Situating Females in Gangs: An Exploratory Study



1859915534670Situating Females in UK Gangs: An Exploratory StudySarah Jane ElliottB.Sc. (Hons), GDip, M.Sc.This thesis is being submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.University of Glamorgan (2012)Contents Page NumberList of tables and figures3/4Acknowledgements5Research Abstract6Chapter 1: Introduction7Chapter 2: Deconstructing the Concept of the Gang12Chapter 3: The Development of Academic Research on Females in Gangs28Chapter 4: The Gendered Nature of Crime, Violence And Gang Membership 52Chapter 5: Research Methods and Data Collection95Chapter 6: Scoping Study Results 118Chapter 7: Expert Interview Findings 124Chapter 8: Gangs 154Chapter 9:Female Gang Members177Chapter 10: Typology of Female Gang Membership 202Chapter 11:Case Studies227Chapter 12: Discussion253Chapter 13:Conclusions and Implications290Appendix294References329List of Tables and FiguresTables Page Number5.1Expert interview participant information1066.1Number of articles in each code depicting the gender of the perpetrator1216.2Number of victims reported in girl gang articles1216.3Types of crimes reportedly committed by girl gangs1218.1Identification and location of female gang members and their gangs1548.2Total estimated membership numbers per gang1558.3Number of females per gang1568.4Identifying characteristics of gangs1588.5Structural organisation of gangs by age1609.1Female gang membership original and re-classified coding1789.1(a)Total number of females in each re-classified coding17810.1Sexual orientation of female gang members classed as tomboys20510.2Classifications of romantic relationships of female gang members21010.3List of female gang members categorised as chicks by age217FiguresPage Number6.1Map illustrating the location of girl gang incidents reported in UKPrint Media1186.2Electronic map of female gang incidents reported in the UK Print Media1208.1Racial Makeup of gangs1558.2Age range of female gang members15710.1Categories of female involved in gangs and their hierarchical202positioning in the gang structure10.2Typology of female gang membership 203Acknowledgements“Success isn't how far you got, but the distance you travelled from where you started”Reflecting back on the last five years, it is astonishing how many people have contributed towards the completion of the current thesis. I would genuinely not know where to begin my appreciations. Firstly I would like to thank all of the people who participated in the research. All of the experts and female gang members who sacrificed their time and took a chance on a young welsh researcher, I will be ever grateful for your input and trust. Whilst it is impractical to thank individual accomplices for reasons of confidentiality, suffice to say that without your sincere and honest accounts this piece of research would be impossible. Major thanks has to go to my incredible supervisory team, Fiona Brookman, Katy Holloway and Trevor Bennett for their unwavering support, guidance and wisdom without which this thesis would surely never have come to fruition. They say ‘it is always darkest before the dawn’ and when I got lost in the chaos of data, they were always there to instil logic and reason and show me there was light at the end of the tunnel, especially when I could not see it myself. Special thanks must go to my friends and colleagues at the University of Glamorgan for their inspiration and support. Particularly to Martin Graff, without whose guidance and reassurance the current thesis would never have been plausible. To Karen McInnes and Eleri Jones who supported me through thick and thin, I cannot find the words to express my gratitude. I will be eternally grateful for the encouragement and friendship you have given me over the last five years, you have made the journey an enjoyable one. My final and most sincere thanks must go to my family and friends for their constant support, reassurance and encouragement. To my mother who showed extraordinary resilience in her ability to transcribe, my Ma who always listened and Karen Bennett for her unreserved friendship and support throughout the project. The last five years have been exceptionally challenging and they have never lost faith in my ability to achieve my dreams. Thank you for all you have done for me, you will never know how much you have helped me through this process. I will be forever indebted to you all. Finally I would like to dedicate this thesis to the one person who was never able to see its completion. My very special Pa, who was the most incredible person I have ever known. I hope you are looking down on me now and you are proud of who I have become. I miss you always. AbstractUntil recently the involvement of females in gangs has been a relatively neglected area of inquiry for academic research and criminal justice policy in the UK (Campbell, 1991; Chesney-Lind, 1993). In contrast the media have become increasingly interested in female gang involvement in the UK reporting stereotypical images of girl ‘gangsters’ as malicious violent aggressors (Young, 2009). This intense media scrutiny has distracted from the ‘necessary and long overdue focus’ of research into female gang membership (Chesney-Lind and Hagedorn, 1999). Research that has acknowledged females participation in gangs has downplayed their involvement to an auxiliary capacity. Based on interviews with female gang members and experts in the field, the current research aims to address this gap in knowledge by unravelling the roles of females in mixed gender gangs across the UK. In contrast to existing literature, the current research proposes that females play a significant role within gangs that are distinctly separate from their male counterparts. Results revealed a typology of female gang membership where females’ roles were intrinsically tied up with their relationships to male members. Increased emphasis is placed on negative peer associations and lack of social control mechanisms as a precursor for female gang membership than ethnic and economic marginality highlighted by previous research (Thrasher, 1927; National Youth Gang Centre, 2000). Findings indicate female gang members operate within an environment of conflict in which they act as both perpetrators and victims of serious crime and violence. The current research therefore advocates that an increased emphasis should be placed on the gendered nature of gang membership, where gender differences are highlighted as opposed to ignored or downplayed (Batchelor, 2009). The research therefore concludes that policies and interventions aimed at tackling the female gang problem in the UK should uphold an appreciation of the dual-role performed by gang involved females as both offender and victim. Chapter 1: IntroductionFor a long time, females have been ‘present but invisible’ in gang culture (McRobbie and Garber, 1975). Esbensen and Winfree (1998:521) stated that “it is time for a conscientious inclusion of females in the study of gangs-not only for academic reasons, but also for identifying and designing gang prevention programs that include females in the target population”. According to Moore (1991) when discussing gangs, most academic researchers confine themselves to describing male gangs. As such until recently, female gang involvement has been either stereotyped or largely ignored (Miller, 2001c). This lack of research attention has resulted in important gaps in knowledge about females in gangs in the UK. In contrast the media has become increasingly interested in gangs and gang behaviour in the UK in recent years. A report published in The Daily Mail (29th March, 2012) claimed that around 6,000 young females at any one time are at risk of rape by gangs. Headlines such as “Girls now carry knives…..and will use them” (Oba, 2008) and “Mob Violence: Rise of Female Gangs” (Lee, 2008) paint a bleak picture of Britain’s female gang problem. Articles describing gangland wars and unruly violent youths on our streets have become commonplace and the recent UK riots have done little to curb this hype. Goodwin and colleagues (2011) in a recent YouGov survey revealed that following the riots people felt more threatened, were more fearful of increasing violence and vandalism in their neighbourhood, and were more likely to feel that wider British culture and society was under threat. Despite this overwhelming journalistic interest, the same emphasis has not been placed on females in gangs by academics. This disparity poses the risk of aggravating the problem further, creating “The Myth of the Girl Gang” (Batchelor, 2002). Whilst female participation in gang-related activity has a long-established history (Asbury, 1927), little is known about the involvement of females, their roles and activities within UK gangs. Very few academic research studies exist on British females in gangs, subsequently this study aims to address this gap in literature. The purpose of this chapter is to set the scene for the current research, summarising the research aims, highlighting gaps in the current literature and outlining the structure of the thesis. Research AimsThe aim of the present study is to address this gap in literature by investigating the nature of females’ involvement in mixed gender gangs across the UK. By applying a gendered lens, the research hopes to situate females in the social hierarchy of gangs, exploring the roles they perform and investigating how ‘being female’ affects their gang experience. Specifically, the research hopes to discover (i) whether females constitute ‘members’ of a mixed gender gang, (ii) where and how females fit within the structure of the gang, (iii) what roles do females perform in gangs, (iv) how does gender affect the experiences and roles adopted by gang-involved females, (v) why and how do females join gangs, (vi) why and how do females leave gangs and finally (vii) are existing definitions of gangs appropriate for gangs containing female members?According to Batchelor (2009) research into the female gang problem has been significantly hampered by some important methodological issues. Firstly a lack of consensus amongst the academic community in defining what constitutes a ‘gang’ or being a gang member makes researching the issue problematic. Secondly much qualitative research has been conducted “by male adult researchers utilising male gang members and adult practitioners as sources of information about females” (Batchelor, 2009:399). As a result gang researchers did not begin to take females in gangs seriously until the 1980’s (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001). Researchers and journalists thus saw gangs as a quintessentially male phenomenon with most early reports focussing on whether female gangs were “real” gangs or merely factions of male groups (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001). Joe and Chesney-Lind (1995:409) stated that there is a clear need to ‘balance, sharpen, and focus’ our analytical lenses on gender in gangs. Therefore the current research endeavoured to redress this imbalance. The research aimed to minimise the methodological issues described by Batchelor (2009) by promoting a female researcher to gather evidence directly from gang-involved females. Gathering information in this manner subsequently enabled the researcher to assess the applicability of existing gang definitions on gangs containing female members. Existing research has failed to measure the extent of the female gang problem with any certainty. Overall estimates of female gang membership range from ten to almost fifty per cent. What is clear from academic research is that gang membership is less common amongst females than males (Jankowski, 1991), although clarifications to explain this discrepancy are unclear. Findings are often dependent on the research design adopted with self-report surveys suggesting a nearly equal level of female gang membership in the UK, whilst contrastingly qualitative studies indicate that gangs are much more male dominated (Esbensen et al., 1999). To date only minor attention has been paid to the views and experiences of girls in gangs. In the rare instance females were acknowledged in gang research their “importance was downplayed and roles minimised” (Young, 2009:227). Females have been identified as participating in gangs as members of mixed sex groups (Moore, 1991; Chesney-Lind, 1997; Joe Laidler and Hunt, 2001; Miller, 2001b), as associated factions of male gangs (Campbell, 1984) and as independent all-female units (Taylor, 1993). Representations of female gang members stemmed from stereotypical foundations describing them as personal property of male members, often labelling them as either sex objects or tomboys (Campbell, 1991). However this failure to present females as integral members of the gang meant that their roles were side-lined as mere appendages to male members (see Rice, 1963; Miller, 1975; Brown, 1977 and Flowers, 1987). Resultantly females have been relegated to minor roles within the gang. Previous research has indicated the role of the female gang member was to carry weapons and or drugs, provide ‘safe houses’ for male gang members, offer sexual services, scout out rival territory and to engage in violence with other gang girls (Moore, 1991; Archer, 1995; Chesney-Lind, 1997; Joe Laider and Hunt, 2001; Miller, 2001b).In terms of precursors for gang membership, evidence suggested that females originate from ethnic minorities in poor socioeconomic backgrounds and are as a consequence stigmatised by their ethnicity and poverty as well as gender (Campbell, 1987; Hagedorn, 1988; Taylor, 1993). Alternatively some gang involved females were reported to be attracted to the ‘glamour’ and ‘celebrity’ they believe the gang provides (Pitts, 2007), whilst others reported finding empowerment and a sense of belonging through their gang membership (Nurge, 2003). Previous research indicated that females perceived the gang as a place of safety, security, companionship, and love, however through their affiliation they placed themselves at an increased risk of violence, sexual exploitation and abuse (Miller, 2001a; Young, 2009; Firmin, 2010). Whilst historically females have been invisible to the gang gaze (Young, 2009), recent developments in academic research are starting to bridge the gender gap that has been left by years of investigative neglect. Despite this existing information on the roles of females in gangs is sporadic and contradictory. Hence the focus of the current research was to explore the roles of females in gangs in the UK, situating them in the gang context. Structure of the ThesisIn chapter two that follows the concept of the gang will be deconstructed illustrating the problems of definition and its impact on gang research and policy. Chapter three moves on to discuss the development of academic research on gangs and the emergence of female orientated research evidence from the United States, Europe and the UK. Following on from this, chapter four seeks to address more contemporary research into the involvement of females in gangs. Chapter five details the current research methodology summarising the research process, design, strategy and sampling techniques in addition to research procedures and ethical considerations. Findings from interviews with ten leading experts are then presented in chapter six, whilst chapter seven details findings from interviews with female gang members specifically tailored to understanding gangs as a social entity. Chapter eight presents findings from interviews with twenty female gang members depicting the roles they play in mixed gender gangs, whilst chapter nine outlines a typology of female gang membership