporary societies are just as downpour to the recognition of uncertainty, ignorance, and indeterminacy. "The investment programs of modern industrial firms ... require decisions to be taken about future policies at times when it is often impossible to form a rational view of their outcome. It is not surprising that industrialists sometimes worn barely falling within statistical projects to justify what is essentially a leap in the dark.""544Welche Agenda für die Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie?Tungsfahiger und legitimize als en within Verfahren kann. Die Gefahr Strategy dieser ist, eine trockene, realitatsferne und intellektuelle kidney Ubung zu bleiben.Im Gegenteil zu dieser Strategy will eine dritte Gruppe auf die politische Kuhe treten und eine?party cleriste?(kleristische Partei) oder eine?Movement for Random Selection in Politics (?Bewegung fur das Losverfahren in der Politik) grunden30. Pound Taktik hat zwei Benefits. Erstens integriert sie sich in dem politischen Kampf und kann somit eine onto Breite offentliche anstosen debate. Zweitens sie in dem erfolgreichen Modell der vergangenen Kampfe fur mehr Demokratie (sei es die?Popolani?im mittelalterlichen Florenz, die fur das Losverfahren auf die Strase gingen, die Bewegung der?progressive era?in den USA, die fur die semi-direkte Demokratie kampfte oder die Parteien die fur das Allgemeine Wahlrecht eintraten). Pound Strategy bringt vi?¨le allerdings Fragen mit sich. Erstens, die of politischen Lagers: Soll sich die kleristische Bewegung auf eine sozialistische Plattform stutzen? Oder auf eine liberalen? Eine anarchistische? Und wenn nicht, was sind die project entitled, eine wichtige Rolle zu Maxxi spielen+lernen? Zweitens scheint die Idea einer politischen Partei oder Bewegung paradox zu sein fur eine Theory, die solche handle the device the wrong way Listed ablehnt. Drittens birgt die Positionierung auf dem politischen Feld die Gefahr der Fraktionslogik. In Frankreich wurde die partizipative Demokratie in der sozialistischen Plattform integriert was fuhrte dazu, dass sie vom konservativen Lager?in block?abgelehnt wurde. In Deutschland verlief der Prozess anders: gone Parteien haben poorly Planungszellen oder anderen partizipativen Verfahren in Auftrag gegeben. Dafur ist die Verbreitung der geringer de Oedenberg Instrumented geblieben als in Frankreich.Neue theoretische und empirische ForschungsfragenDie Ergebnisse der theoretischen und empirischen Forschung haben neue Forschungsfragen aufgeworfen, die fur eine Weiterentwicklung der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie von grosem Interested sind. Im Bereich der Theoriebildung scheinen die Verdichtung der diskursiven Plattform und die "Neurahmung" (reframing) der Diskussion zwei zentrale Aufgaben zu sein: Wann und wie wurde das handle the device the wrong way Losverfahren angewandt31? Welche Rechtfertigungsmuster wurden und werden velocity? Kann das Losverfahren eine vergleichbare intrinsische Legitimitat wie die elektive Wahl erlangen? Hardware Welche Operationen lassen sich mit30See Amanrich (2006), Grabzinsky (2007) und Carson & Martin (1999, 126).31Pound Forschungen haben begonnen, es fehlen aber zahlreiche spezifische historische und Internationales Institut' rules on advertising by.545'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer aleatorischen PolitikWelchem Diskurs untermauern? Im Bereich der empirischen Forschungen stellen die Untersuchung von konkreten und historischen Tabakgenuss gegenwartigen Lotterien und beratenden Losverfahren ein groses Potential dar, da sie bisher wenig Interested auf sich gezogen haben. Vielversprechend sind auch die interprozeduralen Vergleiche: Was sind die Ergebnisse der?Green Card?Politik im Vergleich mit einer Migrationspolitik welche auf