Title of assignment: Gender Mapping of Cambodia



Title of assignment: Gender Mapping of Cambodia

Date of deadline/submission full report: 5 July 2010

Gender Mapping of Cambodia

Content

Introduction 2

Method 2

A. OVERVIEW: GENDER IN A CAMBODIAN CONTEXT 4

1. Gender Roles 4

2. Gender and Economic Empowerment 6

3. Corruption and Legal Constraints in Cambodia 7

B. GENDER THEMES IN FOCUS 8

1. Political Representation of Women: Democratic Governance in Cambodia 8

1.1 Gendered leadership 8

1.2 Decentralization of the political system 10

1.3 Gender and worker’s rights: Women’s participation in Unions 11

2. Gender and Human Rights 13

2.1 Human rights of women and the state of law in Cambodia 13

2.2 Economical Rights of Women 14

2.3 Gender-based violence 14

2.4 Trafficking, prostitution and AIDS 16

3. Gender and Education 18

3.1 General overview of education issues 18

3.2 Policies and measures by the Government of Cambodia 20

C. REPORT ON THE CURRENT SITUATION AND FURTHER RECOMMENDATIONS 23

1. Assessment: Governmental Ambition to Address Gender Constraints in Cambodia 23

2. Neglected Areas and Further Recommendations 25

List of Abbreviations Used 29

References 30

Introduction

The objective of this document is to identify key gender-based constraints and make an overview of the conditions of gender equality in Cambodia. In addition, to an overall assessment of the gender situation in Cambodia, gender issues are analysed in particular in relation to three thematic priorities pinpointed by the Country Team for Cambodia. The following areas of focus have been identified:

Democratic Governance: including the decentralization and public administration reforms, the National Program for Sub-National Democratic Development, gendered leadership and women’s participation in politics, labour unions and civil society.

Human Rights: including women’s human rights and state of law in general, gender-based violence, trafficking, prostitution and AIDS.

Primary and Higher Education: including recent education and policy developments, MDG status, government reforms through capacity building for sector-wide reform and decentralization and improving equitable access and quality of basic education.

Departing from the above areas of interest, the document has been divided into the following parts. Section one gives an overview of prevailing gender roles and gender inequalities in Cambodia. Subsequently, section two deals with gender in relation to the three above mentioned themes and women’s challenges in each of these areas are discerned. Finally, the last section contains an analysis of the key gender issues and depicts governmental achievement as well as shortcomings in attaining gender equality and gender empowerment through the implementation of different plans, strategies and actions. In addition, the concluding section outlines areas in need of further attention and offers policy recommendations for the work ahead.

Method

In order to carry out the desk review of documents describing gender equality in Cambodia, as well as Cambodia’s national policy and programmes on this subject, the method has been collecting relevant documents, including reports, action plans, mid-term reviews, assessments and evaluations by the Cambodian Government, Sida and other local and international organisations. The information from written documentation has been supplemented by previously made interviews with stakeholders at the Government of Cambodia and various international development agencies as well as civil society representatives on gender issues in Cambodia.[1]

A. OVERVIEW: GENDER IN A CAMBODIAN CONTEXT

1. Gender Roles

Gender relations in Cambodia have been described as rather complex. While men traditionally are accorded more status, women, for example, handle significant financial transactions and have a say in household decision-making.[2] Despite this, the gender stereotyping in Cambodia is rather strong. There seems to exist a notion of an ideal woman, who controls her speech and is silent or speaks sweetly to her husband. This is an image that many Cambodians relate to either as a point of reference or as gender symbolism to use in political rhetoric.[3]

The above image is reflected in the Chbap Srey, which is a poem listing codes of ideal gender-appropriate behaviour in Cambodia. The rules describe women as a subaltern group, who are expected to serve, follow and respect their male partners. Among other things, Chbap Srey stresses women’s responsibilities to obey their husbands. According to the rules, men are the superior masters and women are told that: “When you reach the world of human beings, you are to remember that you are the only personal servant of your husband and you should always highly obey your husband”.[4] Chbap Srey has recently been under attack from the UN initiated Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against women.

While noting the value of the cultural heritage of Cambodia, the Committee is concerned about strong gender-role stereotyping, in particular that reflected in the traditional code of conduct known as Chbab Srey, which legitimizes discrimination against women and impedes women’s full enjoyment of their human rights and the achievement of equality between men and women in Cambodian society (UN 2006).[5]

In response, Ms. Ing Kantha Phavi, Minister of Women’s Affairs, explained that teaching children Chbap Srey is a matter of national identity.[6]

While Chbap Srey may just picture an image of an ideal woman, the discourse it reflects still seems to be highly prevalent within current Cambodian society.[7] This is well illustrated by Aing Sok Roeun (2004), who interviewed thirty-six Cambodian women regarding the traditional as well as the contemporary roles of women. Roeun draws the conclusion that elderly women tend to follow almost all the codes of Chbap Srey. Young women also follow Chbap Srey, however, they tend to ignore some of the rules.[8] Likewise, McGrew, Frieson and Chan state that: “There is still a prevailing belief in the culture that [Cambodian] women are more gentle and submissive than men”.[9] By the same token, Petre Santry states that the women she interviewed “agreed that in order to find a husband and maintain a marriage they not only needed to honour their parents and be quiet and gentle, but also should be intelligent, advising and assisting their husbands in his endeavours, as well as generous and obedient”.[10]

Thus, the image of a Cambodian woman as mild, soft-spoken, shy and acting in an amiable manner still remains in contemporary Cambodia and is influencing the expectations women are measured by. However, this reasoning must be nuanced and the existing ambiguity must be made visible. Because, even though Cambodians tend to keep the traditional gender image alive, the gender imagery contains yet other images/values than the “traditional” ones. For example, in contemporary Cambodia the ideal woman can be a “shy, quiet and obedient servant, and a strong, manipulating, vocal village woman”[11] all at the same time. Kate Frieson therefore argues that “the disjuncture between the mythologized female role celebrating temerity and docility on the one hand, and hard-headed business acumen on the other, is a source of social tension and conflict”.[12] In addition, tension is also created as younger, urban women in Cambodia object the traditional code of conduct for women.[13]

2. Gender and Economic Empowerment

According to A Fair Share for Women (2008), women comprise 49.4 percent of the total workforce and Cambodia’s female labour force participation rate is high, with 71 percent of all women, who are 15 years or older, in the workforce.[14] Thus, as Cambodia moves through the process of recovery from decades of violence, the workforce participation of men and women is nearly equal and women contribute to more than half of the household income.[15] Twenty-two percent of all households are headed by a woman, who is likely to work within agriculture.[16] Overall, 80 percent of the population lives in rural areas. In this group, who mainly earn their living from farming, the poverty rate is high. In addition, half of the population is under the age of 20 (due to a baby boom in the 80s).[17]

Over and above, agriculture and the informal sector (mainly commercial activities), the garment industry provides a source of income for many women. Men, on the other hand, have a more diverse job market and are to be found in a broader range of jobs than women. Men dominate the private sector, the governmental sector as well as various supervisory and management positions.[18] While men appear to spend some earnings on recreational activities, women seemingly place the welfare of their children/family as a first priority.[19]

