National Co - University of Texas at Austin
Esther SullivanThe University of Texas at AustinTitle:Half-way Homeowners: Eviction and Forced Relocation among Homeowners in Manufactured Home Parks in Florida.AbstractThe last four decades of U.S. housing policy have seen an overhaul of the federal allocation of affordable housing as a public good to the neoliberal model of private and for-profit provision of affordable housing. This shift warrants a study of the link between the interests that now shape low-income housing markets and the stability of the housing they provide. Nowhere are the effects of this shift more evident than in the homes of the 10 million American households living in manufactured housing, which is installed largely on the private lands of for-profit developers who can close parks and force residents to move themselves and their homes with as little as 30-days notice. This ethnography of mass eviction in a Florida mobile home park examines state regulations intended to protect residents of parks during relocations and analyzes how these policies are shaped by non-state actors and private interests.Background and SignificanceThe provision of affordable housing has in the last two decades been increasingly privatized and entrusted to for-profit developers. The common sense that this is the most efficient mode of regulating affordable housing has been challenged by failures of the private housing market, which are dramatically illustrated by the continuing foreclosure crisis. The neoliberal shift in the provision of housing and the failure of the private housing market evidenced in the foreclosure crisis warrants a study of the link between the political economies that shape housing markets and the stability of the housing they provide. In the last four decades these markets have experienced a major shift as the cultural imperative of homeownership has been extended to low-income Americans, as federal subsidy of low-income housing has been repeatedly slashed, and as private for-profit development of low-income housing has become the predominant (and federally-backed) provider of affordable housing. The collective effect of these shifts is nowhere better illustrated than in the millions of mobile homes present in every state of the U.S. that today provide the largest unsubsidized source of affordable housing in the country, and are an important way that U.S. middle and working class residents fulfill the desire to live in private, self-owned housing. In the United States almost 10 million households live in manufactured housing and about half of these households live in 50,000 mobile home parks located throughout the nation (Apgar, Calder, Collins and Duda, 2002, MHAA 2011). In mobile home parks, a remarkable 80 percent of residents own their homes; however, only 14 percent also own the land underneath their homes (HAC 2011). The location of mobile homes on private lands in parks makes them vulnerable to redevelopment when landlords pursue more profitable land uses and when state laws facilitate the sale of parks and the legal eviction of park residents. While the federal government endorses the manufactured housing industry through its agencies and initiatives, such as the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (NCSL 2010, US Commerce Department 2010, Dawkins et al. 2011), it does not regulate manufactured housing beyond the construction phase. In the absence of federal regulation, states are left to fill in the gap. Mobile homeowners are just that, homeowners. However, home owning households living within mobile home parks are marked by “divided asset ownership” (Hirsch and Rufolo, 1999), meaning that residents own their mobile home but rent the land on which it is sited. In the US, homeownership is lauded as producing important benefits for physical and mental health as well as financial security (Rossi and Weber, 1996; Rohe and Stegman 1996, Rohe et al., 2001), however, the security of mobile homeowners in mobile home parks depends on the decisions by private landlords to continue to invest in and operate as a mobile home park. Across the country mobile home park closures are increasing (CFED July 2010). In Florida, the site of this study, a national advocacy group found that 1,500 communities were at risk of closing in 2010 (CFED October 2010). In the event of a park closure, residents’ fates are determined by landlord tenant law in the majority of states that lack specific regulations for park redevelopment (Tremoulet 2010). State laws vary widely; the required ‘notice of eviction’ period ranges from 10 days to 120 days, though only five states have notice periods of 60 days or more (CFED October 2010). The risk of mobile park closure is especially prominent in the southern states of the U.S. where a higher proportion of mobile homes are located (Dawkins et al. 2011). Florida is one of approximately eight states in the U.S. that has legislation specifically addressing the relocation process during mobile home park closures. The state of Florida is also home to more manufactured home residents then all other states except California. Roughly 1.5 million Floridians live in manufactured housing, accounting for 10% of the state’s residents (Florida State Senate 2006). Florida is also noteworthy in that it has a statewide manufactured homeowners association that lobbies on behalf of mobile homeowners. It also has a state Mobile Home Act that regulates several elements of the relocation process for residents whose mobile home parks close. In part because of the sheer number of Floridians living in manufactured housing -10% of the state’s residents (Florida Senate 2006) - it is among the handful of states that has been held up as a model for state legislation on mobile home park closures (CFED December 2009). This paper analyzes the attempt of one state, Florida, to legislate the process of forced relocation for its mobile home residents. In doing so, the paper interrogates the mechanisms through which state housing regulations are shaped by the priorities of local planning administrations and city governments and reshaped by non-state actors.Despite the legality (and frequency) of these forced relocations, they result in severe crises for individuals and families who must move both themselves and their homes with often only 30-days notice. The study of mobile home park mass evictions presents an unprecedented opportunity to investigate how, in absence of federal regulation, state law and local housing policies mitigate (or aggravate) the effects of forced relocation for residents and how, under increasingly neoliberal affordable housing regulation, non-state actors shape the actual outcomes of these statutes. I investigate this problem at three scales in the state with one of the largest mobile home park populations and one of the most protective regulatory regimes for mobile home park residents. In this paper I examine state housing policy that manages relocation from mobile home parks, regional redevelopment goals that mediate the redevelopment of mobile home parks, and household interactions with state and non-state actors that produce varied trajectories for individuals and families. This project draws on ethnography conducted from June 2012 to February 2013 within a closing mobile home park in Florida to document and analyze housing insecurity and eviction among homeowners living in mobile home parks. The analysis of one city’s lengthy review of a mobile home park closure and their process of relocating residents reveals – in real space and time from within a closing park – that state protections for mobile home residents in Florida are eventually entrusted exclusively to the private companies that transport, reinstall, and lease new lots to mobile homes. These companies not only profit from the churning of park residents but they also determine the structure of the relocation process for residents. The functioning of these private actors fits squarely into the neoliberal logic that regulates the contemporary provision of affordable housing. This logic provides local authorities with justification for approving park closures while relinquishing control of the administration of the state mandated protections for mobile home park residents that are meant to ensure mobile homes are adequately relocated. In the end, private actors determine where, when, how, and if homes will be relocated with little oversight of local or state authorities and with the advancing acquiescence of exhausted residents.Literature Review The Indispensability and Dispensability of Manufactured HousingThe last three decades have seen an increase in mobile home residency as a viable affordable housing choice for homeowners and tenants. Throughout the 1980s the number of mobile homes in the United States grew by more than 50 percent to reach 7.3 million in 1990 (Meeks 1998; Wallis 1991). By 2007, the Manufactured Housing Institute estimated there were more than 10 million manufactured homes throughout the United States, housing approximately 22.5 million people (NCSL 2007). The prevalence of manufactured housing is largely due to its relative affordability in comparison to homes built on site. Affordability is in part the product of a unique form of housing tenure: many mobile home residents install their home on rented land in mobile home parks. This form of housing tenure places mobile home residents, even those who have long owned their homes, at risk of eviction when parks are sold or redeveloped. Urban redevelopment and suburban