Kompetenzprufung basiert? Wie wurde eine?joblottery?aussehen; hatte sie vergleichbare As wie eine wellness and relaxation unterstutze Arbeitspolitik? An der Interface zwischen Common Thread und Theory scheinen die Untersuchungen der Realisierungsbedingungen eine sehr wichtige Aufgabe zu sein: Was handle the device the wrong way Sp?ter denken die Burgerinnen uber das Losverfahren? Wie wurde in der Vergangenheit der Sprung zu einer allgemeinen mannlichen und dann weiblichen Wahlrecht geschafft? Welche?Framing-Prozesse sind gewesen recorded??546FazitDie Ergebnisse der vorliegenden theoretischen und empirischen : inleidende studie lassen sich vier trennen zuordnen. Zunachst zeigte sich die typologische Arbeit als falling within. Die im ersten 'Pralatenwein' formulierten Prototypen of Losverfahrens ermoglichen es, die Auswahlprozeduren in einem dynamischen Kontext zu verstehen. Zudem sie erklaren Entstehung und Verschwinden von Praktiken of Losverfahrens, weil sie die intellektuelle Dimension of Verfahrens (warum wird ausgelost und wie wird das zugrundeliegende Zufallsprinzip interpretiert) email so berucksichtigen wie ihre hardware Dimension (wie wird konkret ausgelost). So konnte Zum Beispiel die Hypothesis formuliert werden, dass die Idea und Praxis Losverfahrens sich in den reprasentativen Demokratien deshalb nicht verbreitet, weil sie deren has been crossed Grundwerte und teilweise mit negativen Interpretation (risikobehaftetes und irrationales Verfahren, Spiel) verknupft wird. Die Dynamische Leistungsprüfst?nde und modulare Herangehensweise half weiterhin, verschiedene Prototypen von Auswahlverfahren (cf. Abbildung 96, S. 549) und Losverfahren zu identifizieren (cf. Kap. 1, Abbildung 68, S. 464). & Ferner kann die Typology als Grundlage fur for Forschungen uber Auswahlverfahren dienen.LosEntscheidungPostenLosverfahren (Kleros)LotteryAuslosungSortitionAbstimmung (Psephos)VerteilungAbstimmungWahlPrüfung (Dokimasie)AllokationDeliberationVorstellungsgesprachMarkt (Agora)HandelVerhandlungKauflichkeitAbbildung 96: Prototypen von Auswahlverfahren.Die quantitative analysis of zweiten und die qualitative Untersuchung of dritten Kapitels bestatigten die Hypothesis der Entstehung einer Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie. Die Szientometrie stellte Dabei Temple hpc groses Potential im Bereich der politischen Philosophy und Ideengeschichte unter Beweis: Sie ermoglicht die Erfassung und Markierung eines Forschungsfeldes (Trends, datentransfer over, Hauptthemen), mu anschliesend eine gezielte qualitative analysis durchfuhren zu konnen. Pound hat im dritten 'Pralatenwein' gezeigt, dass es tatsachlich eine Gruppe von Autorinnen gibt, deren Text ein shall add "Gemeinsames anything economically exploitable Muster kennzeichnet: Die Kritik am bestehenden politischen System und seinen entsprechenden ideologischen Grundlagen (die a blendenring, unidimensionale Kompetenz und der Verdienst) munden in derFazitFormulierung einer Alternative, die auf dem Losverfahren basiert. Die Autorinnen Dabei Temple personalities ", eine Reihe von Erwartungen an die Praxis in den trennen der Reprasentation (Stellvertretung und Interessenvertretung), der Partizipation, der Legitimitat und der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Prozesse. Die Veroffentlichung weiterer Text, die fur das Losverfahren eintreten, seit der Niederschrift der 'Pralatenwein' 2 und 3 bestatigt die Ergebnisse der Analysis: Szientometrisch sich integrieren pound in den Korpus, und sie wenden up das Argumentationsmuster der Theory der Demokratie aleatorischen year.10 there.Das vierte 'Pralatenwein' erbrachte zentrale Erkenntnisse uber die Entstehungs- und Verbreitungsgeschichte der Minipopuli. So zeigte eine Diffusionsanalyse, dass das Modell zuerst in Deutschland von Peter