In 2010 the Royal Government of Cambodia has decided to promote women in the business sector by declaring 2010 as the year of women’s economic empowerment. The goal seems to be twofold, firstly to raise public awareness on the important role that women play in owning and operating businesses and, secondly, to enhance women’s enterprises, which could have a far-reaching impact on the national economy.[20]

In contrast to gender roles in many other countries, women in Cambodia are considered to be very economically oriented and they are in general the holders of their family’s wealth. In addition, women are very active in the economic sector.[21] However, their shouldering of economic responsibilities is not reflected in their share of space on the political arena. Frieson has, for example, suggested that: “in the political realm, women are publicly submissive to the male hierarchy rather than active and participatory”.[22]

3. Corruption and Legal Constraints in Cambodia

Corruption in Cambodia is widespread. However, many Cambodians do not consider corruption to be “corruption” but consider it to constitute a gift or a legitimate income. One NGO worker, for example, stated that: “People here get no salaries so corruption is not corruption. Corruption is their salary”. Another local NGO similarly expressed that: “People do not know what corruption is. They give money and call it a gift for something they like to get back”. Still, the consequence of various extra “costs” is a lack of transparency in the allocation of resources as well as in the delivery of services. This lack of transparency is particularly difficult for women, who are often responsible for the schooling and the health of the members of the household.[23]

Human rights and the access to justice are some of the major concerns in Cambodia. According to the respondents, there are various barriers to justice. To be found among the factors are costs, language, physical distance, lack of lawyers, biases and local patronage as well as abuse of power.[24] These obstacles hit women harder than men; since women to a higher degree lack status, assets, have restricted mobility and a lower level of education.

B. GENDER THEMES IN FOCUS

1. Political Representation of Women: Democratic Governance in Cambodia

1.1 Gendered leadership

Although the participation of women, at all levels of decision-making, has increased, leadership in Cambodia is principally male. To recap, in Cambodia, people seem to consider men to be the natural political actors. As will be shown in the analysis below, women are often stereotyped, given a low rank or simply fail to correspond to the stereotype of a political actor. Except for within the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, women’s overall national, provincial and district representation remains very low, although it has increased. For example, the proportion of women elected to the National Assembly increased from 5 percent in the 1993 National elections to 11 percent in 1998, 19 percent in the 2003 elections and 22 percent in the 2008 elections. The proportion of women as Secretary of State and Under Secretary of State has also increased from 7 percent and 9.6 percent in 2003 to 7.7 percent and 14.6 percent in 2008. Today, women make up 10.1 percent of municipal and provincial counsellors, and 12.6 percent of district, town and khan counsellors.[25]

As a response to the low number of women in local and national decision-making, the UN-initiated Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women expressed the following:

[T]he Committee expresses concern about the underrepresentation of women at all levels of political and public life, in particular in Parliament, and the low rate of women’s participation in elections. The Committee is further concerned about the limited participation of women in the public administration and the judiciary at all levels.[26]

Constraints on women in leadership

There are many explanations to women’s low political participation. As indicated above, the image of a politician is informed masculinity, while the stereotypical woman does not accord well with the image of a politician. On the contrary, women are generally considered “non-political” and the political sphere is a masculine-coded realm. And while men as it seems, are the main actors in the game of power and violence, women are assigned primarily domestic responsibilities.[27]

Cambodian women are often described as uninformed and narrow-minded when compared to men and are generally assigned a lower status. Negative comments are often made with reference to women’s inability to leave the household sphere and gain an understanding of the public world (“women cannot go around their own stove”). The hierarchical divide between men and women is strengthened by the fact that women gain less education than men. The characteristics often associated with women result in a lack of confidence of many women and, in line with this, the hierarchy between men and women is reflected in the low numbers of women in political positions.[28]

Local leaders are also expected to work around the clock. Also at night time, if conflicts arise, they are called to intervene. However, women are expected neither to drive motorcycles at night nor to carry weapons or intervene in conflicts and gang fights. As women are often perceived and expected to be easily frightened, domestically oriented and restricted in relation to carrying weapons or leaving their homes this makes it difficult for them to maintain the role of a leader on the local level. Women do not correspond with the image of a protector and, therefore, the recruitment of women to leader positions become problematic.[29]

For women who choose to participate in politics, this means a double workload, as they must handle not only their political office but also most of the household tasks. Many female politicians remain single, both because men avoid women who do not correspond with the image of a “woman”, but also due to the fact that single women have more space in their life to deal with political issues. Women in politics often work harder than men in order to prove themselves.[30]

As indicated above, women’s relation to violence is related to both insecurity and security. While women are occasionally addressed as children and stripped of any leadership abilities, they also symbolize peace and thereby gain political authority.[31] Thus, women are comprehended as being in need of protection and therefore lose authority as they are stripped of any capability to protect. But at the same time their relation to violence adds to their political trustfulness by representing peace and also a sense of security. Women’s “disconnection” from violence thus both reduces and increases their political legitimacy. For men, the pattern is occasionally the reverse. Men are implied to be violent, uncontrolled and destructive, while at the same time being considered the protectors from violence.[32]

1.2 Decentralization of the political system

The Government has carried through a decentralization and deconcentration reform, which began with a commune council election in 2002. Recently a new program, The National Program for Sub-National Democratic Development (NP-SNDD), was launched in order to further strengthen the roles and responsibilities of institutions at all levels. The program will run between 2010-2019 and it will, hopefully, contribute to good governance, development and poverty reduction.[33]

Local Government has the possibility of being an important point of access to the political system for women. Given that women have the main responsibility of domestic matters, to becoming politically active on the local level is often considered a more accessible starting point. Local Government then becomes “the first rung on the ladder”.[34] In Cambodia, the role of women in local leadership has been negotiated in line with political and economic reforms. For example, women’s participation in local decision-making has increased due to the implementation of a quota system and political reforms. For example, female commune counsellors have increased from 8,5 percent in 2002 to 14,6 percent in 2007 and, due to article the 22 of the sub-decree on commune/sangkat councils (stating that one in three village leaders must be a woman), women now make up 30 percent of village administration.[35]

According to the 2009 National Strategic Development Plan (NSDP), the Ministry of Interior (MoI) has appointed women as Provincial Vice Governors in 24 provinces/cities.[36] Furthermore, the Ministry has appointed 197 women as District/Khan Vice Governor throughout the country. The Secretariat of State of Civil Service has also issued guidelines on affirmative action with a quota ranging from 20 percent to 50 percent for women among the new recruits to the civil service. Thereby, the proportion of female civil servants has increased from 32 percent in 2007 to 34 percent in mid-2009. However, while this is a step in the right direction, the NSDP report also states that: “the number of women at senior level/decision-making levels of the civil service remains low, as do the number of women in the judiciary, both as judges and prosecutors”.[37]

In comparison to national politics, women have been more active in political activities that are more civil society oriented.[38] Put together, women’s movements have played an important role in raising awareness about women’s political possibilities as well as in succeeding in keeping women’s rights and capabilities on the national agenda. One example of their impact is the domestic violence law, which was adopted in 2005, under pressure from the civil society.[39]

1.3 Gender and worker’s rights: Women’s participation in Unions

Women make out 80-90 percent of the work force in the garment industry and union membership in the garment sector is said to be higher than in other sectors.[40] According to a report, conducted by One World Action and the Cambodian Free Trade Union in 2007, many unions are, however, allied to either companies or the Government. The report puts forth that several independent observers in 2004 estimated that just 15–20 percent of the workers in the textile industry are members of unions that are indisputably fighting for their interests.[41]

