Massachusetts Institute of Technology



|Title: The effect of media analysis on attitudes and behaviors regarding body image among college students.,  By: Rabak-Wagener, Judith, |

|Eickhoff-Shemek, JoAnn, Kelly-Vance, Lisa, Journal of American College Health, 07448481, Jul98, Vol. 47, Issue 1 |

|Database: Academic Search Premier |

| |

 

|Find More Like ThisTHE EFFECT OF MEDIA ANALYSIS ON ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIORS REGARDING BODY IMAGE AMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS |

|Contents |

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|METHOD |

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|  Sample |

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|  Survey Instrument |

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|  Procedure |

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|  Intervention |

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|  Data Analysis |

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|RESULTS |

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|  Descriptive Statistics |

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|  Analysis by Category |

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|COMMENT |

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|  Study Limitations |

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|  Implications |

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|  REFERENCES |

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|Abstract. Particular strategies of media advocacy can help people contest the dominant body images of fashion advertisements and reframe |

|them to include a broader array of "normal" images. A study with an intervention group (n = 60) and a comparison group (n = 45) of |

|undergraduate college students was conducted to investigate whether analyzing and reframing fashion advertisements changed the students' |

|attitudes and behaviors regarding their own body images. Results from the posttest showed a significant change in beliefs among those in |

|the intervention group but no significant change in behaviors. The comparison group showed no significant change in beliefs or behaviors. |

|Posttest results from the women in the intervention group (n = 44) indicated a significant change in the study participants' beliefs that |

|adult models in advertisements have an ideal body size and shape and that the participants' decisions about dieting or exercising should be|

|based more on looks rather than on health status. |

|Key Words: advertising, body image, fashion, media advocacy, reframing issues |

|The proliferation of research studies on eating disorders in the 1970s and 1980s has been followed by a broad examination of a health issue|

|that affects a larger segment of the population-body image dysphoria, defined as dissatisfaction and anxiety, ranging from mild to severe, |

|about one's body.[ 1-6] Eating disorders are estimated to occur in from 1 to 100 women (or 20 in 100 when anorexia and bulimia are |

|combined).[ 7] Eating disorders occur approximately 10 times more often in women than in men,[ 8] and the prevalence of body image |

|dissatisfaction among young women and men is much higher than statistics for eating disorders indicate.[ 3] It has been estimated that up |

|to two thirds of young women and one third of young men experience significant dissatisfaction with their body size, shape, condition, or |

|appearance.[ 3, 9] |

|The mass marketing of body images through print media and television advertising has been well documented as a powerful force in creating |

|the 1990s perception of the tall, thin, and toned ideal for women[ 4, 8, 10-13] and the medium-sized, muscular ideal for men.[ 14] |

|Additional studies have demonstrated a disturbing trend in dieting in very young women[ 1, 3, 5]; a correlation between smoking and weight |

|control behavior, particularly in young women[ 15]; and a proliferation of body-image reconstructive surgery among women.[ 16, 17] |

|Fashion advertisements have also been found to have a negative effect on body image attitudes and behaviors among young women. Levine and |

|associates[ 10] reported that 70% of the teenage women who regularly read fashion magazines in their study considered the magazines an |

|important source of beauty and fitness information. Nearly one fourth of those girls reported a strong interest in emulating fashion |

|models. Although the prevalence and effects of media images on young adults' perceptions of body image have been the subject of a host of |

|evaluations, few researchers have investigated the effect of participation in a fashion critique on young women's and men's attitudes and |

|behaviors regarding their own body image. In a secondary-school-based program on eating disorders, Neumark-Sztainer et al[ 18] incorporated|

|the critical analysis of weight loss advertisements as a component; they did not report direct measures of students' perceptions of media |

|credibility or indicate whether attitudes and behaviors (or both) changed as a result of the program. |

|Studies that use media analysis and counter programming techniques have focused most notably on the influences of the tobacco industry. |

|Some researchers have demonstrated a positive correlation between student approval of cigarette advertisements and student smoking.[ 19-21]|

