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5234940-12509500-205740-21336000 Legacy of Slavery and Indentured LabourLinking the Past with the FutureConference on Slavery, Indentured Labour, Migration, Diaspora and Identity Formation.June 18th – 23th, 2018 , Paramaribo, Suriname Org. by IGSR, Faculty of Humanities, IMWO, in collaboration with National Archives Suriname , NAKS, Federasi fu Afrikan Srananman CUS, NSHI and VHJI.Sitalpersad, a British Indian interpreter in colonial SurinameJerome Egger,History Department, Faculty of Humanities, Anton de Kom University of SurinameIntroduction After Sitalpersad had died in 1923, advertisements appeared in a local newspaper (De West, May 18, 1923). In one of the ads he was called “Matahma Sital Persad Doobai”. It also mentioned the fact that he had been decorated by the Dutch government. A reader of these ads probably sees the image of an important figure certainly within his own community. In those days it was not common to read about members of the British Indian community – in Suriname known as Hindustani – who had passed away. In general, newspapers did not pay much attention to the trials and tribulations (of descendants) of indentured laborers in the country. Quite often only when they committed crimes, the papers mentioned facts and names. This paper focuses on aspects of Sitalpersad’s life in the history of indenture in Suriname. He was an interpreter who became very influential among his people and in society in general. In various ways his visibility in newspapers when only a handful of his own people would probably be able to read about him, signified him among colonial officials and civil servants. The first part of the paper gives some background information on indenture. Then, his work as an interpreter is looked at. The next section analyses his relation to Barnet Lyon, an influential planter and agent general for the immigrants. The last section looks at Sitalpersad’s position within the Indian community in the first two decades of the twentieth century and legal action he took against Grace Schneiders - Howard, a woman who accused him of corruption. Different sources were used to write this paper. One valuable manuscript written in a copybook is a so-called diary by his daughter, Alice Singh. In her sometimes detailed description of the early life of her father and grandmother, she brought to life moments in her family history that are not narrated in the official documents on indenture. Her own voice - personal, emotional, wondering about the way she and her family manifested themsleves in between cultures – makes it a unique piece of writing. Sections she wrote about her father will be analyzed for this paper. Newspapers in the first two decades of the 20th century are another source of information regarding Sitalpersad. One of the fascinating aspects of his life is his usage of newspapers in a period when his fellow countrymen most likely would not be able to read them individually. It might be that a few people were able to spread the news as recorded on paper, but the majority missed out taken into account their work on plantations located in outer districts. With the help of a Dutch website, searching for names in old newspapers the proverbial needles in a haystack can be detected much easier. Sitalpersad: a British Indian indentured laborer in Suriname In 1882 Sitalpersad came to Suriname with his mother. He was one of the early indentured laborers to the country. The official, British sanctioned, migration started in 1873, although Indians had already arrived prior to this year as part of the attempts by planters to bring West Indians from the British Caribbean islands to Suriname. Even though these early official migrants from an English colony were not always equipped to labor on plantations, they sufficiently impressed planters. This led to a steady stream of workers till 1916 when the last ship arrived. A total of 34.304 men, women and children came to the Dutch colony (De Klerk, 1998, Boek 2, p. 73). A strong impetus not to return to India but to remain, occurred in 1895. The colonial authorities issued an ordinance facilitating the immigrants with a piece of land without them losing their right to return to India. As written in Article 3, an additional 100 guilders - a substantial amount of money in those days - were given if they decided to stay (GB 1895, No. 24). These very favorable conditions were an important motive for them to accept and make Suriname their new fatherland. This ordinance explicitly stated that the objective was the settlement of immigrants in the colony. Colonial authorities saw plantation agriculture as the preferred way to develop Suriname. However, Indian peasantry would rapidly take off after 1895, in particular, the production of rice. The import of this major staple for the population decreased. In the 1930’s the first small amounts could be exported. Ads in newspapers offering courses for civil servants to learn Hindustani are an indication that colonial Suriname also attempted