Despite the overwhelming majority of women in the sector they rarely uphold supervisor or management positions[42] and are underrepresented also when it comes to leadership roles in the unions.[43] Union leaders are in most part men and generally do not work at the factories.[44] These two factors, have according to USAID (United States Agency for International Development), been identified by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (ACILS) as key gender constraints for factory workers.[45] Seemingly an exception from the overall picture, the Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia[46] (FTUWKC) has seven (out of 20) female members in its national executive committee and both the Honorary and the Vice Presidents are women.[47] According to the organization, its first president in 1996 Ms. Ou Mary, was severely attacked during a strike in 1997, and therefore decided to step back and take an advisory position.[48]

The right to freedom of assembly, including worker’s rights to organize strikes and non-violent demonstrations is established in the Cambodia Constitution.[49] Cambodia is also a party to the ILO Conventions 87 and 98 on Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective Bargaining. [50] The enforcement of these laws and standards may, however, be put into question. In 2008 the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC) reported that out of 155 peaceful strikes and demonstrations that took place (relating to resource land conflicts and workers’ rights) 108 (70%) were suppressed by armed forces.[51] One previous example, which was subject to much attention at the time, is when female factory workers were met by excessive violence by approximately 200 riot police officers when striking in a garment factory in 2006. After the attack several of the women were arrested and LICADHO argues that they were obliged to sign contracts agreeing not to strike.[52] In 2009 the National Assembly adopted a new law on demonstrations, and Human Rights groups worry that this law will lead to even more restrictions than the previous.[53]

2. Gender and Human Rights

2.1 Human rights of women and the state of law in Cambodia

Cambodia is party to all important human rights treaties, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and has incorporated the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in its 1993 Constitution.[54] Furthermore various national laws have been enacted for the protection of women’s human rights. However, despite the fact that domestic violence, trafficking, rape and sexual exploitation are all prohibited through national legislation, Cambodia has been criticized for its lack of ensuring women’s human rights.[55] For example, the overall willingness of the Government to educate the judiciary and the police on these issues, to implement laws and to protect victims, has been questioned by the member organisation FIDH (International Federation for Human rights).[56]

Moreover, interviews with crime victims, conducted by Amnesty International in its recent report about sexual violence in Cambodia, witness of a general practice of paying the police in order to obtain help from the authorities.[57] A further obstacle for Cambodia, to being considered a State fully following the rule of law, is the deeply rooted extra-judicial settlement Samroh-Samruol. Samroh-Samruol refers to the process through which the perpetrator goes free from criminal charge, by paying a monetary compensation to the victim. This practice of settling disputes largely seems to be accepted by the judicial system and is often mediated by the police (who possibly receives a part of the “compensation”). [58] Court bribery is also widespread and the victim may have to pay several times to secure a trial.[59]

Moreover, there is a major gender gap in all legal professions and there has been a serious shortage of lawyers for decades. There are few female lawyers to support victims and in 2008 only 21 to 167 judges and one to 32 prosecutors were women.[60] In late 2010 a new Penal Code will enter into force and bring about changes in the current legislation on violence against women. Amongst other things, a new crime-definition of rape is thought to make it easier to convict perpetrators.[61]

2.2 Economical Rights of Women

Both men and women can inherit rice fields, village land and houses. However, the landlessness in rural areas has in generally risen and, although the government has made a commitment to joint land titling, low levels of literacy and education as well as socio-cultural norms do make it difficult for women to assert their land rights. In addition, men in general have a greater say in decision-making over more valuable assets such as land. Therefore, Ministry of Women’s Affairs has pinpointed that an important development issue regards how to secure women’s access to land and natural resources. Within the next coming years, one important task will be to ensure that women are able to register their inherited land in their own name. Also land acquired during marriage should be jointly registered. In addition, the awareness of land and property rights must increase, not only among women, but also in the commune councils, cadastral staff and higher-level authorities.[62]

2.3 Gender-based violence

According to the basic understanding of GBV in academic as well as policy-circles, GBV is identified as a consequence of “unequal power relations”.[63] Hence, it seems that beneath different forms of gender-based violence are underlying ideas about masculinity, femininity, sexuality and authority. These notions play a role, not only in creating, but also in reinforcing different kinds of violence.[64] In addition, in Cambodia, the violent history of the country has also been blamed for the high level of domestic violence (for example, the Khmer Rouge era 1975-1979, the Indochina war, the coup d'état in 1997, etc).[65] The Cambodian Women’s Crisis Centre (CWCC), for example, argues that years of fighting has created a broken country, with broken people, who lack social norms.[66] This becomes the very base for a violent society and comprehensive domestic violence.

Domestic violence, rape, including gang rape, violence against sex workers and trafficking are major concerns in Cambodia, involving a significant number of women. A survey conducted by Ministry of Women’s Affairs found that 64 percent of the study samples knew a husband who was violent with his wife. In addition, 22.5 percent of the female respondents had suffered violence from their husbands.[67] Thus, today many women experience violence in their homes, and there are some indicators suggesting that the number of cases is increasing.[68] Ms. Ing Kantha Phavi, Minister of Women’s Affairs, explained in a meeting with the UN Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women that the “belief that men were the heads of families and had the right to discipline women and children with violence continued to be widely held”.[69] Local NGOs confirm this analysis; while men are unaware that domestic violence might be penalized, disciplining women and children with violence is seen as necessary/natural.[70]

With regards to rape and sexual violence against women and girls in Cambodia, there are no comprehensive statistics however, central institutions such as the General Commissariat of National Police and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs believe that the incidences of rape in Cambodia is increasing.[71] According to A Fair Share for Women the victims of rape are frequently under 18 years old.[72]

A National Action Plan to combat Violence against Women (NAPVW) was recently adopted by the Council of Ministers (in 2009). The NAPVW includes four strategies: raising public awareness, improving provision of services, developing and improving policies and related laws, as well as strengthening the capacity of competent officials and agencies on legal and social matters. Education dissemination, provisions of services to help the victims, sentences for the perpetrators, policy and legal development, and monitoring and evaluation are examples of the kind of activities that will be performed within each sector.[73]

Also the civil society is active in the fight against GBV. To reduce GBV, organisations such as GAD (Gender and Development for Cambodia), LICHADO/WRO (Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights) and CWCC (Cambodian Women’s Crisis Centre) have recently changed their programs to include not only women but also men. Men are directly affected by the violence against women: they are the witnesses, relatives and perpetrators. And when women are exposed to violence, those who might help her – the police, decision-makers and legal advisers – are mostly men.[74] However, there is a risk in men taking the lead, as teachers, facilitators and leaders, in the fight against gender-based violence. Putting men in focus, once again, probably serves to strengthen the image of women as passive, uninformed and marginalized from the centre.

