The Monroe Doctrine - MCPHERSON AP US HISTORY



Was America’s decision to implement the Monroe Doctrine justified or not?

Document 1

|Secretary of State – John Quincy Adams; July 4, 1861 |

| And now, friends and countrymen, if the wise and learned philosophers of the elder world, the first observers of nutation and aberration, |

|the discoverers of maddening ether and invisible planets, the inventors of Congreve rockets and Shrapnel shells, should find their hearts disposed|

|to enquire what has America done for the benefit of mankind? Let our answer be this: America, with the same voice which spoke herself into |

|existence as a nation, proclaimed to mankind the inextinguishable rights of human nature, and the only lawful foundations of government. America,|

|in the assembly of nations, since her admission among them, has invariably, though often fruitlessly, held fourth to them the hand of honest |

|friendship, of equal freedom, of generous reciprocity. She has uniformly spoken among them, though often to heedless and often to disdainful |

|ears, the language of equal liberty, of equal justice, and the equal rights of man. She has, in the lapse of nearly half a century, without a |

|single exception, respected the independence of other nations while asserting and maintaining her own. She has abstained from interference in the|

|concerns of others, even when conflict has been for principles to which she clings, as to the last vital drop that visits the heart. She has seen|

|that probably for centuries to come, all the contests of that Aceldama the European world, will be contests of inveterate power, and emerging |

|right. Wherever the standard of freedom and Independence has been or shall be unfurled, there will her heart, her benedictions and her prayers |

|be. But she goes not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all. She is the |

|champion and vindicator only of her own. She will commend the general cause by the countenance of her voice, and the benignant sympathy of her |

|example. She well knows that by once enlisting under other banners than her own, were they event he banners of foreign independence, she would |

|involve herself beyond the power of extrication, in all the wars of interest and intrigue, of individual avarice, envy, and ambition, which assume|

|the colors and usurp the standard of freedom. The fundamental maxims of her policy would insensibly change from liberty to force . . . She might |

|become the dictaress of the world. She would be no longer the ruler of her own spirit. |

|[America’s} glory is not dominion, but liberty. Her march is the march of the mind. She has a spear and a shield: but the motto upon her shield |

|is, Freedom, Independence, Peace. This has been her Declaration; this has been, as far as her necessary intercourse with the rest of mankind wold|

|permit, her practice. |

1. Does this document support or oppose intervention on the affairs of other nations? _________ Identify a passage to support your answer: ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

2. Who is he writing this letter to? ______________________________________________________________

3. Who is John Q. Adams referring to in the first sentence? __________________________________________

4. What is Adams’ main fear regarding intrusion into the affairs of other nations? ________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

5. What does “Aceldama” mean? ______________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

Document 2

|British foreign secretary George Canning’s letter to |

|Richard Rush, American Minister in London |

|August 20, 1823 |

| Is not the moment come when our Governments might understand each other as to the Spanish American Colonies? And if we arrive at such an |

|understanding, would it not be expedient for ourselves, and beneficial for all the world, that the principles of it should be clearly settled and |

|plainly avowed? |

|For ourselves we have no disguise. |

|1. We conceive the recovery of the Colonies by Spain to be hopeless |

|We conceive the question of the recognition of them, as Independent States, to be one of time and circumstances. |

|We are, however, by no means disposed to throw away any impediment in the way of an arrangement between them, and the mother country by amicable |

|negotiation. |

|We aim not at the possession of any portion of them ourselves |

|We could not see any portion of them transferred to any other Power, with indifferences |

|If these opinions and feeling are as I firmly believe them to be, common to your Government with ours, why should we hesitate mutually to confide |

|them to each other; and to declare them in the face of the world? |

|If there be any European Power which cherishes other projects, which looks to a forcible enterprize for reducing the colonies to subjugation, on |

|the behalf or in the name of Spain; of which mediates the acquisition of any part of them to itself, by cession of by conquest; such a declaration|

|on the part of your government and ours would be at once the most effectual and the least offensive mode of intimating our joint disapprobation of|

|such projects. |

|It would at the same time put an end to all the jealousies of Spain with respect to her remaining Colonies – and to the agitation which prevails |

|in those Colonies, an agitation which it would be but humane to allay; being determined (as we are) not to profit by encouraging it. |

|Do you conceive that under the power which you have recently received, you are authorized to enter into negotiation, and to sign any Convention |

|upon this subject? Do you conceive, if that be not within your competence, you could exchange with me ministerial notes upon it? |

|Nothing could be more gratifying to me than to join with you in such a work, and, I am persuaded, there has seldom, in the history of the world, |

|occurred an opportunity when so small an effort, of two friendly Governments, might produce so unequivocal a good and prevent such extensive |

|calamities. |

6. What did Secretary Canning think of Spain’s chances to regain the control of Latin America? ____________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

