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 REFUGE AND BEYOND:INVESTIGATING THE PATH FROM CRISIS ACCOMMODATION TO EXITING HOMELESSNESSStudent Number: 304591721628650Img: Google ImagesTABLE OF CONTENTS TOC \h \u \z LOG PAGEREF _9sj40bgq66uf \h 3INTRODUCTION PAGEREF _kku418t0miqh \h 5CHAPTER 1 PAGEREF _d8fvpxyi1his \h 7CHAPTER 2 PAGEREF _b3yskqmr0wcq \h 12CHAPTER 3 PAGEREF _4juzorpo24ch \h 18CHAPTER 4 PAGEREF _unlfesx8jv94 \h 21CONCLUSION PAGEREF _giqvsto1pxq6 \h 24RESOURCE LIST PAGEREF _jcf25nbogw2o \h 26APPENDIX PAGEREF _mw87e3gkd8it \h 32LOGOnce I decided on homelessness, I began narrowing my focus to a specific area of the issue. My topic of homelessness started with a focus on the growing criminalisation of homelessness, however this evolved into focusing on the options for homeless people to exit homelessness. This came after a discussion with my teacher about the struggles I was having pinning down a topic. After I had my focus area, I developed a question and hypothesis, and began gathering secondary resources to inform my research. After doing this, the next issue faced was developing a structure that would allow me to effectively investigate this topic without getting sidetracked and ending up with irrelevant information. To remedy this, I researched a variety of scaffolds online made by other people, and adapted them into a structure which suited me and the way I work. It was after this step that the work truly began. I went about reading through all of my secondary sources and collecting information to be used in my central material. A challenge that came up was a lot of journal articles that would have held relevant information were blocked by paywalls. I did consider just paying to read them until I discovered that to do that would be over $30 per article. Not even a good mark for the PIP is worth that amount of money, and also I’m poor. The articles I could access however led to incredibly interesting discoveries which made doing the research for my central material easier and less taxing to complete. Conducting the primary research was also intriguing, as I visited a section of my past and discovered the inner workings of emergency refuges.I did a large amount of secondary research, mainly reading through journal articles which related to homelessness and going through the websites of homelessness support organisations. This was a very time consuming process, as the journal articles were often very long and not entirely relevant to my topic, meaning I had to read through often around 50 pages of research to only gain a few points. Even though not everything I found was relevant to my research, reading through the research was very interesting generally. Despite my personal experience I am quite uninformed when it comes to this particular issue, so conducting this research illuminated many parts of this experience I had never thought of before. Biases I held that I didn’t even know about, in terms of my experience with crisis accommodation, were revealed, leading to me becoming a better and fairer researcher. Conducting the primary research with the refuge was difficult. It was nerve wracking to contact the refuge after almost 3 years - almost all the workers I knew during my time there had since left. It was an important step out of my comfort zone however, and provided very relevant and interesting information. Being a client in a refuge, you don’t often consider what it’s like for the other side: the staff. Taking this opportunity to interview them was enlightening in this respect.INTRODUCTIONMy PIP is about investigating the options available for exiting homelessness and the effectiveness of these. This focus area was chosen due to personal experience with homelessness and the processes that are undertaken to escape this situation. In conducting this research I hope to not only answer my focus question and support or disprove my hypothesis, but to also gain a deeper understanding into the complex and overlapping systems in place which may help or hinder homeless people. My hypothesis is that there is not enough support for homeless people that is effective and lasting. This includes government initiatives such as Centrelink and the Department of Housing, and community services such as emergency accommodation and transitional housing. In this research, I am hoping to find evidence to support the notion that the resources that exist for homeless people are inadequate, hard to access and therefore unhelpful. The cross cultural component of my investigation will be examining the differences between how men and women experience homelessness. As my personal experience is with women, it will give me an opportunity to see another side of the homeless experience, as men have access to different services, etc., which will allow me as a researcher to further empathise with this group. The research methodology I have used to conduct the primary research for the PIP is a variety of interviews. Interviews were used as they are an effective way of gaining in-depth, qualitative information, which I find is the most relevant to my research. By conducting interviews, the data I gain is personal and subjective. These interviews will inform of the interviewee’s experiences with homelessness in terms of their journey to exit homelessness. This will include information on the services they have accessed and the effectiveness of these. The informal structure of the interviews will allow for unprecedented data to be gained, as through the flow of conversation unexpected information may come up and a lack of set structure will allow for this to be explored. Interviewing refuge staff will have a more formal structure, and be conducted more professionally. These are purposed to gain insight into the inner workings of crisis accommodation. Engaging in this journey of completing the PIP will be an eye-opening experience. By conducting research into homelessness I will gain a new insight into a particularly difficult period of my life. Gaining facts and data about other people’s experiences with homelessness and the bureaucracy