proposed by the current research. In order to place this typology in context, chapter ten details three in-depth case studies of female gang members, painting a picture of their daily lives in the gang. Chapter eleven draws together the results from the current research project and examines them in light of previous research. Implications for future research and female gang related policy are addressed in chapter twelve. Chapter 2Deconstructing the Concept of the GangBefore outlining the history of academic research into female gang involvement and the organisation, structure and behaviours of their members, it is necessary to first tackle the inevitable question ‘what is a gang’? This section will now deconstruct the term ‘gang’, its origins and meanings across the USA and within the UK and European contexts. In addition, the question of whether constructing a universal definition is realistic or beneficial shall be debated. The conclusion will outline how the term ‘gang’ will be used within the current thesis. The aim of this chapter is to provide a chronological account of how gangs have been defined historically in order begin to answer the question ‘are existing definitions of gangs appropriate for gangs that are mixed in their gender make-up?’Origin of the term ‘gang’The original meaning of the word ’gang’ referred to a journey or passage (Harper, 2001), a meaning that is still apparent today with reference to a ‘gangway’. However it was not until the term became associated with a collection of articles and eventually people, that it began to take on a negative connotation (Harper, 2001). Its use has been traced back as far as the writings of Chaucer 1390, who used it to describe a band of highwaymen who robbed him of some monies just outside old Surrey (Chaucer, 1899). According to Spergel (1989: 13) “definitions [of a gang] have varied over time according to the perception and interests of the definer, academic fashions, and the changing social reality of the gang”. Therefore in order to understand the different definitions of a gang, it is useful to see how the term has evolved over time. The first academic usage of the term gang was not acknowledged until the late 1800’s by Sheldon (1898), whilst the first gangs in the United States appeared in New York and Chicago during the 1850’s. Asbury reported that in 1855 central New York contained at least 30,000 men holding allegiance to gangs. At this time, many of the gangs were associated with political leaders, taking their names from their political counterparts, for example the Tammy Hall gang and the Native American Party (Asbury, 1927).According to Bjerregaard (2002) gang definitions can be classified into two primary categories: process-based and delinquency-based definitions (see Bursik and Grasmick, 1993; Curry and Decker, 1998; Hagedorn, 1988; in Bjerregaard, 2002). Process-based definitions emphasise the organisational and structural features that lead to gang formation. Alternatively, delinquency-based definitions focus on the delinquent behaviour of gangs. This two category system was reiterated by Spergel (1995) who claimed that today’s gangs tend to be defined with more of an emphasis on their criminal behaviour (delinquency-based) whilst gangs of the forties and fifties were defined on the basis of their social role and organisational structure (process-based). This therefore suggests that delinquency-based definitions are a more contemporary means of classifying gangs than process-based definitions. Crime and Delinquency: A DistinctionWhen researching the activities and behaviours of young people, in particular, criminologists often use the terms ‘crime’ and ‘deviance’ interchangeably despite notable differences between the two. Legally the definition of crime involves some kind of behaviour that has been prohibited by criminal law, whilst deviance is the act of carrying out behaviours deemed to be undesirable or nuisance but not necessarily criminal (Muncie, 2001). Cohen in his chapter entitled ‘The Study of Social Disorganization and Deviant Behaviour’ (1959:462) defined delinquency as:“Behaviour which violates institutionalized expectations…which are shared and recognized as legitimate within a social system”Similarly Cloward and Ohlin (1960:3) stated that:“A delinquent act…is behaviour that violates basic norms of the society, and, when officially known, it evokes a judgement by agents of criminal justice that such norms have been violated”In other words delinquent behaviours are those seen to go against the social norms and expectations placed on a particular society. Regardless of whether definitions of a gang are process or delinquency based, many depend on a variety of individual perceptions, attitudes, and beliefs, social influences such as peers and relatives, environmental factors such as location and territory, and behaviours or activities exhibited. Therefore defining a gang may not be as straightforward as first thought. However many working definitions of a gang do indeed have similarities that can allow them to be classified under the same umbrella. To this day, the presence of gangs or their equivalent have been noted across the United States, in major cities within the United Kingdom and Europe (see Klein, 2001 for an overview), in Singapore (Kee et al., 2003), Australia (in Rafter, 2000), South Africa (Vetten, 2000), The Soviet Union, Kenya, Tanzania, Taiwan, South Korea, China, Mexico, Brazil and Hong Kong (Oschiles, 1979; Specht, 1988 in Spergel, 1990). Despite the apparent global reality of gangs, the relevant academic literature is predominantly American. Therefore it is prudent to begin by exploring definitions of a gang from the United States perspective. U.S. Gang ResearchDespite the fact that the first use of the term gang can be traced back to the late 1800’s (Sheldon, 1898), surprisingly the first published definition of a gang was not provided until a century later in the early 1900’s (Puffer, 1912). Puffer (1912) in his book ‘The Boy and his Gang’ saw the gang as one of three primary groups namely; the family, neighbourhood and play groups. Gangs resided within the group classed as play. Puffer claimed that gangs consisted of highly spirited and venturesome young boys usually a by-product of unsupervised lower-class youths from immigrant families from transitional inner city areas. There is no mention of them partaking in delinquent or criminal behaviour at this time.This notion of play was reiterated by Frederick Thrasher, a sociologist at the University of Chicago, in two publications (1927 / 1947). Thrasher argued that youth gangs emerge out of spontaneous street playgroups of adolescent children in the poorer areas of the city. He identified 1,313 youth gangs operating in Chicago’s most deprived areas known as the ‘poverty belt’ in the 1920’s. Thrasher subsequently defined gangs as: "An interstitial group originally formed spontaneously, and then integrated through conflict. It is characterized by the following types of behaviour: meeting face to face, milling, movement through space as a unit, conflict, and planning. The result of this collective behaviour is the development of tradition, unreflective internal structure, esprit de corps, solidarity, morale, group awareness, and attachment to a local territory." (1927, p. 46).Thrasher’s epic work is credited as being one of the first serious attempts to empirically investigate gangs in the U.S. In an effort to obtain as much information about gangs and their activities as possible, Thrasher included all plausible collections of working-class youth within his study, ranging from casual friendship groups to organised criminal groups. Thrasher’s definition of gangs is subsequently very broad; focussing on the process one must go through to form a group including behaviours, structure, organisation and what it means to be part of a gang. Even in this early study, it was noted that gangs occupied a particular space or territory and were formally organised with a strict structure, leadership and hierarchy. Although no mention of criminal or deviant behaviour is made at this time, it is clearly indicated that planned conflict may be part of the gang identity and behaviour. The advent of World War II and the resulting Depression meant that emphasis on researching gangs and media reports of their activities declined. The cessation of the War however, left America in a period of rapid social change as the economy struggled to adjust to the ‘dawn of peace’ (Decker and Van Winkle, 1996). Later in the 1950s and 1960s, gang research experienced a revival, as concern for the influx of minority groups grew amongst Native Americans in central cities. As a consequence one of the major contributions of this new-wave of research was a shift to a more criminological investigation of the gang problem. Research emphasis began to move away from being a result of spontaneous play groups as in Thrasher’s work, or the delinquent peer groups suggested by Cloward and Ohlin (1960) to being primarily a law enforcement problem and fundamentally criminal. These newer definitions stress the importance of crime and violence over group processes. Klein (1971) in his book describing and analysing traditional street work programmes defined gangs as: ?"any denotable group of youngsters who: (a) are generally perceived as a distinct aggregation by others in their neighbourhood; (b) recognize themselves as a denotable group (almost invariably with a group name) and (c) have been involved in a sufficient number of delinquent incidents to call forth a consistent negative response from neighbourhood residents and /or law enforcement agencies" (1971:13).This definition begins to highlight the importance of delinquent activities in gang identity. Klein states that consistent negative response from the local community or law enforcement agencies suffice to consider oneself part of a gang. Although participation from law enforcement agencies may imply some form of unlawful act, there is no mention of criminal or illegal activity at this time. This suggests that crime and criminal activity may not be an essential requirement of what constitutes a gang, and that participation in delinquent activity may suffice in order to class a group as a gang.One of the first attempts to consider the link between gangs and criminality was documented by Miller (1975) who conducted a national survey of gangs within the United States. Miller defined gangs by the nature of violence committed and their engagement in illegal activity. He interviewed law enforcement personnel and social service professionals who worked on the front line with youth gangs. Miller’s definition was consequently based upon the working definition of gangs employed by the criminal justice agencies involved in his survey. According to Miller, a gang is:"a group of recurrently associating individuals with identifiable leadership and internal organization, identifying with or claiming control over territory in the community, and engaging either individually or collectively in violent or other forms of illegal behaviour" (1975:9).Owing to the emphasis placed on violence and illegal activities by the criminal justice system, it is unsurprising that ‘crime’ has become a key determinant in the definition of a gang. What is significant here is that criminal activities are an essential part of the definition of a gang, in addition to the organisational and structural characteristics identified by previous research.The emphasis on criminological research to investigate the gang phenomenon continued into the 1980’s with researchers such as Haskell and Yablonsky (1982) stating that the gang is a group of lawbreakers, primarily organised around violence and other illegal activities. This definition is highly restrictive however, focussing solely on the criminal aspects of the gangs’ behaviour and ignoring all other group dynamics and activities. By comparison, in an article on gang homicides, delinquency and community, Curry and Spergel (1988) highlighted the complexity of gang definitions by illustrating the differences between group delinquency and gang delinquency. According to Curry and Spergel, group delinquency refers to any behaviour committed by juveniles in relatively small groups that is deemed a violation of the law. These groups tend to be transient, loosely organised with shifting leaderships and involved in various forms of minor and serious crimes. On the other hand, gang delinquency or crime is defined as: “Law-violating behaviour committed both by juveniles and adults in or related to groups that are complexly organised although sometimes diffuse, sometimes cohesive with established leadership and membership rules” (Curry and Spergel, 1988:382).According to Curry and Spergel, the gang also engages in a variety of criminal activities; however they involve considerably more violence than the group delinquents. The gang operates within an organised framework of norms and values, structured around mutual respect and support, development of traditions such as territory, clothing, colours, hand signs and symbols and conflict relations with rival gangs. What is interesting about the distinction between group delinquency and gang delinquency presented by Curry and Spergel, is the involvement of criminal activity present in definitions of both. It appears to be the age of members and organisational structure of the collective that dictate whether they are viewed as a group or a gang. Older members that participated in a more complex and structured collective were seen to form a gang. Curry and Spergel (1988) stated that previous research had failed to clearly distinguish between gangs and non-gang delinquent groups. During the 1990’s some researchers began to return to Thrasher’s Chicago School tradition of group processes, to explain the gang phenomenon. Joan Moore (1998) conducted research with ex-gang members from East Los Angeles, contextualising gangs within their specified territory or ‘barrios’. Unlike many researchers before her, Moore looked at both male and female gangs. In the Thrasher tradition, Moore defined a gang as:"Unsupervised peer groups who are socialized by the streets rather than by conventional institutions. They define themselves as a gang or "set" or some such term, and have the capacity to reproduce themselves, usually within a specific neighbourhood" (Moore, 1998: 67).This definition returns to the Chicago School way of looking at gangs as ‘wild’ peer groups, forming through a group process on the streets. Similarly Short (1997) in his study of Chicago gangs defines gangs as the result of a group process of what Short calls ‘wild’ adolescents:"Gangs are groups whose members meet together with some regularity over time, on the basis of group-defined criteria of membership and group-defined organizational characteristics; that is, gangs are non-adult-supervised, self-determining groups that demonstrate continuity over time" (Short, 1997: 81). Neither Moore nor Short, consider criminality or violence to be a defining characteristic of a gang, instead crime and violence are considered reactions to gang membership. One aspect that is brought to light by these two definitions is the influence of perceptions and labelling. Both Moore and Short stated that in order to be a gang, one must consider oneself a member and usually be seen as such by the surrounding community. This use of ‘self-definition’ has been utilised in numerous gang-related pieces of literature (Miller, 2001a; Bjerregaard, 2002; Curry, 2000; Petersen, 2000). For Moore (1998) gangs are those who describe themselves as gangs. Labelling members as part of a gang should