to accommodate these workers so that they stayed (De West, January 20, 1911). Other measures taken by colonial officials with a major impact on (descendants of) indentured laborers from British India came in 1916 and 1927. In 1916, an ordinance was issued that made it relatively simple to choose a first and a last name (GB 1918, No. 2). This made it easier to avoid misunderstandings regarding names in a colony much more used to “European” names. In the years before the ordinance, these immigrants received one name and the letter and number given as identification when they came to Suriname. The other ethnic groups with the exception of Maroons and the Indigenous people living in the interior were registered with two names. Even though it took a while before all Hindustani chose the two names, in the end they blended into the wider society. The 1927 law was another milestone because it allowed the Hindustani to become Dutch nationals (Oudschans Denz, 1928 and 1935). They were not foreigners anymore but citizens who could vote in elections for the colonial parliament and could become civil servants in all ranks (De Klerk, 1998, Boek 2, pp. 185 – 187). Indian indenture also contributed to religious diversity. Hinduism and the Islam became visible in a colony where Christianity dominated not just people’s belief systems but also education. These schools provided education to the majority of Europeans but also the descendants of the enslaved. If British Indians were to enjoy schooling they needed to convert before being allowed into the schools. In the 1920s the demand for public education amongst this group grew. They were successful. Slowly the number of the public schools grew (Gobardhan – Rambocus, 2018). In the first few decades unity amongst Hindus and Muslims characterized the migrant community but in the 1920s and 1930s growing (religious) tensions led to occasions in which confrontations could barely be contained. A local newspaper (De Nieuwe Stem, August 15, 1929) described a meeting in Thalia, one of the leading theatres in Paramaribo, where Arians were condemned because they sowed discord amongst the British Indians. One of the speakers mentioned the fact that in the past British Indians referred to both Hindus and Muslims who always helped each other, but now differences were emphasized. In another publication the growing split between Hindus and Muslims also received attention. Munshi Rahman Khan who had come to Suriname as an indentured laborer wrote his autobiography. Many years later it was translated into English and published. He wrote about the amicable relations between Hindus and Muslims until agitation within the Hindus made an end to it (Rahman Khan, 2005, p. 78). Tension would continue into the late 1930s till World War II, when more friendly relations again developed.How does the story of Sitalpersad fit into the wider story of British Indian indenture? His father had died in India. He came to Suriname with his mother, a young widow with limited perspectives in her country of origin. When they arrived, they were put to work on a plantation called Jagtlust belonging to the family of the later Agent General Barnett Lyon, a man who would play an important role in Sitalpersad’s life. His mother was supposed to work in the field but according to the granddaughter she showed her hands to the supervisor. She then asked him if these were the hands of somebody accustomed to working the land. She ended up as an assistant nurse in the hospital on the plantation.Sitalpersad apparantley knew his languages. His daughter describes him as “a fine scholar”. He spoke Hindi and Urdu and enough Dutch so that he could translate. After his work on the plantation he came to Paramaribo. Most of his countrymen lived on plantations in the districts but he turned into a city man who later on bought his own house. In quite a few ways his life differed from most of the other indentured laborers. His language skills enabled him to increase his influence amongst the other Hindustani. Licenses, requests of all sorts, passed Sitalpersad’s hands. He was also the chair person of the first organization of British Indians in Suriname. On April, 3, 1910 the Surinaamsche Immigranten Vereeniging (SIV) was founded. They described their main objective as to serve and further the interests of the immigrants in Suriname. They also wanted to stimulate their people to identify with the rest of society and to give them incentives to send their children to school. A whole list of the most prominent names of British Indians belonged to the board of this organization. Among these was Lutchman Sing an name that appeared in the newspaper as one of the more successful Indian businessmen. To conclude: Sitalpersad positioned himself as one of the powerbrokers within the British Indian community.Sitalpersad, the interpreterIn 1890, Sitalpersad became an interpreter. The role of interpreters in history has been the subject of several studies. They are referred to as go-betweens because they had to maneuver between different