surrounding homelessness will be an exciting venture which will provide insight into the issues at hand. I have never attempted, let alone completed, a research project of this magnitude, and by doing the PIP I believe it will greatly enhance my investigative and research skills. As I have an interest in being involved in social research in the future, the experience of creating this project has been a gruelling but rewarding look into this world. Engaging in this learning opportunity has also improved my social and cultural literacy.CHAPTER 1PERSONAL EXPERIENCEThe aim of this case study is to ascertain a personal view on the pathways of exiting homelessness from refuge accommodation. In this analysis of my family’s experience, I hope to answer the following questions: Were we just lucky, or did the system adequately support us?What was the process of exiting homelessness?How difficult was the experience with centrelink, finding employment and finding housing?It can be reasoned that in any experience there is a certain element of luck involved. It is likely that many travelled the same path as us, but did not achieve the same results. Homelessness is a volatile situation, with numerous factors constantly affecting the chances of of an individual successfully exiting homelessness. In terms of this, it is my belief that the fact we are no longer homeless to be in part an act of luck and timing. However, the role of refuge accommodation and support cannot be discredited in this journey. Summed up in a statement from the interviewee, “I don’t think we would have got to where we are now without their help and support.” Though the reasons for entering homelessness are not a relevant part of the investigation, it is significant to mention that the support of the refuge begins from the moment the client walks in. With family and domestic violence being the leading cause of homelessness for women and dependent children, those who enter refuge accommodation have often experienced a great deal of stress and trauma. The refuge staff provide not only material but emotional support and as “it wasn’t a good time emotionally...we needed that support to be able to do what we needed to do.” After moving in, a Crisis Support Payment from Centrelink totalling $248 was given to the interviewee. This payment is “better than having nothing,” but as is the case with almost all Centrelink payments, both ongoing or otherwise, the amount was relatively small and could not hope to sustain a family for long. Upon entering the refuge the interviewee was unemployed with a large amount of debt from the domestic violence situation. $248, while indeed better than 0, is an unrealistic amount for a mother with 2 children needing to buy food and other necessities. The support offered by the refuge came mainly in the form of making appointments, recommending services and providing emotional support. The service that made the most impact according to the interviewee was the organisation of financial support. There was a large amount of debt brought with her to the refuge, which obstructed any attempts to exit homelessness. This is a common experience with women escaping domestic violence, as controlling money is often a factor of the abuse. Having this debt prevented the interviewee from getting private rentals among other things due to the damage to her credit rating. Remedying this was one of the first things the refuge helped with, by scheduling an appointment with a financial counsellor and transporting the interviewee to this appointment. The refuge also provided financial support through the provision of vouchers for needs such as food and fuel and assistance with bills. The refuge was instrumental in providing accommodation outside the refuge for the family, by nominating us for transitional housing. Without this, it is unlikely adequate housing would have been found in the limited time available to stay in the refuge. The constant presence and emotional support provided by the staff of the refuge also made a significant difference in making the journey to exit homelessness less strenuous as stated by the interviewee: “They are there to check on you every day, if you’re okay, if there’s anything you need. It’s good to have that support where if you need someone to talk to you can usually get a person to talk to without any trouble, there’s people around all the time, so that’s good.” This collection of evidence, in line with the opinion of the interviewee, shows that the refuge was significantly supportive in our journey to exit homelessness, at odds with my hypothesis of inadequate support. The information provided by the interviewee also supports the secondary research gathered and examined in Chapter 2, proving that refuge accommodation and staff provide invaluable support in the journey to exit homelessness.It has been proven that refuges are an important and helpful step in the pathway to exiting homelessness, however this accommodation is not permanent. After a period time, clients must be moved on, and this process shall be further discussed. Whilst in the refuge, the interviewee “applied for centrelink so that I would have some kind of income” in order to support her family. This can be seen as the first step in the road, as without an income it is impossible to live self-sufficiently. The Centrelink payments accessed by the interviewee were the Newstart Allowance and the Family Tax Benefit. The next step was leaving the refuge, which occurred through being nominated for a transitional house by a caseworker. “Our caseworker put us on the waiting list and then when the next one came up it was offered to us. We went and had a look at it, said we liked it and then we moved in.” The interviewee described the transitional housing as an important median step between refuge accommodation and private rental, as support from the refuge is still able to be accessed whilst in transitional housing. Being housed outside refuge accommodation is a significant achievement in the pathway out of homelessness, but because a transitional house is part of a