subsequently be left up to members own interpretation. As highlighted by Spergel (1990), the main drawback of adopting this method is that the primary source of information on gangs, their members and activities are the gang members themselves, a sample, Spergel claims, that is unreliable due to their ability to exaggerate or sensationalise their activities. Equally it is plausible that members may try to conceal or downplay their gang behaviours and activities in an effort to appear more socially acceptable, avoid persecution or to protect the identity of the gang. The divide between process-based and delinquency-based gang definitions discussed in this chapter, has highlighted one of the major debates within the gang literature; the role of crime and criminality in the definition of a gang from a criminological and sociological perspective. In addition it has highlighted the differences between self-defining gang membership and definitions extended by statutory agencies or academics. For example Bjerregaard (2002) states that many of the previous definitions of a gang (discussed above) could also be used to describe non-delinquent organisations or groups. Bjerregaard (2002:32) suggests that “one of the defining features that have separated benign organisations and groups from traditional street gangs has been involvement in criminal activity”. As a result of this lack of consensus in defining a gang, some researchers have advocated abandoning the term ‘gang’ altogether as it can never be standardised. Conly claims that the term is not used by the youths themselves and subsequently instead of reflecting the reality of their involvement in gang activities it acts as a meaningless label placed on them by the adult community (Conly, 1993). Faced with the problem of studying gang participation without a universal definition, some researchers began asking whether or not individuals belonged to a collective that may be considered a gang (Ball and Curry, 1995). Some academics maintain that gangs should be defined in this manner in order to avoid closing off exploration of alternatives (Horowitz, 1990). According to Klein et al. (2006) researchers in America have failed for almost a century to agree on a uniform definition of street gangs, which is perhaps surprising considering their long history. Despite this many definitions have taken their inspiration from American research. The development of a universal definition of the concept of the gang could possibly aid in the progress and accuracy of gang research allowing findings to be verified and compared across cultures more effectively. By contrast, European researchers under the aegis of the Eurogang Program have been able to settle on a working definition of a gang for their research (Klein, Weerman and Thornberry, 2006). This chapter will now move on to consider the evolution of the term gang from British and European perspectives.British and European Gang ResearchGangs have been documented in the UK since the 1600’s (Pearson, 1983). In his book entitled ‘Hooligan: A History of Respectable Fears’, Pearson published details retrospectively on named groups of young men terrorising the streets of London, finding amusement in deviant and criminal behaviours. Organised gangs such as the ‘Mims, Hectors, Bugles and Dead Boys’ fought pitched battles between one another, distinguishing members of each gang by wearing coloured ribbons (Pearson, 1983:188). Pearson reported that many of these gangs were comprised of street robbers, thieves and pick-pockets, who engaged in mob violence, drunkenness and vandalism as a means of amusement. Pearson claimed these gangs were a reflection of the “lawless antics of upper-class rowdies…and were unlikely to have been uneducated ruffians” (Pearson, 1983:188). It is notable at this point that gang research within the UK began to focus early on upon criminality as a defining characteristic. Despite this early recognition of gangs within the UK, research around gangs and the culture they thrive in is minimal. Davies (1998a and 1998b), a social historian from Liverpool University, in a series of two review documents provided historical insights into the gang situation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Davies uncovered the early existence of urban youth gangs, their origin, nature and extent of their involvement in violence, reporting on gangs found in Manchester, Birmingham, Liverpool, Salford and Glasgow. Davies (1998b) reported on what were termed ‘Scuttlers’ (Devine, 1890 in Davies, 1998b). A ‘Scuttler' was believed to be a young lad, between the ages of 14 and 19, who participated in physical disputes between two armed opposed bands of youths, known as ‘scuttling’. Scuttling gangs were based in working class districts and believed to be neighbourhood-based youth-gangs who carry weapons as a matter of course, engage in conflict, and defend their territories against rival neighbourhoods. During the period from 1870 to 1900, Davies reported five fatalities inflicted by gang members (Davies, 1998b). Within this framework, Davies places major emphasis on the role of weapons, violence and conflict in the identities of ‘Scuttling’ street gangs. Throughout his work however, Davies failed to provide an adequate definition of gangs. There have been a number of gang-related studies conducted within the UK; however, many of them due to their exploratory nature have failed to provide a formal working definition of a gang. One of the first attempts to systematically explore the gang problem in the UK was conducted by Scott in 1956. Whilst conducting interviews with young boys on remand who were known to have committed group offences, Scott uncovered three categories from which the boys belonged: adolescent street groups, structured gangs and loosely structured or diffused groups. Structured or diffused groups were further divided into casual groups, which include customary friends and siblings, and loose anti-social groups. According to Scott (1956) ‘gangs proper’ were extremely rare and included a leader, definite membership, persistence in time, a den, initiation procedure and criminal objectives. This illustrates one of the first attempts to define a gang in the UK. Scott’s definition encompasses structural, organisational, timing, territorial, ritual and criminal aspects of gang membership and identity. Even in such an early account, definitions of a gang began to emerge, despite the fact that their existence was considered limited. The failure to find much evidence of identifiable, structured gangs in the UK was reiterated by Downes (1966) in his investigation of two boroughs of East London. Downes reported on the street-corner group, which despite possessing a dominant personality and persistence over time, failed to meet the criteria of the stereotypical American gang. Downes maintained that the lack of research surrounding gangs in the UK was a fair reflection of the absence of gang delinquency in the country. However, in 1973 James Patrick (a pseudonym adopted by a university lecturer) went undercover with a young boy in the ‘Young Team’, a youth gang operating in Glasgow. Through observations of the gangs’ behaviour over a four month period, Patrick provided an ethnographic insight into numerous territorial, gang-like groups operating in Glasgow at the time. Self-verification was used to identify members of the gang. According to Patrick, the members themselves never used the word ‘gang’ to describe themselves, preferring the word ‘team’ as an alternative. At this time, labels of gangs were given by the local press. Patrick argued that these gangs were organised primarily for emotional gratification, with all of their activities being centred on the commitment of violence. Gangs such as those described by Patrick have also been documented by other UK researchers. The emphasis on violence as a means of characterising gang membership was reiterated by Stelfox (1996, 1998). Stelfox (1996), in an article drawing on two studies carried out within the Metropolitan Police Service, defined gangs as “Any group who use violence or the threat or fear of violence to further a criminal purpose, but excluding football hooligans and terrorists” (Stelfox, 1996:5). This definition, is very broad in terms of collectives in which it could describe, however it ignores the wider demographics of gang structure, organisation and culture that has been used by other researchers as a definitional aid. However, Stelfox justified this by claiming that information concerning gangs within the UK is comparatively less than in other countries of the world. Consequently using a more specific terminology would narrow the focus of research to fall in line with the specified criteria. Given the previously discussed problems with obtaining a universal definition of the term gang, Stelfox believed that using such a restrictive definition could prove to become problematic. He believed that by impeding the sample selection research would effectively risk isolating relevant ‘gang’ members thus limiting the scope of the research.Mares (2001) documented the presence of several gangs that operate in the Greater Manchester Area of north England. The data were collected ethnographically between September 1997 and January 1998 via observations and interviews with gang members, community workers and law enforcement agencies. Mares’ work provides a more contemporary insight into gangs in the Manchester and Salford regions reported by Davies above. Mares identified a number of loosely organised gangs of young people involved in the drugs trade, namely Gooch, Doddington, and Wythenshawe.Similarly, in Manchester, Bullock and Tilley (2002) examined gangs with specific reference to members’ gun violence and the police strategies adopted to reduce it. The authors used mainly police sources, drawing on recorded crime statistics from Greater Manchester Police (GMP) to identify incidents of shootings. Data were collected on victims of shootings, known offenders and information on people considered by GMP to be gang-members whether or not they had been linked in any way to shootings. The authors acknowledged that obtaining gang data from official police records meant that only those that had come to the attention of the authorities were included, limiting the potential sample. Within their research, Bullock and Tilley describe a gang as: “a relatively enduring identifiable group of young people who see themselves as members of a group and who commit crime as part of their membership in that group”(2002:23). Similar to Scott’s (1956) definition of a gang, all aspects of structural, organisational and behavioural influences are encompassed, highlighting the role of criminal activity in gang classification. Within their research, Bullock and Tilley (2002) uncovered four major gangs in South Manchester namely; Gooch, Doddington, (previously documented by Mares, 2001) Pitt Bull Crew and Longsight Crew.The first detailed quantitative study of gangs in the UK utilised data from the New English and Welsh and Welsh Drug Abuse Monitoring (NEW-ADAM) program. The NEW-ADAM project was a national research programme of interviews and voluntary urine tests that aims to establish drug use among arrestees (Bennett, Holloway and Williams, 2001). Bennett and Holloway (2004) provide a comprehensive description of gang membership and characteristics amongst arrestees across fourteen cities across England. Verifications about gang membership were determined via self-definition. Bennett and Holloway presented respondents with the following statement:“In some areas, there are local gangs that sometimes have names or other means of identification and cover a particular geographical area or territory. Do you belong to, or have you ever belonged to, a local gang of this kind?” (Bennett and Holloway, 2007: 216).Utilising this method ensures that research is not restricted by stringent definitions and encompasses the importance of self-perception in the classification process. However, this does rely on the accuracy and honesty of accounts provided by respondents which can be prone to exaggeration or fabrication. Despite this, Bennett and Holloway documented that fifteen per cent of their sample of 2,725 arrestees had either current or past experience of being a gang member.Some researchers have developed typologies to classify gangs in the UK similar to those outlined by U.S. researchers. Hallsworth and Young (2006) referred to gangs, as one element of a three-fold typology of urban collectives. Firstly, a peer group is a small, organised, transient group occupying the same space with a common history. Crime is not integral to their self-definition. Secondly, a gang is considered a relatively durable, predominantly street based group of young people who see themselves (and are seen by others) as a discernible group for whom crime and violence is integral to the groups identity. Thirdly organised criminal groups include members that are professionally involved in crime for personal gain operating almost exclusively in the illegal marketplace.Hallsworth and Young’s second type of a gang is very similar to that of Scott (1956) and Bullock and Tilley (2002) discussed previously, with the addition of the groups being street based. This is an interesting adjustment as it provides some explanation as to why gangs tend to ‘hang out’ on the streets and assists in the geographical separations of territory. Gangs that are primarily street based would presumably consider the local streets within their ‘turf’ and as such their property. A similar classification system was adopted by Sharp, Aldridge and Medina (2004) in their investigation of young people’s involvement in ‘delinquent youth groups’ and their offending behaviour (both individually and as groups). According to Sharp et al. (2004:2) a delinquent youth group is defined as: (a) a collection of young people who spend time in groups of three or more (including themselves), (b) spend a lot of time in public place, (c) have existed for three months or more, (d) have engaged in delinquent (or criminal) behaviour together in the last twelve months, and (e) have at least one structural feature such as a name, turf or leader.Marshall, Webb and Tilley (2005) state that each delinquent may be involved in many different levels of criminal activity in the same way as an individual may be part of more than one collective. This suggests that gang membership may not be a ridged, systematic process. The authors believe that focussing on the group and not the behaviour it exhibits risks aggravating the problem and causes persecution of individuals on the basis of their associations rather than their actions. They claim that a classification system such as that of Hallsworth and Young (2006) discussed above, limits the applicability from an operational perspective; and suggest instead that an increased focus needs to be given to the actual anti-social behaviour that occurs. The Eurogang ProjectWhilst research was going on in the UK, a few American and European researchers began to trade notes surrounding the emergence of street gangs in Europe. This began as an informal gathering in Belgium, but quickly developed into a series of focussed workshops that began to take the shape of The Eurogang Programme. By 2005 several workshops had emerged, leading to the identification of 50 gang-involved cities in Europe with over one hundred American and European researchers contributing to the cause. A working group established to develop a consensus concerning conceptual and operational approaches to defining street gangs (Klein, 2008). Eurogang is considered “a thematic network for