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Running head: SACMEQ

An Analysis of the Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality Project and Its Focus on Gender Equity in Kenya

Roger S. Baskin, Sr.

George Mason University

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality (SACMEQ) Project. Further, this paper will discuss some of the major concerns this project has identified regarding the quality of education in Kenya. Primarily, the report identifies stark differences in the quality of education based on gender. The paper concludes with two possible policy implications of the SACMEQ reports.

An Analysis of the Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality Project and Its Focus on Gender Equity in Kenya

Introduction

The purpose of this paper is to identify key findings in the Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality Project (SACMEQ) conducted in Kenya. The paper will first give a brief overview of the purpose and goals of SACMEQ. The majority of the paper will then identify key findings of the SACMEQ report on Kenya regarding gender disparities. Finally, the paper will explore two policy implications of the report findings.

Project Overview

The SACMEQ Consortium consists of 15 Ministries of Education in Southern and

Eastern Africa: Botswana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zanzibar and Zimbabwe. The mission of SACMEQ is found on its home page:

SACMEQ's mission is to undertake integrated research and training activities that will:

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(a) expand opportunities for educational planners to gain the technical skills required to monitor and evaluate the quality of basic education,

(b) generate information that can be used by decision-makers to plan and improve the quality of education, and

(c) provide opportunities for educational planners, to work together, to learn from each other, and to share experience and expertise. ()

Having been in existence since 1995, SACMEQ has conducted several projects in Kenya. The first SACMEQ report (SACMEQ I) on Kenya was published in 2001 (Nzomo, Kariuki & Guantai, 2001). This first report focused on the following questions:

a) What are the baseline data for selected inputs to primary schools?

b) How do the conditions of primary schooling compare with the Ministry’s own benchmark standards?

c) Have educational inputs to primary schools been allocated in an equitable fashion among and within educational provinces?

d) What is the level of reading achievement for Grade 6 pupils?

e) Which educational inputs to primary schools have most impact upon reading achievement of Grade 6 pupils? (Nzomo, Kariuki & Guantai, 2001, p. 7)

The SACMEQ II report was published in 2005 (Onsomu, Nzomo & Obiero, 2005) and was focused on specific questions:

1. What are the personal characteristics (for example, age and gender) and home background characteristics (for example, parent education, regularity of meals, home language, etc.) of Standard 6 pupils that might have implications for monitoring equity, and/or that might impact upon teaching and learning?

2. What are the school context factors experienced by Standard 6 pupils – such as location, absenteeism (regularity and reasons), grade repetition, and homework (frequency, amount, correction, and family involvement) – that might impact upon teaching/learning and the general functioning of schools?

3. Do Standard 6 pupils have sufficient access to classroom materials (for example, textbooks, readers, and stationery) in order to be able to participate fully in their lessons?

4. Do Standard 6 pupils have access to library books in their schools, and (if they do have access) is the use of these books maximised by allowing pupils to take them home to read?

5. Is the practice of Standard 6 pupils receiving extra lessons in school subjects outside school hours becoming widespread, and are these paid lessons?

6. What are the personal characteristics of Standard 6 teachers (for example, age, gender, and socio-economic level), and what are their housing conditions?

7. What are the professional characteristics of Standard 6 teachers (in terms of academic, professional, and in-service training), and do they consider in-service training to be effective in improving their teaching?

8. How do Standard 6 teachers allocate their time among responsibilities concerned with teaching, preparing lessons, and marking?

9. What are Standard 6 teachers’ views on (a) pupil activities within the classroom (for example, reading aloud, pronouncing, etc.), (b) teaching goals (for example, making learning enjoyable, word attack skills, etc.), (c) teaching approaches/strategies (for example, questioning, whole class teaching, etc.), (d) assessment procedures, and (e) meeting and communicating with parents?

10. What is the availability of classroom furniture (for example, sitting/writing places, teacher table, teacher chair, and bookshelves) and classroom equipment (for example, chalkboard, dictionary, maps, book corner, and teacher guides) in Standard 6 classrooms?