government agency and not under a significant tenure, an individual can still officially be considered homeless. This is similar on a personal level, as because the house has been provided through a refuge it doesn’t really feel like home - it’s not truly yours. One can be considered to have successfully exited homelessness by gaining public housing, or in the case of the interviewee a private rental. It was stated that “the refuge did not help in that [finding a private rental],” suggesting that even though officially some support was still provided, once a client was out of refuge accommodation they were no longer the refuges problem. After relying on refuge support for a number of months in most cases, it can be reasonably assumed that being ‘left out in the cold’ in this manner would have a negative impact on an individual emotionally - they have had their safety net taken away. The experience of finding private rental was incredibly difficult for the interviewee, an uncommon finding supported by the secondary research. One of the factors influencing the difficulty of accessing the private rental market was being on Centrelink payments. Though essential for maintaining basic needs, receiving Centrelink as a sole form of income was a roadblock on the path to exiting homelessness. As described by the interviewee, “We went to look at so many open homes, it was terrible. Applications were a nightmare. As soon as the real estate reads on your application that you’re on Centrelink payments its an instant no, they don’t wanna know you.” This exemplifies the difficulties homeless people face in finding adequate and stable housing, resulting in an increased likelihood of falling back into homelessness after refuge accommodation comes to an end. This kind of constant rejection can also lead to increased mental health issues, once again exemplified by the interviewee, stating that the process left her feeling “Very depressed. I suppose depressed covers every feeling you have, cause you feel hopeless because you can’t get something, you can’t get something because you’re on centrelink, it like a vicious circle.” Similarly, feelings of hopelessness are brought up in the search for employment. Finding employment is difficult in almost all situations, but for a person experiencing homelessness this is intensified. Being in a precarious housing situation means that satisfying basic needs is made more difficult, including hygiene, and having a low income means that having adequate clothing for job interviews is a luxury that may not be able to be afforded. Though the case of the interviewee is not this extreme, the job search still has its challenges. As the interviewee is a middle aged woman, this leads to discrimination and being excluded in the workforce. As a previously stay-at-home mother, the interviewee had been out of the workforce for over 17 years. These factors have an accumulative effect, each making it harder and harder for the interviewee, and others like her, to find the employment they need. In conclusion, it can be said with confidence that the system provided adequate support in this case study. The refuge provided valuable referrals to external services, a place in a transitional property and a level of emotional support needed during an emotionally taxing time. The process of this family exiting homelessness was relatively straightforward - moving out of refuge accommodation into a transitional house, and from there into a private rental - but a great number of difficulties were encountered in securing a private rental and employment, two of the most important aspects in the journey to exit homelessness. Though this is the story of just one woman and her family, the themes threaded throughout are indicative of many experiences of homelessness.CHAPTER 2PEOPLE IN ACCOMODATION“I am not data, a number, a unit of livestock or a child. Please treat me as the human being I am, and if you agree to help me, please help me with what I really need, not with what you think I need, the minimum you think I deserve, or the things you were going to throw away, anyway –as I can only make use of garbage for so long. I will not shoulder the responsibility of manufacturing gratitude for second hand efforts and objects if I am neglected and deteriorate further. I'm tapped and traumatized by helping systems that rarely truly help, and I'm so very, very tired.” 20% of the homeless population in Australia live in supported accommodation for the homeless. Positions for homeless people in crisis accommodation are incredibly limited, however gaining access to these services can be a pivotal point in exiting homelessness, due to the resources provided by accommodation services to help the homeless, as well as having a relatively safe and comfortable environment in comparison to the streets. Men account for approximately 60% of the homeless population, but only account for 40% of people who access homelessness services. Indeed, 68% of people who sleep rough in Australia are male. These statistics reflect the high concentration of homelessness services targeting women, particularly women with children. This high number of services targeting women with children is a result of the incredibly high rates of this group becoming homeless as a result of family and domestic violence. In terms of this, the problem in not that these services exist in abundance, as they are needed, but there is a lack of services targeting homeless men (along with their specific needs) which need to be remedied in the sector.Homeless shelters and emergency refuges exist to get homeless people off the streets and into an environment in which they can begin to piece their lives back together. These services performing this function to an adequate extent however is not guaranteed. As with anything in life, there are good and bad sides, and in the case of crisis accommodation whether people who are homeless have a positive or negative experience with these services this often depends on the staff, their own adaptation to the situation and the conditions of the accommodation.One