comparative and multi-method research on violent youth groups” (). The network consists of leading researchers from Europe and the U.S. collaborating to develop a common framework for comparative research in the field of gangs, creating standardised instruments and working towards a common research design. As stated previously, Klein et al. (2006) claim that American researchers have failed for almost a century to achieve a consensus on a universal definition of street gangs. However the authors believe that we are much closer to achieving this goal via the Eurogang network. Klein, one of the leading researchers in the field, has highlighted what he believes to be the Eurogang Paradox. This refers to the debate within academic communities about the existence of gangs within Europe. The paradox concerns the denials that there are street gangs in Europe owing to the fact that they do not fit the American pattern of being highly structured, cohesive and violent groups. Klein argues that most American gangs actually fail to fit this stereotype, that they are good stories but are gross distortions of reality. Klein subsequently suggests that gang-like groups should be more carefully scrutinized (Klein, 2001). The Eurogang definition of street gangs is as follows:“A street gang (or troublesome youth group corresponding to a street gang elsewhere) is any durable, street-orientated youth group whose own identity includes involvement in illegal activity” (Klein et al., 2001:418).This definition is beneficial as it breaks down the criteria into five separate elements. Durability refers to the group, which continues to function despite any turnover of members. Klein et al. acknowledge that durability of a group can be ambiguous but suggest that several months can be used as a guideline. As gangs usually spend most of their time outside the home, work or school, street-oriented reflects the areas in which gangs operate such as on the streets, parks, and shopping outlets. Again the authors acknowledge the ambiguity of the term youth. However the majority of gangs are made up of adolescents as opposed to adults, but some can include members in their twenties or thirties. Illegal behaviours strictly refer to those that are criminal or at least delinquent, not just menacing. Finally the identity concerns that of the whole group not just one’s individual self –image (Klein et al., 2001).One benefit of the above definition is that it can be flexible across different research sites methods and designs. Klein et al. state that other gang characteristics, what the authors refer to as ‘descriptor variables’ such as names, ethnic makeup, leadership and structure and distinguishing features can all be considered. The important aspect of the Eurogang definition is that it makes the distinction between street gangs and other criminal groups (Klein et al., 2001). ConclusionDefining what a gang is can be complex. Often adopted definitions reflect the needs and wants of the definer, and whether they approach the phenomenon from a psychological, sociological, criminological or other standpoint. The National Institute of Justice (1992) claimed one knows intuitively what a gang is, even if one is unable to define it in words. However, the ability to define something in words enables one to distinguish, clarify, measure and document it effectively. Ball and Curry (1995) state that the lack of universal definition makes it difficult for researchers to compare their findings and develop theory and hinders both researchers and agency officials to accurately document the existence of gangs, gang involvement and activities. Hobbs (1997) suggests that due to this lack of an all-encompassing definition, the terms gang and delinquency have blurred into one awkward area of delinquent youth organisation contributing to the on-going debate, particularly in the UK where focus has been more on subcultures as opposed to gangs.Despite the definitional complexities, it is widely recognised that gangs are a growing problem affecting the majority of urban cities (Bjerregaard, 2002). Bjerregaard claims that providing a systematic definition would provide assistance to those who tackle the gang problem first hand including law enforcement agencies, legislatures and academics developing strategies to prevent gang involvement (Bjerregaard, 2002).Thus far, definitions have failed to address the importance of gender in gangs as researchers have consciously and sub-consciously focussed on studying males as a rule. The aim of this chapter was not to solve the definitional debate, but to deconstruct the term in an attempt to make sense of the different definitions, their origins, and how they have been perceived within the US, UK and European research. A working definition of a gang will be utilised within this research study, under the guidance of the Eurogang definition discussed previously. It is hoped that this thesis may provide further clarity on the most effective way to define a gang in the UK context. Chapter 3The Development of Academic Research on Females in GangsIntroductionAccording to Klein (1995) understanding gangs as they were in the past is vital to understanding where they are today. There is vast body of research centred on male involvement in gang-related activities (for example Cohen, 1955; Huff, 1990; Spergel, 1990; Decker and Van Winkle, 1996; Klein, 1997). This is particularly rife within the U.S. where gangs and subsequent research into the culture in which they flourish has a richer history. In contrast, research surrounding female gang involvement is limited, despite the fact that females have been part of the gang scene in the UK since the 1600’s (Pearson, 1983) their behaviours are considered more complex and diverse than existing literature would suggest (Chesney-Lind and Hagedorn, 1999). David Curry in his article entitled ‘Responding to Female Gang Involvement’ (1995) claimed that historically there has been a “comparatively linear transition from androcentric research drawn from male gang member perspectives...to research that draws on the perspectives of the females involved in gangs themselves” (Curry cited in Chesney-Lind and Hagedorn, 1999; 134). Consequently, the main aim of this chapter is to give a brief overview of this transition and to explore how female gangs have been perceived and formed historically with reference to American, European and British research. Political, social, environmental and economic influences that have affected development of these gangs shall also be highlighted, with particular emphasis on the progression of females into gang culture and their involvement in gang-related activities. By documenting the progression of female gang involvement through academic research, the aim of this chapter is to present a historic account of how gender has affected females within the gang culture through the literary gaze. Particular emphasis will be placed on the perception and recognition of females in gangs, identifying female roles, situating females in the structural hierarchy of gangs and exploring the effects gender has on both the experience of females in gangs and the focus of previous research.The general perception of the development of gangs is that they become rife in times of rapid social change and political instability. “They function as a residual social institution when other institutions fail and provide a certain degree of order and solidarity for their members” (Spergel, 1990; 171). In other words, the key to understanding the formulation of gangs lies in the social and economic environment in which they thrive. Owing to the fact that the social and economic climate of America and Britain have developed in different ways and at different times, the history of academic research in the two countries shall now be discussed separately.United States of America: The Development of the ‘Street Gang’Gangs are not a new phenomenon; they have been part of American history for thousands of years deeply embedded in the country’s past and culture. Youth gangs in American cities existed before the nineteenth century (Hyman, 1984). The first reported gangs appeared in the United States in the 1800’s in New York and Chicago (Asbury, 1927). However, the first documented of these gangs is believed to be the ‘Forty Thieves’. As one of the first organised street gangs in New York, the ‘Forty Thieves’ had a definite structure and leadership (Asbury, 2002). The gang was believed to consist of primarily Irish immigrants, and terrorised the Five Points region of the city, stealing, beating and murdering (Sachs, 1997). Even in these early accounts, women were reportedly active in the gang culture, supporting their male counterparts by providing reserve ammunition and watching for a break in the enemies defence during battle. Asbury reported that gang females of the day were more than prepared to assist in the fray if needed (Asbury, 2002). Regardless of whether female gang involvement was expressly mentioned in the literature of the time, there was no evidence of them being excluded from the fighting (Campbell, 1984).The first serious academic attempt to study gangs in the U.S. was published over 80 years ago. Born out of the Chicago School of thought, Frederick Thrasher’s (1927) book ‘The Gang’ adopted a sociological approach to explaining the gang phenomenon. As previously stated, for Thrasher, gangs were a primarily male construct that emerged out of the spontaneous street play of young adolescent boys, which was reinforced by conflict. Of the 1,313 youth gangs identified by Thrasher, only five or six of these were believed to be compiled wholly of females. In order to explain this, Thrasher argued that females could not form true gangs as they lacked the ‘ganging instinct’. Thrasher believed the weight of tradition placed on females meant that they were more closely supervised than young boys. Subsequently the author believed they were less likely to engage in behaviours that contradicted traditional feminine roles. Cases that did involve female participation were extremely rare, but often took on one of two forms. The first involved younger females abandoning all that is feminine in order to be perceived as an equal by their male companions, these females were referred to as ‘tomboys’. The second usually involved older females taking on a more sexual role, providing gratification to male members on request. Although Thrasher believed that the dual role of gangster and sweetheart was plausible, he claimed that at some point, one or other role must dominate (Thrasher, 1927/1936). Despite this early acknowledgement, Thrasher’s categories of female gang members may have inadvertently held back research progress in the field. Much research conducted after this pioneering piece of work came from one of two standpoints. Many male researchers actively dismissed females operating within the gang culture, their roles and involvement, and programmes dedicated to preventing gang conflict discouraged working with female gang members (for example, Cohen, 1955; Cloward and Ohlin, 1960). Alternatively researchers, who did acknowledge female involvement in gangs, chose to adopt Thrasher’s restrictive labels of ‘tomboy’ or ‘sex object’ (Whyte, 1943; Spergel, 1964; Campbell, 1984; Short and Strodtbeck, 1965; Hanson, 1964; Rice, 1963). As a result female gang members were bundled into one of these two categories, both of which were considered variations of the ‘bad female’ role (Campbell, 1984). According to Curry (1995) this illustrated the birth of what Campbell (1984) deemed the ‘myths’, and Moore (1993) termed the ‘stereotypes’ that surrounded female gang involvement at the time. Despite this ignorance, numbers of female gang members continued to emerge (Hanson, 1964). Academic research into the gang phenomenon ceased during the early 1940’s due to the advent of World War II and the great depression bringing about a decline in gang numbers. The conclusion of the war brought about rapid social change as the economy struggled to adapt (Decker and Van Winkle, 1996). Racial tension grew as soldiers returned from war leaving many ethnic minorities and women out of work. The influx of immigration into the country by an array of culturally diverse groups (such as the Irish, Welsh, Polish and Chinese) was considered responsible for the development of street gangs at the time. This led to the formation of neighbourhoods in the cities centred around ethnic or racial makeup. Isolating themselves from American culture, groups remained in their own geographical area, creating their own culture, political beliefs and speaking in their own language. This created an in-group feeling amongst residents who felt a certain obligation to their ‘own kind’ (Suttles, 1968). It is suggested that a new generation of gangs was created which was greeted with hostility and prejudice by the Native American people, many leading to confrontations, conflict and civil war (Asbury, 1927).In an attempt to explain rising female delinquency at the time, researchers tended to focus on expression through a primarily female channel – sexuality as opposed to conflict (Cohen, 1955). Thrasher had already acknowledged the role of sex within the gang which he termed as the ‘chief disintegrating force’ (Thrasher, 1927/1936). Gangs that did include females were described as ‘Immoral’ (whose primary interests were centred on sexually illicit activities) as opposed to pure conflict gangs (Thrasher, 1927). Other researchers subsequently followed Thrasher’s lead, documenting the sexual promiscuity of female gang members. William Bernard in his 1949 book entitled ‘Jailbait’, reported on young female delinquents, who used their sexual prowess to lure unsuspecting males into side streets with the aim of robbing them of their wallet, or setting them up for a ‘beating’ by male gang members. Bernard referred to these groups of women as ‘bands’ as opposed to gangs. With names such as “Robinettes” and “Chandeliers”, these female bands rarely operated in isolation and were usually affiliated to a male gang. Although considered auxiliaries to their male counterparts, the females were fiercely loyal, carrying weapons and providing alibis. Although Bernard described the various roles these females played in the day-to-day operations of gangs, albeit in a ‘cheerleading’ capacity, the author still maintained a female’s primary role remained sexual in nature. The author described the sordid antics of female gang members, pleasuring males with sexual favours at will, ‘pimping’ out younger female gang members as young as twelve, engaging in sexual games as a means of initiation, and partaking in homosexual acts with fellow female members (Bernard, 1949).At this time, sex was not only seen as the driving force behind women affiliating themselves with gangs, and their primary function within the group, but it was also described as the factor that causes the gang to expire. Women were painted as the destroyers of the gang, luring male members into romantic relationships and eventually marriage and children (Whyte, 1943; Spergel, 1964). Spergel in his report on the female gangs of New York City (1964:88-89) reported that women were seen as “the carrier of tales…the magnifier, the distorter, the fabricator of derogatory remarks”. These accounts intensified the stereotypical notion that female gang members were insignificant to the social world of gangs (Campbell, 1990). Despite this overwhelming emphasis placed on sex as the primary motivation for female involvement in gangs, a growing body of research began highlighting a selection of women involved in violence and criminal activity. Even the earlier work