2.4 Trafficking, prostitution and AIDS

Human trafficking has in the past years has become a serious problem in Cambodia and today the country functions as a source, transit, and destination country for trafficking.[75] According to the United Nations Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking (UNIAP) Cambodian women and children are trafficked for sexual exploitation and forced labour to countries such as Thailand and Malaysia and Vietnam. Internally women and children are trafficked from rural to urban areas for sexual exploitation.[76] A prohibition of trafficking is clearly stated in the Cambodian Constitution (article 46) and more recently, the Law on Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation was adopted (in 2008).[77] The purpose of the law is to give more power to the authorities in the fight against trafficking and to ensure a better protection of victims.[78] A challenge that remains is addressing the attitudes and behaviours, which lie behind gender-based violence, sexual exploitation and the stigmatization of the victims of violence.[79]

The law against trafficking is to be considered a valuable legislative instrument. However, a widespread “corruption” and lack of training, supervision and resources, have led to major problems in the implementation of the law.[80] Amongst others, several police officials have been prosecuted for trafficking-related corruption charges. In 2006 the former Deputy Director of the Police Anti-Human Trafficking and Juvenile Protection Department was convicted to five years' imprisonment for complicity in trafficking.[81] Extensive efforts have, however, been made extensive efforts to combat trafficking in Cambodia. Ministry of Women’s Affairs has organized awareness-raising and information campaigns against trafficking, governmental officials have undergone training programs on the subject, and in the provinces special police units have been created.[82] Government efforts also include developing legal labour recruitment channels and to ensure protection of Cambodian migrants abroad.[83]

With the objective of limiting the sex industry the Law on Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation establishes a prohibition on the procurement of prostitution.[84] Human rights groups, however, argue that the law and its enforcement has forced prostitution underground and made life harder for the women it aims to help.[85] Amnesty international holds that sex workers have been beaten and raped by the police, but, due to the fact that these women are particularly vulnerable in their relation to the police, few cases are reported.[86]

Extensive public campaigning and education has lead to the consistent rise of the use of condoms in the sex industry. In consequence, HIV among sex workers has dramatically fallen in recent years.[87] On the other hand, women are increasingly infected by their husbands (42% of all new infections) and in the next stage children by their mothers (35% of all new infections).[88] In order to address the problem Ministry of Women’s Affairs deems it necessary to combat the strong stereotypical gender norms that drive the AIDS epidemic, and, which amongst other things, prevents men from protecting themselves when having sex with “good” women.[89] A further consequence of the prevailing gender norms is that it may be very difficult for women, who feel that they are at risk, to refuse sex or to demand condom use by their husbands.[90]

3. Gender and Education

3.1 General overview of education issues

By regional comparison the education and literacy levels in Cambodia remain low and constitute a development concern, which affects not only gender equality but also poverty reduction, economic growth and health in general.[91] The National Strategic Development Plan 2009-2013 lifts out that a large number of women in the ages 15-44 have less than primary school education, and female enrolment rates are the lowest in the region.[92] A Fair Share for Women further reports that a large gender gap also exists in the length of school attendance. The average Cambodian woman attends school only 3.3 years (compared to 5.4 years for men) and men have longer schooling in all employment categories.[93] The low employment rate of women constitutes an obstacle for their possibilities of entering paid employment and a majority of women in Cambodia remain unpaid family workers or sustain themselves through self-employment.[94]

The enrolment rates of women drop at each level of education and in higher education (University) only about 36 percent of the students in 2007/2008 were women.[95] Past years show that the total enrolment rates of both boys and girls have increased and that achievements have been made in reducing the gender gap.[96] Progress is most evident in lower education, with a significant increase of net enrolment rates on primary education level, and in the higher income groups.[97] Consequently, girls from poor families are most seriously under-represented in education following the primary level. A big difference between rural and urban areas is also apparent, with an average length of schooling in Phnom Penh that is more than double that of rural areas.[98]

The Cambodian Millennium Development Goals (CMDG) aim at achieving gender parity in literacy rates and school enrolment up to secondary level, a female- male ratio of 80:100 in upper secondary education, and 70:100 in higher education by 2010. The reports from both Ministry of Women’s Affairs and the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport’s (MoEYS) show that there on several points remains a long way to go before the goals are reached. Figures show that the female- to male ratio in 2007 was 92:100 on primary level, 84:100 on lower secondary level, and 66:100 on upper secondary level.[99] As indicated, the documents reviewed reveal large gender gaps both when it comes to literacy and higher education rates.

Obstacles to education that have particular impact on girls

A major problem for girl’s educational attainment has shown to be the pattern of late entry into school. A report from the World Bank (2006) points out that by each year the girl postpones school entry her chances of remaining in school are 6 percent lower and the chances of completing primary school 60 percent lower. In total, late entry into school reduce the total length of school attendance by three years.[100] Factors such as access to health related facilities (latrines, drinking water etc), the percentage of female teachers and the presence of preschool facilities seem to have a larger impact on girls than on boys when it comes to school attendance.[101] In addition, security concerns of the parents may hinder girls from attending school in cases where the school is situated far away from home.[102]

According to MoEYS’ Education Gender Review 2007/2008, there is limited access to state pre-schools and to lower secondary schools (although the number of schools has doubled in recent years). Furthermore, there are few qualified teachers, and particularly few female teachers, denying girl students role models, which may be of importance when it comes to girl’s educational choices. In 2008, only 35 percent of the lower, and 28 percent of the upper secondary level teachers were women.[103]

Child labour is a significant obstacle for the possibility of both boys and girls to obtain basic education, and is one of the key factors behind overage enrolment and substantial dropout.[104] The negative impact of work activity alongside school increases with age, and particularly so for girls. Legal commitments relating to child labour have been made by Cambodia but important gaps in the current child labour legislation remain. Of particular concern is that the Labour Law does not cover the informal sector, where more than 90 percent of the children are working.[105] Since poverty is one of the main causes for child labour, legal provisions cannot solve the problem alone. According to donor agencies reduction of child labour needs to be mainstreamed into broader development plans and programmes and a strong political commitment to meet the causes of child labour is essential.[106]

3.2 Policies and measures by the Government of Cambodia

Cambodia has made great efforts in rebuilding and reforming its educational system to reach the goal of universal basic education by 2015.[107] As will be elaborated below, the overall strategy of the Cambodian Education Strategic Plan 2006-2010 (ESP), focuses on capacity building and human resource development and decentralization and puts emphasis on improving access to, as well as the quality of all levels of education. In order to put the ESP into practice an Education Sector Support Program (ESSP) was elaborated for the time period of 2006-2010. The policies and measures of the Government in accordance with these documents will be assessed in the following. In doing so, input will be included from, amongst others, the Education Gender Review 2007/2008, which has been prepared by the MoEYS. The specified documents are of relevance for coming years, since the National Strategic Development Plan (NSDP) 2009-2013 puts forwards that the MoEYS will continue to follow the framework outlined in the 2006-2010 ESP.[108]

a) Capacity building for sector-wide reform and decentralization

The ESP declares that a main policy priority of the MoEYS is to enable extended delegation of authority and responsibilities to provincial, district commune and school level.[109] Due to women’s greater participation in local political life, decentralization of the educational system is important from a gender perspective. Furthermore, the educational policies put forth that gender should be actively mainstreamed into all system levels. Gender relevant measures by the ESP, which have been achieved, include developing a Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Plan in Education 2006-2010 and conducting training programs on gender and introducing the gender concept to education personnel on all levels.[110]