sprawl have put pressure on mobile home park owners to sell or covert mobile home communities at a growing rate in the last decades, resulting in an “epidemic of closures” (CFED July 2010, p. 1).Manufactured housing is currently the largest unsubsidized source of affordable housing in the US (CFED February 2011) and throughout the 1990s it was responsible for 66% of the new affordable housing produced (Apgar et al. 2002). The US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) as well as the current American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 both actively promote the manufactured housing industry because of its unmatched ability to provide affordable housing and advance homeownership. Despite policies that recognize the importance of manufactured housing production for supplying low- and moderate-income Americans with affordable homes, the long-term stability of this form of housing tenure is fraught with risks. Mobile homes installed on privately owned lots have most of the legal protections afforded to site-built homes. However, the estimated 2.9 million mobile homes (about 43% of the manufactured housing in the U.S.) located within land-lease communities, commonly referred to as mobile home parks, have few protections against excessive rent increases, inadequate park maintenance, lack of written or long-term leases, and most troubling, park closure and mass eviction (Kochera 2001). Laws that define mobile homes as non-real estate and favor landlords’ over tenants’ rights facilitate the eviction of mobile home residents living on leased land (CFED July 2010). A remarkable 80 percent of mobile homes located within parks are owned by their inhabitants; however, only 14 percent of park residents also own the land underneath their homes (HAC 2011). Across the country mobile home park closures are increasing (CFED July 2010). According to a recent policy brief:Between May 2005 and May 2007, 18 states witnessed the closure of at least one manufactured home [community], displacing thousands of homeowners. Some states have been severely affected. More than 83 communities in Florida have closed, and experts estimate that approximately 1,500 more Florida communities are at risk of closing. In rapidly developing suburban areas, where most communities are located, the price of land has increased substantially, and developers are buying manufactured home communities to convert them to other uses … Unless there is a state law requiring advance notice, community owners typically withhold information about the community’s closure until the very last minute. (CFED July 2010)State laws vary widely in their protections for homeowners and tenants living in mobile home parks. In most states the legal status of mobile home park residents is similar to that of apartment renters, who can be evicted with only 30 days notice (HAC 2011). Even with advanced notice of eviction, park residents are left with few options. They must move or, as often happens, abandon their homes. Mobile home park closure and resulting evictions present a unique risk to the 80 percent of park residents that own their homes. Despite the misleading designation “mobile,” for several reasons mobile home residents are often unable to move the homes they own. In fact, mobile homes are very immobile structures; once set in place their frames slacken and relocation can result in serious structural damage (Consumer’s Union 2001). The Manufactured Housing Institute, the national trade organization that represents all segments of the factory-built housing industry, boasts that more than 90 percent of today’s manufactured homes never move from their original site. But this estimate is misleading. Many homeowners are forced to abandon their homes when faced with mobile home park closure. The cost of relocating a mobile home is prohibitive and can be more than the homeowner initially paid for the home. Estimates range from $5,000 to $10,000 with permitting and installation fees. According to one study this represents five to seven years worth of equity for many manufactured homeowners (CFED July 2010). Additionally, it is difficult to find spaces in parks that will accommodate a relocated mobile home. New spaces do not often open up in established parks; park vacancy rates are commonly in the single digits. Some new parks do not allow used homes. According to a Consumer’s Union study, parks “often restrict access based on the age, brand, or size of a mobile home, and on the type of materials used in construction” (2001: 5). All these factors limit choices for displaced homeowners. A study of two park closures in Oregon estimated that it would take 14 years for local mobile home parks to accommodate the displaced homes from a single mobile home park closure (Sheehan & Colton 1994). With short notice, prohibitive relocation costs, and few park vacancies, many homeowners sell their homes for a fraction of their appraised value or they abandon them to park owners who collect additional profits by selling off deserted homes (Consumer’s Union 2001).Mobile home park closures result in legal mass evictions. These evictions have not been systematically documented in any region of the US. Notably, the issue is yet to be addressed in the academic literature. More than merely investigating a currently unstudied problem, focusing attention on the forced relocation of mobile home residents makes a case for expanding the conventional definition of eviction, which limits the term to cases initiated within the court system. While necessarily shortsighted, this conventional approach is methodologically useful because actions initiated by landlords in the courts require documentation that is otherwise lacking on eviction. However, it creates a circumscribed view of the problem by obscuring the myriad ways that tenants are forced from their residences without ever appearing in court. Obtaining much needed data on evictions requires addressing a key methodological issue, namely “how to derive data on involuntary loss of residence due to pressures and forces that do not eventuate in formal legal proceedings” (Hartman & Robinson 2003: 492). Because of the factors outlined above, tracking mobile home park closures is one way to derive such data because these closures result in residential relocations that are completely legal, widely uncontested, and lend themselves to alternative methods of documentation, such as ethnographic analysis.The Housing Market as an Analytical ToolIn the U.S. a neoliberal housing model has seen the budget of HUD slashed more than any other federal-level branch of government, a moratorium on all new public housing, and the redevelopment of many usable subsidized housing projects into more profitable uses through programs such as Hope VI (Hackworth 2009). A political economy view predicts that the ascendancy of neoliberal housing policy would see an accompanying shift to the private provision of low-income housing and the retrenchment of state-enforced protections for the people who live there. Using the market for mobile home lands – and the mass relocations the sale of these lands necessitate - as an analytical tool allows for an examination of these struggles from within a field shaped by interested parties. Residents’ attempts to grapple with a relocation process initiated by the sale and redevelopment of their land are especially indicative of the type of “growth machine” politics theorized by John Logan and Harvey Molotch (1987). For Logan and Molotch, place has meaning and use value in resident’s daily lives, but it also has exchange value as a market commodity that can produce wealth and power for those who own and control it. Despite political differences, those in positions to make decisions on community development issues most often agree with the dictum that growth is good. This dominates the intentions of local governments, it establishes that the city is a “growth machine,” and it assures that the commodity status of an area along with the organization of interests within that area will determine that area’s fate (Logan and Molotch 1987). This view of the politics of place is especially significant in communities like mobile home parks, where the commodity status of place is literally inscribed into the land by divided-asset ownership.Here I follow the writing Logan and Molotch in attempting to understand if the actors involved in regulating the redevelopment of mobile home park lands privilege the exchange value of land over its use value for residents, as a political economy view of urban politics would predict. In desirable real estate markets, mobile home parks are often at risk of closure and redevelopment when forces such as gentrification, densification, and urbanization make park property more desirable and valuable. Because most mobile home parks are privately owned by for-profit developers, closing parks and evicting residents is completely legal. If Logan and Molotch are correct in their assessment of local governments, the redevelopment of parks may even be facilitated by the interest of city governments in the growth and intensification of uses within their jurisdiction. Political economy views of urban development hypothesize that interest in growth by those with decision-making power – primarily local politicians and developers – determines the shaping (and reshaping) of urban regions. The language used by public officials in reviewing land use changes for mobile home parks offer clues into the philosophies that condition and justify these