of Thrasher and Bernard considered sex to be a secondary activity subordinate to the primary activity of conflict. Bernard (1949) in particular recognized the growing trend of ‘gangerism’ among delinquent females, which he used to describe a body of young women between the ages of fourteen and seventeen, engaging in serious crime and violence. In 1950, Otto Pollak stated that female crime was more likely to go undetected and unreported in comparison to male crime. Pollak argued that women may be equally as involved in committing crime as males. This research may have highlighted one of the major flaws in criminological research of the time; an inability for traditional theories to explain the gendered nature of crime (Vold et al, 2002). According to Campbell (1990; 166), research conducted during this period that did acknowledge female gang members was exposed to three layers of potential distortion; they were being “described by male gang members to male researchers and interpreted by male academics”. As a result, research failed to acknowledge the existence of female gang members in their own right, and tended to see them as a part of a male entity. In these early writings, females were only considered with regards to their interpersonal and structural relations to male gang members (Campbell, 1990). Even when researchers did acknowledge the role of female gang members in violence and criminal activity, their motivations were still believed to be fuelled by males. One example of this is illustrated by Miller (1973) who reported that behaviour of the females in his study appeared to be predicated on the assumption that boys prefer one who is similar to them as opposed to one that is accessible to them. According to Campbell (1984) boys were the ones that really mattered. Young women therefore faced a dilemma about the roles they adopted within the gang. They failed to gain positive status from their peers by openly displaying their promiscuity (Horowitz, 1983), but then they were not seen as desirable by male gang members if they adopted a masculine persona (Campbell, 1984).A sex object would adopt a complementary role towards male gang members, often involving some kind of romantic attachment. However this made young women privy to sexual exploitation by other members of the gang and rival gang members. Although sex objects could use their sexuality to their advantage in terms of initiating inter and intra-gang fights, they were viewed as rivals and in constant conflict with other females for the affection of male gang members. Alternatively, tomboys considered themselves on the same level as their male counterparts, involving themselves in crimes and fighting to prove their toughness in emulating masculine qualities. In contrast, tomboys often found themselves rejected and ridiculed by those they cared about for ‘going against the grain’ and adopting masculine traits (Campbell, 1984).These early pieces of research illustrate that females have been involved in gangs for many years, however their involvement has been eclipsed by the official preoccupation with sexuality as the primary motivation for female gang involvement (Chesney-Lind and Hagedorn, 1999). This reliance on studying female gang membership through the eyes of their male counterparts began to change during the 1970’s (Campbell, 1990). During this time, women began moving away from their traditional homebound roles and started to take their place in the workforce. As a result of the Civil Rights Movement, women began searching for liberation and equal status in society (James and Thornton, 1980).This highly publicised progression increased attention on women’s issues, and women’s involvement in crime more generally. Researchers began to acknowledge the effect this change in social and environmental status may have on gang females, moving them closer to becoming increasingly violence-orientated (Fishman, 1999; Adler, 1975; Chesney-Lind, 1993; Taylor, 1990). In response to this, in 1975 two of the first texts were published dealing with the topic of women and crime; Frieda Adler’s ‘Sisters in Crime: The Rise of the New Female Criminal’ and Rita Simon’s ‘Women and Crime’ (1975). Both publications reported that the liberation of women from their traditional roles would increase their involvement in criminal activities. Adler (1975) believed that in order to adjust to the change in social environment, women would adopt more masculine and competitive tendencies. Therefore they were more likely to commit violent crimes, including the use of weapons, to establish themselves as equals to their male adversaries. Alternatively, Simon (1975) believed that this increase in criminal activity would be due to a direct increase in the number of opportunities women were now exposed to, which enabled them to commit crime. Simon claimed that this would make them more susceptible to committing economic or white collar crimes.Gangs proliferated during through the seventies, eighties and nineties, as mobility increased and access to weapons and drugs made members more dangerous and powerful (Klein and Maxson, 1989; Miller, 1974, 1992; Spergel, 1995; Klein, 1995). Gang problems began to receive national attention from the media and academics in the field (Spergel, 1990). Youth gangs were deemed responsible for the increase in drugs flowing into the country (Hunt, Joe-Laidler and Mackenzie, 2000). Urban street gangs were believed to be systematically involved in both drug trafficking and in illegal and underground economies (Couglin and Ventatesh, 2003). Officials increased their concern surrounding gang related activity (Hagedorn, 1988; Miller, 1975), they built gang units and began collecting intelligence data on local and national gangs (Klein and Maxson, 1989). Klein (1995) estimated that 1,000 communities across the United States reported having gang problems, which was the largest growth witnessed since 1985.It was at this time that research began to investigate the female gang problem in its own right. A few pieces of research were credited with laying the foundations that enthused the move away from the androcentric theories of early researchers. The first of these was Walter Miller in his 1973 study of two female gangs in Boston, the Molls and the Queens. The Molls consisted of eleven white catholic teenage females, whilst the Queens were several African American females many of whom were related. Both gangs were engaged in criminal activities and associated with a male gang although not dependent upon them. Similarly Brown (1977) investigated the Holly Ho’s, a gang of African American females from Philadelphia. The Holly Ho’s were a ‘fighting gang’, engaging in aggressive and violent behaviours and having their own individual status and hierarchy. Between 1970 and 1979, gang homicides accounted for sixteen per cent of all Hispanic homicides (Moore, 1991). It is therefore unsurprising that much research at the time opted to investigating the female gang problem in Hispanic communities (Harris, 1988; Quicker, 1983; Horowitz, 1983; Campbell, 1984). Although most of the women studied were still somewhat dependant on their male allies for their existence, they did however endeavour to make their own decisions (Quicker, 1983, Harris, 1988; Campbell, 1984).Undoubtedly one of the most influential pieces of research that contributed to contemporary thinking of female gang involvement came from Anne Campbell in a series of publications dedicated to researching female gangs. In her first publication entitled ‘The Females in the Gang’ Campbell reported on three separate female gang members that were members of different gangs frequenting New York City between 1979 and 1980. Campbell documented in-depth observations and interviews with these female gang members, uncovering details of their membership and the gangs with which they associated, their activities and roles, and their family and economic backgrounds to name a few. As a result of her comprehensive research, Campbell made two key inferences about female gang involvement of the day. Campbell believed that male gang members still had the majority of control with regards to granting access to female affiliates and opportunities for development within the gang structure. This included females that became involved through their relatives or a romantic attachment to an existing member. Secondly, Campbell reported that once a member of a gang, these females adopted a more visible solidarity with other members, particularly other female members, which Campbell documented was an important aspect in determining a females’ status within the gang (Campbell, 1984). As research attention into the gang culture increased, so research methods became more sophisticated and comprehensive. Curry (1995) stated that at this time, field research provided valuable information for assessing and exploring female gang involvement. As a consequence research began to consider female gangs as a separate entity as opposed to defining them solely by their male affiliation. One of the first research studies to investigate female gangs in their own right was documented by Lisa Fishman, who was in fact a field observer in the research of Short and Strodbeck in 1965. Fishman reported on an all-female gang named The Vice Queens, who were an African American auxiliary of the Vice Kings of Chicago between 1960 and 1963. The Vice Queens aptly illustrate the two stereotypical images of female gang members that have been portrayed by earlier research. The behaviours and roles of the females were closely linked to that of their male counterparts. Not only did the females supply the male members with sexual favours often resulting in romantic relationships and child bearing, but they also instigated many gang conflicts performing roles like weapon carriers and lookouts. Some of the females even got involved in committing crimes such as robbery and engaging in violent behaviour (Fishman, 1995). According to Curry (1995) it is this twin portrayal of stereotypical and independent female gang behaviour that makes Fishman’s research an excellent example of the transition between early and contemporary studies into female gang involvement. Fishman stated current literature pertaining to female gang involvement had changed little in the passing years, with many studies still referring to females as sexual objects or remarking about the importance of attractiveness and sex in the gang culture (Campbell, 1990; Harris, 1988). However some researchers followed Campbell’s lead by documenting the movement of female gang members away from the direction of male members (for example Quicker, 1983). As well as drawing attention to the importance of female gang members in their own right, Campbell’s research highlighted a shift in thinking in criminological research. Attitudes towards female gang members’ began to alter. It was noted early on, that association with fellow gang members was a major factor in why females join gangs. Earlier research focussed on female affiliation to male gang members, often meaning that the females inhabited a lower status in the gang hierarchy than males (Rice, 1963), however, a female’s status would also be reflective of the status of her male partner. For example Sanchez-Jankowski (1991) in his study of 37 male gangs, reported that female members in each of these gangs were considered the property of her male companion within the group. Subsequently, any advances made upon another man’s property were viewed as a violation, in which male offenders would be punished by the gang. In addition, Moore (1991) in a study of two barrio gangs, reported on the disparity between men and women concerning the treatment of females within gangs. Two thirds of the women interviewed by Moore denied that they were treated like possessions by their male companions. Contrastingly, between 41% and 56% of men agreed that they treated female gang members as their property. Among the men who reported treating female members as possessions, Moore reported three basic themes. The first was that male members failed to recognise females as genuine members of the gang. They believed gangs were a male reserve and that any female who got involved deserved ‘what happens to her’. The second theme emphasised the legitimacy of male dominance over women, whilst the third focussed on the sexuality of female members which was sometimes rationalised as serving the needs of male gang members (Moore, 1991).Although Moore agreed with previous researchers (e.g. Campbell, 1984; Harris, 1988) that women were beginning to receive some form of autonomy and independence from their male gang members, the author claimed that there was no indication that a change had occurred in the levels of sexism within the gang structure. This is contrary to suggestions made by Campbell (1984) who claimed that female gang members had outgrown their sexist image. Although there is a time difference between the two studies, it is possible that the lack of correspondence between the two findings is in fact a methodological issue. Campbell’s research was primarily based on individual case studies of female gang members themselves, whereas Moore’s study was larger in comparison and took into account both male and female perspectives. Therefore this could suggest gender differences exist between how female gang members are both perceived and treated. Miller (2001c) claims that this highlights the two major flaws within the gang research literature. Emphasising ‘gender-differences’ fails to account for similarities in men’s’ and women’s’ behaviours and overlooks differences between women with regards to race, age and social status. On the other hand focussing on ‘gender similarities’ risk downplaying the importance of gender in these women’s lives.As a result research began to investigate female gang members’ roles and involvement in violence and crime, by comparing them to similar ‘at-risk’ (control groups) of non-gang females. This subsequently drew attention to the importance of peer relationships upon female gang involvement (Brown, 1977; Campbell, 1984, 1991). Although female members still placed value on male gang members’ opinions, it appeared that the opinions of their female confederates were more important in gaining and maintaining status within the gang. Campbell reported that the females’ integrity, reputations and their willingness to impress their female peers with displays of courage were given as the primary motivations for women engaging in violence (Campbell, 1984, 1991). One study that has significantly contributed to modern thinking about gender, victimization and violence within the gang culture, was conducted by Jody Miller, and published in her 2001 book entitled ‘One of the Guys: Girls, Gangs, and Gender’. Miller carried out ethnographic research with female gang members in the U.S. from Columbus, Ohio, and St. Louis. In total 94 females were interviewed (48 gang members, 46 non-gang members). Miller found that “Gang females were involved in a greater range of delinquent activities, especially serious ones, and engaged in these activities much more often than non-gang females” (Miller, 2001a:127). “Young women join gangs because they perceive these groups as capable of meeting a variety of needs in their lives, both social and emotional, and sometimes economic” (Miller, 2001:62). Miller suggests the interaction between 3 overlapping factors introduces young women to gang membership; exposure to neighbourhood gangs, problems within the family and having family members who are gang affiliated. In general, American research has documented that female gang members are more likely to engage