11. What professional support (in terms of education resource centres, inspections, advisory visits, and school head inputs) is given to Grade 6 teachers?

12. What factors have the most impact upon teacher job satisfaction?

13. What are the personal characteristics of school heads (for example, age and gender)?

14. What are the professional characteristics of school heads (in terms of academic, professional, experience, and specialised training)?

15. What are the school heads’ views on general school infrastructure (for example, electrical and other equipment, water, and basic sanitation) and the condition of school buildings?

16. What are the school heads’ views on (a) daily activities (for example, teaching, school-community relations, and monitoring pupil progress), (b) organisational policies (for example school magazine, open days, and formal debates), (c) inspections, (d) community input, and (e) problems with pupils and staff (for example, pupil lateness, teacher absenteeism, and lost days of school)?

17. Are human resources (for example, qualified and experienced teachers and school heads) being allocated in an equitable fashion among regions and among schools within regions?

18. Are material resources (for example, classroom teaching materials and school facilities) being allocated in an equitable fashion among regions and schools within regions?

19. What are the levels (according to Rasch scores and descriptive levels of competence) and variations (among schools and regions) in the achievement levels of Standard 6 pupils and their teachers in reading and mathematics in the country and in comparison with all other SACMEQ countries?

20. What are the reading and mathematics achievement levels of important sub-groups of Standard 6 pupils and their teachers (for example, pupils and teachers of different genders, socio-economic levels, and locations)?

21. What are the factors that influence the achievement of Standard 6 pupils in Kenya?

(Onsomu, Nzomo & Obiero, 2005, pp. 12-13)

Currently, a third project, SACMEQ III is underway (). Primarily concerned with the impact of HIV/AIDS on education, the third project will focus on the following questions:

• What do Grade 6 pupils and their teachers know about HIV and AIDS in the Southern and Eastern Africa countries?”

• “Low literacy implications for HIV and AIDS education” -based on research lessons obtained from the analysis of the SACMEQ III data on the implementation of HIV and AIDS education in the school.

• What can the education sector do to mitigate against the impact of HIV and AIDS on teachers? ()

The SACMEQ reports have proven to be a valuable source of information for policy makers in the various countries that participate in the studies (Ross & Genevoi, (Eds.), 2004; Murimba, 2005):

The SACMEQ studies have provided valid and reliable data on which important decisions could be based. Specifically, SACMEQ II provided relevant, high quality data about the academic profile of teachers, the level of performance in the areas assessed, school management and other aspects that are relevant for policy making. (Passos, 2009, p. xxi).

Context of Kenya

In order to understand the findings of the SACMEQ Project, it is very important to place Kenya within the proper context. Kenya, like many developing nations, has a variety of impediments to progress that stem from historical, cultural, and political factors. One lingering problem, for example, is the legacy of colonization that has forced various ethnic groups into an “artificial” nation. According to the article “Lessons from Kenya” (Mutua, 2008):

African states were created haphazardly by European imperial powers with the express intent of exploiting Africa's human and natural resources. Usually, pre-existing independent ethnopolitical societies were forcibly amalgamated into one state. Thereafter, the colonial powers pursued a policy of divide and rule. As a consequence, ethnic groups could not fully develop a national consciousness, in spite of the brutality of colonialism. At independence the European-educated African elite, itself alienated from the people, usually took over the oppressive machinery of state intact from the departing white rulers. That elite failed to transform colonial states into legitimate polities.