one side, it has been suggested that a number of staff in these institutions do “their jobs for financial reasons and that workers have little incentive to help end homelessness because they rely on the homeless population for employment.” This can be further seen in a response to another study, “[In one shelter] I just spent my time filling out paperwork and signing my name...which I really felt kind of used...it was how can I help them, not how can they help me.”This is common in business - those without power being trampled over in the pursuit of profit. Indeed, this attitude raises questions as to what extent crisis accommodation is run as a business instead of a philanthropic mission. Furthering this, the prices charged by a variety of accommodation services are often unsustainable or unreasonable given the quality of accommodation. Though it goes without saying that refuges need funding to effectively run, taking $120 a week from people who have nothing - and likely no income - is ethically questionable and hampers residents’ journeys to exit homelessness. The refuge environment itself can also have a negative impact on people experiencing homelessness, as being in a refuge environment limits homeless people from meeting their needs, such as hygiene, nutrition and quality of sleep. As a result of this, their ability to find and maintain employment is impeded, therefore further hindering their attempts to exit homelessness. These negatives however are far outweighed by the positives. Agency assistance provides personalised support to clients, an important factor in the success of these programs as all clients have a variety of different needs and therefore cannot be treated universally. This support includes one-on-one case management and particular care to the client’s needs. In the times of crisis these individuals are going through, agency assistance can often be the strongest and only form of support provided to them. Programs run by agencies also have a positive impact on a client’s experience of homelessness, including mother’s groups, life skills programs (finances, household duties) and social activities. Staff also work with mothers to encourage them to further their studies, as well as encourage the use of childcare services to allow them time to focus on themselves as women and their personal goals. The refuge environment can also provide a sense of safety and security, particularly in the case of domestic violence victims: “You feel safe in the refuge because the partners or whatever of the women in there are not allowed to know where you are or the address or any of that stuff, so you feel safe in there, because people outside of the refuge cannot access the refuge.”Homeless refuges often as a part of their program offer resources to the people they accommodate, including strategies to help them exit homelessness. However, the effectiveness of these strategies often depends on the commitment of the refuge staff to assist their homeless resident by carrying out these strategies. 62% of clients in accommodation had a case management plan in place to assist them in their journey to exit homelessness. However these plans may not be effective if the staff in charge of them are not helpful to the client, exemplified in the statement “Our case worker was not good at all in that way. She did not show empathy at all, although she thought she did. She, when we first went in there, made me feel hopeless, made me feel like we’d be better off going back to the domestic violence situation.” Support from refuges is also often limited to a woman’s presentation in the gendered stereotype of mother, alienating and excluding single women with no children. One study indicated that there is a limited understanding among residents of what employment related services and supports are out there. This led to these respondents relying on an informal knowledge network rather than information provided by their accommodation, one stating “You don’t know the different resources that are available until you get together with a group of people that are homeless and you learn more from them.” This exemplifies a trend of trusting the advice of peers - other homeless people in accommodation - over that of the staff of refuges. This may indicate a distrust of authority figures of people in this situation, or show that perhaps it is ‘street’ knowledge that is more effective for people experiencing homelessness than the bureaucratised offerings of refuges.Transitional housing is a step between refuge accommodation and self-sufficient housing such as private rentals or social/public housing. This is an important median stage, as “when you’re in the refuge you feel safe, and then to go from the security of the refuge to a private rental is kinda scary. In my opinion it’s better to go to that stepping stone than straight to private rental because it’s scary to go on your own..I thought ‘not gonna have the protection of the refuge anymore’.” Being in transitional housing offers a level of privacy and self-sufficiency which refuge and shelter accommodation do not. As a consequence of this self-sufficiency, a lesser amount of support from refuge accommodation is received. However, “while you’re in the transitional house you’re still under the guidance of the refuge and you still have meetings with the caseworker,” meaning that individuals aren’t left to figure out their situation completely alone. Although, this support can in some instances turn to intrusion, with one interviewee stating “we had to more or less answer to the refuge for what we were doing in the transitional house. They said what we could do and what we couldn’t do there, how much money we spent - they had to know what we were spending money on. It made me feel like I was a child and I still had to ask my parents before I could do anything, before I could buy anything. Before I could do anything I had to ask someone else’s permission.” This undermining of an individual’s privacy and authority in their own space is alienating and leads to a client feeling uncomfortable and judged. This