in criminal or violent behaviour than non-gang ‘at-risk’ females, but are less likely to engage in violent behaviour than their male companions. However, this active decision to avoid conflict was not without its drawbacks. Females who decided to use their gender in order to escape committing violent acts against rival gangs, were often exposed to disproportionate levels of violence from their own gang members (Miller, 2001a; Campbell, 1984; Moore, 1991; Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1993). United Kingdom: The Development of the ‘Gang’ (Sub) CultureMiller (2001b) claimed that it is no longer accurate to say that female gang involvement is an under-researched area. This may be true for female gangs from across the Atlantic. However the same cannot be said about female gang research in the UK. Until recently gangs were considered to be a strictly American phenomenon. Conversely movements such as the Eurogang network, have helped increase gang awareness internationally (Bradshaw, 2005). In terms of the UK, very little research has been conducted into gangs and their activities, consequently the creation of a timeline to illustrate the development of females in gangs in the UK is difficult. Some researchers have even gone so far as to say, there are no gangs in the UK, or at least none that mimic the American criteria discussed previously (Campbell, 1995; Burman et al., 2000). By contrast, Archer (1995) acknowledged the widespread existence of female gangs in the UK. According to Campbell and Muncer (1989) there is a difference between American gangs that appear to follow the stereotypical West Side Story image, and UK gangs which the authors refer to as sub-cultures. This section subsequently aims to make sense of this sporadic development and provide some explanation of the growth of gangs in the UK, with particular reference to the involvement of females within gangs.As noted previously, gangs have been documented in the UK as early as the 1600’s (Pearson, 1983). Within his historical review of ‘hooliganism’ in the UK, Pearson sited newspaper articles originating from the 1800’s describing female delinquents engaging in thievery and violence. Referred to as ‘Female Hooligans’ young women were accused of being exceptionally violent, brawling in the streets and being members of a well-known gang of pick pockets. Pearson claimed that at that time the sexes were reunited in “the obscure origins of the word ‘Hooligan” (Pearson, 1983:91). Although females were identified as possibly active in delinquent activities early on, subsequent research failed to reflect this element of delinquent culture. Up until the 1960’s, Britain was a primarily white society where social class, not race or ethnicity were the basis of restricted opportunity and prejudice. Only recently has the U.K. begun to adjust to the cultural conflicts that accompany large-scale immigration (Layton-Henry, 1985). Unlike the neighbourhood structure in the U.S., it was class and social structure in Britain that was paramount in the inequitable distribution of wealth. As a result of this, youths were socialised into a historical class system which dictated their place in society. Feelings of frustration and deprivation occurred as a result of unattainable goals placed upon youths by the class divide (Campbell and Muncer, 1989). Subsequently, some researchers felt it more appropriate to adopt a sub-cultural approach to explaining gangs within the UK context. Early research that touched upon lower class youth crime of the day focussed primarily on working-class culture (Jephcott, 1954; Mays, 1954; Willimott, 1966). According to Cohen (1955) the gang is a sub-culture with a value system that is different to that of mainstream society, distinguishable via vocabulary, beliefs and specialised ways of dressing and behaving. Cohen’s approach attempted to account for the working-class gang as a lower-class adaptation towards middle-class dominance. Subcultures were seen as a by-product of the social class system, with working class youths embracing their cultural separation from the middle class and rejecting middle-class values and norms. According to Humphries (1981) in his publication depicting the history of working class childhood in the UK, young females were just as likely to resist authoritarian control as young boys, but usually displayed their displeasure in a verbal as opposed to a physical manner. According to Short (1968) it is vital to highlight the differences between gangs and subcultures, as most subcultures are not carried solely by one particular group of individuals. This is supported if one considers the many subcultures that have been present in recent British history. The UK has witnessed several waves of youth sub-culture since the Second World War namely: the Teddy Boys, Mods, Rockers, Skinheads, Rastas and Punks (Campbell et al., 2004). These subcultures are considered a kind of following, with many people up and down the country adopting their mannerisms, dress code, behaviours, and taste in music. Short (1968) stated that subcultures do not necessarily refer to a specific gang. The post war baby boom of the 1970’s meant that youth unemployment was on the rise, resulting in many young people falling into socio-cultural limbo. This placed the ‘working class value’ system under threat (Pitts, 2008). It is believed that young people adopted these flamboyant, ritualised sub-cultural styles in an attempt to resist the changes that were being thrust upon them. Research that did uncover gangs within the UK, such as Patrick’s (1973) study of youth gangs in Glasgow and Cohen’s (1973) reflection of the Mods and Rockers of the 1960’s, were criticised by American researchers as not reflecting ‘true’ gangs, in other words, American style gangs (Campbell and Muncer, 2004). Scott (1956) provided support for this notion by stating that ‘gangs proper’ were extremely rare in his study of young boys on remand in London. According to Whitfield (2004) only a fraction of young people actually belong to what could be classed as a delinquent gang, at any stage of their lives, with membership usually seen as a transient phase. According to Bradshaw (2005) this reliance on sub cultural theories produced an ignorance of the existence of youth gangs in British criminological research (Bradshaw, 2005). However, some UK research has documented the existence of gangs within the UK and has provided some information on the characteristics and criminal behaviours of gang members. A social historian at the University of Liverpool, provided some insight into the historical patterns of gang activity in the UK in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In a historical review, Davies (1999) reported that young women formed only a small minority of those convicted of gang-related crimes of violence in Manchester in the last three decades of the nineteenth century. Nonetheless, press reports and court records document both their occasional participation in confrontations between rival gangs and their more frequent involvement in collective assaults upon local people and the police. Female gang members were loudly condemned as 'vixens', 'viragoes' and 'Amazons' in the local press, and were subjected to stern lectures by magistrates who deplored any evidence of 'unwomanly' behaviour. However, they generally received less stringent sentences than 'disorderly' young men. Magistrates appeared to have followed local social commentators in viewing young women as marginal figures in the local gang conflicts, but also seem to have shared a broader Victorian perception of women as more malleable creatures than men (Davies, 1999)Whilst investigating Glasgow in particular, Davies (1998a) documented the existence of a female auxiliary of the Beehive Gang, namely the ‘Queen Bees’. These females were believed to be a collection of girlfriends attached to Beehive Boys that actively involved themselves in sporadic attacks on rival gangs. Davies stated that the existence of these females did not reach the public domain, as little media attention was given to their ‘antics’. In this, Davies may have brought to light one of the most influential factors in the development of gang research in the UK. Many of the earliest reports of gangs came from press reports and clippings of observations of gang activities therefore suggesting that the press influenced both research and knowledge of females in gangs (Davies, 1998a).The first serious attempt at documenting the ‘gang’ problem in the UK didn’t emerge until 30 years after the identification of these Victorian gangs (Downes, 1966). In terms of female involvement in delinquent activity, research of the day neglected to acknowledge their existence outright. The only capacity to which a woman would be acknowledged would have been as a mother, and usually the suspect of blame for her delinquent sons (Pearson, 1983). A study conducted by Downes in the late 1960’s is a prime example of this ignorance. In his study of the Stepney and Poplar regions of East London, Downes reported that levels of crime and delinquency were roughly three times higher in Stepney than Poplar. Within his statistical survey, Downes included some data on the commission of crime by females. Although substantially lower than their male equivalent (for example 34 female offenders aged between 17 and 21 were identified in the Stepney region of the city as opposed to 172 males of the same age), Downes failed to acknowledge their roles within the analysis. The majority of crimes committed by females in these two areas involved some form of larceny (theft). Despite his acknowledgement of the existence of small cliques of about 4 or 5 people who often engaged in illegal acts together, Downes insisted that no delinquent gangs existed in East London that matched the U.S. criteria. Patrick (1973) in his ethnographic study of the ‘Young Team’, a youth gang operating in Glasgow, found through observations of the gangs’ behaviour that numerous territorial groups existed in the Glasgow area; with their activities operating primarily around violence and graffiti. However, despite the fact that groupings of males were identified in this study who were referred to by territorial names, there was little internal structure or stability for membership. Conversely, the use of a formal power structure and the allocation of members’ roles were believed to be one of the unique characteristics of gang structure (Campbell and Muncer, 2004). Similar findings were reported by Cohen (1973) who documented the disturbances of the Mods and Rockers in the 1960’s. Cohen claimed that although some collections of youths would be referred to with regard to where they came from, e.g. ‘Walthamstow boys’, this was considered for ease of reference and did not necessarily refer to any formal gang-like structure.This was mirrored by the results of Humphries (1981) mentioned previously, who also reported that gangs were loosely, informally structured, usually centred around a postcode and engaging in play-like activities for the amusement of members. Humphries gang members reported that they were not part of a gang at all. As is illustrated, up until this point, many researchers failed to find any evidence of structured gangs within the UK (Mays, 1954; Scott, 1956; Downes, 1966, Sanders, 1994). Thus far females had been largely ignored by subcultural research.However in a similar fashion to her American research, the work of Anne Campbell in 1981, was highly influential in changing attitudes towards females and their involvement in crime in the UK. Despite not acknowledging any gang involvement with the females in her study, Campbell investigated the self-reporting levels of violence in British women, including the females’ experiences, attitudes and the perceived limits of aggressive behaviour. Campbell noted that a high proportion of females had been involved in a fight within the last year, principally against another female. Fights usually arose over issues of personal integrity or loyalty to a friend and usually resulted in minor injuries with short-lived animosity. The appropriateness of females’ behaviour were governed by a set of social rules. School females who reported having engaged in more than six fights were characterised as having begun fighting at a younger age, going around in mixed sex groups, having a more positive attitude to fighting and being more willing to break the limiting rules of fights (Campbell, 1981/1986). Similar results were documented by Sue Lees (1993) in her study of sexuality and adolescent females in London. Lees reported that accusations of females’ sexual morality often resulted in violence conflict, centred around the defence of one’s reputation as opposed to a fight over ‘boyfriends’.At that time limited information had been provided by the Metropolitan police intelligence services about female gangs in London (Archer, 1995). However information that had been gathered revealed that female gang members tended to be young, and as a result of their age were less likely than older members to be involved in gangs for either drug or business gain. In an attempt to research the female gang problem of London, Archer (1995) collated information from British press articles and conducted interviews with police officers and local intelligence officers. The author documented the existence of the ‘Peckham Females’ who were active in the Southern region of the capital. The gang consisted of 8 or 9 female members aged between 13 and 14, with three clearly identifiable ‘ring leaders’, who were arrested frequently, and possessed identifiable nicknames that reflected their gang identities. These females had a tough reputation and were not afraid to use violence. They often wore particular outfits, colours or styles which they interchanged so not to alert the authorities of their presence. Archer reported that these females choose to flaunt their difference and individuality as women as opposed to conforming to the tomboy image.One of the first attempts to academically research the extent of the gang problem in the UK came in the form of a postal survey of all UK Police forces (Stelfox, 1998). Within his two studies aimed at illustrating the extent to which organised crime manifests itself at lower levels, Stelfox examined the extent of gang violence used to further a criminal purpose and the police response to them. One difficulty faced by Stelfox at the time was that no statistical data on UK gangs was available, as they did not yet comprise a distinct category within police statistics (Mares, 2001). Therefore the author decided to send out questionnaires and gang profile criteria to the command units within each police force to determine the extent of the gang problem in the UK at the time. The author discovered that 35 (of the 43) UK Police forces reported having gangs operating within their command units. The majority of these gangs were dominantly male (although one female gang was identified), with members aged between 25 and 29 years who were primarily Caucasian. Despite the acknowledgement of at least one female gang at this time, Stelfox failed to address this issue in any further depth. However, as the first piece of research of its kind in the UK, Stelfox set the precedence for future research in the area.More contemporary research into the UK gang problem was published by Mares in 2001, who conducted ethnographic research in Manchester between 1997 and 1998. Mares documented the emergence of two ethnic gangs in the Manchester area, namely Gooch and Doddington. Both gangs were heavily involved in the drugs trade and consequent violence over turf and supplies. So