cultures. Metcalf points out that these go-betweens “ link groups or individuals who cannot communicate with each other” (Metcalf, 2008, p. 3) Sitalpersad had to do the same in a colonial society. His British Indian roots and his language skills made him an ideal person for the indentured laborers to go to when there were matters needed to be communicated to the local authorities. Rahman Khan gives an example of the role Sitalpersad played amongst his people. When a dispute arose in a case involving his wife that would most likely have led to a prison sentence, he paid a visit to the interpreter and asked him for advice. Sitalpersad was able to help him with his case because he knew the procedures needed to be taken into account. The authorities unmasked the real perpetrator, a notorious man named Bhawani Bhikh who had lied his way into all kinds of profitable, but illegal practices (Rahman Khan, 2005, pp. 157 – 162). His knowledge of both the situation of the indentured laborers and the Surinamese circumstances made it possible to help Rahman Khan. Sitalpersad was indeed a go-between. After he had died one of the local newspapers published an obituary, shining light on the way Sitalpersad became an interpreter (Suriname, May 18, 1923). In 1889, the Immigration Department was looking for someone skilled in the languages the British Indians spoke. Apparently, Sitalpersad had distinguished himself and he was offered the job. His trial period started in 1889. Within a year he had sufficiently impressed the authorities and he received his permanent appointment. From then on, he worked his way up to become the head interpreter. When he celebrated his 25th year as an interpreter, the newspaper published an article commemorating this jubilee (Suriname, February 2, 1915). For a local paper to pay attention to these cases, is in itself striking because not many of them were reported. It stated that Sitalpersad had wanted the day to be a quite one but the Agent General and personnel at the department decided to pay homage to his dedication and present him with a flower bouquet. Again, it cannot be emphasized enough that these news items attract the attention of twenty – first century eyes used to reading old papers in which other aspects of colonial society are looked at.There is another side to the idea of an interpreter (go-between) mediating between two cultures. De Klerk points to other aspects in the relations that developed particularly in this colonial society. Interpreters could indeed influence the outcome of small misunderstandings. They could also stimulate indentured laborers to seek the assistance of the law to solve disputes. But they could also be the background figures who instigated rebellions and uprisings on the plantations without taking a leading role ( De Klerk, 1998, Boek II, pp. 142 – 144). In the case of Sitalpersad there are no indications that he ever incited rebellion. But a much more negative aspect of interpreters was corruption. When laborers came to complain about plantation matters with the request to bring them to the attention of the authorities, it sometimes depended on the willingness to pay for these “services”. Power relations were such that interpreters could demand payment even though it might be part of their job description. De Klerk mentioned the name of Sitalpersad without implicating that was corrupt. It is interesting though that the name Sitalpersad was almost synonymous with British Indian interpreters. A later section of this paper will deal with accusations of corruption when the case against Grace Schneiders – Howard will be analyzed. Sitalpersad was also able to go on official missions to his country of birth, India and to British Guiana. In a wider sense these journeys can also be linked to his role as an interpreter. He had to inform his fellow countrymen that life was good in Suriname and that working in the colony was rewarding. Analyzing the newspaper reports of these journeys positions him as an interpreter who sold the colony to an audience. The first case is a visit to the western neighbors, British Guiana. A Surinamese newspaper quoted The Daily Argosy from British Guiana in which a Surinamese farmer J.G. de Vries painted a very dark picture of the situation in Suriname (Suriname, April 10, 1908). The Dutch were in the colony only for the money and profits and did not pay much attention to the needs of the local people. When asked to respond to de Vries’ statements, Sitalpersad, who had gone to British Guiana as part of the delegation to study the rice culture, stated that he completely disagreed with him (Ibid). He said: “ I think that nowhere else you will find a kinder and fatherly government” (Ibid). Clearly Sitalpersad is defending Dutch colonialism and the local government. He went out of the way to praise developments in Suriname and the possibilities the country offered to (descendants) of indentured laborers. Two journeys to India more or less confirm his willingness to defend the situation in his new mother country.Sitalpersad