What the article points out is that the forced amalgamation of cultures also facilitated a divide-and-conquer effect that led to some Kenyans being given greater cultural and social capital based on their allegiance to the language and sensibilities of European colonizers. Hence, the educational system was one that was transplanted from a realm far removed from the reality and language of the indigenous people. The article “Children's Creative Thinking in Kenya” (Gacheru, Opiyo & Smutny, 1999) points out this effect on students:

With the coming of Western education to Kenya, however, the value of storytellers like Misca began to diminish--at least in their traditional forms--as did the oral traditions they shared and the local languages they used. The vital role that the storyteller played in nurturing both the character and creative thinking of Kenya's children and young adults gave way to Western educators who could not begin to replace this traditional oral interpreter and the rich legacy she offered. As the social value of these traditions, languages, and local lore depreciated, Kenyan youth began to distance themselves from their own cultures (including their native language) and adopt, through formal schooling, Western cultural values and lifestyles. This kind of schooling, with its emphasis on logic and the memorization of facts, did little to kindle the imaginative and creative power of Kenyan children.

 For many years after Kenya obtained its independence from Britain in the early 1960s, critical and creative thinking were not taught within the national school curriculum. Instead, Kenyan youth were taught to absorb information and study to pass final exams. The need for a more creative framework and orientation to genuine learning--one that recovers some of the diminishing traditions of pre-colonial Kenya--is increasingly obvious to educators.

The cultural dissonance between school culture and the culture of home is something that has been explored within the context of the United States with regard to African American students and the predominantly white teaching culture of public schools (Carter, 2005; Howard, 2006; Ladson-Billings, 2006). Citing the work of Rothbart and John (1993), Gary Howard (2006) notes the phenomenon of cultural dissonance in this way:

This story illustrates two basic lessons of minimal group theory: (1) People tend to draw distinctions between themselves as individuals and groups, even if the distinctions are essentially meaningless in a larger context, and (2) having drawn these distinctions, we then ascribe values of superiority and inferiority to the various in-groups and out-groups we ourselves have created. When we add to this process the existence of a powerful “visible marker” such as race, we are left with patterns of intergroup relations that are extremely resistant to change (Rothbart & John, 1993). (p. 32)

As in the American context, Kenyans, and their schools, have fallen prey to this divisive phenomenon and have experienced the backlash of discouraged youth who have dropped out of school in large part due to cultural factors (Lloyd, Mensch & Clark, 2000). In the American context, these dropouts would be called noncompliant believers:

I noticed that students in this study fell into three groups that characterize how they managed their identities, cultural styles, and educational beliefs. . .Noncompliant believers are the students with the widest gaps among their beliefs, school engagement, and their achievement. They believe in education, but do not always comply with the rules of educational attainment. This is, while they embrace what social scientist refer to as dominant achievement ideology . . . their cultural identities and self-understanding as racial and ethnic beings lead them to challenge the compliance with rule that we use to denote good students. . . In contrast to the noncompliant believers, the cultural mainstreamers embrace the dominant cultural repertoire, or body of cultural know-how, and although they express their own racial or ethnic background as a central part of their identity, they portray most cultural behaviors as racially or ethnically neutral . . . A third group, the cultural straddlers, deftly abides by the schools’ cultural rules. Yet cultural straddlers do not passively obey school rules and cultural codes; rather, they simultaneously create meanings with their co-ethnic peers. (Carter, 2005, pp. 12-13)

The cultural mainstreamers are most often held as a buffer between the majority of Kenyans and the European model. These cultural mainstreamers have mastered the English language and have managed to distinguish themselves from other Kenyans who (often because of a lack of monetary capital) are unable to master the English language or who resist it altogether.

The bullet was the means of physical subjugation. Language was the means of spiritual subjugation … The language of my education was no longer the language of my culture … In Kenya, English became more than a language: it was the language, and all others had to bow before it in deference … English became the measure of intelligence. (Thiong’o, 1981, p. 265)

SACMEQ reports demonstrate the impact of this phenomenon on academic achievement:

Moreover, pupils who always spoke English (the language of the test) outside school were estimated to achieve better in mathematics and reading than pupils who never spoke English outside school. (Hungi & Thuku, 2009, p. 36)

With this multifaceted context in mind, the role of education becomes much thornier than simply identifying reading and math scores. Kenya is an environment of deep cultural unrest and many of its inhabitants resist a standard of intelligence deposited by its former colonizers. Further, the intrusions of war and political unrest (Axelrod, 2008) have stymied much of the progress that has been made.