much so that Mares reported that within the first 6 months of 1992, 100 gang-related shootings were reported to the police. Although Mares failed to find any female involvement within either Gooch or Doddington, which consisted of around 90 members each and were made up of members primarily from Afro-Caribbean decent, Mares also discovered the existence of other gangs operating within the city of Manchester. One was based in Wythenshawe and contained mixed gender gangs of around 25 members. Little detail was provided about the females in Wythenshawe gangs, apart from the fact that there were usually 5 or 6 females supplementing each gang of 25. This seems to suggest that these women were not considered actual gang members, but extras, or auxiliaries as has been suggested by some of the American research discussed previously. Similarly, in Manchester, Bullock and Tilley (2002) almost extended Mares research by examining the gang situation with specific reference to members’ gun violence and the police strategies adopted to reduce it. In a similar fashion to Stelfox, police sources were used to identify incidents of shootings, and identify possible gang members. Interviews were then conducted with 23 males believed to be gang-related, with an average age of twenty-five. Four major gangs were uncovered in South Manchester, (2 of which had previously been identified by Mares, 2001) namely; Gooch, Doddington, Pitt Bull Crew and Longsight Crew. These four gangs were primarily turf-based, inhabiting the Greenheys and Longsight areas of Southern Manchester and between them had an estimated membership of 470 people. Although accurate details about gangs were difficult to obtain due to the nature of membership being so fluid (i.e. groups break-up and new ones are formed), Bullock and Tilley’s research provided an informative snapshot of gangs in the Manchester area between 2000 and 2001. Despite the fact that many on-going feuds existed between these gangs (primarily due to some form of serious violent behaviour), they were found to share a number of important attributes. The majority of members were either black or mixed race, under twenty-five years of age and were born in the Greater Manchester area. None of the members had completed full-time education, and all were considered prolific offenders involved in a wide range of criminal behaviours from traffic violations to murder. As a result, members routinely carried weapons for the purpose of self-protection. Across the board, a reported eleven per cent of members were female. The authors documented that women tended to play more peripheral roles within the gang, for example providing ‘safe houses’ for male members (Bullock and Tilley, 2002).Previously acknowledged research conducted by Bennett and Holloway (2004) provided the first estimate of the prevalence of female gang membership within the UK. Their research examined the relationship between drug use, crime and gang membership, in male and female arrestees under the NEW-ADAM project. Eligible arrestees were asked a series of questions concerning their perceptions of gang membership, criminal activity and drug use. The authors reported that “gang members tend to be male, criminally active, often involved in robbery and drug supply offences, and have a tendency to carry weapons and guns” (Bennett and Holloway, 2004:319). Previous research in the United States (Youth Gang Survey, 1998: Esbensen and Lynskey, 2001) claimed that between 8 and 38 per cent of gang members were female. This is a rather large gap, illustrating the lack of research within this area of gang culture. However, Bennett and Holloway recorded just over 4 per cent of gang members within their survey were female. However, the authors believed that such a large difference may be attributable to differences in research methodology and neglected to delve into the subject further. In the same year, Hallsworth and Young (2004) in their review about the myths surrounding youth gangs in the UK, claimed that understandings of gangs and gang culture in the UK were saturated by references acquired from the American context; a comparison they claimed was unjustified. Hallsworth and Young (2004) stated that it is problematic to generalise US based traditions to describe all groups that simply ‘hang around’ and by accepting that when youths congregate collectively, crime and anti-social behaviour result risks oversimplify the matter. Instead we must look at the ecology of the world in which gang members live. Hallsworth and Young recognised that some gangs’ existent in the UK engaged in violence and crime, identified themselves with delinquency, had a representative name and can prove problematic to themselves or others. However, the authors claimed that although this behaviour was considered gang-like due to the emphasis placed on identity, it was not characterised by rituals or traditions usually associated with American gangs. This seems to suggest that the American gang culture, its definitions and behaviours are considered accurate and any deviations from these traditions are not considered apt. If British gangs do not fall into the same sub categories as American gangs, they are not classed as gangs at all.According to the authors, the characteristic subculture of hyper-masculinity distinguishes the UK delinquent collective. The culture of the street celebrates all that is masculine and denies all societal codes of femininity such as care and compassion. Groups of young men demanded respect by acting ‘hard’ and deploying violence where necessary, motivated by the power and control they had experienced from successful engagement in crime and conflict. This success instilled a sense of invulnerability and highlights the limitation of the law enforcement agencies. The macho culture consequently resulted in these young men feeling untouchable. Hallsworth and Young claim “what created the pretext for violence was a lethal symbiosis between a subculture of lawless masculinity propelled forward by unstable men who consider themselves omnipotent and invincible” (2004:13).This paper despite being quite a recent publication is potentially limiting and reflective of many of the early theories aimed at explaining gang delinquency in the United States (for example Thrasher, 1927; Bernard, 1949; Cohen, 1955) . By claiming that it is masculinity and the ecology of space alone that depicts gang formation, no reference can be drawn to explain female involvement in gang activities. Although many gang-involved women may adapt a masculine persona in order to be treated with respect, classifying all women that involve themselves in gang behaviours in this context is highly restrictive. Some research subsequently chose to focus on delinquent groups of young people offending in the UK as opposed to labelling them ‘gang’ members. Adopting Hallsworth and Young’s (2006) three point typology of urban collectives, Sharp et al. (2004) investigated the extent of young peoples’ involvement in, and the consequential criminal or offending behaviours exhibited by, delinquent youth groups. Sharp et al. estimated that around 6% of young people aged between 10 and 19 could be classified as belonging to a delinquent group, a figure that was equal across genders. However, the authors also reported that involvement in delinquent groups was highest in males between the ages of 14 to 17. In contrast females enjoyed only a small window of 14 to 15 years old. 42% of youths surveyed claimed their group consisted of males and females, in comparison almost half claimed their group contained only males. Groups consisting of mainly or all females occurred only 10% of the time (Sharp et al, 2004). Although these figures specifically illustrate the problem from a delinquent youth group perspective, it is clear to see that females are in fact involved in delinquent group activities albeit to a lesser degree than their male counterparts.According to the Metropolitan Police Pan-London Gang Profile, the number of gangs in London has increased. In 2006 alone there were believed to be 169 active gangs in the area, 19 of which were classified as causing a high level of high harm. One quarter of these gangs were involved in low level assaults, 43 per cent in more serious assaults, 19 per cent in kidnaps and over 25 per cent were believed in some way to be involved in murder. John Pitts (2007) in his report on the gangs of Waltham Forest, identified 11 of the gangs previously noted by the Metropolitan Police study, and in addition documented the existence of two ‘supergangs’. Pitts conducted observations and interviews with key informants, professionals and local residents that were involved with or affected by youth gangs. In 2006 Pitts believed between 600-700 young people between the ages of ten and twenty-nine were at some point directly involved in gang activity, this would have equated to around 1 per cent of the boroughs population at the time. Pitts reported that both older and younger gang members often had several young girlfriends aged between 13 and 15. It was suggested that these females may have been attracted by the ‘glamour’ and ‘celebrity’ of the gang lifestyle. These females adopted a supplementary role to their male partners, carrying and concealing both drugs and weapons. Pitts also reported that these females were privy to sexual exploitation, and often were stuck in abuse relationships that displayed their ‘man’s’ dominance over them. This included more senior gang members ‘pimping out’ their ‘missus’ for the pleasure of lower ranking member, either individually or as a group. In a similar fashion to the labels of ‘tomboy’ and ‘sex object’ documented in some of the American research (Thrasher, 1927; Campbell, 1984) Pitts reported that other females also attached themselves to the Waltham Forest gangs. These females referred to themselves as ‘soldiers’, participating in numerous violent street crimes including theft and robbery. Interestingly ‘soldiers’ did not perform the same sexual roles as ‘girlfriends’ did. Pitts’s research provides an interesting snapshot of the gang problem in this area of London during the year 2006, however the author notes that the fluidity of these gangs made it difficult for any accurate reflection of gang membership to be achieved (Pitts, 2007).Aldridge and Medina (2007) in their research report ‘Youth Gangs in an English City’ produced an ethnographic account of contemporary street gangs in the UK. The authors reported that females were involved in the gang culture, generally in a lesser capacity than males. The females tended to play a secondary role in the majority of the gangs that Aldridge and Medina had access to. The authors conducted observations and focus groups with 60 gang members and over 50 associates and informants. One identified gang from the Inner West region of ‘research city’ was an all-female specialty gang, whose activities centred around non-violent acquisitive crime. The females were a small, highly cohesive and organised group, whose association with the gang had important implications on their lives, whether or not they were actually considered gang members.Alternatively, research tended to focus on the involvement of females in violent activity as opposed to gangs per se. Batchelor and colleagues have published numerous research papers exploring violence and violent behaviour from the perspective of females in Scotland (Burman, et al, 2000; Burman, et al, 2001; Batchelor, 2005). Batchelor (2002) noted that despite media reports depicting a perceived increase in violent and aggressive behaviour by females, very little is known about the nature and extent of their violent behaviour, or the impact violence has on their lives. The main reason for this is that violence is overwhelmingly committed by men. Batchelor’s results supported the view that female violence is not a major social problem. The study found little evidence to suggest that females are using physical violence to any great extent, as only 5% reported being routinely physically violent towards others. However, the study did not find any evidence of the existence of female gangs as none of the 800 teenage females that participated claimed to be in a female gang, nor did they know anyone else that was a member (Batchelor, 2002).If females are not becoming more violent and incidents of females joining violent street gangs is not the case, then where has this modern epidemic come from? Batchelor claims that the media are responsible for creating this misunderstanding of female violence. Crime is often mundane and boring resulting in journalists focussing on atypical, dramatic and unusual stories in order to sell papers. Consequently high profile cases are cited as evidence of a growing trend of female thugs. Findings from the report indicated that 41% of females (self-report data) had been the victim of physical violence (being hit / kicked). However the finding must be considered in light of the above findings that the majority of violent acts were experienced at the hands of a sibling. Batchelor accuses the press of misquoting research, focussing on limited statistical information, dramatizing or sensationalising atypical events and taking the research findings out of context in order to keep with their strict word counts and printing deadlines. ConclusionImportant knowledge regarding differences in female gangs’ organisation and behaviour have emerged in the last thirty years (Adler, 1975). Female gangs have evolved from predominantly auxiliaries supporting their male equivalents to a situation in which they may obtain complete autonomy and independent being. Fishman (1999:69) aptly points out the difficulty in documenting changes in female gangs’ “structure, culture, process, or their activities”. With early research tainted by male dominated theories and approaches, changes in methods and research practices altered by social and political change, accurate accounts which would allow generalizability are problematic. We can see from the literature reviewed in this chapter that women have been involved in the gang culture for many years, however the ability of criminological research to document this development has been slow. Women’s involvement in gangs was either ignored entirely or restricted by sexist research practices and theories classifying them into restrictive categories. Differences in these factors between the UK and the United States have apparently spared the UK from being exposed to the worst features of adolescent gangs in the past. Whitfield suggests this is unlikely to happen in the future as economic problems of both countries begin to co-inside (Whitfield, 2004).However once the foundations had been laid by such pioneering research as Campbell (1984/1991) and more recently Miller (2001a), the importance of female gangs and their members, particularly within the U.S. has begun to be appreciated. In a recent literature review Esbensen and Lynskey (2001) stated that the proportion of female gang members reported tends to vary by the age of the sample and the methods that are adopted. They stated that studies based on self-report data tend to yield the highest results, whilst those based on case studies or law enforcement data produced generally fewer than 10 per cent female membership. According to Esbensen and Lynskey (2001) this could be a result of selection techniques, or a maturation effect by which women simply outgrow the gang lifestyle. We are now in a much better place to begin to explore the origins, behaviours and motivations of these female gang members as research becomes more sophisticated and in-depth. Chapter 4The Gendered Nature of Crime, Violence