|Armstrong et al[ 21] found that students who perceived cigarette advertising as influential were more likely to be smokers. |

|Techniques in media advocacy can provide valuable theoretical tools for reframing public understandings of health issues from a problem of |

|the individual to that of the social and industrial environment by changing the normative behavior of the media.[ 22-24] When this approach|

|is used, we suggest that media advocacy dealing with body image can call upon several methods to shift the focus of body image dysphoria |

|from a personal failing to media exploitation. These techniques include research, creative epidemiology, and reframing (or contesting) the |

|issues.[ 22, 24] Health interventions that deal with body image dissatisfaction can be designed so that students (a) investigate key |

|assumptions about the fashion industry; (b) design counter advertisements that present epidemiological data regarding eating disorders, |

|body image obsession, and cosmetic surgery in a less than flattering but truthful light; (c) expose the industry's exploitation of models |

|and use of computer imagery; and (d) reframe the issues by creating new images in fashion advertising that include models of various ages, |

|body shapes and sizes, social and cultural backgrounds, and physical abilities. Health educators can involve their students in challenging |

|the media's emphases on slimness and muscularity and all that such emphases imply.[ 8] |

|In this study, we investigated how an education intervention that focused on critiquing popular fashion advertisements and creating more |

|inclusive fashion advertisements would affect college-age students' beliefs and behaviors about their own body images. We designed an |

|intervention to challenge fashion advertising credibility among traditional aged, undergraduate college students. |

|METHOD |

|Sample |

|The site of our 1996 study was a medium-sized metropolitan university in the Midwest. We randomly selected a single class section of |

|students enrolled in two undergraduate healthful living sections offered in the spring and three courses given in the fall semester to |

|receive an educational intervention that focused on media analysis of fashion advertising. Students enrolled in the nonintervention |

|healthful living sections during these semesters served as the comparison group. |

|Participants were 60 intervention and 45 comparison students enrolled in the spring and fall healthful living course given through the |

|School of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation. As researchers, we anticipated that the comparison group would be as large, if not |

|larger, than the intervention group. However, the two sections that were not randomly selected in the fall were much smaller than the |

|intervention section. The majority of the participants were between the ages of 18 and 23 years, of European American descent, and enrolled|

|in a major other than health, physical education, or recreation. The percentage of nonwhite students in our study (approximately 10%) was |

|similar to the percentage of the university as a whole. Forty-four women and 16 men were in the intervention group, and the comparison |

|group consisted of 31 women and 15 men. |

|Survey Instrument |

|We developed an 11-item survey instrument to measure respondents' beliefs and behaviors regarding fashion advertising images. We reviewed |

|and revised the instrument after pilot testing it among students enrolled in a previous healthful living course. Validation of the |

|instrument included obtaining feedback on clarity and consistency from experts in the fields of nutrition, eating disorders, and health |

|education. Minor changes were made on the basis of that feedback. We used the test-retest method to analyze the instrument for reliability |

|and found a reliability coefficient of .8228. |

|Survey recipients were asked to respond to 11 statements using a 7-point Likert-type scale, ranging from strongly disagree ( 1) to strongly|

|agree ( 7). The items included such belief statements as, "Adult models in advertisements have an ideal body size and shape," and such |

|behavior statements as, "I make decisions about dieting or exercising based more upon how I look than on my health status" (see Tables 1 |

|and 2). |

|Procedure |

|The revised survey instrument was approved by the university's Institutional Review Board. Survey instructions included a statement that |

|completion of the survey implied informed consent and that completion of the survey and participation in the intervention activities were |

|elective and would not influence the participants' grades in the course. The instrument also included a written notification that all |

|responses would remain confidential and would be reported as aggregate data only. |

|Before the intervention activities started, both the comparison group and the intervention group completed the instrument for pretest data.|

|One group then participated in intervention activities. The same 11-item survey instrument was administered to both groups after the |

|intervention, approximately 3 weeks after administration of the pretests. |

|Intervention |

|The intervention program was conducted over four consecutive class sessions of 1 hour and 35 minutes (a total program of 6 1/2 hours) |