7. Where in Secretary Canning’s letter does it specifically state the British do not want to colonize Latin America? Be specific and use quotes. _________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

8. What does Secretary Canning mean, when he refers to “the agitation” that is occurring within those colonies? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

9. In the last paragraph of the letter, using your own words, what is Secretary Canning asking for? _________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Document 3

|Thomas Jefferson advises Monroe to Cooperate with Britain |

|October 23, 1823 |

| The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of |

|Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on us. |

|And never could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious. Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in |

|the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of |

|interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. . She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that |

|of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be to make our hemisphere that of freedom. |

|One nations, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid and accompany us in it. By acceding to her proposition, |

|we detach her from the bands, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might |

|otherwise linger in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most harm of any one, or all on earth; and with her on |

|our side we need not fear the whole world. With her then, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend more to |

|knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the same cause. |

|But we have to ask ourselves a question. Do we wish to acquire to our own confederacy any one or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly |

|confess, that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of States. The control which, |

|with Florida Point, this island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose |

|waters flow into it, would fill up the measures of our political well-being. Yet, as I am sensible that this can never be obtained, even with her|

|own consent, but by war; and its independence, which is our second interest, (and especially its independence of England,) can be secured without|

|it, I have no hesitation in abandoning my first wish to future chances, and accepting its independence, with peace and the friendship of England, |

|rather than its association, as the expense of war and her enmity. |

|I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration proposed, that we aim not at the acquisition of any of those possessions, that we will not |

|stand in the way of any amicable arrangement between them and the Mother country; but that we will oppose, with all our means, the forcible |

|interposition of any other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or under any other form or pretext, and most especially, their transfer to any power |

|by conquest, cession, or acquisition in any other way. I should think it, therefore, advisable, that the Executive should encourage the British |

|government to a continuance in the dispositions expressed in these letters, by an assurance of his concurrence with them as far as his authority |

|goes; and that as it may lead to war, the declaration of which requires an act of Congress, the case shall be laid before them for consideration |

|at their first meeting, and under the reasonable aspect in which it is seen by himself. |

10. How does Jefferson compare US intervention in Latin America with America’s battle for independence? Be specific and use exact quotes. ___________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

11. What is Jefferson’s first warning to President Monroe? ___________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

12. How does Jefferson compare the governments in Europe with his goal what he wants to see in America’s hemisphere? ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

13. What is the advantage of cooperating, or at least having Great Britain on America’s side? ________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

14. What’s Jefferson’s thoughts on Cuba becoming part of the United States? Be specific, use quotes. ______ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

15. What advantage is there for the US to control Cuba? ____________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

16. For Havana (Cuba) to become part of the US, what, according to Jefferson, would it take? ______________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

17. Quote Jefferson’s line, where he either supports or opposes the Monroe Doctrine. ______________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Document 4

|Adams’s Account of the Cabinet Meeting of November 7, 1823 |

| Cabinet meeting at the President’s from half-past one till four. Mr. [John] Calhoun, Secretary of War, and Mr. [Samuel] Southard, Secretary|

|of the Navy, present. The subject for consideration was, the confidential proposals of the British Secretary of State, George Canning, to R. |

|Rush, and the correspondence between them relating to the projects of the Holy Alliance upon South America. There was much conversation, without |

|coming to any definite point. The object of Canning appears to have been to obtain some public pledge from the Government of the United States, |

|ostensibly against the forcible interference of the Holy Alliance between Spain and South America; but really or especially against the |

|acquisition to the United States themselves of any part of the Spanish-American possessions. |