Additionally, the oppression of women based on longstanding cultural beliefs has made the progress of girls in education even more difficult (Lloyd, Mensch & Clark, 2000). It has also hampered the progress of women in the field of education which has created a negative effect for girls as well:

Between 1997 and 2003, the aggregate number of primary school teachers reduced from 186, 590 (41.4 percent female) in 1997 to 178,622 (58.6 percent male) in 2003. The pupil teacher ratio was recorded at 36: 1 in 2002 and 39.8:1 in 2003 at National level. This is due to the increase in enrolment without proportionate increase in employment of teachers. Approximately 41.5 percent of the 176,264 trained teachers were female compared with the 31.5 percent untrained female teachers. Precisely, male teachers in the profession dominated both the trained (58.5 percent) and untrained teacher categories (68.4 percent). (Onsomu, Kosimbei & Ngware, 2005, p. 20)

Further, the regional phenomenon of stratified success also has within it an indication of cultural unrest among factions within the country.

In many regards, the SACMEQ Project has taken into consideration the long history of cultural and political struggle that has been a part of Kenya’s background. As these are the roots of the educational tree within Kenya, it will be very clear in the rest of the paper why certain problems persist—the education of girls, the disparity between those with English acquisition and those without it, and the disparity of monetary capital and educational success.

Gender Inequity

From the day that a girl is born in Kenya, she is taught that she is very different from males and that her role is to be subservient to men. Females are subjected to genital mutilation at an early age (Mulama, 2009) and are left to suffer both the physical and emotional scars of this procedure which is practiced to this day in Kenya and many other parts of Africa. Because of the fundamental importance, within the Kenyan male mindset, to control the sexuality of females, there is a major effort to control the educational attainment of females as well. This is particularly the case in rural areas and areas of poverty (Onsomu, Kosimbei & Ngware, 2005, p. 17). Gender inequity is an issue both in educational opportunity for female students and opportunities for employment and professional development in the field of education.

The school environment may also be more conducive to the attendance and performance of boys than of girls. Male teachers may not provide girls sufficient support, and they may even be sexually threatening. Toilet facilities for girls’ maybe inadequate, while other facilities may be unfriendly to girls (Coclough, undated). Harassment from boys may occur, and the distance to school may have greater attendant risks for the safety of girls than boys.

The gendered division of labour within the household can sharply affect the relative chances of girls and boys attending school. Where girls are expected to perform household chores, and to look after young siblings, the demands on their time may be greater than boys, and their school attendance may be more affected. Where a girl’s allegiance after marriage is mainly to her future husband’s family, the balance of perceived benefits to parents are likely to favour the education of sons over daughters. Where men mainly take schooling decisions in families, the education of boys may again be more advantaged. (Onsomu, Kosimbei & Ngware, 2005, p. 10)

Because of the devastating impact of the infibulations on girls, there is also the increased likelihood that girls have to miss days because of the complications of the surgery coupled with the hostile environment of a male majority in the classroom:

Circumcisions are normally carried out without anaesthetic, and can result in infection – as well as severe pain during urination, menstruation, sexual intercourse and childbirth. Girls who undergo the procedure have also been known to die from excessive bleeding and infection. (Mulama, 2009, par. 5)

The problem of HIV/AIDS (an interest of the SACMEQ III Project) is an additional factor in that it impacts the health of parents who may contract the disease thus leaving girls many times to stay home and care for parents. Further, the attitudes concerning both its transmission and its cures work to the detriment of females who are often objectified and forced into sexual intercourse against their will (Juma, Mwaniki, & Muturi, 2005).

SACMEQ researchers found that gender inequities also showed up in achievement data for math and reading, “Large gender inequities (in favor of boys) were evident in North Eastern for both subjects.” (Hungi & Thuku, 2009) Although fairing considerably better than their counterparts in Uganda and Tanzania (Zuze, 2008, pp. 119-122), Kenyan girls still demonstrate a need for more supportive environments if they are to have a fair shot at competing for work opportunities in the future.

