Subprime Loans, Foreclosure, and the Credit Crisis

DECEMBER 2008

Subprime Loans, Foreclosure, and the Credit Crisis

What Happened and Why? - A Primer

INTRODUCTION

In early October of 2008, the Kirwan Institute convened close to 200 civil rights, housing, and legal activists and scholars for an in-depth look at the subprime and foreclosure crisis, its disproportionate effects on communities of color, and possible pathways forward. One need that participants articulated was for an introductory primer on the crisis that would dispel erroneous myths, contextualize the crisis, and start a productive discussion on where we go from here. This primer is a response to this request. We are indebted to the expertise, insight, time and effort of all of our conference participants and particularly, those who authored commissioned papers for us on various structural aspects of the crisis: Rick Cohen, Ira Goldstein, and Christopher Peterson.

For more comprehensive information on the subprime lending phenomenon and its effect on people and communities of color, please visit our website to view materials ? commissioned reports, videos, PowerPoints, and transcripts -- from our October 2008 "National Convening on Subprime Lending, Foreclosure, and Race" at

.

If you would like to learn more about the initiative or become involved in upcoming working groups or lend your expertise, please contact Jason Reece or Christy Rogers at The Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity.

Jason Reece, AICP, Senior Researcher, Reece.35@osu.edu

Christy Rogers, Senior Research Associate, Rogers.441@osu.edu

National Convening on

SUBPRIME LENDING, FORECLOSURE and RACE

October 2nd - 3rd, 2008 Hyatt Regency, Columbus, OH

KIRWAN INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF RACE AND ETHNICITY

THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY

Christy Rogers1 Senior Research Associate

john a. powell Executive Director

Andrew Grant-Thomas Deputy Director

Subprime Loans, Foreclosure, and the Credit Crisis

Have mortgage loans always been available to everyone?

No. Although home mortgages are much more widely available than they were prior to New Deal creations of the Federal Home Loan Banks, the Federal Housing Administration, the Home Owners Loan Corporation and Fannie Mae in the 1930s, they have historically been denied entirely or offered on different terms to communities of color.

In the early 1900s, most mortgages required a large down payment of around 40 percent of the home purchase price.2 The loans had terms averaging between three and six years, often followed by a large balloon payment of the remaining balance. Therefore, "relatively few families could overcome these financial hurdles. Moreover, lenders had both formal and informal policies discriminating against minorities and women. As a result, none but the most affluent men of European ancestry had reliable and widespread access to home finance."3

New Deal legislation transformed the industry. The federal government facilitated a vast expansion of home ownership. Mortgages had loan terms of up to thirty years, making monthly payments more affordable; and the down payment shrank to 20% of the home value. The innovative development of federal insurance made lenders more likely to extend credit. However, this expansion of homeownership opportunity was limited largely to white families, through explicit criteria that encouraged all-white neighborhoods in suburban, new housing stock -- and devalued or refused to insure integrated, minority, or old housing stock neighborhoods.4

In the early 1900s, lenders had both formal and informal policies discriminating against minorities and women.

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Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity

What Happened and Why?

These racially discriminatory federal guidelines were then absorbed into private market practices. Refusing to extend credit to low-income communities of color became known as "redlining" due to the red lines drawn on property maps. Below is a redlining map of Philadelphia.

Although de jure racial segregation in lending is no longer legal, the patterns and practices of discrimination in housing markets have persisted into the 21st Century.5 With little residential or commercial lending from mainstream banking institutions for decades, isolated communities of color have suffered from highcost credit institutions that have little competition: payday lenders, rent-to-own, check cashing, and most recently, subprime home loans. Without competitive credit institutions, families lack information about options, making them prime targets for subprime lending. In other words, "the old inequality helped made the new inequality possible."6

Although de jure racial segregation in lending is no longer legal, the patterns and practices of discrimination in housing markets have persisted into the 21st Century.

What is a subprime loan?

There are four basic types of home loans. Conventional, or prime (fixed-rate) loans;

government (FHA and VA)-insured loans; low-and-moderate income ("LMI") targeted

prime loans with reduced down payment requirements and greater underwriting flex-

ibility (products encouraged by the CRA and the Affordable Housing Goals for gov-

ernment-sponsored enterprises such as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac); and subprime

loans.7 A subprime loan is characterized by higher interest rates (sometimes with a low

"teaser" introductory rate that then gets adjusted upward), high fees and points,8 pre-

payment penalties, balloon payments, and broker solicitation. Subprime loans began

in the credit card and auto loan in-

dustries,9 then gravitated into home A subprime loan is characterized by higher

equity loans, which encouraged interest rates, high fees and points, pre-

borrowers to consolidate their consumer debt. Most subprime loans

payment penalties, balloon payments, and

are a home equity refinancing; only broker solicitation.

recently did subprime loans become

available for first-time home purchases. Subprime loans typically have much higher de-

linquency and default rates than conventional loans.10

A Primer - December 2008

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Subprime Loans, Foreclosure, and the Credit Crisis

Are we all offered the same choice of loans?