inquiry into how a person acts while in the transitional home gives an impression that the resident cannot be trusted, a paternalistic attitude which does more harm than good.In summary, crisis accommodation services are widely useful in the journey to exit homelessness. However, once a homeless person has accessed crisis accommodation, what are their next steps? Often the first priority of an individual in crisis accommodation is to secure stable housing, but this is no simple task. The likelihood of these individuals finding housing may depend on the length of time they’ve been homeless, with exit rates significantly lower for periods of 10-12 months in contrast to those of periods less than 2 months. Housing options for those experiencing homelessness are severely limited, mainly due to a lack of income. It is in this way that previous work experience has an impact on the duration of homelessness, as experience is often a requirement when seeking employment. Those without experience in the workforce will find it more difficult to gain employment, which therefore leaves these individuals with no income, making finding housing exponentially more difficult. In its current state, the local private rental market is near impossible to break in to for most of the population due to its unaffordability, let alone those who are on their journey to exit homelessness by finding stable residence. Accessing the private rental market for those who are homeless is further impeded if they are receiving Centrelink payments. “Because you’re on a limited income, prospective landlords are wary of taking on someone who is on Centrelink because it’s such a low amount, and they don’t know whether or not you’d be able to maintain the payments and maintain the property.” This discrimination in the private rental market excludes people experiencing homelessness from finding housing, an incredibly serious issue.CHAPTER 3CRISIS ACCOMMODATION AS INSTITUTIONSBy conducting an investigation into the usefulness of crisis accommodation for people experiencing homelessness, questions are raised about the extent to which refuges are limited in their abilities to assist by a variety of factors. In 2013-14, 423 requests for help from homelessness services were unable to be met each day. In 2016-17 this number dropped to 261. This is a significant drop, indicating an improvement in the homelessness service sector. However, when it is remembered that there are people behind these numbers, even 261 is too high a number. What is preventing these services from providing assistance to these people?The most significant issue is funding. Refuge staff have reported insufficient ongoing government funding, suggesting that increased and more flexible funding is needed for services to deliver their support effectively. Services operating under the National Affordable Housing Agreement are significantly under-funded. As a result of this, the amount of funding per client has been steadily declining over the past 10 years. Further, the lack of money homelessness services receive leads to high staff turnover and leaves some services unable to deliver their services at the same level The terms of the funding that is provided are restrictive, not allowing the services to adequately meet the needs of their clients. These funding restrictions also limit the amount of time homelessness services can be provided, usually to 2 years.This lack of funding is the root cause of all other issues with crisis accommodation effectiveness. Without funding, it is impossible for these services to meet the demand for assistance. There aren’t enough beds in crisis accommodation service for women in Sydney, and very few of these services at all in Western Sydney. Staff elucidated the difficult choices they have to make in deciding which women to take and which to turn away. This leads to constant unmet need. Staff concerns for service delivery include clients being “not totally ready to be in their own housing, they don’t have themselves quite together yet. But we have clients waiting for rooms so we need to get them out sort of quickly.” Also discussed were the need to access external services quickly, and help clients develop goals for themselves. With more funding, it would be possible for more accommodation services to be opened, along with homelessness services in general. More services target at groups other than women with children are also needed. Single women are more likely to be homeless longer, males are less likely to exit homelessness - these groups are in need of significant support which is not there., Accommodation services need the facilities to accommodate the diversity of needs the homeless population presents, in particular mental health facilities and accessibility measures for disabled residents such as one interviewee - “The stairs were an issue, given my hip. It wasn’t as bad back then, but having to climb up and down them every day was difficult and uncomfortable.” Other systematic concerns have had a negative impact on homelessness services. The lack of affordable long term housing places increasing pressure on crisis accommodation services. Service providers can’t refer their clients on, resulting in a ‘service gridlock’ - current clients can’t exit, and others in need have to be turned away. Also an issue is the lack of co-ordinated support within the sector, with clients having to be shuttled from to service to service in an effort to satisfy their needs and further them along their path to exiting homelessness, causing extra stress for the client. An unprecedented issue raised in the research was that internal organisational processes can also be problems, as it is difficult for staff to adhere to these process while at the same time providing personalised support to clients, especially with changes in management.Though crisis accommodation and other homelessness services provide indispensable services to the homeless community, they are not being adequately supported by the government in terms of funding. As explored in Chapter 2, refuge accommodation provides