also paid visits to India to accompany workers having served their contract and to try to recruit laborers for Suriname. This paper will analyze two of these trips; one in 1913 and in 1920. In October and November 1913, he was in India (Suriname, January 15, 20, and February 11, 1914) and newspapers published articles about this journey. In one edition one of the lines stated that British Indian workers were a matter of the highest order for Suriname. Indentured labor had not yet stopped but agitation in India grew against this form of slavery as it was called there. Gokhale, one of the leaders of this movement in India, wanted all forms of sending Indians overseas to work abandoned. The case of South Africa were Indians had been treated particularly bad was given as an example why it had to be stopped (Ibid). Sitalpersad spoke with Gokhale and others of the movement to forbid Indian labor in other countries and tried to convince them that the situation in Suriname differed. The newspapers wrote that Sitalpersad did a lot of good to take away the incorrect picture of work in a country like Suriname. Moreover, the people in India remarked that it was the first time that they heard directly from someone who had actually worked and had lived in another country. Sitalpersad had also witnessed the fact that the situation in India was not good and more than 300 people who had gone back after their contract wanted to return with him to Suriname. However, returnees usually were not considered the best laborers. Sitalpersad selected only 45 who came back with him (Ibid). The newspaper reported that the authorities had to dispatch people like Sitalpersad regularly so that he could explain to the people in India what the real situation looked like Suriname Ibid). Clearly, the interpreter did a good job in the eyes of the colonial government and conveyed the message that should resonate all over India. Apparently, he never questioned colonialism and accepted labor under indenture as a way to escape the situation in the mother country.Apart from the newspapers, there is also a series of letters and a report written by Sitalpersad on his journey to India. In the letters written by the Minister of the Colonies to his colleague of Foreign Affairs, his journey was considered a success. Sitalpersad was able to paint a more realistic picture of the situation in Suriname not dominated by negative images of the colony. Apparently, the British Consul in Paramaribo had spread biased and superficial reports. In one of the letters it is even suggested that Sitalpersad should visit India every 2 or 3 years to talk to the local people about the situation in Suriname. Moreover, the next time he would have to stay longer to visit more places to recruit laborers for the plantations in Suriname. Sitalpersad himself mentioned the ignorance regarding Suriname in India and that everywhere “ the cry to stop emigration” can be heard. He also recommended that peasant families could be brought to Suriname. In 1920 Sitalpersad returned to India under different circumstances. Indentured labor had ceased and there were no signs that it would resume any time soon. Again newspapers published extensive reports of Sitalpersad’s findings. De West published an article about the SIV. During the meeting of this organization Sitalpersad presented his findings in regard to his visit to India (De West, October 22, 1920). One of the explicit matters he brought forth was bringing more women to Suriname. It was important to keep their long established customs and habits in Suriname and to be able to speak their own language but also the language in the country that were living now. This was one of the reasons to continue importing labor into Suriname. Sitalpersad said that free labor from India was possible and it looked promising. He had met one of the staunch opponents of Indian laborers going overseas, Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya. Life in general in Suriname and the economic possibilities struck Malviya as positive after Sitalsing’s talks, and he had promised to allow overseas labor if the facts proved to be true. (Suriname, October, 26, 1920) Sitalpersad had also advised against going back to India because the situation over there was not ideal. Another person visiting India, Lutchmansing, also referred to the schools and the importance of sending boys and girls to get an education. In India there were separate schools for boys and girls and in the latter only female teachers were allowed. Both Lutchmansing and Sitalpersad emphasized the importance of keeping Hindustani as one of the subjects being taught in school. Removing it would not stimulate sending children to school. Both newspapers, De West and Suriname, had long reports on the meeting. A few days after De West published the article of SIV’s meeting, a letter to the editor by someone called E. Wong, stated that it was good to read about sending British Indian girls to school, but that it should be stimulated more frequently. He also mentioned the qualification