interests. This paper examines whether and how pervasive contemporary development agendas promote the redevelopment of mobile home parks and provide city officials with justification for supporting the mass evictions of their residents. I explore this question by investigating the structure of local town council meetings and the vernacular used by town councils, planning staff, and representatives for developers. Specifically, I examine how Town officials and developers manufacture support for mobile home park redevelopment using livability and new urbanist discourses promoted by increasingly popular city planning theories such as Richard Florida’s creative class concepts (Florida 2004 [2002]) and Andres Duany’s new urbanist theories (Duany, Plater-Zyberk and Alminana 2003).Research QuestionsThrough ethnography within a closing mobile home park, this research begins to expand the definition of eviction to include compulsory moves that do not rely on court issued mandates and explore how these legal, forced relocations actually unfold for mobile home residents. Specifically the ethnography attempts to answer the following questions: a) where do evicted park residents go when parks are closed, b) how do they make decisions on what is best for them and/or their families, c) how do they view the social and legal processes that force their relocation, d) on what forms of support do they rely, and e) how is their relocation managed by state and local agencies and influenced by non-state actors?This paper examines the relationship between the political economies that regulate regional housing policy and the housing trajectories they produce for low-income residents. In reviewing the state and local policies meant to manage residents in the wake of a mobile home park closure, I take “neoliberal housing policy” to mean housing policy that enhances the role of the private sector in providing for relocation services and new housing assistance to evicted residents. In analyzing the ways in which growth machine politics and neoliberal housing policy shape state legislated protections for mobile home park residents, this paper asks the following related questions: How do local governments respond to applications for land use changes that require the closure of parks and the eviction of mobile home residents within their jurisdiction? How do the decisions of city councils reviewing land use changes for mobile home parks demonstrate this balance of interests? What language do officials use to assess the competing interests of sellers, buyers, and residents of mobile home parks? When parks are slated to close, how do state policies determine the actual trajectories of people living in mobile home parks? Finally, how do state laws meant to protect the interests of mobile home residents merge with free-market processes to shape the way these relocation processes unfold?MethodsThrough ethnographic fieldwork I examine how the set of economic and social conditions produced by state law and local housing policy contribute to the life outcomes of residents in an affected community. This ethnography takes place in Florida, the U.S. state with more manufactured home residents then all other states except California. Moreover, Florida’s mobile home parks typically serve senior citizens (Florida State Senate 2006), which are a crucial, at risk, and understudied group when examining housing related crises (Klinenberg 2002). In 2001 the Florida Legislature created the Mobile Home Relocation Program, codified within the Florida Mobile Home Act (ch. 723, F.S.), to regulate several elements of the relocation process for residents whose mobile home parks close (Florida State Senate 2006). Thus, Florida is not only chosen for the sheer number of mobile home parks in the state but for the demographic make-up of its residents and for the unique regulatory environment these residents can access. The research site, Silver Sands Mobile Home Park in South Florida, was chosen because it met prerequisites of a likely-to-close community in that at the beginning of the research it was: A) owned by a single landlord or property company, B) offered for sale by that property owner/owners, C) beginning final sales negotiations with a real estate buyer, and D) if sold, soon to enter the legally defined period in which residents are given “Notice to Vacate” (6 months in Florida). Choosing the case study according to these requirements produces a shorter (about 9-month), intensive, crisis-point ethnography in which individual trajectories and community dynamics are catalyzed by the instantaneous predicament of having to immediately relocate en masse. In June 2012, I relocated to Florida, where I have lived full time in a 1970’s mobile home in Silver Sands for the past 9 months. This park was chosen because it met the criteria outlined at the beginning of this section, which classified it as a likely-to-close community. When I moved into the park, the park owner had entered into final sales negotiations with a serious buyer and they had held a meeting to inform the residents of this. I moved into the community about 5 months before the Town Council approved the zoning change necessary to finalize this sale. Because of this, my ethnographic fieldwork captures residents’ actions, strategies, and interpretations before the property was sold, during the critical stage in which the sale became a reality, immediately after the property changed hands, at the moment we received eviction notices, in the aftermath of the news of the parks closing, during the first stages of planning for relocation, and on the days when the first homes were hauled away from the community. Silver Sands is a 55 and older, seniors mobile home community. All residents in Silver Sands, except for myself, own their homes. The community is almost exclusively White; one Guatemalan couple moved in this year and one Filipino couple has lived here for about 4 years. There are no other Black, Latino, or Asian residents. Silver Sands was opened in 1969. Some residents have lived in Silver Sands for as long as 30 years. Many moved into the park in the last 10 years, during the time the park owner began to tell residents that he planned to list the park for sale. A handful has moved in the last year or two, as the sale of the park became more imminent. Residents’ ages range from early 50s to early 90s. Many Silver Sands residents are transplants from the Northeast or Midwest, who moved down to Florida just before or after retiring. Some started out as seasonal Florida residents before they moved to Florida full time. There are about a dozen mobile home residents that are still seasonal and only come to Silver Sands in the winter. My sample does not include these residents. For the last 9 months I have cultivated the ethnographic practice of participating in all aspects of residents’ daily lives, especially their attempts to grapple with the park closure and the actors that manage their relocation. I live in Silver Sands Mobile Home Park full time and interact with residents in some capacity almost every day. My interactions with residents range from relaxing and talking on their patios, doing laundry together in the community laundry room, and having dinner with their families to attending Town Hall meetings with neighbors, helping residents navigate state websites or request necessary forms, and following residents to meetings with the developer, their Legal Aid attorney, or the managers of parks where they are moving. As we enter the period in which residents begin to relocate their homes I also help residents pack, host them in my home, wait with them as their houses are dismantled and loaded, and follow with them behind their homes as they are hauled to various surrounding parks. My daily documentation of these events consist of both field notes and up to a dozen sets of audio recordings, which I later transcribe. In order to more fully understand the interpretations, anticipated options, and strategic decisions of individual residents, I also conduct interviews with a range of residents in the community. I have undertaken a series of longitudinal in-depth interviews with a representative sample of about 28 residents. The goal is to interview a larger sample of mobile home park residents than I encounter in my daily life within the park. Specifically, an important aim of conducting an oversample of interviews is to ensure that I talk at length with residents whose activity in the public life of the park is very limited, in this case due primarily to health concerns which keep a number of Silver Sands residents homebound. I immediately began to interact with my neighbors and found it quite easy to meet people within the community. Silver Sands is home to about 130 residents in about 95 mobile homes. As many within Silver Sands are retirees from other parts of the country who have come to enjoy the Florida weather and lifestyle in their retirement years, it has been consistently easy to encounter people outdoors or on their porches every day. After a long process of city council approval of a land use change on 4 acres of our 30-acre mobile home community, we received our formal eviction notices on October 24th, 2012. In Florida such notices give mobile home residents 6 months to vacate the property. This paper draws upon the nine months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted from the time I moved into Silver Sands in June 2012 through the end of February 2013.Findings Residents of Silver Sands have been informed