invaluable support to homeless people during their journey to exit homelessness. The funding they are allocated must be expanded and more constant in order to maintain and improve on this level of efficiency in service delivery. CHAPTER 4GOVERNMENT POLICY AND WELFAREData suggests that Australia’s public health and welfare systems are supportive in the journey of of homelessness. However, as suggested in Chapter 3, Government funding is a problem hindering the effectiveness of homelessness services across Australia. Indeed, Homelessness Australia, the peak body for homelessness in Australia, was defunded by the Government in 2015, now left with no office or paid staff - ironically, homeless. If the Government takes funding away from such a large organisation dedicated to helping those experiencing homelessness, can it really be argued that the Government plays an effective role in reducing homelessness?Federal Government policy initiatives include:The National Affordable Housing AgreementThe Homelessness National Partnership AgreementThe National Plan to Reduce Violence Against Women and ChildrenThe NSW Strategic Homelessness FrameworkThe NSW Domestic and Family Violence FrameworkThe National Child Protection FrameworkThe Social Housing National PartnershipCommunity Housing RegulationsNSW SAAP Performance Monitoring FrameworkThe two most significant policy initiatives for reducing homelessness are the National Affordable Housing Agreement (NAHA) and the National Partnership Agreement on Homelessness (NPAH) which supports the NAHA . These aim to provide sustainable housing and social inclusion for people experiencing homelessness. 1,300 homelessness organisations are funded under these agreements, with the NAHA providing approximately $250 million annually to homelessness initiatives and the NPAH providing $115 million annually. However, the NPAH has expired and its future is in doubt. This means a significant drop in funding for homelessness services, who desperately need it.79% of people accessing homelessness services over the age of 15 were receiving government payments as their main source of income at the time they sought support in 2016-17. Are these payments enough to sustain people experiencing homelessness on their journey to exiting homelessness? The evidence points to no. Census data has shown that the median weekly rent amount costs up to 3x as much as a person receives on the Newstart Allowance. The maximum rate of Commonwealth Rent Assistance at $119 a fortnight still does not make the median weekly rental price of $285 for a 2 bedroom house affordable for an individual relying on the Newstart Allowance. Those who receive the Newstart Allowance are significantly over-represented in the group with over 6 indicators of material deprivation. The income threshold for the Newstart Allowance leaves it near impossible to work without an individual’s payment being adversely affected. The Aged Pension is currently the only income support payment that is high enough to keep individuals out of poverty. What does all of this mean? That Centrelink payments are grossly inadequate for people experiencing homelessness to survive, let alone trying to find stable housing and employment. How can one be expected to afford rent when one can barely afford food and clothing? Suggestions that having Centrelink payments set so low encourages recipients to find employment are inaccurate and out of touch with the reality of the cost of living. In the efforts to reduce homelessness, it is the supply of affordable housing which is most important. In the current housing market, this need is unable to be met, with the private rental market characterised by limited availability, high establishment costs and high ongoing rental costs. It is near impossible for a person on a low income - as most people experiencing homelessness are - to gain housing through this path. 2011 statistics reported that only one out of 10,00 properties available for rent in Sydney was affordable for a single person on Youth Allowance or Newstart. 7 years later, affordability has not improved, and indeed has likely worsened. There is a projected shortage of over 500,000 homes that are affordable and available for those in the bottom 40% of income earners. If people experiencing homelessness are effectively blocked from the private rental market, where else can they go? The most popular way of securing stable and affordable housing through government assistance is by means of the Department of Housing. The Department of Housing provides housing with rent set at a percentage of the resident’s income. By accessing this service, people experiencing homelessness receive housing without the huge expense of a private rental. Accessing this service is incredibly difficult however, with waiting lists up to “12 years in some places” Not knowing how long the wait for housing will be leaves a person experiencing homelessness in an incredibly precarious situation. To make this worse, if an individual decides to secure a private rental instead of wait and hope, or “if you get a private rental subsidy then you are stalled on the list. You don’t progress on the list to your turn for a Department of Housing house.” Having these forms of assistance available is valuable, but if they are too difficult and time consuming to access they are not truly viable options for people experiencing homelessness.CONCLUSIONAs a consequence of this social investigation I gained incredible insight into the meso and macro worlds affecting the experience of homelessness. Though I had some general knowledge from my own experiences, delving into the data and research for this topic was interesting. In an issue as complex as homelessness, it is difficult to simply prove or disprove my hypothesis. In this investigation I discovered that refuge accommodation services help more than I ever thought, and it is once a person experiencing homelessness is out of this accommodation that government services begin to be less helpful. In this way, it can be said that the evidence largely did not support my