of some of the teachers at the schools were these student went to (De West, October 29, 1920). To summarize: In India Sitalpersad’s skills in interpreting took on another form. He tried to sell Suriname as a country where life for British Indians was good. Sitalpersad and Barnet LyonSitalpersad had a special relation to Barnet Lyon, the second agent general in Suriname from 1892 to 1902. As has already been written, when Sitalpersad and his mother came as indentured laborers in 1882, they were sent to plantation Jagtlust, belonging to Barnet Lyon’s family. According one of the local papers he was taken into this family, who raised him (Suriname, May 18, 1923). Later on he became one of the pillars during Barnet Lyon’s period as agent general. The two could help each other, more so when Sitalpersad became one of the persons in the colony trusted by the British Indian indentured laborers. As an interpreter he moved among his people; from those who went into trade and other businesses to small peasants needing to know where to get the papers and licenses to apply for another piece of land. Needless to say that this is the kind of person every agent general would like to keep as a friend; interpreter but also informant if needed be. Newspapers often mentioned his name when problems arose on plantations. He was sent there to mediate so that peace and quiet could return. Although Sitalpersad usually went to the place of unrest when it had already reached a boiling point and had exploded, he did report about causes and other aspects. In 1902 Barnet Lyon left Suriname, but this was not the end of his relationship with Sitalpersad. They kept in touch and Sitalpersad went so far as to collect money to erect an statue for Barnet Lyon in the center of Paramaribo. In January 7, 1908 it was unveiled. The newspapers published long articles about all kinds of aspects of this statue. A few of the speeches referred to Barnet Lyon and the good work he had done protecting British Indians. One of their representatives, Rampersad, spoke about the possibilities offered to those who had served their contracts but decided to stay because Suriname offered many opportunities. More than anything else to show Sitapersad’s involvement with the statue was the fact that his 15 year old daughter Alice was allowed to lift the cover to officially reveal it to the outside world. How else can it be explained that this young girl was allowed to do this? Another interesting fact is that Barnet Lyon was still alive when this was done. A telegram was sent to him in the Netherlands. Not often were these kinds of statues erected for someone still alive. If they were done at all, they usually were for members of the royal family. There is an ironic twist to Barnet Lyon’s statue more that 100 years after it was erected. In a prelude, a Dutch politician with Surinamese roots Owen Venloo, suggested that the statue should be removed and placed in another spot. This prominent place was more suited for a statue of Henck Arron, the prime minister who led Suriname into independence on November 25, 1975. His statue was down the street in an inconspicuous place but did not belong there, half hidden from the public (De Ware Tijd, January 4, 2016). About a year and a half later, Barnet Lyon’s statue was indeed removed but someone else took his place, Janey Tetary, an indentured woman, who was in the forefront of an uprising on the plantation Zorg en Hoop, exactly 133 years ago on September 24, 1884 (De Ware Tijd September 26, 2017 and Dagblad Suriname, September 25, 2017). Discussions in a series of newspaper articles raised a set of questions regarding Barnet Lyon and his relation with British Indians. It is clear that he was now seen not as a hero serving the interest of British Indian indentured laborers. On the contrary, he was one of the worst representatives of colonial society initiating corporal punishment for descendants of the enslaved and indentured laborers when slavery had already been abolished (Dagblad Suriname, September 22, 2017). A country story was presented that emphasized the fact that indentured laborers raised the money to make the statue. Another discussion pointed at the fact that Tetary was a Muslim woman and no statues are allowed within Islam, but this narrative was countered by another that justified it ( Dagblad Suriname, September 22, 2017 and September 26, 2017). In the end all the newspaper articles made clear that much needed to be discussed in Surinamese history. One more example highlights Sitalpersad’s involvement with Barnett Lyon. His daughter told the story of her big brother, Harry as she called him, who had gone to the Netherlands to study engineering. He was Sitalpersad’s first child and oldest son. She writes about the fact that he paid a visit to the Barnet Lyons and they persuaded him to study navigation so that he could become a captain on a ship. His consulting of the family is evidence enough that Sitalpersad and the Barnet Lyons kept into touch with each other. In the end he, indeed, picked