that there are certain regulations meant to ease the transition of residents of mobile home parks that close in Florida. These protections are offered at the city and state level, as no federal protections for residents of land lease parks currently exist. Residents in Florida have three primary protections when the park where they reside is closing to be redeveloped. One is provided by local governments and the other two are provided by a state agency. First, because the company purchasing Silver Sands wishes to redevelop it into a mixed-use planned unit development (PUD), an application for a change of zoning of the piece of the property to be converted from residential to commercial must be filed with the town. This requires a series of Town Council approvals in which the entire Town Council, including the Mayor and Vice-Mayor, vote to approve or reject the rezoning. This means that a total of three town meetings are required before the zoning change can be approved and residents can receive a formal eviction notice. As part of the same process, the State of Florida mandates that when a mobile home park owner applies for a change of zoning of the park, a) the owner must notify all residents of this application within 5 days of filing for such a zoning change, b) the park must advertise the dates that the local governing body will hear the zoning change application, and c) the local government must decide as part of those hearings that adequate facilities exist for the relocation of mobile home park residents (FL State Statues 723.081). This statute ensures that no zoning change on a closing mobile home park can be approved without park residents having some opportunity to speak in front of their elected officials and without these officials considering at least one aspect of relocating residents.At the state level, Florida has instituted important regulations for mobile home park residents that are outlined in the Florida Mobile Home Act. First park residents must be given at least a 6-month notice of eviction due to a projected change of use of the park property. Second, residents must be informed that they may be entitled to compensation from the Florida Mobile Home Relocation Trust Fund administered by the Florida Mobile Home Relocation Corporation (FMHRC) (FL State Statue 723.061). The FMHRC was established by the Florida Mobile Home Act and its main purpose is to provide residents with relocation monies - $2,750 for a single section mobile home and $3,750 for a multisection mobile home – through its trust fund. These funds are explicitly to assist homeowners with the cost of relocating their home to another mobile home park.The State of Florida is unique in the protections it offers for residents of mobile home parks. According to CFED (July 2010), only five other states have eviction notice periods of 60 days or more. Only nine other states have what CFED determined to be strong or medium-strong regulations requiring that all residents must be notified in the event of a park closure. In addition, Florida has a state agency and trust fund set up to financially assist residents who wish to relocate their home and provide them with minimum compensation – in the amount of $1300 – if they abandon their home within the closing mobile home park.During my first five months living in Silver Sands, and over the next four moths after receiving our formal eviction letter, it became clear that despite the legally mandated functions of local and state agencies in Florida, other interests shaped and sometimes overtly undermined the intent of these protective regulations.Understanding the processAt the point that I moved into Silver Sands in June 2012, residents had received notice that their mobile home community had applied to the Town for rezoning on a portion of its 29-acre parcel of land. Shortly afterward, in April 2012, the owner of the park held a meeting in the park’s rec. room. At this meeting residents met the buyer of the property, a development company called Southern Property Holdings. Residents explain that they were told a number of things at this first meeting and in conversations with the developer’s primary representative, Jonathan Lerner. All of these claims were verified by the forms that the developer handed out at this and following meetings, by my transcription of one of the resident’s recording of this meeting, and later by representatives of the developer when they addressed the Town Planning and Zoning Commission and the Town Council. First, residents were told that they had not yet been evicted because the developer still needed to gain approval from Town Council for a land use change on part of the property to be zoned commercial, in order for the sale of the property to be final. If the desired zoning changes were approved, residents were told they would then receive a 6-month notice of eviction. Second, residents were told they would receive $1,375 from the State of Florida if their home could not be moved and $3000 if their home could be moved. Additionally they were told they could receive up to $10,000 in relocation costs – including the $3000 in state funds - if they moved to a mobile home community owned by Clearwater Communities and they were given a brochure of four different Clearwater Communities in a 50-mile radius. They were told in this initial meeting and under oath at the Town Council meetings that they would also receive a flat deposit of $1000 to cover moving costs and that the developer would provide movers to assist with packing and moving. Since the first Town meeting was postponed several times, most residents interpreted all this information to mean that they would have a lengthy period of adjustment before they needed to begin to relocate. Two streets up from me, Christy lives with her aging, homebound mother as her full-time caregiver. As many other residents have done, the first time I meet Christy on August 1st she asks me if I am aware that the park is for sale:Christy is sitting out on her porch with two male friends and one female friend. She tells me, “You know they're going to sell this park eventually?”The woman next to her chimes in, as if to comfort me, “But sweetheart the thing is that we haven't even gotten a notice and when we do it will be another 6 months before we even need to start relocating.” Christy tells me that we could be looking at one year. Then she says that we are fighting it because we have a lawyer, so it could be 2 years.In rapid succession she tells me that a group of people got together and signed a petition, that they have a lawyer, that the meeting for next month was supposed to take place this month but was canceled and moved to September, that this does not mean that the sale went through, and that the lawyer said that the developer is “running scared.” She sums up by explaining, “All this means that it could be one year or it could be two years.”Christy’s summary was echoed by many other residents during the months leading up to the eviction notice we received on October 24th, 2012. Residents often quoted the phase “a year or two” to describe how long the process would take. Every single resident I have spoken to, even those that admitted they knew little about what was going on with the redevelopment, knew that a 6-month notice period was required and many felt that we would have much longer since we needed to wait for Town Council approval before the property could be sold and notices could be handed out.Residents ExpectationsEarly on, residents had clear expectations for what they thought would occur at the Town Council meetings. In almost every conversation I had with residents I met during my first months of fieldwork, I asked what they expected would happen at the first Town Hall meeting. Many residents expected that the Town Council would turn down the application for a zoning change on the Silver Sands property from residential to commercial because, in their minds, more commercial in our area of town was not needed; the roadway outside of Silver Sands was already too congested; or the Town Council would not want to attract the media scrutiny of displacing over 100 senior citizens. Lou comes over to my house on the morning of the second meeting, which is the first of two meetings we will have in front of the whole Town Council. He is going door to door to make sure everyone in the community knows about the meeting tonight. He summarizes the interpretation of many others I’ve spoken to by explaining that the meeting is being held to discuss “what [the park owner] is doing to these people.” He tells me that the town is “in an uproar” over the treatment of the residents of Silver Sands and the meeting is primarily “a meeting to discuss what is happening to them since they are all on fixed incomes.”Those that did not specifically hold hopes of having the rezoning turned down by Town Council still felt that the meeting was being held to address their concerns. They expected that the specifics of the relocation would be discussed by the Town Council, that they would gain some clarity on what assistance they were entitled to, and that the would be told what to expect in the future. For most, this was their primary reason for attending the first town meeting. Before the first of the three Town Hall meetings, Tabitha, a frail, mainly homebound woman in her 70s, tells me that she would not think of missing the meeting next week. The meeting is scheduled for her birthday and she will start the day by going to dialysis, which she undergoes three times a