|during the first 4 weeks of the semester. By conducting the intervention early in the semester, the intervention instructor, an assistant |

|professor in health education, was able to develop rapport with students before too much time in the semester had elapsed. |

|The regularly scheduled classroom instructor assisted in the intervention program, which helped students feel at ease with the intervention|

|leader. The time allotment was selected to allow for group project development and presentations without taking time from other topics. The|

|regular instructors of the intervention and comparison groups agreed that no classroom discussions of body image, eating disorders, media |

|images, or media critiques would be held before the pretest. The instructor for the comparison class did not introduce any discussion of |

|body image or media advocacy and analysis before the students completed the posttest. |

|The four classroom intervention sessions were divided among the following activities: |

|Day 1. Students watched and discussed Slim Hopes,25 a 30-minute videotape. Fashion industry expenditures, norms, and body image dysphoria |

|data were highlighted and discussed after the video presentation. Although the video focused more on female perceptions of body image, the |

|subsequent discussion and all activities applied to both men and women. |

|Day 2. Students critiqued and analyzed slides of male and female fashion advertisements. These ads were selected from among adult popular |

|magazines, including but not limited to Ebony, Cosmopolitan, Glamour, Vogue, and Fitness. Although the researcher intended to select a |

|variety of ads reflecting men and women of different ethnic backgrounds, sizes, and shapes, she found that the vast majority of ads from |

|these magazines included European and African American models with stereotypical sizes and shapes. A few slides from the J.C. Penney |

|catalog showed women of medium-to-large build. During analysis of the slides, students were asked to consider and respond to such |

|discussion questions as (a) Why did the producers of the ad choose the particular poses, designs, and text? (b) What "norms" do the ad |

|perpetuate about young men and women? and (c) What does the ad assume about what it means to be healthy and attractive? This activity was |

|followed by the assignment of small groups whose task was to create counter advertisements; the students were also asked to bring magazines|

|to the third class session. |

|Day 3. Students were challenged to use magazine photographs, images, and text to create two advertisements of any chosen product. One ad |

|was to be as inclusive as possible, displaying people of various ethnic backgrounds, body sizes and shapes, ages, and physical abilities. |

|The other was to satirize the fashion industry's emphases on ultra slimness, muscularity, and youthfulness. We designed these activities to|

|help students in contesting fashion industry norms and assumptions by reframing the images as more inclusive.[ 24] |

|Day 4. During the final class session, we asked students to complete their collages and present their work to the larger group, providing a|

|rationale for their choices. |

|Data Analysis |

|We used the SPSS-X computer package to analyze results of the pretest and posttest and calculated means and standard deviations for both |

|groups on pretest and posttest data. The two-tailed independent t tests were conducted with pretest and posttest data from both the |

|intervention and comparison groups by total score (all 11 items), belief score (Items 1-6), and behavior score (Items 7-11). In addition, |

|we used the same techniques to analyze belief and behavior scores by gender. We analyzed individual survey items only by one of the three |

|groupings but did not analyze items separately. We set the p value for statistical significance at .01. |

|RESULTS |

|Descriptive Statistics |

|Means and standard deviations for both the comparison and intervention groups at pretest and posttest are shown in Table 1 (for belief |

|items) and Table 2 (for the behavior items). On the pretest, both the intervention and comparison groups most strongly agreed with the |

|belief item, "The main impact of advertisements is that they influence people to buy the product." The lowest mean of both men and women |

|for a pretest item regarding beliefs in the intervention and comparison groups was for the statement, "It would be good for my health if my|

|body size and shape were similar to the body size and shape of female fashion models." |

|Both the intervention and comparison groups most strongly agreed with the pretest behavior item, "I make decisions about dieting or |

|exercising based more upon how I look than on my health status." The lowest mean for pretest behavior items for the intervention group was |

|reported from the question (for men or women), "If I don't make attempts to look similar to female fashion models, I will be perceived as |

|less attractive than other people." Of the pretest behavior items ranked by the comparison group, the statement, "When I shop for or buy |