up this study. The story, though, has a tragic ending because Harry was on a ship that struck a floating mine. He died in 1919, 30 years old, and before he had heard that he had been named captain on a ship. Sitalpersad, the wider Indian community and Grace Schneiders - HowardSitalpersad position within the Indian community is worth looking at; in particular when the case against Garce Schneiders – Howard is taken into consideration. This is how his daughter describes him: “ There was always present that under lying (sic) sting which only a Brahmin knows how to give” (Alice Singh). The impression she gives is that the British Indian community respected him but there also was a certain amount of fear. She said that he was “quite a handsome man, with light brown skin” (Ibid). The daughter also gives a careful description of his cloths and habits in dressing. Every afternoon he changed into a clean set of cloths. Most of the things he wore, had a number and his initials. Garments were never mixed. He shaved every day, dyed his graying hair and had special clips for his moustache. Her admiration for her father is clear in all the details. But a 21st century reader sees a vain man in front of him trying to impress his people who were simple small peasants, either still under contract or recently released from it, who could not afford a fraction of Sitalpersad’s cloths. One more way of presenting yourself this time again in a newspaper, is an article in Suriname, January 9, 1923 in which the fact is mentioned that on this day 41 years ago, Sitalpersad arrived in the colony. The newspaper continues:” What Mr. Sitalpersad was able to achieve and do in those 41 years in the interest of the colony Suriname and his countrymen does not need further explanation” (Ibid). They also wished him many more years so that he could continue to work for the colony, his people and his family. Their wish did not come true because a few months later he had died. Sitalpersad was both a “traditionalist” who abided by the cultural mores of his people but he also deviated from them. All of his three children, two boys and a girl (Willem, Henrie and Elizabeth), had “western” first names, the second ones were Indian Mihunduth, Luchmidutt and Bhagwanday respectively (Hassankhan, 1998, p. 226). Moreover, a British Indian family with only three children, was uncommon in those days. Usually a (very) large family was common. On the other hand his daughter’s wedding was arranged. She did not have a free choice in selecting her husband. These are just a few examples of his family.One of the fascinating court cases in those days was the one Sitalpersad had brought against Grace Schneiders – Howard, a white woman who had accused him of corruption. The newspapers wrote extensively on this case. Schneiders – Howard was not one of the most popular women in the colony in general. Newspapers did not like her meddling in all kinds of matters, and colonial officials did not rank her high on the list of sympathetic persons living in Suriname. Take, for example, De West March 31, 1911 with a front page article called “Dangerous Agitation”. In it, the newspaper stated that Schneiders – Howard was again agitating amongst the British Indians for them to request a return ticket to India. These people had become good small peasants and now she stimulated them to leave. They wrote: “ It is understandable that the government had enough of Mrs. Schneiders’ grumble and her exaggerated and morbid notions”. A counter narrative existed. Some government officials praised her social work but quite a few had difficulty finding any mention of positive characteristics of her. Later she became well known for her work on hygiene in the country and her fight against all kinds of tropical diseases that could easily be prevented by cleaning up the surroundings (Hoefte,2008, pp.19 – 26). Schneiders – Howard picked up the cause of the British Indians. She founded her own organization as a way of opposing the SIV (1910) led by Sitalpersad. On December 29, 1911 the articles of association of the Surinamese British Indian Alliance Egchtihar auwr Hak (Vrijheid en Recht) passed (GAB, No 2, 1912). She was the patron of this organization. Her main argument was that the SIV belonged to the establishment and did not represent the simple (former) indentured laborers who might be the subject of bureaucratic procedures. In numerous letters she made clear that her issue with people like Sitalpersad was their power, grip and influence in the Indian community. She pointed out that the agent general completely trusted Sitalpersad and this gave him enough space to ask money for services that were part of his job. Even before this organization she had already argued that Sitalpersad intimidated his fellow countrymen to make it impossible for an inquiry into the allegations of corruption (Suriname, December 13 and December 18, 1910). Apparently Sitalpersad did not accept these accusations anymore and he took legal action against Schneiders – Howard. She was not able to convince