week, then she will attend physical therapy and then have a follow up visit for an infection that she developed after having surgery on her shoulder as a result of a fall in her mobile home. Despite all this she insists, “I’ll be in the front row if I can.” She does not know yet if she plans to speak during public comment at the meeting, but she wants to attend to get answers to some questions: “Where do we go? What we do? How do we pay for this? How do we pay for moving? It's not like we have bank accounts with $50,000. And then, can you move it? Can your trailer be moved anyway?” At the first meeting, residents spoke at the podium in Town Hall under public comment to ask similar questions: “I would like to know how this money is going to be handled. Who is going to take care of it? Are we going to get it?” My neighbor Gale served in the Air Forced alongside her husband Mark. They live three doors down from me. Gale prides her self in being a no-nonsense woman and she spoke at the first meeting as a representative of three generations of her family that live in Silver Sands, her father and mother-in-law, herself, her husband and her brother-in-law, and her son and his girlfriend. From my August 18th field notes, Gale speaks directly to the Town Council during public comment:Gale: I would appreciate, for my fellow residents, to see some more answers given, some people coming through with promises they’ve made, a little bit more knowledge for us.Gale’s voice is very audibly cracking now and she sounds as if she is crying at the podium. Gale: Because they are not all 50 or 55 like I am. I know a lot of old people and I think they deserve better.Gale is crying so hard she can barely say this last sentence.Gale: And I would appreciate some answers.Despite residents’ expectations, during this first meeting and especially in the following two meetings, these questions were never answered. Instead, members of the Planning and Zoning Commission and the Town Council directed the developer to get in touch with residents. The Chair of the Planning and Zoning Commission responded to Gale’s tearful requests and the comments of others who stated similar concerns by saying, “It sounds to me like the developer needs to have another meeting with the community ... And perhaps the time to do that is after these applications have gone through the process.” By the Commission Chair’s stated rationale, residents concerns relating to the conditions of their relocation from a 40-year-old mobile home park within the town are best handled, not by the town, but by the private developer who’s primary interest is clearing the property for construction. Further more, as the Chair makes clear in this statement, the best time for securing the residents relocation rights is not before approval when the town still has power to reject the necessary zoning change, but after the application has been approved and the oversight of the Town Council is concluded.Ultimately these meeting did not address the questions residents asked their neighbors and myself almost daily or the Town Council during public comment. The meetings were primarily an opportunity for the developer to present their application and provide a justification that it was “compatible” with the town’s future growth plan and “necessary” due to changing demographics in the town. Though residents expected the Town to help them understand the developer’s offers and secure a minimum standard of assistance, both the Planning and Zoning Commission and the Town Council merely voted that they were satisfied that the developer had stated that they would meet the state statutory regulations and the additional conditions set by the town staff. From my September 18th fieldnotes:The Mayor then asks the council if they are satisfied from both the verbal and written presentation that adequate parks exists, and not only that adequate physical parks exist but also that there is an adequate mechanism for relocating residents there. All of the members of council agree that they are satisfied. There is very little discussion on this point. The Mayor announces that they have consensus within 1 minute.Next, they vote on the change to the future land-use map amendment from residential to commercial. All members vote yes.In the end, each town meeting was shorter and more concise than the last. The final meeting was finished within two hours while the first lasted four hours. In each meeting both the planning staff and the developer presented the same summary of relocation assistance being offered to the residents. Both the commission and council acknowledged that they were satisfied that state statues and town conditions for approval were met, but when residents spoke to ask specific questions they deferred to the developer, recommending that the developer hold a meeting with residents in the future to address these concerns.Confusion and attrition among residentsBy the time of the first and second Town Hall meetings –in August and September 2012 - residents desired to attend to gain clarity on the relocation process and answers to question they had about their rights and entitlements. However, this was not the attitude of most residents in the months leading up to these meetings. In the initial months of my fieldwork, after residents had received the first notice of an application for a rezoning of Silver Sands, residents took serious steps to resist this redevelopment. These steps included calling local news and print media, contacting a hotline for Senior Citizens, holding independent meetings within Silver Sands, establishing legal representation through the Legal Aid Society, and circulating a petition to keep Silver Sands operating as a park. Several felt, initially, that the representation of their Legal Aid attorney would either overturn the rezoning of the park or extend the process so long that the developer might back out of the purchase of the property.However, in the five months between March, when residents first received notice of the application for rezoning, and August, when the first of the three Town Hall meetings was held, their attitudes shifted significantly, as this conversation on August 10th between two neighbors, Tabitha and Betty, illustrates:Esther: Are you going to go to the meeting next week?Tabitha: I'll be in the front row if I can. We are planning to meet with ... the legal [Legal Aid] guy, at 6:30. We don't know what he's actually done for us. We were hoping that he was either going to get the rezoning not passed or something.(She thinks for a little while.)Tabitha: I think a lot of it is that it has gone by for too many months and people are tired. They just want to know what's happening. So they can make their decision.Betty: They just want to know what's happening and let's hurry up and get it done and over with so I can settle down again.Tabitha: Because it's extremely disruptive, you don't know. If [the park owner] closes the place it’s going to be, I fear, in a month or if the rezoning gets postponed and postponed and postponed, so now we’re in September and they have to give us 6 months anyway. So now we’re into another year. It's unsettling. Like I don't even know–should I replant my stuff? The result of the first Planning and Zoning Commission meeting being rescheduled several times, with no new information being distributed to residents, was that by the first meeting many residents had already gone through months of waiting for answers and had shifted from an attitude of resistance to one of acquiescence. During this period, which many residents described as one of endlessly waiting for information, members of the Town Council met with the developer several times, as evidenced by their ex parte disclosures during the town meetings. In ex parte disclosures, 4 out of 5 council members, including the Mayor and Vice-Mayor, disclosed that they had met with representatives of the development company. Most of these ex parte communications took place throughout the summer, in the months before the first Planning and Zoning Commission meeting. During the same period residents repeatedly complained to each other and myself about the difficulty of getting anyone from the development company to answer their phone or return their phone call. One council member had met with the developer as early as January of 2012, when the deal was still a “contract to purchase” and two months before residents had received a notice of the application for rezoning. Summarizing the ex parte disclosures, the mayor says, “All of that in hopes of not having this meeting be so lengthy. That is one reason that we've had so many meetings beforehand with the applicants.” While the mayor expressed her desire for a quick and efficient review of the developer’s application, many residents had waited months for the meeting in hopes that the Town Council would address their relocation concerns. The failed expectations that residents had for the first and second Town Hall meeting, combined with the 5-month wait for the first Town meeting, the month’s time between each subsequent meeting, and the expediency with which the Planning and Zoning Commission approved of the application for full Town Council review, all resulted in significant attrition over the course of the three meetings. At time of the first meeting on August 18th, which I attended with my 90-year old neighbor Walter and his daughter-in-law Gale, I had noted this in my fieldnotes:Walter looks around the room and says, “Just think of how many people there are in the park and