One strategy of the Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Plan in Education 2006-2010 is to reshaping social attitudes and values that impede girl’s education and gender equality.[111] Achievements to disseminate the gender mainstreaming strategy in the educational sector have been conducted through training of women in leadership positions, development of a Girl’s Counsellor manual and gender awareness training for directors, deputies, provincial and district level staff, school directors and teachers.[112] The Education Gender Review 2007/2008 however emphasizes that more men need to be included in gender training in order to change attitudes and traditional structures in the school organization. In the training session 2007/2008 over 80 percent of the participants were women.[113]

To address the shortage of teachers and in particular female teachers, extensive focus has been directed towards the teachers training department, which has taken steps to mainstream gender into its strategies. For example, female students are given priority over male students if equal results are obtained on entrance exams and incorporating gender topics in the content of the training program. Female trainees are also given priority for admission to dormitories. There are, however, not enough dormitory facilities for the increasing number of female trainees and some of the facilities cannot assure the safety and privacy of female students.[114]

The gender review document also lifts out the limited tracking of the allocations placed on gender activities. Currently the budget cannot be referred to as “mainstreamed” since it does not reveal how much of the budget of each department is allocated to address gender inequality, making it difficult to verify if the gender policies in place are being implemented.[115]

b) Improving equitable access and quality of basic education

In order to achieve basic education for all children the MoEYS strives to expand community and home based schooling through non-formal education (NFE) programs. The ESP policy includes expanding the Re-entry and Equivalence programs, the literacy and life-skill programs, strengthening and expanding community learning centres, libraries and reading centres as well as upgrading the capacity of NFE staff. Non-formal education has important gender implications since a majority of the overage students and school drop-outs are girls.[116]

Re-entrance programs aim at giving primary level drop-outs the possibility of re-entering at grades three to six, and have between 2005 and 2008 successfully re-entered over 68 000 children, of which 61.6 percent were girls.[117] A shortcoming of these programs from a gender perspective is, however, the lack of tracking of the students enrolled. The gender review points out that it is not enough to know how many girls are re-entered but that it is necessary to survey how many of these continue, and to which educational level.[118]

The literacy and life-skill programs are intended to provide courses in areas such as sewing, traditional music, motor repair, animal raising and hairdressing. The programs are run in Community Learning Centres (CLC) and the majority of the students are women (54.6% in 2007/2008). Constraints to the program include the limited number of centres (only 74 in total in 2008) and the difficulty to access them, posing safety and security problems for girls. Further criticism is directed towards the content of the programs, which is not held to correspond to the demands of the changing national employment trends due to shifts at global market level. Through the options offered girls are limited in their future job possibilities.[119]

An important feature of the ESP is the scholarship program for students from the poorest and most disadvantaged families, especially students from ethnic minorities or of female sex. The strategy comprises annually awarding 20 000 Government scholarships to students on both lower and upper secondary level and to mobilize donor funding for additional scholarships.[120] The policy establishes that a minimum of 60 percent of all scholarships must be allocated to girls. According to the 2007/2008 gender review the scholarship program has contributed to increasing enrolment rates and decreasing the gender gap on lower secondary level. The program must, however, be revised to have a larger impact on higher secondary levels.[121] A report from the World Bank supports the conclusion that the scholarship program has had large positive effect on the school enrolment and attendance of girls, especially so for girls from the poorest families.[122] Scholarship programs of a different kind exist also on the tertiary level but do not have the same impact or extent, in regard to gender, as on lower levels, which is problematic when regarding the low number of women attending higher education.[123]

C. REPORT ON THE CURRENT SITUATION AND FURTHER RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Assessment: Governmental Ambition to Address Gender Constraints in Cambodia

To recap, there are a number of key challenges in the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women in Cambodia. Departing from three themes – Democratic Governance, Human Rights, and Primary and Higher Education – a number of issues stand out. For example, gender disparities in employment remain extensive, there are still fewer girls than boys in all levels of education, violence against women remains widely prevalent in Cambodia with indications of increasing incidences (although the legal framework to address violence has been strengthened) and, finally, while there is an increase in women’s participation on the political arena, the representation of women still remains low, particularly on senior decision‐making positions. There are also very few women represented in the judicial branch – such as judges, prosecutors or lawyers.

In response to a broad spectrum of key gender issues, the Government seemingly has a broad approach in its attempts to work for gender equality. To increase the enrolment of girls’ formal as well as informal education the Government works with increased scholarships, dormitories, ensuring safety for girls and by increasing the number of female teachers. The Government moreover seek to provide training and skills for women at all levels in order to promote women in decision‐making, and increase women’s participation in civil service and public administration. In aim of futhering women’s economical empowerment, the Government continues to support entrepreneurship development and provides micro‐credits and small credits for women.

In 1998, the Ministry of Women’s and Veterans’ Affairs (MWVA) was created. One of the first initiatives by the newly formed ministry was to adopt a national five-year strategic plan 1999-2003 called the Neary Rattanak (Women are Precious Gems). This plan was later extended to cover also 2004-2008, now called Neary Rattanak II. The Neary Rattanak II focused on a number of priority areas: Economic empowerment of women; Enhancing women’s and girls’ education; Legal protection of women and girls; Promotion of health of women and girls; Promotion of women in decision-making; and Gender mainstreaming in national policies and programmes. A third update of Rattanak (2009-2013) was developed to keep enforcing the gender mainstreaming agenda in the Government.[124] A lot of the work of the ministry today is regulated by Neary Rattanak.

Part of what the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has initiated, are projects to increase gender awareness both within the ministry itself but also in other ministries. Among other things, the 2008 Gender Assessment states that the technical working group on gender has helped making the National Strategic Development Plan fairly gender-responsive.[125] Another result of the Technical Working Group on Gender is the establishment of Gender Mainstreaming Action Groups in each line Ministry.[126] These action groups are responsible for taking the lead in gender mainstreaming issues within the line Ministry. According to the guidelines of Ministry of Women’s Affairs, a Secretary of State or Under-Secretary of State should be in charge of the group. One of the responsibilities of the groups is to incorporate Gender Mainstreaming Action Plans into six-year strategies and report to the Ministry of Planning.[127] In line with this, in the end of 2007, five line ministries were preparing such plans and nine line ministries had developed gender mainstreaming action plans. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs cannot force the implementation of these action plans. What they can do is to provide training for the group and also to assist the group in the process of applying for financial aid (from the national budget and from international donors).[128]

Overall, the Neary Rattanak (2009-2013) reveals the visions and goals of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, focusing on five strategic areas. Above all this there is an emphasis on a gender mainstreaming program for national policies, reform programs and sectors. The strategic areas are:

- The Economic Empowerment of Women

- Education of Women and Girls, Attitudes and Behaviour Change

- Legal Protection of Women and Girls

- Health and Nutrition of Women, and HIV/AIDS

- Women in Public Decision-making and Politics

2. Neglected Areas and Further Recommendations

The strategic areas do not cover all relevant themes in regard to gender equality. LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people) issues, GBV and how to address sexual violence against women and girls, attitudes changes in regard to gender as well as the connection between gender-based constraints and climate change are some of the themes that are not mentioned among the strategic areas. Overall, the review shows that despite the commitments of the Government, there are a number of gender issues that still have not been addressed. Moreover, some of the issues that have been addressed require further consideration. Thus, while advancements on gender equality have been made in many sectors of the Cambodian society, some gender-based constraints remain. In the course of conducting the review the Gender Desk has found that, within the three areas of focus, there may be a need to:

Democratic Governance and overall measures

• Increase the capacity building at the Ministry of Women’s Affairs.[129] Although there is good progress, the capacity for gender analysis remains weak when mainstreaming gender in policies, programs and mechanisms in order to support gender mainstreaming at national and sub‐national levels.[130] According to Susanne Alldén, capacity building within the Ministry should therefore be a priority, and it should include strengthening the knowledge about gender of the staff members. The ministry’s workers should be given the tools available to mainstream gender in their work. Moreover, capacity-building measures should include ”training courses in planning, monitoring, management, leadership, advocacy-related issues, but also participation in international workshops and conferences to learn about what is happening in other countries”.[131]

• As a part of the decentralisation efforts, support institutions on all levels to ensure that women can participate in decision-making. Enforce actions that increasingly integrate women into various governing processes as well as create gender-awareness at all levels of decision-making.