|clothing at a store, I am conscious of the influence that fashion advertisements have had on my selections" had the lowest mean score. |

|Analysis by Category |

|We conducted statistical analysis, performing two-tailed independent t tests for both the intervention and comparison groups, by placing |

|items in three categories: (a) total score, (b) belief score, and (c) behavior score. In addition, we broke out the belief and behavior |

|scores by gender (Table 3). We found no significant difference between the intervention group (n = 60) and the comparison group (n = 44) on|

|the pretest. Students in the intervention group, however, reported significant changes (p < .0001) in their overall perceptions of body |

|image after the intervention (total score of all 11 items). The comparison group reported no significant changes in their overall |

|perceptions of body image (p = .609). |

|When we separated beliefs and behaviors, the intervention group reported a significant change in their beliefs about body image (p < |

|.0001), whereas the comparison groups showed no significant change in beliefs following the posttest. We found no significant differences |

|between intervention and control groups between pretest and posttest measures of behaviors. |

|When we analyzed the data by gender, we found that the women in the intervention group showed a significant change in both beliefs and |

|behaviors (p < .0001) following the intervention (Table 3). The women in the comparison group did not report significant changes between |

|pretest and posttest scores on either beliefs or behaviors. Men in the intervention and comparison groups did not report significant |

|differences in beliefs or behaviors on the pretests or posttests. |

|COMMENT |

|Pretest means on beliefs and behaviors for the intervention and control groups indicated that both groups demonstrated a fairly high |

|agreement with the notion that the main impact of advertisements is that they influence people to buy their product (Item 6). Although we |

|applied two-tailed independent t tests only to the group of beliefs and not to individual items, the intervention group's pretest to |

|posttest mean on this question dropped from 5.03 to 4.58, whereas the comparison group's mean increased slightly, from 4.95 to 5.15. A |

|strong component of the intervention was to challenge the students to analyze the many meanings that were created from the images and text |

|in advertisements. This may have led the intervention group to be more skeptical of the simple notion that the only impact of ads is to |

|influence purchases of fashion products. |

|Results from our study suggest two key findings: (a) this particular intervention was more effective with women than with men, and (b) |

|beliefs were changed more readily than behaviors. When we compared the entire intervention group with the entire comparison group, we noted|

|that beliefs, overall, changed significantly among the intervention group. However, neither of the groups demonstrated any significant |

|changes in behaviors. This pattern supports past research in health education, indicating that it is much more difficult to change |

|behaviors than to change beliefs. |

|Study Limitations |

|Although the significant changes in the beliefs and behaviors of the women in the intervention group are encouraging, the design of this |

|study may not permit generalization because the sample was not representative of the entire undergraduate female population at this |

|university. Most of the students enrolled in the healthful living course majored in fields other than health, physical education, or |

|recreation. It is possible that, because this course is not a university requirement, those women who elected to take it may have been more|

|interested in their own health and fitness than the general student population and more eager to find a balance between eating healthfully |

|and feeling pressured to be ultra thin. |

|This potential bias may also account for the lack of significant change in beliefs and behaviors in the men in the intervention sample. The|

|men who elected to take this course may have been more interested and actively involved in their own fitness. Because the dominant image of|

|male models is one of fit and muscular individuals, it is possible that the men in the course were less influenced by fashion ads than by |

|their personal observations of other men with whom they worked out. |

|Although it is possible that the women in the intervention group may have been more interested in modifying their health behaviors than the|

|average female college student, results from our study suggest that this type of program can be very valuable for those who fit such a |

|profile. As Moore[ 3] and Serdula[ 9] found, at least two thirds of young adult women are dissatisfied with their body images. These women |

|may also be more open to reevaluating their negative thoughts about their body size, shape, and appearance. Further studies with a longer |

|time frame between pretest and posttest administration to investigate the sustainability of the changes in women's postintervention |

|responses are warranted. We were unable to determine whether these changes in beliefs and behaviors were durable. |

|In reflecting on the lack of significant changes among men in the intervention group, it is important to note that Slim Hopes, the |