look at how many people are here.” He estimates there are 100 trailers in the park and probably 150 people. Then he estimates that not 1/10th of the people that live in the park have come to attend the meeting. I asked him why he thinks that is. He says, “Actually I don't see what good it would do one way or the other. The zoning board is going to do whatever the hell they want to do.”Town Council – local protections for residentsA primary protection in Florida against the closure and redevelopment of mobile home parks for the residents that live there is the requirement that a local government body approve a zoning change of a mobile home park to another use and determine that all state statutory mandates are met for the relocation of residents. In the case of Silver Sands, this Town Council process clearly demonstrated that residents’ interests were secondary to the growth interests of the town.The language used by the developer, the planning and zoning staff, the planning and zoning commissioners, and the members of the Town Council was heavily punctuated with the catch phrases of livability and new urbanist discourses. Livability discourses promoted by Richard Florida’s work on the “creative class” and new urbanism promoted by Andres Duany’s master-planned communities are both typified by emphasis on dense, mixed-use, walkable, urban areas with ample opportunities for consumption, employment, transit, recreation, and cultural interactions in close proximity to residential spaces (Florida 2004 [2002], Duany, Plater-Zyberk and Alminana 2003). In all three meeting held by the town, the redevelopment of Silver Sands was presented by both the developer and by the Town’s planning staff as an opportunity to increase the commercial and residential density of the property by providing “351 units of rental apartment with a lake path, clubhouse, pool, playground area, dog park, half basketball court and preserve area. Also ... 35,000 square feet of medical office and 25,000 square feet of retail” according to “a land-use strategy that would facilitate mixed-use development concepts” with “neighborhood commercial engaged to the street” and a “necklace of green space” that provides “connectivity” through the property out to the major arterial road and supports “intermodal activity” through the “relationship of this site to the [town’s] future transit-oriented development” all while providing the type of housing that is “critical to meeting the expanding needs of our employers in the area” (comments from principal town planner and representative for developer, August 16).The concepts most often evoked to support the developer’s application for the redevelopment of Silver Sands was that the Town had itself “set the stage for this kind of development” and “facilitate[d] the project that we have before you” through the adoption of 2006 EAR-based amendments to its comprehensive plan which promoted transit-oriented development in the vicinity of a planned future tri-rail stop. The developer shows a slide at all three of the meetings that depicts the property of Silver Sands with a buffer around it, which highlights that it is between ? and ? mile to a future tri-rail stop. Representatives of the developer also point out that, although the town has not yet begun to develop infrastructure for tri-rail transit, it is important to “establish a land use pattern” now that will “be supportive and complementary to the federal funding that’s required to ultimately deliver such an intermodal activity” (all quotes taken from developer’s comments to P&Z Commission, August 16).The same images are used to highlight the other major creative class concept invoked by the developer and enthusiastically seconded by the Town Council – the proximity of the site to major employers in the area in the field of medicine, technology and education and the hope that additional housing in the vicinity of these employers will attract more talent for these professions. The medical center especially is called “one of the town’s most important assets,” and a letter of support from the hospital CEO is projected on a screen and distributed to the Town Council. In this letter, the CEO claims that the hospital “competes regionally” for employees and sees additional housing in the area as “a great asset.” In summary, the developer projects a slide that compares the current development of the Silver Sands property to the proposed development. On one side, under the heading “Current,” it simply lists only “151 mobile home sites.” On the other side, under the heading “Proposed,” its lists “351 apartments, 35,000 sq. feet or medical space and 25,000 sq. feet of office space.” In the end, the Town Council inquires about several details of the plan but does not take serious issue with any part of it. The Mayor states to the attendees at the meeting that she is: ... glad to see the buyer has been meeting with the residents and trying to come up with a plan to provide additional facilities ... Overall the opportunity to have additional workforce housing is very important to us. That is a great location for the reasons that we heard. So I think that it’s going to be quite good.The Town Council votes unanimously in favor of the zoning change. Over the course all three meetings, the disclosures of numerous ex parte meetings between Town Council members and development staff; the language of the Town council and planning staff used to describe the project; and the expediency with which they approved the application to rezone Silver Sands all demonstrate that Town officials privileged developer’s interests at the expense of current residents, mainly because the redevelopment plans for Silver Sands fit seamlessly into the growth agenda of the Town. The vernacular used by the developer described a more livable, walkable, urbane community with the amenities and proximity to technological and medical employment hubs that are particularly suited to attracting the vibrant young working professionals that the city desires as its workforce. Because of this, the Town Council approved the development of ‘workforce housing’ over existing affordable housing, despite differences in actual costs. While lots at Silver Sands are between $300 and $400 a month and most residents own their homes, the 2-bedroom apartments in the new development that are set aside as low-income rental units based on market rates are estimated to rent for $1139 a month. When a member of the Town Council inquired about these rates – since the developer had received several density bonuses for providing some affordable housing in the new development – Jonathan Lerner pointed out: We are not intending to provide a housing subsidy program. It is not HUD housing, it is not government-sponsored housing. We are intending to provide workforce housing per your comp plan for the Town for their critical employees ... So while the income restrictions are not as low as they would be for some HUD-financed housing, they are a subsidy that is provided to what the Town considers to be their workforce.The planning staff of the Town did work closely with the developer to create a set of additional regulations that went above and beyond the state regulations for relocating residents, but in the end, these regulations were self-enforced by the developer and not carried out. Ultimately the town outsourced all of the protections for residents to the developer himself, putting residents’ interests even more squarely into the developer’s hands and entrusting the developer to oversee all aspects of the relocation. There is no system of review to ensure that the development company comes through on the many promises it publicly made as conditions of approval meant to ensure that its application was passed by Town Council.The State –Statutory protections for residentsSilver Sands is illustrative of redeveloping mobile home parks in Florida in that the local governing body was responsible for the approval of zoning changes and the approval that all state statutory schemes were met. All other assistance for Silver Sands residents was at the state level in Florida. According to the Florida Mobile Home Act, these state requirements consist mainly of a regulation that mandates a 6-month notice period and a trust fund that administers relocation monies for residents. However, to manage the relocation of Silver Sands residents, the state relied exclusively on the purchaser of the property and the private companies involved in moving, transporting, reinstalling, and leasing lots to the homes. These private companies carry out most aspects of the relocation process and thus shape how this process unfolds for residents. The efficiency and profit seeking of these companies is at odds with the state-mandated protection period of 6 months. Thus, in both subtle and overt ways these companies put pressure on residents to move where and when the companies dictate.Moving whereFlorida Statutes mandate that local governments determine that other adequate parks exist for the relocation of mobile homes, and state that FMHRC monies can be used to relocate a mobile home within a 50-mile radius of a closing park. Because the statues do not clarify how “adequate facilities” are defined and because the developer of Silver Sands partnered with Clearwater Communities to relocate the homes, Silver Sands residents were channeled away from privately owned parks within their own town and directed toward Clearwater parks up to 30 miles away. In meetings and in materials distributed to residents, they