• Start to change current gender roles by changing the women’s rights language in various documents. For example, women and children are often put together (“womenandchildren”) as a vulnerable, weak group, in need for protection, contrasting the violent and protecting – and grown up – men.[132] In addition, women often become invisible, hidden behind a veil of national symbolism that pictures women as the exemplary mothers and daughters of the nation.[133] As such, they are seen as “the nation’s most valuable assets”.[134] This objectification is, sometimes, manifested in Cambodia’s “gem” program (“Women are Precious Gems”), launched to encourage the Cambodian society to value women more highly, respect their rights, protect them from violence and to preserve and promote women, especially those with disabilities, and children as “valued precious gems”’.[135]

Human Rights

• Information campaigns, which publicly condemn gender-based violence, rape and other sexual violence against women and girls must continue to be launched, but on a larger scale. In this regard, there are a number of excellent organisations, which make an effort to change prevailing gender roles, which are the very base for violence, but also provide legal information about the law. For example, 1) CWCC that was founded in 1997 and is mainly concerned about the sizable level of violence being perpetrated against Cambodian women (and children); 2) Cambodian Men’s Network (CMN) is the first of its kind in Cambodia dedicated to eliminating violence against women and children; 3) LICHADO's Women's Rights Office (WRO) which has designed a number of projects launched in 2007 in order to equip women in the community with knowledge, strategies and resources to prevent domestic violence and; 4) GAD, who’s mission is to promote gender equity in Cambodia through support-groups, awareness raising activities, etc.

• Gender, climate change or environmental issues in general are not mentioned among the strategic areas of the Government, thus it might be areas of special concern for other development agencies.

• Undertake a survey on the adequacy and efficiency of newly adopted laws on GBV, trafficking and prostitution. Human rights groups have, as an example, voiced that the new Law on Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation, adopted in 2008, makes the situation difficult for those it aims to protect. These and related concerns need to be verified.

• Stress upon the problems caused by the informal dispute settlement practice Samroh-Samruol. One of the consequences of informal mediation is that rape cases are not reported, thus impeding statistical observations. According to Amnesty international it is currently impossible to know how many girls and women are victims of rape and a large number of perpetrators are never brought under the control of the judicial system. The failure to impose legal sanctions – and the lack of policy discussion – can be interpreted as indifference, or even as an implicit acceptance of sexual violence. The Cambodian Government and donors must work against the extra-judicial custom of Samroh-Samruol, and to signal that measures will be taken for its elimination, despite its deep rooting in Cambodian society.

• The cooperation with the Cambodian authorities for the gathering and publication of national data on gender related issues may well be increased. A Fair Share for Women lifts out that there is currently no reliable data at all on trafficking and sexual-exploitation. Statistics should be structured to show factors such as age, ethnicity, prosecution and conviction rates as well as the imposed sanctions on perpetrators.

Education

• Develop a strategy, which addresses and aims to increase the level of women in tertiary education. This would enable women to participate fully and equally in various national and local decision-making processes. Reviewing the documents there seems to be a lack of a comprehensive gender-policy for this level of education.[136] In comparison to the measures taken to involve girls in lower schooling, there are fewer initiatives to increase women’s enrolment in tertiary education. For example, many women lack experience in leadership and management in politics and public office. Capacity development specifically targeting women in this field is important.

• Men are not sufficiently included in today’s gender mainstreaming programs, which aim at changing social behaviours and attitudes in the educational system. Currently, over 80 percent of the participants are women, which shows that the policy needs to be reviewed and extended to increase the number of men participating.

• In the promotion of women’s participation in decision‐making, traditional beliefs and stereotyping must be further challenged. Launching information campaigns within the educational field is a possible strategy to change the view that women are not well suited for high positions and decision‐making. Steps must be taken to understand to what extent Chbap Srey is taught in schools in Cambodia today and if it is necessary to develop more gender-sensitive learning material to neutralize Chbap Srey.

• Advance a comprehensive policy on how to address child labour. As it seems it constitutes an obstacles to basic education – and particularly so for girls. Therefore, child labour and its causes need to be considered more deeply than current documentation suggests.

List of Abbreviations Used

ACILS American Center for International Labor Solidarity

ADHOC Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association

CMDG Cambodian Millennium Development Goals

CDRI Cambodia Development Resource Institute

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

CICP Cambodian Institute for Co-operation and Peace

CLC Community Learning Centres

CLO Cambodian Labour Organisation

CMN Cambodian Men’s Network

CWCC Cambodian Women’s Crisis Centre

ESSP Education Sector Support Program

ESP Education Strategic Plan 2006-2010

FIDH International Federation for Human rights

FTUWKC Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia

GAD Gender and Development for Cambodia

GBV Gender-Based Violence

ILO International Labour Organization

INGO International Non-Governmental Organisation

LICHADO Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights

MDG Millennium Development Goals

MoEYS Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport

MWVA Ministry of Women’s and Veterans’ Affairs

Mol Ministry of Interior

NAPVW National Action Plan to Prevent Violence on Women

NSDP National Strategic Development Plan: Update 2009-2013

NP-SNDD National Program for Sub-National Democratic Development 2010-2019

NFE Non-formal education

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

Sida Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency

UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights

UNHCR United Nations Cambodia Office of the High

Commissioner for Human Rights

USAID United States Agency for International Development

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNIAP United Nations Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

WRO LICHADO's Women's Rights Office

References

Material provided by Sida

• Royal Government of Cambodia: National Program for Sub-National Democratic Development 2010-2019 (NP-SNDD), 2010

• Royal Government of Cambodia: National Strategic Development Plan: Update 2009-2013 (NSDP), 2009a

• Decentralization Concept, 2009

• Sida: Strategy Result Analysis for the Cooperation with Cambodia 2008-2010

• Susanne Alldén, How do international norms travel? Women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, 2009, Umeå University

• USAID: Gender Analysis and Assessment: USAID/Cambodia, Vo. I + II, 2006

• Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Plan in Education 2006-2010

Other material

Political Representation of Women: Democratic Governance in Cambodia

• CDRI: Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of Leaders in Three Communes of Three Provinces, 2010, Phnom Penh

• Enloe, Cynthia: “Women and Children. Making Feminist Sense of the Persian Gulf Crisis,” in The Village Voice, September 25, 1989.

• Frieson, Kate: In the Shadow: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia, 2001, Victoria: Centre for Asian-Pacific Initiatives, Occasional Paper. 26.