|introductory video, was primarily targeted toward women. This may have interested the female students more than the male students at an |

|important point in the intervention. That the intervention instructor was a woman may also have created a climate in which the young women |

|could relate to the intervention instructor's discussion points more than the men could. |

|Finally, current fashion norms of male models' physiques require that men who want to emulate those images reshape their body size through |

|muscular development. Even though very heavy men would have to diet and exercise to fit the current male ad images, men would not have to |

|diminish their body sizes through continuous extreme dieting, extreme exercise, or eating-disordered behaviors to replicate ultra thin |

|model sizes, as most women would have to do. This extra challenge for women may account for the women's receptivity to change in beliefs |

|and behaviors following the intervention; the men in the intervention group may have felt less pressured to change their current body sizes|

|and shapes. |

|That women who experienced the intervention reported significant changes in their beliefs and behaviors regarding body image, whereas the |

|women in the comparison groups did not, is of particular importance. These changes in group means on the belief questions indicated that |

|the women in the intervention group were less likely to believe that models in fashion ads represented ideal body size and shape, that the |

|women would be more attractive if their body size or shape looked like most female models, and that it would be good for their health if |

|their bodies were similar to those of fashion models. |

|The women in the intervention group also reported significant changes in their behaviors regarding their body image after participation in |

|the intervention class. Fewer reported that they watched what they ate and how much they exercised because they felt pressured to resemble |

|fashion models. Fewer reported basing their decisions on dieting or exercising more on looks than on health. These findings are |

|particularly encouraging because they suggest that media analysis can be a valuable tool in changing college-aged women's attitudes and |

|behaviors about their own body images. They suggest that the women who completed the intervention program were able to distinguish between |

|the value of media images and their own self-image more readily than those men and women who did not complete the program. The result was |

|that the women who participated in the intervention expressed less concern about dieting and exercising for appearance and popularity. |

|These findings point to the potential use in health education of media critiques to delegitimize the norms created through media images. |

|Constructing inclusive images in ads and satirizing dominant ads allowed our student groups to weaken the credibility of ads that glorify |

|the ultra thin female body and the muscular male body and to create new norms that were more inclusive. |

|Implications |

|Our study results have implications for all health professionals and educators. Although the population studied was primarily aged 18 to 23|

|years, this type of intervention may be applicable to people older and younger than this cohort. The link between using media advocacy |

|techniques, specifically those that reframe the issues to create new norms and change health attitudes and behaviors, is particularly |

|important. Further research is warranted to (a) investigate the potential for theory-based interventions that shift the focus from personal|

|failings to exploitation by the industrial environment, (b) modify students' attitudes regarding media credibility, and (c) weaken the hold|

|of cultural and social norms that often dictate personal behavior. |

|TABLE 1 |

| |

|Scores of Intervention and Comparison Groups on Belief Scale Items |

| |

|Intervention Comparison |

| |

|Statement Pretest Posttest Pretest Posttest |

| |

|1. Adult models in advertisements have |

|an ideal body size and shape. |

|M 4.53 3.56 4.46 4.41 |

|SD 1.74 1.98 1.76 1.56 |

| |

|2. Women would be more attractive if |

|their body size or shape looked like most |

|of the female models in advertisements. |

|M 4.15 3.50 3.87 3.80 |

|SD 1.69 1.58 1.60 1.70 |

|3. Men would be more attractive if their |

|body size or shape looked like most of |

|the male models in advertisements. |

|M 4.41 4.03 4.26 4.02 |

|SD 1.53 1.64 1.73 1.69 |

| |

|4. It would be good for my health if my |

|body size and shape were similar to the |

|body size and shape of female (male) |

|fashion models. |

|M 3.52 3.34 3.52 3.71 |

|SD 1.62 1.81 1.69 1.60 |

| |

|5. I would feel more satisfied with myself |

|if my body looked more like female |

|(male) fashion models' bodies. |

|M 4.70 3.93 4.67 4.21 |

|SD 1.79 1.70 1.50 1.67 |

| |

|6. The main impact of advertisements is |

|that they influence people to buy the |

|product. |

|M 5.03 4.58 4.95 5.15 |

|SD 1.76 1.88 1.67 1.72 |

| |

|Note. Responses ranged from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree |

|(2); M and SD data in all items are based on combined responses |

|from women and men; gender-specific language was used on Questions |

|4 and 5. |

|ABLE 2 |

| |

|Scores of Intervention and Comparison Groups on Behavior Scale |

|Items |

| |

|Intervention Comparison |

| |

|Statement Pretest Posttest Pretest Posttest |

| |

|7. When I shop for or buy clothing at a |

|store, I am conscious of the influence that |

|fashion advertisements have had on my |

|selections. |

|M 3.49 3.36 3.44 3.48 |

|SD 1.64 1.67 1.70 1.62 |

| |

|8. One reason I watch what I eat is |

|because I feel pressured to have a body |

|size or shape that is similar to the shapes |

|and size of many females (males) in the |

|fashion industry. |

|M 3.85 3.70 3.48 3.69 |

|SD 2.05 1.83 1.96 1.77 |

| |

|9. One reason I exercise or work out is |

|because I feel pressured to have a body |

|size or shape that is similar to the shapes |

|and sizes of many females (males) in the |

|fashion industry. |

|M 4.01 3.53 3.54 3.80 |

|SD 2.00 1.75 1.97 1.8 |

| |

|10. If I don't make attempts to look like |

|similar female (male) fashion models, I |

|will be perceived as less attractive than |

|other people. |

|M 3.46 3.23 3.46 3.60 |

|SD 1.76 1.73 1.76 1.80 |

| |

|11. I make decisions about dieting or |

|exercising based more upon how I look |

|than on my health status. |

|M 4.43 3.67 3.96 3.93 |

|SD 1.85 1.96 1.76 1.68 |

| |

|Note. Responses ranged from stongly disagree (1) to strongly agree |

|(2); M and SD data in all items are based on combined responses |

|from women and men; gender-specific language was used on Questions |

|8, 9, and 10. |

| |

|TABLE 3 |

| |

|Scores of Groups on Belief and Behavior Variables in Body Image |

|Study |

| |

|Intervention (n = 60) |

| |

|Pretest Posttest |

|Score M SD M SD p |

| |

|Totals 44.98 12.01 39.64 11.93 .0001 |

|Belief 26.10 6.99 22.54 6.99 .0001 |

|Behavior 19.26 7.11 17.49 6.71 .024 |

| |

|Women |

|Belief 25.75 7.24 20.91 6.72 .0001 |

|Behavior 20.04 6.92 16.87 6.49 .0001 |

|Men |

|Belief 27.13 6.35 27.33 5.57 .847 |

|Behavior 17.06 7.40 19.25 7.20 .140 |

|PART II |

| |

|Comparison (n = 45) |

| |

|Pretest Posttest |

|Score M SD M SD p |

| |

|Totals 42.56 11.01 43.14 11.95 .609 |

|Belief 25.63 6.84 25.47 7.09 .776 |

|Behavior 18.85 7.06 18.26 6.79 .346 |

| |

|Women |

|Belief 25.43 7.06 25.10 7.28 .629 |

|Behavior 19.13 6.69 19.65 7.03 .648 |

| |

|Men |

|Belief 26.08 6.56 26.31 6.82 .831 |

|Behavior 13.86 5.33 15.21 5.25 .155 |

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|25. Kilbourne J. Slim Hopes: Advertising and the Obsession with Thinness. Northhampton, MA: Media Education Foundation; 1995. |

|~~~~~~~~ |

|By Judith Rabak-Wagener, PhD; JoAnn Eickhoff-Shemek, PhD; and Lisa Kelly-Vance, PhD |

|Judith Rabak-Wagener is an assistant professor of health education at Northern Illinois University, DeKalb; JoAnn Eickhoff-Shemek is an |

|assistant professor of health education at the University of Nebraska, Omaha, where Lisa Kelly-Vance is an assistant professor of |

|psychology. |

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