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NAME ___________________________________________________________ DATE ________ PERIOD ________ Italian Unification – Document Packet Document 1 Questions: In what ways does this speech appeal particularly to workers? What was Mazzini asking the workers to do? Why does Mazzini believe that 'the map of Europe will be re-drawn'? In what ways would you use this historical document in writing about the rise of Italian nationalism? Yours first duties—first as regards importance—are, as I have already told you, towards Humanity. You are men before you are either citizens or fathers. Embrace the whole human family in your affection. Bear witness to your belief in the Unity of that family, consequent upon the Unity of God, and in that fraternity among the peoples which is destined to reduce that unity of action.... But what can each of you, singly, do for the moral improvement and progress of Humanity? You can from time to time give sterile utterance to your belief; you may, on some rare occasions, perform some act of charity towards a brother man not belonging to your own land;—no more. But charity is not the watchword of the Faith of the Future. The watchword of the faith of the future is Association, and fraternal co-operation of all towards a common aim; and this is as far superior to all charity, as the edifice which all of you should unite to raise would be superior to the humble hut each one of you might build alone, or with the mere assistance of lending, and borrowing stone, mortar, and tools. But, you tell me, you cannot attempt united action, distinct and divided as you are in language, customs, tendencies, and capacity. The individual is too insignificant, and Humanity too vast.... This means was provided for you by God when he gave you a country; when, even as a wise overseer of labour distributes the various branches of employment according to the different capacities of the workmen, he divided Humanity into distinct groups or nuclei upon the face of the earth, thus creating the germ of Nationalities. Evil governments have disfigured the divine design. Nevertheless you may still trace it, distinctly marked out.... They have disfigured it by their conquests, their greed, and their jealousy even of the righteous power of others; disfigured it so far that if we except England and France—there is not perhaps a single country whose present boundaries correspond to that design. These governments did not, and do not, recognize any country save their own families or dynasty, the egotism of caste. But the Divine design will infallibly be realized. Natural divisions, and the spontaneous, innate tendencies of the peoples, will take the place of the arbitrary divisions sanctioned by evil governments. The map of Europe will be re-drawn. The countries of the Peoples, defined by the vote of free men, will arise upon the ruins of the countries of kings and privileged castes, and between these countries harmony and fraternity will exist. And the common work of Humanity, of general amelioration and the gradual discovery and application of its Law of life, being distributed according to local development and advance. Then may each one of you, fortified by the power and the affection of many millions, all speaking the same language, gifted with the same tendencies, and educated by the same historical tradition, hope, even by your own single effort, to be able to benefit all Humanity. O my brothers, love your Country! Our country is our Home, the house that God has given us, placing therein a numerous family that loves us, and whom we love; a family with whom we sympathise more readily, and whom we understand more quickly than we do others; and which, from its being centered round a given spot, and from the homogeneous nature of its elements, is adapted to a special branch of activity. Our country is our common workshop, whence the products of our activity are sent forth for the benefit of the whole world; wherein the tools and implements of labour we can most usefully employ are gathered together: nor may we reject them without disobeying the plan of the Almighty, and diminishing our own strength.SOURCE: Giuseppi Mazzini, An Essay on the Duties of Man Addressed to Workingmen, late-19c. Document 2 Questions: Who are identified as the chief enemies of a unified Italy? Why? What does Garibaldi ask of the people of the various regions of Italy? Why? How is unification to be achieved? Why is this such an important historical document? What does it tell us about the nature of Italian nationalism in 1860? Italians!