• Ledgerwood, Judy: “Politics and Gender: Negotiating Conceptions of the Ideal Women in Present Day Cambodia”, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 1996, vol. 37:2

• LICADHO: Freedom of Assembly in Cambodia: December 2005 to September 2006, 2006

• Lilja, Mona: Power, Resistance and Women Politicians in Cambodia: Discourses of Emancipation, 2008, Copenhagen

• McGrew, Laura, Kate Frieson and Sambath Chan: Good Governance from the Ground Up: Women's Role in Post-Conflict Cambodia. Phnom Penh: Women Waging Peace, 2004

• The World Bank: Sharing growth: equity and development in Cambodia, 2007

• One World Action: Decent Work? The Cambodian Garment Industry, 2007 ()

Gender and Human rights

• Amnesty International: Breaking the Silence: Sexual Violence in Cambodia, 2010

• Bouta, Tsjeard, and Frerks, Georg: Gender, Conflict, and Development, 2005, World Bank

• Eliasson, Per Elis: Men, Women and Violence - Understanding and Changing Violent Behaviour, 2001, Stockholm: Carlsson

• FIDH: The human rights situation in Cambodia, 26 June 2007, , the site was visited 2010-06-18

• Guedes, Alexandra: Addressing gender-based violence from the Reproductive health/Hiv Sector: a literature review and analysis, 2004, Washington: USAID

• Lilja, Mona: ”Traverse the Particular through the Universal: The Politics of Negotiating Violent Masculinities in Cambodia”, 2010

• Mendieta, Eduardo, “Afterword: Identities - Postcolonial and Global”, In Linda Martin Alcoff and Eduardo Mendieta (eds), Identities. Race, Class, Gender, and Nationality, 2003, Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing

• Royal Government of Cambodia: National Action Plan to Prevent Violence on Women (NAPVW), 2009b

• Sida: Action Plan for Sida's Work Against Gender-Based Violence 2008-2010, 2007, Stockholm: Sida

• United Nations, In-depth Study on all Forms of Violence Against Women, 2006,



• Walsh, Mélanie: Report on the status of Cambodian women: Domestic violence, sexual assaults and trafficking for sexual exploitation, 2007, Institut d’Ètudes Internationals de Montréal

•

•

•

Gender and Education

• Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Education Gender Review 2007/2008, 2008

• Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Education Sector Support Program 2006-2010, 2005

• Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Education Strategic Plan 2006-2010, 2005

• Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Mid-term Review report of the Education Strategic Plan and Education Sector Support Program 2006-2010 implementation, 2009

• ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, Children’s Work in Cambodia: A Challenge for Growth and Poverty Reduction, 2006

• The World Bank: Getting Girls Into School: Evidence from a scholarship program, 2006

Overall sources

• Derks, Annuska: “Perspective on Gender in Cambodia: Myths and Realities”, In Cambodia Report: A Publication of the Center for Advanced Study, 1996, Vol. 11: 3.

• Kantha, Pavi, Ing: Statement, The Woman Workshop (Seminar of Women in Business), 2010, Phnom Penh, , page visited 10-06-22

• Ministry of Women’s Affairs: Five Year Strategic Plan 2009- 2013: Neary Rattanak III, 2009

• Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender Assessment, 2008a

• Ministry of Women’s Affairs: Fair Share for Women Cambodia Gender Assessment: Executive Summary, 2008b

• Roeun, Aing Sok: A Comparative Analysis of Traditional and Contemporary Roles of Khmer Women in the Household: A Case Study in Leap Tong Village, 2004, Phnom Penh: Royal University of Phnom Penh

• Santry, Petre Ann: “When Asaras Smile”- Women and Development in Cambodia 1990-2000: Cultural Barriers to Change, 2005, Melbourne: Victoria University, Faculty of Human Development

• UN, Women’s Anti-Discrimination Committee Considers Cambodia’s Report, 2006, , page visited 20-06-22

-----------------------

[1] The report does not take into consideration the specific discourses, practices and institutions of the ethnic minorities of Cambodia (for example, Vietnamese, Chinese, Chams (Khmer Island) and Hilltribes. These minorities constitute together approximately 10 percent of the population.

[2] Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender Assessment, 2008a, p. v

[3] Alldén, How do international norms travel? Women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, 2009; Ledgerwood, “Politics and Gender: Negotiating Conceptions of the Ideal Women in Present Day Cambodia”, 1996; Lilja, Power, Resistance and Women Politicians in Cambodia: Discourses of Emancipation, 2008

[4] Alldén, 2009; Derks, “Perspective on Gender in Cambodia: Myths and Realities”, 1996, p. 6–7; Lilja, 2008; Ministry of Women’s Affairs 2008a; Roeun, A Comparative Analysis of Traditional and Contemporary Roles of Khmer Women in the Household: A Case Study in Leap Tong Village, 2004

[5] Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Concluding comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Cambodia, 2006 unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/507e319b21c732c8c125724300548dfb/$FILE/N0623850.pdf, page visited 10-06-22

[6] UN, Women’s Anti-Discrimination Committee Considers Cambodia’s Report, 2006, , page visited 20-06-22

[7] Roeun, 2004

[8] Roeun, 2004, p. 73

[9] McGrew, Laura, Frieson, Kate and Sambath, Chan, Good Governance from the Ground Up: Women's Role in Post-Conflict Cambodia. Phnom Penh: Women Waging Peace, 2004

[10] Santry, “When Asaras Smile”- Women and Development in Cambodia 1990-2000: Cultural Barriers to Change, 2005, p. 57

[11] Ledgerwood 1996, pp. 139–151

[12] Frieson, In the Shadow: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia, 2001, p. 2-3

[13] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. ii

[14] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 22

[15] USAID: Gender Analysis and Assessment: USAID/Cambodia, 2006, p. 6

[16] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a

[17] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a; USAID, 2006, p. 6

[18] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, USAID, 2006

[19] Santry, 2005, p. 210

[20] Kantha, Pavi, Ing, Statement, The Woman Workshop (Seminar of Women in Business), 2010, Phnom Penh, , page visited 10-06-23

[21] Frieson, 2001, p. 2; Lilja, 2008

[22] Frieson, 2001, p. 3

[23] USAID, 2006, p. 8

[24] USAID, 2006, p. 8

[25] Royal Government of Cambodia: National Strategic Development Plan: Update 2009-2013, 2009a, p. 77

[26]unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/507e319b21c732c8c125724300548dfb/$FILE/N0623850.pdf, page visited 10-06-22

[27] CDRI, Leadership in Local Politics of Cambodia: A Study of Leaders in Three Communes of Three Provinces, 2010, p. 84; Lilja 2008, pp. 79-106

[28] Lilja, 2008, pp. 72-73

[29] CDRI 2010, p. 85; Lilja 2008, p. 92

[30] CDRI 2010, p. 85; Lilja 2008, p. 79-106

[31] See e.g. Frieson and Chan 2004, p. iv; Lilja, 2008

[32] Lilja, 2008, pp. 76-95

[33] Royal Government of Cambodia, 2010

[34] Decentralization concept, 2009

[35] CDRI 2010, p. 29

[36] Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, p. 77

[37] Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, p. 77

[38] McGrew et al.. 2004; Lilja, 2008

[39] Allden, 2009, p. 123

[40] One World Action: Decent Work? The Cambodian Garment Industry, p. 5, . The site was visited 2010-06-18; Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for Women: Cambodia Gender Assessment, 2008, p. 36