|Mr. Calhoun inclined to giving a discretionary power to Mr. Rush to join in a declaration against the interference of the Holy Allies, if |

|necessary, even if it should pledge us not to take Cuba or the province of Texas; because the power of Great Britain being greater than ours to |

|seize upon them, we should get the advantage of obtaining from her the same declaration we should make ourselves. |

|I thought the cases not parallel. We have no intention of seizing either Texas or Cuba. But the inhabitants of either or both may exercise their|

|primitive rights, and joining with her, therefore, in her proposed declaration, we give her a substantial return. Without entering now into the |

|enquiry of the expediency of our annexing Texas or Cuba to our Union, we should at least keep ourselves free to act as emergencies may arise, and |

|not tie ourselves down to any principle, which might immediately afterwards be brought to bear against ourselves. |

|Mr. Southard inclined much to the same opinion. |

|The President was averse to any course which should have the appearance of taking a position subordinate to that of Great Britain…. |

|I remarked that the communications recently received from the Russian Minister, Baron Tuyl, afforded, as I thought, a very suitable and convenient|

|opportunity for us to take our stand against the Holy Alliance, and at the same time to decline the overture of Great Britain. It would be more |

|candid, as well as more dignified, to avow our principles explicitly to Russia and France, than to come in as a cock-boat in the wake of the |

|British man-of-war. |

|This idea was acquiesced in on all sides, and my draft for an answer to Baron Tuyl’s note announcing the Emperor’s determination to refuse |

|receiving any Minister from the South American Governments was read. |

18. List all those present at the Cabinet meeting of November 7, 1823. ________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

19. What do you think Adams meant by “the Holy Alliance upon South America”? _________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

➢ Why is it “Holy”? __________________________________________________________________

20. What did the Secretary of War think about the US interfering between Spain and its Latin American possessions? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

21. Was Texas a state at this point in time? ______________________

22. What did John Adams specifically state concerning America’s need to have a policy in place for Latin and Central America? ______________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

23. President Monroe was concerned about the US and British relations. What specifically was his concern? ___ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

24. Did Adams specifically recommend the US act with Great Britain? Be specific, use quotes. _____________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Document 5

|The Monroe Doctrine, 1823 |

| At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions |

|have been transmitted to the minister of the United States as St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interest|

|of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent . . . In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the |

|arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rightes and interest of |

|the United States are involved that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are |

|henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers . . . |

|It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the |

|people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has |

|been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and |

|from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the |

|most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in |

|matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded|

|or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are all enlightened |

|and impartial observers. The political system of this allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This |

|difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of |

|so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, |

|this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers |

|to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace |

|and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the |

|Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles,|

|acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any |

|European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new |

|Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, |

|provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of the competent authorities of this Government, ,shall make a corresponding change on the |

|part of the United States indispensable to their security. |

|The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the |

|allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of |

|Spain. To what extent such interposition maybe carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose governments |

|differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which |

|was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to |

|interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate |

|friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every |

|power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is |

|impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and |

|happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if [left] to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally |

|impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. |

25. What thirty words specifically spells out the content of the Monroe Doctrine? __________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

26. Spain and Portugal had many colonies in the Americas. How did Monroe judge their effectiveness? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

27. Explain the following line; “It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense” in the context with the rest of the document. _______________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

28. This document explains America’s four goals in relations with Europe. What are they?

➢ _____________________________________________________________________________________

➢ _____________________________________________________________________________________

➢ _____________________________________________________________________________________

➢ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Document 6

|Colombia Request and Explanation of US Intentions, 1824 |

| My Government has seen with the greatest pleasure the Message of the President of the United States, a work very worthy of its author, and |

|which expresses the public sentiments of the people over whom he presides: it cannot be doubted, in virtue of this document, and the Government of|

|the United States endeavors to oppose the policy and ultimate views of the Holy Alliance, and such appears to be the decision of Great Britain |

|from the sense of the Nation, some acts of the Ministry, and the language of her Commissioners in Bogota. |

|In such circumstances the Government of Colombia is desirous to know in what manner the Government of the United States intens to resist on its |

|part any interferences of the Holy Alliance for the purpose of subjugating the new Republics or interfering in their political forms: if it will |