—The Sicilians are fighting against the enemies of Italy, and for Italy. It is the duty of every Italian to succour them with words, money, and arms, and, above all, in person. The misfortunes of Italy arise from the indifference of one province to the fate of the others. The redemption of Italy began from the moment that men of the same land ran to help their distressed brothers. Left to themselves, the brave Sicilians will have to fight, not only the mercenaries of the Bourbon, but also those of Austria and the Priest of Rome. Let the inhabitants of the free provinces lift their voices in behalf of their struggling brethren, and impel their brave youth to the conflict. Let the Marches, Umbria, Sabina, Rome, the Neapolitan, rise to divide the forces of our enemies. Where the cities suffice not for the insurrection, let them send bands of their bravest into the country. The brave man finds an arm everywhere. Listen not to the voice of cowards, but arm, and let us fight for our brethren, who will fight for us tomorrow. A band of those who fought with me the country's battles marches with me to the fight. Good and generous, they will fight for their country to the last drop of their blood, nor ask for other reward than a clear conscience. "Italy and Victor Emmanuel!" they cried, on passing the Ticino. "Italy and Victor Emmanuel!" shall re-echo in the blazing caves of Mongibello. At this cry, thundering from the great rock of Italy to the Tarpeian, the rotton Throne of tyranny shall crumble, and, as one man, the brave descendants of Vespro shall rise. To Arms! Let me put an end, once and for all, to the miseries of so many centuries. Prove to the world that it is no lie that Roman generations inhabited this land. SOURCE: Garibaldi’s “Proclamation of the Liberation of Sicily,”1860. Document 3 Questions: Briefly, what did Cavour get from Napoleon III here at Plombieres? What was Cavour’s hidden agenda? Napoleon III’s? 1. With the objective of freeing Italy from Austria's yoke and of consecrating the great principle of Italian nationality, an offensive and defensive treaty of alliance shall be concluded between the Emperor of the French and the King of Sardinia. 2. As soon as war shall have been declared between Sardinia and Austria, France would immediately intervene by sending an army corps to Spezia and one or two divisions to Genoa, which, together with the Sardinian Army, would advance against the Austrian forces concentrated along the Po and the Ticino. The military forces of the allies in Italy should be rapidly increased to 300,000 men, that is to say, 200,000 French and 100,000 Sardinian and Italian. A naval fleet in the Adriatic would support the operations of the armies on land. 3. The preparations to be made, the immediate action to be taken, shall be concerted in advance between France and Sardinia. To this effect, the Emperor shall decide if he wants to send an officer who enjoys his entire confidence to Turin, or if he believes it preferable that General La Marmora go to Paris. 4. The military convention, to be signed following these preliminary agreements, shall regulate the manner in which the two Nations shall meet the expenses of the war and the use of resources which the successively occupied countries could furnish. 5. France shall assist Sardinia in obtaining a loan at Paris. 6. The successively occupied Italian provinces shall be declared in a state of siege and submitted to military authority. The administration shall be entrusted to employees nominated by the King of Sardinia. An immediate attempt shall be made either through recruitment or through an appeal to volunteers, to enlist all the active forces in the country, The recruits and the volunteers shall be incorporated in the Sardinian Army. 7. The purpose of the war being the complete deliverance of Italy, it shall be pursued until this purpose should be achieved. 8. At the peace, the Kingdom of Upper Italy shall be created. It shall include, in addition to the areas already a part of the Kingdom of Sardinia: The Austrian provinces in Italy;The Duchies of Parma and of Modena;The Papal States this side of the Appennines. 9. The conduct of the Grand Duke of Tuscany and of the King of Naples toward the allies and the political events caused by the war shall determine the fate of these States at the peace. It is, however, established in principle that the Holy See shall remain in Rome, and that the Pope shall continue to exercise sovereign authority therein, as well as in the territory which shall be annexed thereto; and that the portion of Italy not included in the Kingdom of Upper Italy shall be divided into two states. 10. The diverse Italian States shall constitute a confederation.11. It shall remain to be seen if, in the event that the throne of Tuscany should become vacant, it could not be disposed of in favor of the Duke of Parma. 12. Since the war is being fought in defense of the great principle of nationalities, the population of Savoy could be reunited with France. Sardinia shall retain, however, the fortress of Esseillon, located at the foot of Mount Cenis. The nationality of the inhabitants of the County of Nice being in doubt, the question as regards them is reserved. SEPARATE ARTICLE.If between now and the coming spring no occasion arises which leads to war with Austria, the Government of Sardinia shall not further oppose an appeal to it by the populations of Massa and of Carrara, who have long been subjected to the most oppressive regime, to obtain aid and protection. It shall permit the inhabitants of these districts to demand, in a formal petition, the annexation of these two small Duchies to Sardinia. King Victor Emmanuel, without granting this wish, will place them under his protection by addressing a forceful and menacing remonstrance to the Duke of Modena. The