hypothesis. I believe my hypothesis was not supported due to a lack of knowledge and personal bias. The interview conducted with a family member who had experienced homelessness was incredibly useful throughout the entire research project, as the data was widely applicable and backed up many of the points raised in my secondary research. Interviewing staff members of a refuge was less helpful, as it was difficult to gain relevant information in the time and environment provided, not to mention the difficulty encountered even setting up these interviews. The data gained from these interviews was only relevant in my third chapter, and even then only mildly so. I believe these research tools were the most appropriate for my research, as this is a topic relying a lot on qualitative data and personal experiences. If it were possible to undertake this research again, I would aim to hold a focus group or perhaps just individual interviews with more people who had experienced homelessness. I feel that this would give my primary research more scope. This research has greatly enhanced my social literacy, by means of giving me greater knowledge into the issue of homelessness in Australia at a variety of levels. Undertaking this PIP process has led me to grow as an individual as I explored my past, and enabled me to become a proficient researcher, both in primary and secondary methodology.RESOURCE LISTAIHW. “Exploring transitions between homelessness and public housing: 1 July 2011 to 30 June 2013". Cat. no. HOU 277. Accessed 23/7/18. < text: (AIHW, 2015. p. ?)Limited usefulness, only took 2 points away from this report. Largely irrelevant information or information I already had.AIHW, 2018. “Housing assistance in Australia 2018”. Accessed 24/7/18. < text: (AIHW, 2018, p. ?)Provided information on the different forms of housing assistance offered by the government. Useful in my last chapter. Clear and easy to understand.AIHW, 2018. “Specialist homelessness services annual report 2016–17” Australian Government. Accessed 23/7/28. < text: (AIHW, 2018)Current Australian data from an official government source. Very clear and easy to understand. Provided lots of valuable statistics about service providers.Casey, S. “Snakes and Ladders: Women’s Pathways Into and Out of Homelessness”. SPRC Report 1/02. 74-91. Accessed 22/7/18. < text: (Casey, S. 2001, p. ?)Dated Australian study, semi-specific to my topic. Contained more information on pathways in than out, but there was a nice summary of factors of women’s pathways out of homelessness which will be helpful in setting up an argument. Champion, T., Gander, C., Camacho Duarte, O. L., Phibbs, P., Crabtree, L., Kirkby, M. (2009) The Impact of Housing on the Lives of Women and Children - Post Domestic Violence Crisis Accommodation: A Study Undertaken by the NSW Women’s Refuge Movement and the UWS Urban Research Centre. Western Sydney University. Accessed 23/7/18. < text: (Champion, T., Gander, C., Camacho Duarte, O. L., Phibbs, P., Crabtree, L., Kirkby, M., 2009, p. ?)Detailed, Australian. Kinda dated but not as much as some of the others. Mostly backed up the other stuff, added some new points. Useful for housing section.Cobb-Clark, D. A., Hérault, N., Scutella, R., Tseng, Y. “A Journey Home: What Drives How Long People Are Homeless?” IZA Discussion Papers, No. 8495. Accessed 18/7/18. < text:(Cobb-Clark, D. A., Hérault, N., Scutella, R., Tseng, Y., 2014, p. ?)First source based on australian data which is helpful. Unique information on duration of homelessness, interesting data relating to how duration relates to exiting homelessness.Fogel, S. J. "Moving Along: An Exploratory Study of Homeless Women with Children Using a Transitional Housing Program," The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, 24(3), 8. Accessed 17/7/18. < text: (Fogel, S. J.,1997, p. ?)Dated and American but provided a very interesting view on the concept of place-identity and how it impacts the successfulness of refuge accommodation.Gilbert, T., 2012. “Submission to Senate Inquiry into the adequacy of the allowance payment system for jobseekers and others, the appropriateness of the allowance payment system as a support into work and the impact of the changing nature of the labour market.” Accessed 24/7/18. < text: (Gilbert, T., 2012, p. ?)Provided a large number of statistics about the adequacy of Centrelink payments, incredibly useful for my last chapter. Homelessness Australia, July 2018. Accessed 20/7/18. < text: (Homelessness Australia, 2018)Homelessness Australia is the peak body for people experiencing homelessness in Australia. Their website provided a wealth of information about government policy relating to homelessness, as well as some useful statistics regarding homelessness in general. Also provided a fact sheet on men experiencing homelessness - useful for informing my cross-cultural perspective.Homelessness Australia, 2012. “BACKING UP THE DOWN-PAYMENT: What should be incorporated in a new National Affordable Housing Agreement and National Partnership on Homelessness?” Accessed 24/7/18. < text: (Homelessness Australia, 2012, p. ?)Pretty much useless. Didn’t provide any unique information about the agreements.Homelessness Australia, 2017. “SAAP REFORM: The National Affordable Housing Agreement (NAHA) and funding arrangements for Specialist Homelessness Services. An Evidence Based Policy Paper.” Accessed 23/7/18. < text: (Homelessness Australia, 2017, p. ?)Provided interesting and useful information linking the NAHA with homelessness services, perfect for Chapter 3.Interview conducted with [Anonymous], 20/7/18.In text: (Interview 1, Anonymous, 2018)Provided the bulk of my primary research, in depth interview which went into each of my topic areas. Interesting and personal look into the process.Interviews conducted with refuge staff, 23/7/18.In text: (Staff interviews, 2018)Unable to gain much information as the interviews were rushed. Only relevant for Chapter 3. Johnson, G., Scutella, R., Tseng, Y. and Wood, G. “Entries and exits from homelessness: a dynamic analysis of the relationship between structural