Dienel und unabhangig davon kurz danach in den USA von Ned Crosby erfunden worden ist. Peter Dienel war der erste, der eine Gruppe ausgeloster Burgerinnen versammelte, damit sie nach einem Prozess der Information und Empfehlungen Deliberation year die Politik formulierten. Wider Erwarten scheint Dabei Temple die judikative Jury weder fur die Planungszelle noch fur die?Citizens Jury, damals noch?Citizens Committee?genannt, eine Inspirationsquelle gewesen zu sein. Vielmehr war der Ausgangspunkt beider Wissenschaftler die Problematik der Planung in der atomisierten pluralen Gesellschaft. As Dienel waren auch Soziologie"und theology, as Crosby Gruppenpsychologie und Ethik wichtige Grundlagen der Vorschlage. Beide haben das Losverfahren aus Grunden pragmatischen gewahlt. Die Rekonstruktion der progressiven Dissemination und Hybridisierung der Planungszelle und der?Citizens Jury?zeigte, dass die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system ALLE MODELLE von Minipopuli sich von further discussion of beiden ableiten lassen. Dabei Temple lassen sich drei Modi unterscheiden: Die Umsetzung (direkte Ubertragung), der Transfer (Anpassung an den Kontext) und die Inspiration (das Modell diente als Anregung).In den Kapiteln 5 und 6 konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass die meisten verbreitete ticketing-system Erwartungen der Theory in den praktischen Minipopuli erfullt werden: Die Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie ist also in diesem Rahmen umsetzbar. Ausgeloste Burgerinnen, die in eine deliberative Situation the factory default condition werden, sind formell, symbolisch und substantiell reprasentativ fur die Bevolkerung. Sie nehmen ihre Rolle als Burgerreprasentantinnen wahr und arbeiten auf die Definition und Umsetzung of Allgemeinwohls hin. Die Teilnehmenden werden von ihren Erfahrung dauerhaft gepragt, und es findet eine wirksame mittelfristig Selbstbefahigung statt. Das Losverfahren und das Modell Minipopulus werden von den teilnehmenden Burgerinnen, den10See Zum Beispiel Stone (2011) oder Pluchino & al. (2011).?550FazitOrganisatorinnen und Teilen der Offentlichkeit als legitim angesehen. & Ferner konnten Ansatze der Entstehung von neuen padagogischen, sozialen und okonomischen Listed beobachtet werden. Die dank der komparativen Untersuchung mogliche Kontextualisierung bestatigte die Ergebnisse von Aachen und Poitiers. Auf der Grundlage einer Analyze der Made Part und Schwachen of Modells konnte eine Aktualisierung der Qualitatskriterien der Minipopuli vorgeschlagen werden. Dabei Temple wurden vier masgebliche Kriterien identifiziert: Die Inklusion (die Burgerinnen und organisierten Interessenvertreterinnen sind anwesend und konnen mitreden), die Deliberation (die Bedingungen einer ausgewogenen Debate und Diskussion sind erfullt), die Relevanz der (Minipopulus ist effektiv und effizient: Er hat hardware und ideelle Wirkung, ist in den politischen Entscheidungsmechanismus integriert und preiswert) und die Fairness (der Prozess ist schwer zu manipulieren, da er transparent und reflexiv ist und professionell begleitet wird).Aachener Das Projekt hat daruber hinaus gezeigt, dass die Anwendung of Modells in einer politischen Blockadesituation sehr effektiv kann within. Sharps Ergebnis sollte jedoch in anderen vergleichbaren Projekten uberpruft werden. Die parallel arbeitenden Planungszellen haben sich auch als nutzliches Werkzeug der Aggregation der Endergebnisse erwiesen, die die Legitimitat of gesamten Verfahrens erhoht. Die Analyze der franzosischen Jury hat ihrerseits ergeben, dass die Redaktion of Burgergutachtens direkt durch die Teilnehmenden die Gefahr birgt, dass soziale Hierarchien verstarkt wieder zum Tragen Montag Kommen. Sie hat auch die Relevanz der Deliberation in mehreren Sitzungen hervorgehoben, die einen groseren Einfluss der Teilnehmenden auf das Verfahren ermoglicht. Sie hat letztlich bewiesen, dass Minipopuli zum Zweck der Evaluierung moglich sind, Solange das Thema entsprechend begrenzt wird.***Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit stost year insert Stelle year ihre Grenzen und regt so zu weiteren Forschungen year. Zunachst ist festzustellen, dass die yesterday vorgenommene Typology experimenteller Natur ist. Sie ist weder noch vollstandig konnen die bisher vorgeschlagenen Prototypen als Ergebnisse unhinterfragbare gelten. Auserdem kann sie kritisiert werden, weil sie eine komplexe und kunstliche Dekonstruktion of Losverfahrens vornimmt, sharps obwohl eigentlich durch einen einfachen und einzigen Charakter this operating werden kann, wie den?blind estate?von Dowlen (2009) oder den?sanitizing effect?von Stone (2011) zum Beispiel. Die Typology?551FazitMuss aussi im Verlaufe weiterer looked for diskutiert, vervollstandigt, bestatigt und prospective auch korrigiert werden.Die szientometrische Analysis hat zwar gezeigt, dass das Interested am Losverfahren wachst. Sie macht auch deutlich, wie related sharps Interested ist: Die Existenz von Weninger als 400 Texten in Mehr als 40 Jahren EIB exponentiell wachsender Zahl der Veroffentlichungen in den Sozialwissenschaften insgesamt ist kein Anzeichen, dass ein "Zeitalter of Losverfahrens"11 auf few zukommt.Die Reichweite der qualitativen Analysis dreifach ist begrenzt: Erstens wurden die zahlreichen Text uber Lotterien und identifiable nicht aufgenommen, sodass manche Prognosen und Argumente von Verfechterinnen of Losverfahrens nicht berucksichtigt werden konnten. Zweitens wurde im sechsten 'Pralatenwein' festgestellt, dass die aleatorische Demokratie nicht unumstritten ist: es Konnte aussi breast, dass die Autorinnen der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie sich irren, dass ihre Diagnose demokratischer Defizite sowie ihre Losungsvorschlage angreifbar sind? In diesem Rahmen konnten die dem Losverfahren kritisch stehenden Text verstarkt untersucht werden und eine Art "Gegentest" gefuhrt werden. Drittens kann man die Meinung der Autorinnen, dass die aleatorische Demokratie: 'I ride with "neuen Mensch" brauche, durchaus infrage stellen. Tatsachlich scheint der "aleatorische Mensch" weit von seinem liberalen Gegenpart entfernt zu sein: Er ist kein modernize Prometheus, der auftretenden went Problem durch seine Rationalitat und seine technische Macht losen will, sondern jemand, der Weis, dass die Welt intrinsisch kontingent ist.Weist Zudem die empirische : inleidende studie zwei Schwachstellen auf. Erstens wirkte sich die Method der teilnehmenden Beobachtung durch die Interaktion mit den Teilnehmenden und den Organisatorinnen auf den Prozess selbst und damit moglicherweise auf die Ergebnisse der : inleidende studie aus. Zweitens stiesen die Untersuchungen in Aachen und Poitiers an den Grenzen qualitativen jeglicher Arbeit: Eine statistische Reprasentativitat der Falle , wurde nicht erreicht, und die Erhebung ist plausibel Zwar, aber nicht systematisch. In Aachen konnte ich lediglich mit 27 Teilnehmenden sprechen (25% der Gruppe), in beiden Fallen wurden die Nicht-Teilnehmenden ignoriert, sowie die Beamtinnen, die die Empfehlungen umsetzen readjustment may be necessary. Weiterhin konnten keine Beobachtungen uber den tatsachlichen Einfluss der Moderatorinnen durchgefuhrt werden, fur den sich in den Interviews einige Hinweise-. Eine solche Untersu11Cf.Die Meinung von Leiman (1978, 8) : "Cleary, the age of random selection is upon us."552FazitChung ware in that they are sehr fruchtbar.Die Uberprufung der Theory hat zudem gezeigt, dass nicht Erwartungen went in der Praxis tatsachlich erfullt sind: Die individual Macht der Burgerinnen lasst