question thus precipitated, not only with Modena, but also with Austria, her natural protector, would necessarily lead to a declaration of war. If need be, Sardinia could occupy Massa and Carrara. Nigra to CavourParis, Hotel du Louvre, 31 August 1858. My dear Count,... At 9:30 a.m., I was presented to His Majesty,...The Emperor first looked over the summary of what had been agreed to at Plombie?res, which Your Excellency had sent to him... The Emperor then said to me that, since these were not formal treaty stipulations, the comments he had made were not to the point, and he charged me with writing to Your Excellency to assure you that, for his part, the summary which he held in his hand was an exact and complete expression of the agreement reached at Plombie?res. SOURCE: Count Cavour to Napoleon III, August 3,1858 & Napoleon’s response, August 31,1858. Document 4 Questions: What were the major challenges facing the new Italian nation in 1871? Why does Victor Emmanuel mention the danger of rivalry? Why does Victor Emmanuel encourage the nation in its 'love of work'? How representative are these of the concerns which activated other European nations at this time? What other types of documents and evidence would help us gain a fuller understanding of the challenges facing the new Italian state in 1871? Senators and Deputies, gentlemen! The work to which we consecrated our life is accomplished. After long trials of expiation Italy is restored to herself and to Rome. Here, where our people, after centuries of separation, find themselves for the first time solemnly reunited in the person of their representatives: here where we recognize the fatherland of our dreams, everything speaks to us of greatness; but at the same time it all reminds us of our duties. The joy that we experience must not let us forget them.... We have proclaimed the separation of Church and State. Having recognized the absolute independence of the spiritual authority, we are convinced that Rome, the capital of Italy, will continue to be the peaceful and respected seat of the Pontificate.... Economic and financial affairs, moreover, claim our most careful attention. Now that Italy is established, it is necessary to make it prosperous by putting in order its finances; we shall succeed in this only by persevering in the virtues which have been the source of our national regeneration. Good finances will be the means of re-enforcing our military organization. Our most ardent desire is for peace, and nothing can make us believe that it can be troubled. But the organization of the army and the navy, the supply of arms, the works for the defense of the national territory, demand long and profound study.... Senators and deputies, a vast range of activity opens before you; the national unity which is today attained will have, I hope, the effect of rendering less bitter the struggles of parties, the rivalry of which will have henceforth no other end than the development of the productive forces of the nation. I rejoice to see that our population already gives unequivocal proofs of its love of work. The economic awakening is closely associated with the political awakening. The banks multiply, as do the commercial institutions, the expositions of the products of art and industry, and the congresses of the learned. We ought, you and I, to favor this productive movement while giving to professional and scientific education more attention and efficiency, and opening to commerce new avenues of communication and new outlets.... A brilliant future opens before us. It remains for us to respond to the blessings of Providence by showing ourselves worthy of bearing among the nations the glorious names of Italy and Rome.SOURCE: King Victor Emmanuel II, 1871. German Nationalism & Unification – Document Packet Document 1 Otto von Bismarck: Letter to Minister von Manteuffel, 1856Because of the policy of Vienna [the Congress of Vienna, 1815], Germany is clearly too small for us both [Prussia and Austria]; as long as an honorable arrangement concerning the influence of each in Germany cannot be concluded and carried out, we will both plough the same disputed acre, and Austria will remain the only state to whom we can permanently lose or from whom we can permanently gain. . . .I wish only to express my conviction that, in the not too distant future, we shall have to fight for our existence against Austria and that it is not within our power to avoid that, since the course of events in Germany has no other solution. Field Marshal Helmuth von Moltke: 1866 The war of 1866 [between Prussia and Austria] was entered on not because the existence of Prussia was threatened, nor was it caused by public opinion and the voice of the people; it was a struggle, long foreseen and calmly prepared for, recognized as a necessity by the Cabinet, not for territorial aggrandizement, for an extension of our domain, or for material advantage, but for an ideal end--the establishment of power. Not a foot of land was exacted from Austria, but she had to renounce all part in the hegemony of Germany. . . Austria had exhausted her strength in conquests south of the Alps, and left the western German provinces unprotected, instead of following the road pointed out by the Danube. Its center of gravity lay out of Germany; Prussia's lay within it. Prussia felt itself called upon and strong enough to assume the leadership of the German races. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Otto von Bismarck: 1866 We had to avoid wounding Austria too severely; we had to avoid leaving behind in her any unnecessary bitterness of feeling or desire for revenge; we ought rather to reserve the possibility of becoming friends again with our adversary of the moment, and in any case to regard the Austrian state as a piece on the European chessboard. If Austria were severely injured, she would become the ally of France and of every other opponent of ours; she would even sacrifice her anti-Russian interests for the sake of revenge on Prussia. . . .The acquisition of provinces like Austria Silesia and portions of Bohemia could not strengthen the Prussian state; it would not lead to an amalgamation of German Austria with Prussia, and Vienna could not be governed from Berlin as a mere dependency. . . .Austria's conflict and rivalry with us was no more culpable than ours with her; our task was the establishment or foundation of German national unity under the leadership of the King of Prussia. SOURCE: Various documents concerning German unification. Document 2 Whereas the German princes and the free cities have unanimously called upon us to renew and to assume, with the restoration of the German Empire, the German imperial office, which has been empty for more than sixty years; and Whereas adequate arrangements have been provided for this in the constitution of the German Confederation; We, Wilhelm, by the grace of God King of Prussia, do herewith declare that we have considered it a duty to our common fatherland to answer the summons of the united German princes and cities and to accept the German imperial title. In consequence, we and our successors on the throne of Prussia will henceforth bear the imperial title in all our relations and in all the business of the German Empire, and we hope to God that the German nation will be granted the ability to fashion a propitious future for the fatherland under the symbol of its ancient glory. We assume the imperial title, conscious of the duty of protecting, with German loyalty, the rights of the Empire and of its members, of keeping the peace, and of protecting the independence of Germany, which depends in its turn upon the united strength of the people. We assume the title in the hope that the German people will be granted the ability to enjoy the reward of its ardent and self- sacrificing wars in lasting peace, within boundaries which afford the fatherland a security against renewed French aggression which has been lost for centuries. And may God grant that We and our successors on the imperial throne may at all times increase the wealth of the German Empire, not by military conquests, but by the blessings and the gifts of peace, in the realm of national prosperity, liberty, and morality. Wilhelm I, Kaiser und Ko?nig. SOURCE: The German Imperial Proclamation January 18,1871. Document 3 Questions: What was the real purpose of Bismarck's speech? Why was he appealing to the national pride of Germans in order to achieve his aims? Who was Germany's greatest enemy? Why? What role does Bismarck give to God in the German nation's history? To what extent was religion an important element of German nationalism? How representative do you think Bismarck is of the nationalist spirit in Germany towards the end of the nineteenth century? Great complications and all kinds of coalitions, which no one can foresee, are constantly possible, and we must be prepared for them. We must be so strong, irrespective of momentary conditions, that we can face any coalition with the assurance of a great nation which is strong enough under circumstances to take her fate into her own hands. We must be able to face our fate placidly with that self reliance and confidence in God which are ours when we are strong and our cause is just. And the government will see to it that the German cause will be just always We must, to put it briefly, be as strong in these times as we possibly can be, and we can be stronger than any other nation of equal numbers in the world. I shall revert to this later—but it would be criminal if we were not to make use of our opportunity. If we do not need our full armed strength, we need not summon it. The only problem is the not very weighty one of money—not very weighty I say in passing, because I have no wish to enter upon a discussion of the financial and military figures, and of the fact that France has spent three milliards for the improvement of her armaments these last years, while we have spent scarcely one and one half milliards, including what we are asking of you at this time. But I leave the elucidation of this to the minister of war and the representatives of the treasury department class= When I say that it is our duty to endeavor to be ready at all times and for all emergencies, I imply that we must make greater exertions than other people for the same purpose, because of our geographical position. We are situated in the heart of Europe, and have at least