With all of the barriers that inhibit the expansion of female educational attainment, poverty is still an even larger barrier that impacts both males and females. The difference in socioeconomic status shows up quite often in SACMEQ reports and demonstrates the overwhelming differences by region within Kenya regarding access to nutrition, school supplies and even quality teachers (Kasandi & Akumu, 2008; Oketch, Mutisya, Ngware & Ezeh, 2010):

Pupils from homes with better quality houses, many possessions (wealthy) and more educated parents were estimated to achieve better in mathematics and reading than pupils from homes with low quality houses, few or no possessions (poor) and less educated parents. (Hungi & Thuku, 2009, p. 37)

Low social equity in pupil achievement was evident in Nyanza, Nairobi and Western regions of the country (Hungi & Thuku, 2009). Because of the devastating impact of poverty in particular regions of the country, the phenomenon of dropouts is also an ongoing occurrence:

At the individual level, results show that pupil's age, pupil's home background (SES), number of meals eaten by pupil per week and corrections of the homework given to the pupil significantly influence absenteeism rates in Kenya. At the group level, results show that working places in class (for sitting and writing) and school geographical location (province) significantly influence absenteeism in Kenya. (Hungi, 2005, p. 1)

Policy Implications

Nearly every SACMEQ report has expressed some policy suggestion to improve the educational experience of girls. These suggestions range from targeting specific regions of the country that demonstrate greater female dropout rates and lower achievement rates to a general effort to improve the safety of girls in school. One policy effort that is gaining popularity in several African nations is single sex learning environments. This has the benefit of increasing both the sense of security for girls who feel threatened by male students and teachers, and it can offer positive role models for girls who have female teachers:

Schoolgirls’ safety, social and cultural identity are critical factors that are in favour of policies that would increase single sex schools for girls in Sub-Saharan Africa. Recent studies in Nigeria show girls in single sex schools appeared to have confidence and had diminished views of mathematics and science as male domains.

Such is the case in Kenya, where there is almost no difference in performance in all subjects between girls and boys in national and provincial secondary schools that are basically single sex schools. However, academic achievement is radically different in mixed day secondary schools there girls perform dismally in mathematics and science.

According to Dr Tamo Chattopadhay, an educational researcher at New York University and a leading expert on single-sex education, adolescent boys and girls are very sensitive to ‘looking foolish’ in front of their opposite classmates. "Single sex learning can help students to focus and improve their academic achievement," he says.

Subsequently, in single sex settings, girls are given the opportunity to learn new or traditionally male skills without teasing and competition of boys. Physical sciences, mathematics and computers are examples where girls can improve in single sex schools. (Kigotho, 2009, par. 18-21)

In order for this policy to be effective, there will need to be a stronger role on the part of the Kenyan government to hire more female teachers and to adequately prepare the female teachers who are hired. As noted earlier, there are disparities that exist even in regard to hiring and educating female educators. An unintended outcome of such a policy, however, could be that such schools could be targets for violence against all-female staffs and students. Further, these environments could be given less prepared teachers if the status quo continues to operate unchecked.

A second policy implication of the SACMEQ reports is the improvement of teacher preparation and in-services that help to prepare teachers for the specific needs of female students.

This implies, despite the various policies already in place to address gender gaps in basic education provision, the interventions need to be reviewed with particular focus on learning achievements for girls. Specific interventions include reviewing teacher in-servicing to focus of competency skills including inferential, analytical and critical reading skills; and competencies in numeracy, problem solving and abstract problem solving. (Onsomu, Kosimbei & Ngware, 2005, p. 24)

Pedagogical support for teachers is significant for several reasons. First, it offers all students an opportunity to improve in their learning because of the introduction of less rigid approaches to instruction. Secondly, it offers students an opportunity to learn proven pedagogical practices like cooperative learning which can help to facilitate a greater sense of citizenship and collaboration across gender boundaries. When teachers learn how to model this behavior, transferring it to students becomes an empowering way to transform culture.

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