conditions and individual characteristics”, AHURI Final Report, No.248. Accessed 20/7/18. < text:(Johnson, G., Scutella, R., Tseng, Y. and Wood, G., 2015, p. ?)Another Australian source which draws on the same data as Cobb-Clark 2014. Provides a different perspective on the ‘Journey Home’ study, giving information on the links between entering and exiting homelessness. Useful statistics on men who are homeless for my cross-cultural perspective.Mayberry, L. S., Shinn, M., Benton, J. G., & Wise, J. “Families Experiencing Housing Instability: The Effects of Housing Programs on Family Routines and Rituals.” The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 84(1), 95–109. Accessed 16/7/18. <; In text: (Mayberry, L.S., Shinn, M., Benton, J. G., & Wise, J., 2014)About how families are impacted by the structure of refuges, not relevant to my topic in terms of this but gave a good quote about the helpfulness of refuges.Mitchell, F; Neuburger, J; Radebe, D; Rayne, R., 2004, Living in Limbo: Survey of homeless households living in temporary accommodation. E-book. Accessed 21/7/18. < text: (Mitchell, F; Neuburger, J; Radebe, D; Rayne, R., 2004, p. ?)Dated British study, therefore some of the information was too location specific to be useful. Provided interesting information on life in temporary accommodation, statistics about length of stay are used in my research specifically.Robinson, C. and Searby, R., 2005, Accommodation in Crisis: Forgotten Women in Western Sydney. E-book. Accessed 20/7/18. < text: (Robinson, C. and Searby, R., 2005, p. ?)Research paper overviewing the lack of crisis accommodation for single homeless women in Sydney. Useful for my chapters on crisis accommodation and the experiences of people in accommodation. Information from service providers themselves about how they run their services - very relevant. Dated however, some of the issues raised in this paper may have changed by now.Walsh, C., Lorenzetti, L., St-Denis, N., Murwisi, P., & Lewis, T. “Community Voices: Insights on Social and Human services from People with Lived Experiences of Homelessness”. Review of Social Sciences, 1(2), 27-41. Accessed 5/7/18. <; In text: (Walsh, C., Lorenzetti, L., St-Denis, N., Murwisi, P., & Lewis, T., 2016, p. ?)Detailed information about life inside refuges, gave relevant data in terms of refuge support and strategies offered by refuges. Mostly about barriers homeless people face in exiting homelessness rather than the processes they undertake to reach that point. Canadian study, therefore may likely differ from Australian data, however in conjunction with other sources it seems there isn’t much difference.Warburton, W., Whittaker, E., Papic, M. “Homelessness Pathways for Australian Single Mothers and Their Children: An Exploratory Study”, Societies, 8(1), 16. Accessed 22/7/18. < text: (Warburton, W., Whittaker, E., Papic, M., 2018, p. ?)Current Australian study. Primary data sourced from homelessness service staff - useful for investigation into crisis accommodation effectiveness. Lots of relevant info. Borrowed some of the questions included in their interviews with service staff to use in my own interviews with the staff at the refuge.APPENDIXINTERVIEW 1Do you think we were just lucky or did the system adequately support us? The refuge, gov services, etc.Once we were in the refuge, what were the steps taken to get out? How did we get into the transitional house? What was that process? From the transitional house to private rental? What services were involved in this process?What Centrelink services did you access? Were they helpful? Were they enough? How difficult was it to maintain these payments? What was your experience with finding a private rental? How difficult was this process? What were the steps involved? How did you feel whilst undergoing this process? Did you feel our situation improved once we were in stable housing?What was your experience like with finding employment? Was it difficult? Did you feel pressured?What kind of support were you offered and what support did receive? (e.g., housing, health,employment, parenting guidance)What are the good things about the refuge? Were there any services at the refuge that were particularly valuable for you?What are the not-so-good things? Were there any services offered that you feel weren’t veryvaluable for your situation?If there anything they could improve on, or do faster that would have helped you to exithomelessness quicker?Were there any services you can think of that you feel would have helped you to exit homelessness but they didn’t exist or they were too hard to access?STAFF INTERVIEWHow long have you been in your role?What does your role involve?What services does the organisation offer to clients?What do you think are the main strengths of the services you offer?What do you think are the main weaknesses?Have there been any service related challenges or barriers that the organisation has faced? Have these been overcome?What kind of support services are offered to mothers and their children? (e.g., housing, health,employment, parenting guidance)Are there any services that you feel are particularly valuable for mothers?Are there are aspects that the service could improve on, or make the processes faster, to helpmothers exit out of homelessness quicker?To what extent currently do the services here address the needs of mothers and their children?(e.g., community participation, education/training, employment, mental and physical health,developmental delays).Are there needs that mothers and their children present with that the organisation cannot address internally and that require a referral off-site?Do the partnerships with other agencies help to meet/support the different needs of mothers and their children?Has the organisation changed the types of services or support offered to mothers and theirchildren over the time you have been here? In your experience, how do mother’s needs change over time? (e.g., when they first present incrisis, after a few months of receiving support) ................
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