three fronts open to an attack. France has only her eastern, and Russia only her western frontier where they may be attacked. We are also more exposed to the dangers of a coalition than any other nation, as is proved by the whole development of history, by our geographical position, and the lesser degree of cohesiveness, which until now has characterized the German nation in comparison with others. God has placed us where we are prevented, thanks to our neighbors, from growing lazy and dull. He has placed by our side the most warlike and restless of all nations, the French, and He has permitted warlike inclinations to grow strong in Russia, where formerly they existed to a lesser degree. Thus we are given the spur, so to speak, from both sides, and are compelled to exertions which we should perhaps not be making otherwise. The pikes in the European carp-pond are keeping us from being carps by making us feel their teeth on both sides. They also are forcing us to an exertion which without them we might not make, and to a union among us Germans, which is abhorrent to us at heart. By nature we are rather tending away, the one from the other. But the Franco-Russian press within which we are squeezed compels us to hold together, and by pressure our cohesive force is greatly increased. This will bring us to that state of being inseparable which all other nations possess, while we do not yet enjoy it. But we must respond to the intentions of Providence by making ourselves so strong that the pikes can do nothing but encourage us... If we Germans wish to wage a war with the full effect of our national strength, it must be a war which satisfies all who take part in it, all who sacrifice anything for it, in short the whole nation. It must be a national war, a war carried on with the enthusiasm of 1870, when we were foully attacked. I still remember the earsplitting, joyful shouts in the station at Ko?ln. It was the same all the way from Berlin to Ko?ln, in Berlin itself. The waves of popular approval bore us into the war, whether or not we wished it. That is the way it must be, if a popular force like ours is to show what it can do.... A war into which we are not borne by the will of the people will be waged, to be sure, if it has been declared by the constituted authorities who deemed it necessary; it will even be waged pluckily, and possibly victoriously, after we have once smelled fire and tasted blood, but it will lack from the beginning the nerve and enthusiasm of a war in which we are attacked. In such a one the whole of Germany from Memel to the Alpine Lakes will flare up like a powder mine; it will be bristling with guns, and no enemy will dare to engage this furor teutonicus which develops when we are attacked. We cannot afford to lose this factor of preeminence even if many military men—not only ours but others as well—believe that today we are superior to our future opponents. Our own officers believe this to a man, naturally. Every soldier believes this. He would almost cease to be a useful soldier if he did not wish for war, and did not believe that we would be victorious in it. If our opponents by any chance are thinking that we are pacific because we are afraid of how the war may end, they are mightily mistaken. We believe as firmly in our victory in a just cause as any foreign lieutenant in his garrison, after his third glass of champagne, can believe in his, and we probably do so with greater certainty. It is not fear, therefore, which makes us pacific, but the consciousness of our strength. We are strong enough to protect ourselves, even if we should be attacked at a less favorable moment, and we are in a position to let divine providence determine whether a war in the meanwhile may not become unnecessary after all I am, therefore, not in favor of any kind of an aggressive war, and if war could result only from our attack— somebody must kindle a fire, we shall not kindle it. Neither the consciousness of our strength, which I have described, nor our confidence in our treaties, will prevent us from continuing our former endeavors to preserve peace. In this we do not permit ourselves to be influenced by annoyances or dislikes. The threats and insults, and the challenges, which have been made have, no doubt, excited also with us a feeling of irritation, which does not easily happen with Germans, for they are less prone to national hatred than any other nation. We are, however, trying to calm our countrymen, and we shall work for peace with our neighbors, especially with Russia, in the future as in the past... We are easily influenced—perhaps too easily—by love and kindness, but quite surely never by threats! We Germans fear God, and naught else in the world! It is this fear of God which makes us love and cherish peace. If in spite of this anybody breaks the peace, he will discover that ardent patriotism.... has today become the common property of the whole German nation. Attack the German nation anywhere, and you will find it armed to a man and every man with the firm belief in his heart: God will be with usSOURCE: Otto von Bismarck, in an address to the German Reichstag, 1888. ................
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