were presented with four different Clearwater Communities parks as their options for relocation. The majority of residents told me that these parks were their only options if they wanted to receive any relocation money. Others looked into the matter further and determined that they could move to other parks and still receive the state funds. However these residents also told me either that the state funds would not be enough to hire an independent mover; that they were unable to find a mobile home mover that was available; or that they were told that the mover contracted by the developer for Silver Sands was contracted only to move homes to Clearwater Communities. As one frustrated resident, Kathleen, summarized, “I'm sorry but that whole deal is so freaking crooked. I guess the contract is – [the mover] moves the trailers and we get no choices but four [Clearwater] Communities... Their so-called contract! They’re dictating to us!” Kathleen goes on to explain that in her understanding, there is a contract between the mover and Clearwater Communities and that we residents are all involved in that contract without ever having signed that contract. By the end of February 2013, only 1 park resident within my acquaintance – which includes about 80% of the park – had contracted with an outside mover.Moving when Providing residents with a 6-month notice period in the event of a park closure is one of the most important mandates in the Florida Mobile Home Act. As noted above, only five other states have minimum notice periods of 60 days or more for closing mobile home parks. Residents of Silver Sands did indeed receive an eviction notice on October 24th that stated that they had 6 months to vacate the property. However, because the details of the relocation process were entrusted entirely to the developer, who organized the relocation with a private moving company and a privately-owned mobile home park management company, the 6-month period that residents expected was significantly curtailed.Southern Property Holdings, the purchaser and developer of Silver Sands, was charged with organizing the relocation process on behalf of the residents. The developer arranged with two private companies to relocate the homes, a mobile home mover and a company that owns mobile home parks in Florida. During the same period that Silver Sands was entering the final zoning change approval and the final sale of the park, another nearby mobile home community – home to 750 mobile homes and 1500 residents – was also closing. Once residents received their formal eviction notice, which clearly stated that they had a 6-month period to vacate the property, they began to receive phone calls putting pressure on them to select a date to move. Residents were told that movers would be stretched thin moving the residents from the neighboring park and were only offered moving dates from November through January.After meeting with the moving company on November 22nd and learning my home could be moved, I met with representatives of Clearwater Communities to inquire about the latest possible date that I could move my mobile home. I confirmed that the company was not scheduling any homes to be moved after January. They insisted that they simply could not justify scheduling a single home move in April if I wanted to stay until the final date of our tenancy, May 1st. They repeated told me that it would not be safe for me to stay in Silver Sands until May when the majority of the homes had been moved out because of potential vandalism. From my November 13th fieldnotes:During a visit to the relocation office to ask about scheduling a moving date near the end of our residency, May 1, I ask how late they are scheduling homes to move. The representative tells me that some people have said they wanted to wait until the very end and he simply cannot do this. Then he tells me that I do not want to wait until the end anyway. He says, “towards the end you're going to start having certain homes left, only a number of them, and people start to come into parks like that and start to do things at night and it's not safe for you to be here and it's not safe for them to be here. When it's a half empty park and it looks like it's closing and being abandoned, people start coming in and doing bad things.” He goes on to say that there are a couple different reasons why he can't schedule the homes to move at the end. He says that first everyone would want to wait until the end because the lot rent is cheaper here. However, he points out, if you wait until the end then there are going to be problems not only with moving but also with vandalism and personal safety. He reiterates that really it is a “safety issue” and he says that most residents do not know what it's like to be in a park with only 20 residents left but he knows what it's like to be in these parks because he has seen it. He says, “I've done this before so I know what happens, is not good to be the last homes in the park. I’ve seen all types of bad stuff happen." Pressure to move as soon as possible has come from both sides. As noted, the mover has scheduled homes to be moved as soon as possible and has refused to schedule them to be moved after January, three months after we received our eviction notice and three months before the state mandated date to vacate the property. Additionally, the mobile home parks owned by Clearwater Communities have put pressure on residents to move within two months after the eviction notice was delivered. On my visits to two different Clearwater Communities in the months before the final Town Hall meeting and delivery of the eviction notice, I was told by park managers that they would hold lots that Silver Sands residents had reserved for the entire 6-month notice period. As one manager insisted on October 3rd, “They've got a place to come to at the end of it. We’re okay with that.” Residents told me that they had also been assured that the various Clearwater Communities would hold their reserved lots for them. However after the zoning change was approved, the parks where residents reserved lots immediately began to call them to inform them of the dates that they were scheduled to be moved. They claimed that they could not ensure that they would hold lots for residents for longer than 2 months. They cited the closure of the nearby park as one reason that lots might be given away. Like many other residents, Kathleen told me during the summer and fall, that she planned to move as late as possible to take advantage of the low rent at Silver Sands and avoid the rent increase of $200 that residents will incur when they moved to a Clearwater Community. She told me in early October that some of her neighbors had spoken to her about their concerns that there was already a list of scheduled dates for relocating the homes, even though we had not formally been evicted at this point. Kathleen tells me that she has insisted to her neighbors that, “They can’t force people to leave when they want them to leave... They can’t tell you when you’re going to move.” When I see Kathleen on November 4th for the first time since we received our eviction notices, she tells me that she had not even received all of her notices (some residents received up to eight copies of the notice) when the manager of the community where she had reserved a lot called her to inform her that they had scheduled her to move on January 11th. Now with an exhausted shrug she just says, “That’s the way it is.”Over the next few weeks in early November, it became clear that all residents that were scheduled to move were schedule in November through January, many during the weeks of Thanksgiving and Christmas. Residents were told that with permitting and installation, there would be a 4-6 week period before they would be able to move back into their homes. This has meant that residents have been displaced from their homes during the holiday season. The developer initially stated, under oath at Town Hall meetings, that there would be some assistance for housing during the period that residents could not be in their homes. In practice, the only housing assistance that has been given is the option to rent out the former homes of Silver Sands residents who abandoned their homes because they could not or did not want to move them. Although these homes are often in poorer condition than the ones the residents own and are moving, the development company has insisted on charging rent of $15 a day or $450 a month plus a $100 deposit. This is substantially more than the rents that most residents are currently paying in the park, where rents range from $300-$400. ConclusionDuring the first months of research, many residents expressed high hopes for what the state and local government could provide for them. They believed that the local government would either strike down the redevelopment of their mobile home park or directly assist residents in finding alternate housing. Once it became clear to the residents that their Town Council would not interfere with the development process and the state of Florida would not dictate the terms of the relocation process, but would only provide funds for relocation, residents expectations shifted. Residents dropped their Legal Aid lawyer as they became disappointed with his inability to make demands on their behalf, they stopped calling local media to report on their story, and they did not make public comments at or even attend the final meeting of the Town Council. This ethnographic research shows that mobile home park closures