the judge and she was sentenced to two months in jail in 1912. An influential British Indian interpreter was able to put a white woman, albeit not a very popular one amongst most of the elite in the colony, in prison. We have to keep in mind that De Klerk, as mentioned earlier, had also written that corruption was always around the corner in the case of interpreters, because the power they held over the people who depended on their services as “go betweens” from one culture (language) to another. Conclusion Sitalpersad was able to build a remarkable career in the 41 years that he lived in Suriname. He aligned himself with a powerful family in Suriname, Barnet Lyon. It probably helped his career. But he was also able to develop good relations within the British Indian community. His work as an interpreter enabled him to move amongst all walks of life in colonial Suriname. In the end governmental officials trusted him enough to send him to India to try and recruit new laborers for the plantations. He himself saw possibilities to convince Indian nationalists who had rejected sending their own people overseas. Sitalpersad failed in the end but he was apparently convinced that Suriname was good for his people. His family life was one that other (former) indentured laborers could not afford. He lived in Paramaribo, build his own house, had just three children and one of them was able to travel abroad to study in a time frame when British Indians still had to be persuaded to send their boys (not the girls because they had to stay at home) to primary school. He died in Suriname and the obituaries published in the newspapers gave an impression of the role he played in the life of his fellow countrymen. ReferencesArchivesCaribbean Research Library of the University of Guyana. Copybook Alice Singh’s diary in the Caribbean Research Library, University of Guyana, Library number Guy/J 434.National Archives of Suriname (NAS)NAS Gouvernementssecretarie, 1829 – 1954, Inv nummer: 97. Important ordinances found in NASGB, no. 24, 1895GAB, no. 68, 1910GAB, no. 2, 1912 GB, no. 2, 1918GAB, no. 14, 1930GAB, no. 14, 1930GAB, no. 16, 1930 Nationaal Archief NederlandThere are a series of documents on Sitalpersad’s journey to India in 1913. Maurits Hassankhan collected them in the Dutch Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Inventory number A 135 Migration to Suriname 1891 – 1900 INV. NR.282. I was able to get a copy of the documents he collected. NewspapersDe West, 1910 - 1923De Nieuwe Stem, 1929Suriname, 1900- 1923De Ware Tijd, 2018Articles and booksBruijning, C en Voorhoever, J. (red.) (1977). Encyclopedie van Suriname. Amsterdam: Elsevier.Choennie, C. (2016). Hindostaanse contractarbeiders 1873 – 1920. Van India naar de plantages in Suriname. Volendam: LM Publishers. De Klerk, C (1998). Boek 1 Cultus en Ritueel van het Orthodoxe Hindoe?sme in Suriname. Boek 2 De immigratie der Hindostanen in Suriname. Den Haag: Amrit.Egger, J (2016). Elisabeth Bhugwandye Singh: A Surinamese – Guyanese Female Voice in Migration History, in: Maurits Hassankhan, Lomarsh Roopnarine and Hans Ramsoedh, The Legacy Of Indian Indenture. Historical and Contemporary Aspects of Migration and Diapsora. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, pp. 105 – 126. Gobardhan – Rambocus, L (2018). Traditie en verandering: De rol van onderwijs in het emancipatieproces van de hindostaanse immigranten, in: Times of Suriname, 02 juni.Hassankhan, M (2016). Islam and Indian Muslims in Suriname: A struggle for Survival, in:Maurits Hassankhan, Goolam Vahed and Lomarsh Roopnarine(eds.) Indentured Muslims in the Diaspora. Identity and Belonging of Minority Groups in Plural Societies. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, pp. 183 – 228.Hassankhan, M and Sandew Hira (1998). Historische database van Suriname. De gegevens over de Hindostaanse Immigratie. Historical database. The data on the Indian Immigrants. Paramaribo/Den Hag: Amrit/IMWO/Nauyuga. Hoefte, R (2008). Grace Schneiders-Howard – De sociaal activiste, in: Rosmarijn Hoefte, Peter Meel & Hans Renders (red.) Tropenlevens. De [post]koloniale biografie. Leiden/ Amsterdam: KITLV Uitgeverij/Boom, pp. 17 – 33. Lamur, H, N.Boldewijn and R. Dors (2014). West Indische Contract Arbeiders in Suriname 1863 – 1899. Hoge [kinder] sterfte en laag geboorteniveau. West Indian Indentured Labourers in Suriname 1863 – 1899. High [child] mortality and low birth level. Paramaribo.Metcalf, A. (2008). Go-betweens and the Colonization of Brazil 1500 – 1600. Austin, Texas:University of Texas Press.Oudschans Denz, F (1928). Het Nederlanderschap in Suriname en Cura?ao, in: West Indische Gids, Vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 131 – 136.Oudschans Denz, F (1935). Het Nederlanderschap in Suriname en Cura?ao, in: West Indische Gids, Vol. 16, no. 1, p. 205.Rahman Khan, M. (2005). Autobiography of An Indian Indentured Labourer. Munshi Rahman Khan (1874 – 1872) Jeevan Prakash. New Delhi: Shipra Publications. ................
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