[41] One World Action, Decent Work? The Cambodian Garment Industry, 2007, p. 5

[42] One World Action, 2007, p. 6; USAID, 2006, Volume II, p. 22

[43] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 36

[44] USAID, 2006, volume I, p. 40

[45] USAID, 2006, volume I, p. 40

[46] The FTUKWKC is a mass organization with over 160 union affiliations, see . The site was visited 2010-06-18

[47] See

[48] According to FTUKWKC the next president, Mr. Chea Vichea was assassinated in 2004 and the same year another union leader was killed in the same way. In 2005, two of its female union leaders were subject to murder attempts in connection to negotiations and confrontations with employers. None of the perpetrators have been arrested, see The site was visited 2010-06-18

[49] See articles 35, 37 ad 41, ,

[50] According to One World Action (2007: 5), Cambodia has however not fully accepted the rules on workers rights to strike, as formulated in named Conventions

[51] . The site was visited 2010-06-18

[52] LICADHO: Freedom of Assembly in Cambodia: December 2005 to September 2006, 2006, p. 3

[53]



. The sites were visited 2010-06-18. According to LICHADHO’s 2006 report the new law did in its draft version not apply to political gatherings or strikes, p. 5

[54] See article 31 of the Constitution for the incorporation of the UDHR, ,

[55] FIDH, The human rights situation in Cambodia, 26 June 2007, , the site was visited 2010-06-18

Walsh, Report on the status of Cambodian women: Domestic violence, sexual assaults and trafficking for sexual exploitation, 2007, pp. 18 and 21

[56] Amnesty International: Breaking the Silence: Sexual Violence in Cambodia, 2010, pp. 23-24

[57] Amnesty International, 2010, p. 27; Walsh: Report on the status of Cambodian women: Domestic violence, sexual assaults and trafficking for sexual exploitation, 2007, p. 21

[58] Amnesty International, 2001, pp. 23, 40

[59] According to the Mainstreaming Action Plan of the Ministry of Justice these numbers were an improvement compared to measurements in 2003; Amnesty International, 2010, p. 39

[60] Amnesty International, 2010, p. 43

[61] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008b

[62] Bouta and Frerks, Gender, Conflict, and Development, 2005; Eliasson, Men, Women and Violence - Understanding and Changing Violent Behaviour, 2001; Sida, Action Plan for Sida's Work Against Gender-Based Violence 2008-2010, 2007

[63] Guedes, Addressing gender-based violence from the Reproductive health/Hiv Sector: a literature review and analysis, 2004; United Nations, In-depth study on all forms of violence against women, 2006, , page was visited 09-01-10

[64] Royal Government of Cambodia, National Action Plan to Prevent Violence on Women (NAPVW), 2009b

[65] Lilja, ”Traverse the Particular through the Universal: The Politics of Negotiating Violent Masculinities in Cambodia”, 2010

[66] NAPVW, 2009

[67] LICADHO 2007, p. 8; Lilja, 2010; Neary Rattanak III, p. 5

[68], United Nations 19/01/2006, General Assembly, WOM/1530, Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women, New York.

[69] Lilja, 2010

[70] Amnesty International, 2010, p. 6

[71] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 116

[72] NAPVW, 2009

[73] E.g. UNESCAP, 2003, p. 24

[74] According to Ministry of Women’s Affairs reliable data on the persistence and incidence of trafficking and sexual exploitation are however not available, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 141

[75] UNIAP, Cambodia Overview, .



The sites were visited 2010-06-18

[76] Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009, p. 71

[77] Walsh, 2007, p. 21

[78] Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009, p. 71; Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008, p. 13

[79] Walsh, 2007, p. 22

[80]

[81] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 139

[82] . The site was visited 2010-06-18

[83] It is noteworthy that prostitution in itself is not illegal, Article 25: The act of procuring prostitution in this law shall mean: (1) drawing a financial profit from the prostitution of others; (2) assisting or protecting the prostitution of others; (3) recruiting, inducing or training a person with a view to practice prostitution; (4) exercising pressure upon a person to become a prostitute.

[84] . The site was visited 2010-06-18

[85] Amnesty International, 2010, p. 25-26

[86] HIV prevalence amongst direct sex workers fell from 42% In1998 to 21% in 2003. During that period the use of condom rose from 42% (in 1997) to 96% in 2003, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, pp. 112-13

[87] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 110

[88] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, pp. 119-124

[89] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 134

[90] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 73

[91] Only 64% of Cambodia’s women, compared to 85% of the men, are literate, according to figures covering the period 2000-2004, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008, p. 73

[92] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 77

[93] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 77

[94] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Education Gender Review 2007/2008, 2008, p. 4. At the primary school level girls made out 47% of the total enrolment (2007), at the lower secondary school level 45% (2007) and at the upper secondary school level 39% (2006), Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 74

[95] Net enrolment at primary school level from 87% to 92% between 2002 and 2007, girls enrolment rate increased from 84% to 91% during the same period, Ministry of Women’s Affairs: A Fair Share for Women, Cambodia Gender Assessment, 2008, p. 75

[96] In 2008 the net enrolment rate were 94.0% for girls and 94.8% for boys, Royal Government of Cambodia 2009a, p. 171

[97] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 77

[98] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, pp. 75-76

[99] ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, Children’s Work in Cambodia: A Challenge for Growth and Poverty Reduction, 2006, p. 33

[100] Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 78

[101] In 2005, 46% of the communes did not have a lower secondary school, Ministry of Women’s Affairs, 2008a, p. 83

[102] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, pp. 2, 20-21

[103] ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, 2006, p. iii

[104] ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, 2006, pp. ii and v

[105] ILO, UNICEF and the World Bank, 2006, p. v-vi

[106] The educational goals are stipulated in the Education for All National Plan 2003-2015, Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport: Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Plan in Education 2006-2010

[107] Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, p. 167

[108] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Education Strategic Plan 2006-2010, 2005, p. 15

[109] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Mid-term Review report of the Education Strategic Plan and Education Sector Support Program 2006-2010 implementation, 2009, p. 4

[110] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2009, p. 3

[111] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 30-31

[112] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 32

[113] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 26-27

[114] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 32

[115] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Education Sector Support Program 2006-2010, 2005, p. 20

[116] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p 23

[117] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 25

[118] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 24

[119] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2005, p. 27

[120] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2005, p. 20

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CJOJQJ^JaJmH nH sH tHGetting Girls Into School: Evidence from a scholarship program, 2006, p. 14

[122] Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2008, p. 21-22

[123] Alldén 2009, pp. 83-102, 238

[124] Alldén 2009, p. 104

[125] Royal Government of Cambodia, 2009a, pp. 77-78

[126] Alldén 2009, p. 104

[127] Alldén, 2009, pp. 103-105

[128] Alldén, 2009, pp. 102-103

[129] Alldén, 2009, pp. 102-103

[130] Alldén, 2009, pp. 102-103

[131] Enloe, “Women and Children. Making Feminist Sense of the Persian Gulf Crisis,” 1989.

[132] See e.g. Enloe 1989; Mendieta, “Afterword: Identities - Postcolonial and Global, 2003

[133] Enloe, 1989, p. 54

[134]. The site was visited 2002-03-04. . The site was visited 2003-06-17.

[135] See Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, 2005, p. 27

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