are seriously disruptive to park residents and that when faced with relocation residents plan to take advantage of state resources meant to assist with the relocation process. Accessing relocation assistance offered by the state was the first priority for almost every resident I encountered in the research. Even those that had not yet made relocation plans - in this case because of lack of funds or serious health problems, such as stroke, that inhibited them from formulating plans - still spoke primarily of accessing state money as their primary means of dealing with their precarious living situation.Because Southern Property Holdings is charged with the task of applying for state monies on behalf of residents and distributing the funds to private companies with which it formed contracts, residents have little room to maneuver to secure more equitable treatment or better financial or practical options. In general, the relocation arrangement at Silver Sands is one in which residents must contact representatives from these private companies to ensure their rights to state-mandated protections. Although Florida is a model in the number and kind of protections it offers for mobile home residents (CFED July 2010), these protections are delivered according to the neoliberal logic of a housing policy that relies upon the private sector to actualize state-mandated safeguards.Even items that are state mandated – namely, ensuring that a 6 month notice period was given - were ultimately dictated by what was most efficient and profitable to the companies involved in the relocation. The developer did indeed assist residents in acquiring the state funds to move and then supplemented these funds in the amount it had agreed upon with the Town’s planning staff. However, these funds come in the form of a voucher that must be given to an approved moving company. By moving time residents were so worried about losing relocation monies as a result of being unable to be scheduled by the mover Southern Property Holdings had chosen or losing a spot at one of the Clearwater Communities the developer had approved, that they willingly self-evicted months before the state-mandated 6-month notice period that many had planned to utilize.During the same period, the Town Council process, with its many delays, had the effect of transforming the subjectivities of Silver Sands residents and producing misunderstandings of how the relocation would be handled. This production of confusion ultimately transformed residents attitudes from ones in which people were actively calling news stations, securing pro-bono legal assistance, and making their voices literally heard – through angry outburst and shouting at the first community and Town Hall meetings – to one in which residents told me frequently that they didn’t care anymore, that they “just want it done and over with” (Randall, October 7th), that the process was “so unsettling” (Tabitha, August 10th), and that “if you try to fight a closing eventually you get nothing for your mobile home” (Jenn, August 7th).This is an important component of a more general production of confusion that pervades almost every step of this process. After a period of seemingly endless waiting to receive assistance and information from local leaders, residents were told by their Town Council that they should address the developer with lingering questions. Because of this, residents do not know if they are getting valid information, if they have other options, if they can call upon any one to advocate for them, or if there is any reason to collectively organize. Over this period they transition from attitudes of resistance to attitudes of acquiescence as they begin a process of passively waiting. In the words of one resident, “What can we do? What is there to do? We just have to grin and bear it.”This research reveals that two contemporary housing trends work together not only to propel mobile home park closures, but also to shape the trajectories of evicted residents in their wake. First, “creative class” arguments for redevelopment create a platform for demolishing existing affordable housing in favor of privately-developed “workforce” housing meant to attract an imagined class of vital workers and consumers. Developers mobilize popular “livability” (Florida 2004 [2002]) and new urbanist (Duany, Plater-Zyberk, and Alminana 2003) development discourses to demonstrate how their plans to redevelop existing low-income communities complement and promote the growth agenda of the town. Second, the neoliberal regulation of affordable housing justifies the transfer of state-mandated protections for mobile home park residents into the hands of local governments and provides a rationale for local governments to relinquish control of these protections to the private actors who profit from the churn on evicted and displaced residents. Thus, non-state actors determine most aspects of the relocation process and shape how this process unfolds for residents. Despite state-mandated protections, the efficiency and profit seeking of these companies has meant that, in both subtle and overt ways, these companies put pressure on residents to move where and when the companies dictate. This occurs even within a state such as Florida that has model state legislation and a uniquely protective regulatory climate for mobile homeowners. Works CitedApgar, William, Allegra Calder, Michael Collins, and Mark Duda. 2002. An Examination of Manufactured Housing as a Community-and Asset-Building Strategy. Washington D.C.: Neighborhood Reinvestment Corporation in collaboration with Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University.Consumer’s Union. 2001. “Manufactured Homeowners Who Rent Lots Lack Security of Basic Tenants Rights.” Austin, TX: Consumer Reports.Corporation For Enterprise Development (CFED). December 2009. “Advocating at the Local Level.” Washington D.C: CFED.Corporation For Enterprise Development (CFED). July 2010. “Promoting Resident Ownership of Communities.” Washington D.C: CFED.Corporation For Enterprise Development (CFED). October 2010. “Protecting Fundamental Freedoms in Communities.” Washington D.C: CFED.Dawkins, Casey J., C. Theodore Koebel, Marilyn Cavell, Steve Hullibarger, David B. Hattis, and Howard Weissman. January 2011. Regulatory Barriers to Manufactured Housing Placement in Urban Communities. Blacksburg, Virginia: Center for Housing Research Virginia Tech. Duany, Andres; Plater-Zyberk, Elizabeth; & Alminana, Robert. 2003. The New Civic Art: Elements of Town Planning. New York: Rizzoli Publications.Florida, R. (2004) [2002]. The rise of the creative class: and how it’s transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life. Basic Books, New York.Florida State Senate, Committee on Community Affairs. 2006. Interim Project Report 2007-106.Hackworth, Jason. 2009. “Destroyed by Hope: Public Housing, Neoliberalism, and Progressive Housing Activism in the US.” In Where the other half lives: Lower Income Housing in a Neoliberal World. Sarah Glynn, Ed. New York: Pluto Press.Hartman, Chester and David Robinson. 2003. “Evictions: The Hidden Housing Problem.” Housing Policy Debate 14 (4): 461-501.Hirsch, Werner Z. and Anthony M. Rufolo. (1999). The regulation of immobile housing assets under divided asset ownership. International Review of Land and Economics 19 (3): 383 –397.Housing Assistance Council (HAC). 2011. “Rural Housing Research Note Preserving Affordable Manufactured Home Communities in Rural America: A Case Study.” Washington D.C: Housing Assistance Council.Klinenberg, Eric. 2002. Heat Wave: a social autopsy of disaster in Chicago. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.Kochera, Andrew. 2001. Issues in Manufactured Housing. Washington, DC: Public Policy Institute, American Association of Retired Persons (AARP).Logan, John R. and Harvey L. Molotch. 1987. Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Manufactured Homeowners Association of America (MHAA). 2011. “Around the Nation.” (accessed January 8, 2011).Meeks, Carol. 1998. Manufactured Home Life: Existing Housing Stock Through 1997. Arlington, VA: Manufactured Housing Institute.National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL). 2007. “Manufactured Housing:?Not What You Think.” (accessed July 7, 2011).Rossi, Peter H. and Weber, Eleanor (1996) “The social benefits of home ownership: empirical evidence from national surveys.” Housing Policy Debate 7: 1–81.Rohe, William, Shannon van Zandt and George McCarthy. (2001) The social benefits and cost of home ownership: a critical assessment of research. Working Paper No. LIHO-01.12, Joint Center for Housing Studies, Harvard University.Rohe, William M. and Micheal A. Stegman. 1996. “The impacts of home ownership on the self esteem, perceived control and life satisfaction of low income people.” Journal of the American Planning Association 60: 37–81.Sheehan, Michael and Roger Colton. 1994. “The Problem of Mass Evictions in Mobile Home Parks Subject to Conversion.” Fisher, Sheehan and Colton Public Finance and General Economics.Tremoulet, Andrée. 2010. “Policy Responses to the Closure of Manufactured Home Parks in Oregon.” Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Urban Studies, Portland State University. U.S. Commerce Department, 2010, “Cost and Size Comparison for Manufactured and Site Built Homes: 1995-2010.” U.S. Census Bureau. , Allan. 1991. Wheel Estate: The Rise and Decline of Mobile Homes. New York: Oxford University Press. ................
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