No. In fact, the recent mortgage delivery system has been characterized as separate but unequal:

In most instances the new mortgage delivery system has expanded access to prime mortgages on favorable terms, yet all to often lower-income and minority communities are served by a distinctly different set of organizations offering a distinctively different mix of products.11

This dual-delivery system is currently defined less by outright credit denial than by discriminatory terms. In 1999, HUD released a study by the Urban Institute that showed "persistent discrimination among minorities, not just in the rates in which they were rejected, but in the terms of their loans (price discrimination)."12

People of color are more than three times as likely as whites to have subprime mortgages.

United for a Fair Economy, in Foreclosed: State of the Dream 2008 reports that people of color are more than three times as likely as whites to have subprime mortgages and that high-cost loans account for 55 percent of loans to African-Americans and Latinos.13 Similarly, Federal Reserve studies in 2004, 2005 and 2006 found disparities in the rate that minorities and those living in neighborhoods with significant minority concentrations received subprime loans.14 Even after controlling for income, there is a racial gap in the ability of minorities to secure prime loans. A study by the Center for Responsible lending found that borrowers of color were more than 30 percent more likely to receive a higher-rate loan than white borrowers, even after accounting for differences in risk.15 A HUD study showed that the African American differential is 21 to 42 basis points; for non-white Hispanics, 13-15 basis points, even when controlling for differentials in available household, loan and property characteristics.16

Rick Cohen reports that in Newark's North Ward and Ironbound neighborhoods, "immigrant groups were targeted by mortgage brokers peddling high cost mortgages to families that could have qualified for conventional financing."17 Because less than half of immigrants use formal banking institutions, they are easy targets for high-cost mortgage products:

The payday lenders, pawn shops, and rent-to-own stores that specialize in immigrant neighborhoods do not help customers build credit histories and generally escape the oversight and regulation of consumer regulatory entities, or, as weak as the protection might be, the Community Reinvestment Act scrutiny by the Comptroller of the Currency or state banking departments of conventional bank lenders.18

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Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity

What Happened and Why?

Were most subprime borrowers first-time borrowers?

No. 56% of all subprime loans originated in 2006 were subprime refinance loans.19 These

refinance loans had a disproportionate racial impact: "studies comparing neighbor-

hoods by race and income revealed that these refinance loans were disproportion-

ately marketed to African American neighborhoods."20 People often refinanced to pay

down other debt, including higher-cost credit card debt,

Over the period 1998 ? 2006, the Center for Re-

medical care, and educational sponsible Lending estimates that only 9% of all

expenses.21 Scholars and activists have been decrying the

subprime loans went to first time homebuyers.

aggressive ? and sometimes predatory22 marketing of these loans to elderly, minority,

low-income, and disabled homeowners.23

In fact, because many subprime mortgages are for second homes, over the period 1998 ? 2006, the Center for Responsible Lending estimates that only 9% of all subprime loans went to first time homebuyers.24 The CRL study Subprime Lending: A Net Drain on Homeownership finds that "subprime loans made during 1998-2006 have led or will lead to a net loss of homeownership for almost one million families. In fact, a net homeownership loss occurs in subprime loans made in every one of the last nine years."25

Why were people taking subprime loans, if there were other options?

Community-based organizations that offered more fair and sustainable products were being out-competed by the "aggressively marketed, higher-cost subprime loans originated with the latest technology."26 Also, not everyone understood what they were getting: "brokers and lenders offered loans that looked much less expensive than they really were, because of low initial monthly payments and hidden costly features."27

The maze of transactions involved in modern financial markets left consumers largely

Community-based organizations that offered

without transparent information or -- in a

more fair and sustainable products were being context where you

out-competed by the "aggressively marketed,

most need one -- an advocate. When

higher-cost subprime loans originated with the brokers became

latest technology."

disconnected from both borrowers and

lenders and answered (rationally) to their bonus and incentive structure, consumers got

pitched the worst possible product disguised as a great deal. Considering credit mar-

kets in general, researchers from the Joint Center for Housing Studies at Harvard Univer-

sity point out that:

Ample evidence has recently accrued that credit markets violate many of the essential assumptions for competitive markets to operate efficiently and fairly. Credit markets involve increasingly complex decisions about heterogeneous products that involve probabilistic judgments. Pricing is not transparent, comparison shopping is costly and difficult, and consumer decisions are prone to systematic and predictable errors in estimating the true probability of certain events that govern the long-term cost of the product and their capacity to repay it.28

Ample evidence has recently accrued that credit markets violate many of the essential assumptions for competitive markets to operate efficiently and fairly.

A Primer - December 2008

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