|enter into a Treaty of Alliance with the Republic of Colombia to save America in general from the calamities of a despotic system; and finally if |

|the Government of Washington understands by foreign interference the employment of Spanish forces against America at the time when Spain is |

|occupied by a French Army, and its Government under the influence of France and her Allies. |

|It appears that it is already in the situation intended by this declaration, since it [is] generally asserted that an expedition has sailed from |

|Cadiz destined for the coasts of Peru composed of the Ship Asia and of some frigates and brigs; there is no doubt that Spain does not furnish this|

|force by herself alone in her present state of despotism and anarchy, without an army, without a marine and without money. This Nation |

|notwithstanding its spirit of domination would have ere now decided for peace had it not been assisted for war. |

|In the name of my Government therefore, and reposing on the sympathy of the United States, I request the said explanations which may serve for its|

|government in its policy and its system of defense. |

29. What are the three main questions asked by the Colombian government?

➢ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

➢ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

➢ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

30. What is the overall meaning and intent of this letter? _____________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Document 7

|Juan Bautista Alberdi of Argentina |

|Warns against the Threat of “Monroeism” to the |

|Independence of Spanish America, n.d. |

| The revolution for independence has not eliminated the Europeanized civilization of the new world: it has only changed its form. What |

|exists in America [North, Central, and South] continues to be an aspect of what exists in Europe. There is an intimate solidarity of interests |

|and destinies among the peoples of both continents. |

|They are not two worlds, as the figurative expression goes; they are not two planets with beings of separate races, rather they are parts of one |

|geographical and political world. |

|The seas bring peoples together rather than separating them. |

|Without the sea, Chile would have no communication with Europe. The idea of a land voyage of three thousand leagues is unheard of. The community|

|of business interests is proof of the solidarity of interests and destinies of both continents. The doctrine attributed to Monroe, as a |

|contradiction, the daughter of egoism. Even though the United States owes everything to Europe, it wants to isolate America from Europe, from any|

|influence that does not emanate from the United States, which will make the United States the only custom house for the civilization of |

|transatlantic origin. Monroe wanted to make his country the Porto-Bello of American liberty . . . [Porto Bello, on the isthmus of Panama, was one|

|of the most important commercial centers in the Spanish empire – a symbol of Spanish control.] |

|Although the Monroe [D]octrine is antithetical to the doctrines of the Holy Alliance in Spanish America, with regard to the America of Spanish |

|origin, it is as ominous as the doctrines of the Holy Alliance. Both have as their objective the conquest of Spanish America: one for the benefit|

|of Spain, the other for the benefit of the United States. |

|Both doctrines are the expression of two ambitions, the object of which is Spanish America. |

|Between the colonial annexation of South America by a European nations and colonial annexation by the United States, what is the difference? |

|Which is preferable for South America? As far as annexation is concerned, neither: independence is better. In other words, neither monroeism nor |

|holy alliance. But let us compare the results of these two annexation, the practical examples of which are Havana and Texas. Havana, though a |

|colony, is Spanish. Texas, though free, has died for the Spanish race. Havana lives, even if it is enslaved; of Texas, the only thing left is |

|the soil. |

|Thus, the colonial annexation by Europe is the conservation of the race and the species with loss of liberty . . . as is well understood by the |

|living, not by the dead. Between the two annexations, let the devil choose . . . |

|Those who are not, in any respect, in agreement over the intervention of Europe, accommodate themselves to the idea of a protectorate by the |

|United States over the entire American continent. |

|Apart from the absurdity of such a protectorate – due to its impracticality – is is not honorable tot he independence of the South American |

|republics, as any protectorate is not honorable, wherever it emanates from and whoever exercises it. |

|All protectorates are humiliating because they are the denial of the means to independence, from which is derived, in practice, the right to be. |

31. Explain the line, “The seas bring people together rather than separating them.” In the context of the first part of the document? ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

32. What did Juan Bautista Alberdi think about the Monroe doctrine and America’s relationships with Europe? __ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

33. What did the author of the document say regarding US or European control? Be specific and use quotes. __ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

34. How does he compare Texas and Cuba? _____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________

35. What is a “protectorate?” ___________________________________________________________________

36. How did the author see “protectorate” status? _________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

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