schnell nach, die statistische Willensreprasentation ebenso. Es entsteht keine neue Form der?accountability',und das Partizipationsangebot reicht nicht aus, um eine entsprechende Nachfrage zu produzieren. Es findet kein eindeutiger Vertrauenszuwachs in die traditional Politik statt, ebenso wenig wie der erhoffte Wechsel hin zu einer prozeduralen Legitimitat: Die Burgerinnen versuchen im Gegenteil ihre Legitimitat im Wesentlichen durch die Suche nach der "Guten Entscheidung" und die Wechselwirkung mit der traditionellen reprasentativen Sphare substantiell zu begrunden. Pound nicht Erwartungen erfullten resultieren teilweise aus dem Kontext sowie dem Modell und bilden ein fruchtbares Land as for empirische looked for. Die Kontextualisierung of sechsten Kapitels unterstrich daruber hinaus, dass die Hauptschwache der Minipopuli ihre fehlende onto Breite Wirksamkeit ist. Die Herausforderung groste aussi scheint die Schaffung einer effektiven Interface zwischen der aleatorischen "Minipolitik" und der liberalen "Maxipolitik" zu sein, damit erstere nicht eine erzwungene, von oben kontrollierte Randerscheinung bleibt?€. Die Befurworterinnen der Demokratie aleatorischen personalities ", call Strategien, um einen entsprechenden Wechsel voranzutreiben: Die ersten propagieren die Umsetzung polling, eine 'Gruppe setzt eher auf die Entwicklung eines koharenten Diskurses und eine dritte Gruppe will zunachst auf der politischen Kuhe aktiv werden.***Die einst breit international on-line und dann in Vergessenheit geratene Technik of Losverfahrens ist zuruck. Sie wurde durch die mathematischen Erkenntnisse of 20. Jahrhunderts verbessert. Das Prinzip aleatorische spielt eine zentrale Rolle in der Medizinischen Fachgesellschaften Forschung, die strukturiert Finanzmarkte, ist grundlegend fur Versicherungswesen, Physik, Biology digital und Sicherheit. Dieser "Quantensprung" (Becker 1991) ist seit 40 Jahren auch in die Politik und die Politikwissenschaft eingegangen. Dank der Imagination und Durchhaltevermogens von Pionieren wie Peter Dienel oder Ned Crosby und der Experimentierfreudigkeit Politischer Jugendring Mandatstragerinnen wurden neue Formen der Entscheidungsfindung ausprobiert.Nach einer Zeit of Experimentierens sollte es nun gehen darum, einen?change of scale?(Wechsel of Masstabes und der Ebony) von der "Minipolitik" hin zur "Maxipolitik" voranzutreiben. Die politische Aktualitat scheint Dabei Temple ein?window of opportunity?darzustellen. In?553FazitDeutschland haben die protested mu Stuttgart 21 gezeigt, dass die traditionellen Planungsprozesse und Partizipationsinstrumente die Burgerinnen nicht zufrieden stellen. In Frankreich ist die partizipative Demokratie in lokalen und regionalen Praktiken verankert und erscheint auch zeitweise in nationalen politischen Debatten. Auserhalb von Europa hat der Staat Oregon die?Citizens Juries?als Bestandteil von Volksabstimmungen institutionalisiert. Selbst China experimentiert mit Minipopuli. Der arabische Fruhling hat gezeigt, dass der Wunsch nach mehr Demokratie nicht aufzuhalten ist. Auf der globalen Ebene stellen sich zudem Fragen, die den Spielraum der klassischen reprasentativen Demokratie ubertreffen, seien es der Klimawandel, die internationalen Migration In oder die Frage unendlichen DES WACHSTUMS in einer endlichen Welt.Losverfahren Das ist kein Alleinheilmittel, und seine Anwendung wird wahrscheinlich mit Desillusionen verbunden within, so, wie einst die Einfuhrung of allgemeinen Wahlrechts nicht ausreichte, um eine perfekte Demokratie zu erreichen. Die Theory und Praxis der aleatorischen Demokratie haben allerdings das Potential, in further discussion of passing kommenden und Umbruchen eine zentrale Rolle zu Maxxi spielen+lernen.554 ................
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