and Gang MembershipIntroductionAccording to Moore (1991) when discussing gangs, most academic researchers confine themselves to describing male gangs. Until recently, female gang involvement has been either stereotyped or largely ignored (Miller, 2001b). For a long time, females have been ‘present but invisible’ in gang culture (McRobbie and Garber, 1975). Esbensen and Winfree (1998:521) state that “it is time for a conscientious inclusion of females in the study of gangs-not only for academic reasons, but also for identifying and designing gang prevention programs that include females in the target population”. Campbell (1990) states that it is not the presence of females in gangs that is under dispute, but the form of their participation that proves problematic. Some researchers have indicated different classifications of gang that contained female members, either as members of mixed-sex groups (Moore, 1991; Chesney-Lind, 1997; Joe Laidler and Hunt, 2001; Miller, 2001c); as auxiliaries to male gangs (Campbell, 1984), or as independent all female units (Taylor, 1993). Evidence from American research suggests that distinct differences exist in the composition and offending behaviours of mixed gender and independent all-female gangs (Taylor, 1993). Therefore for the purpose of this literature review gangs that consist of all or predominantly female members will be considered as well as those containing mixed gender members.The aim of the current chapter is therefore to highlight existing research and theories aimed at exploring the gendered nature of crime and apply these theories to the explanation of female gang involvement. Key issues that will be addressed here include estimating the extent of female gang membership, the physical structure of gangs, and exploring the roles, activities and behaviours of females in gangs. Additionally, as has been addressed earlier on in the thesis, gangs are considered very much a male enterprise, as such some appreciation will be given in this chapter to women who operate within stereotypically masculine environments, exploring how gender affects their experience and highlighting the effects of changing gender roles on the development of contemporary femininity and criminological theory.The Numbers Game: Estimating Female Involvement in GangsGenerally in the Unites States “the proportion of gang members who are females, and the nature of females’ gang involvement, does not appear to have shifted substantially over the years” (Miller, 2001b: 98). In contrast, figures from the UK seem to suggest that female gang membership is on the rise (Thompson, 2003; MPS, 2006). Given the fact that the exact number of gangs in the UK is still unknown, it is not surprising that even less information is available on the number of women involved in street gangs (Young, 2011). Hallsworth and Young (2008) claim this lack in knowledge is partly a consequence of the limited intelligence base available to draw any conclusions about increases or decreases in gang membership. Despite this some attempts have been made by journalists and academics to estimate the extent of the female gang problem in the UK. Official StatisticsMiller (2001b) claimed that estimates of female gang membership may not reflect a dramatic change in membership numbers, but could be a direct result of alterations in methodology over time, making female gangs and their members more visible. This is more prudent when one considers that the most widely used data sources estimating general gang membership are official statistics. These are not, however, without their drawbacks. Official statistics are privy to what is called ‘the dark figure’ in criminological terms (Biderman and Reiss, 1967). This refers to the amount of crime that undetected, unreported by the public and unrecorded by the police (Attewell, 2010). Attewell claims that the ‘dark figure’ of crime becomes ‘murkier’ when trying to estimate the incidence and impact of serious and organised crime. The same hindrances may be applicable when considering gang involvement as these statistics by default only includes information on gangs that have come to the attention of the authorities in some way. Young (2011) concluded that there is also a tendency to associate the apparent increase in women’s anti-social and violent behaviour to a rise in female gangs and female gang membership. Although previous research has acknowledged a link between gangs and violent crime (see Klein, 1995; Thornberry et al, 2003), Young believed this reduced the equation to one simple and causal relationship (Young, 2011).Some research from the United States estimate female gang membership between 8 and 11 per cent respectively (National Youth Centre, 2000; Moore and Terrett, 1998). Similar results were documented by older studies such as that of Walter Miller (1975); who estimated in his study of gang members in six U.S. cities, that approximately 10 per cent of gang members were female. On the other hand, Miller yielded higher results when female auxiliaries were taken into account. In New York City in particular only 6 per cent of gang members were reportedly female; however, half of the gangs in the area identified by the police were believed to contain female auxiliaries. Miller (1975) deemed auxiliaries as females that were associated or affiliated with a male gang. Curry et al. (1994) in their National Institute of Justice sponsored survey reported that due to the limitations of official data sources the extent of females’ gang membership is highly underestimated. The authors conducted a survey of police departments in 122 U.S. cities in order to gather information on gangs, their members, and associated crimes. In particular, the authors were interested in the participation of females and ethnic minorities in gangs and on the anti-gang strategies implemented by the police departments. One hundred and ten jurisdictions reported having a gang problem with an estimated 4,881 gangs and 249,324 members. With regards to females however, a number of cities as a matter of policy failed to recognise females as gang members, or alternatively classified them as "associate" members. Overall twenty-three (31.9 per cent) police departments did not provide statistics on female gang members, and nine (12.5 per cent) reported no female gang members. Of those that did provide information on female gang members 9,092 were reported in sixty-one jurisdictions across the United States. Nevertheless this figure only represented 3.65 per cent of the total number of gang members reported by the authors. In an effort to control for differences in policy Curry et al. recalculated the number of female gang members only in those areas that recognised both males and females as active members. By doing this, the authors increased the percentage of female gang members to 5.7 per cent. Although only a small increase was documented in Curry et al’s research, it does help to illustrate how differences in policy within official statistics can prove problematic in generating an overview of gang membership. Another example of this is given by Spergel (1995) who reported in his nationwide survey that around 3.7 percent of gang members were female. Similarly, 32 per cent of Spergel’s sample did not identify females as actual gang members. Within the UK official figures are more sporadic. As part of the Home Office Police Award Scheme, Stelfox in his postal survey of all UK police forces uncovered one predominantly female gang (1998). Recent figures from the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) estimate the number of street gangs in London to be 174. The MPS figures also show the number of active gang members in the UK at 50,000 of which young women are estimated to make up 5 per cent (2500) of the total number (MPS, 2006). The Centre for Social Justice (2009) estimated that there are 50,000 gang-involved young people in England and Wales. According to Smith and Bradshaw (2005) the ratio of males to females in Hard Core ‘street gangs’ is 1:3 in Edinburgh. Similarly based on data from the Offending, Crime and Justice Survey in England and Wales, Sharp et al. (2006) documented that membership of delinquent youth groups was equally common amongst males and females. Compared to boys, females are less likely to be members of single-sex delinquent youth groups (Sharp et al., 2006) or ‘hard core’ gangs that have ‘both a name and sign or saying’ (Smith and Bradshaw, 2005: 10).Non-Official StatisticsIn contrast to official statistics, survey research appears to generate higher membership results among female gangs, with numbers only slightly below their male comrades, particularly within adolescence (Miller, 2001b). Early research reported very small numbers of females involved in the gang culture; between 3 and 5 per cent (Bernard, 1949 and Thrasher, 1927 respectively). More contemporary research conducted by Jody Miller (2001a) displayed a large variation of females in mixed gender gangs. In her comparative study of female gang involvement in St. Louis, Columbus, Ohio and Missouri, she recorded that between 7 and 75 per cent of members were female. Most of these females were affiliates of primarily male gangs (74 per cent), whilst just under a third of females came from gangs in which over 80 per cent of members were female. Although this appears to be a rather large gap in estimation of female gang membership, one must note that Miller’s research took place in a selection of cities that either had a well-established, or an emerging gang problem. Therefore differences in female membership may be a true reflection of their absence in these cities. National surveys of gangs in the United States have been conducted by the National Youth Gang Centre (NYGC) on behalf of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP). Based on law enforcement data surveys were conducted from 1998 through to 2009. The most recent figures estimate that in 2009, there were 28,100 gangs and 731,000 gang members throughout 3,500 jurisdictions in the United States. This projects a slight increase from the 2008 estimates (from 32.4 per cent to 34.5 per cent). When dealing with such large numbers of gang members (particularly within the United States), it is not surprising that small percentages of female involvement in gang activity may reflect a much larger problem. However the gender compositions of identified gangs were only collected in the 1998 and 2000 surveys. The majority of all gang members reported in both survey years were male, with little variation noted between years. Moore and Cook (1999) in their report on the 1998 findings recorded eight per cent of all gang members were female. The authors also reported female gang members were more likely to be involved in gangs in smaller (12 per cent) as opposed to larger (7 per cent) cities. In the 2000 survey, 84 per cent of jurisdictions that identified gangs stated they contained female members of which 43 per cent of all gangs identified in the 2000 survey had female members. Forty-two per cent of the gang-problem jurisdictions reported a majority of their gangs had female members, and 9 per cent reported at least one predominantly female gang (Egley and Arjunan. 2002). Findings such as these suggest that female gang involvement is more widely documented than in previous nationwide law enforcement surveys.Surveys have also been conducted nationally in schools across the United States (see Esbensen and Winfree, 1998; Esbensen and Lynskey, 2000). These types of survey are based on self-identified gang membership by juveniles and as such have provided higher results. Estimates between 25 and 38 per cent of over 6,000 middle school young people were believed to be female. These findings were supported by Lynskey et al (2000) in their analysis of the Gang Resistance Education and Training Program (G.R.E.A.T.). The authors claimed that most youth gangs of today are composed of both male and female members. The majority (84%) of the 366 gang members surveyed described their gangs as mixed gender. Of these 84 per cent, most reported that their gangs consisted of predominantly men (45 per cent), whilst just over 30 per cent reported equal membership between the genders, and 2 individual cases reported dominant female membership within their gang. The authors concluded that gang females were more likely to describe their gangs as gender-balanced, with only 7 per cent of females claiming they belonged to an all-female gang.One study that combined the use of official records and survey techniques was conducted by Joe and Chesney-Lind in 1993. The authors analysed offence records and conducted in-depth interviews with male and female gang members from Hawaii. Of the 48 gang members interviewed, just over 6 per cent (i.e. 13 members) were female. According to Moore (1991) in some U.S. cities females account for around 33 per cent of gang members’ whist in others they are completely absent. The majority of research into the prevalence of female gang members tends to report their existence as a percentage of overall gang membership, which actually tells us very little about their actual numbers. For example, Klein’s (2001) research into the lives and perspectives of female gang members, over a three year period, identified 200 female gang members that were linked to four primarily male gangs that contained over 500 members, which equates to around 26 per cent. As an overall percentage, females in this study appear to account for a rather small representation of the general gang population which can be misleading, when one considers that 200 females were identified as members, which seems like a more substantial and realistic figure.Back in the UK, Bennett and Holloway (2004) analysed the results of data gathered from the New English and Welsh Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring Programme (NEW-ADAM). From an examination of 2725 interviews conducted across 14 sites in the UK they found that 15 per cent of arrestees had experience of gang life, of which just under five per cent of the gang members (current and past) were female (18 women across 14 sites). However it is important to note that the population sampled in Bennett and Holloway’s study were over the age of seventeen which may explain the slightly lower estimates of female gang membership uncovered in their study. In appreciation of younger gang members a Youth Justice Board survey conducted in 2004 reported a higher proportion of female ‘partners in crime’, stating that 73 per cent of females aged 15–16 years-old (compared with 65 per cent of boys) admitted to ever carrying out a crime with at least one other person (MORI, 2004: 28). Similar findings were recorded by the Offending Crime and Justice Survey (2003/4) who found that around one in six (17 per cent) offences involved male and female co-offenders, whilst female-only pair or group accounted for a very small percentage (two per cent) of offences (Budd et al., 2005: 60). Further studies in the UK have acknowledged the existence of female gang members but failed to place an estimate on the number of females involved in gangs (see Archer, 1995; Pitts, 2007; Aldridge and Medina, 2008). On the other hand some projections have been constructed as to the extent of female gang membership across the UK. As part of a scoping exercise on youth gangs, sexual violence and sexual exploitation in the UK, Pearce and Pitts (2011) suggest that around 12,500 females are closely involved in gangs whilst a further 12,500 may be adversely affected. Recent research undertaken by Carlene Firmin as part of ‘The Female Voice in Violence’ project (Firmin 2010) reported on interviews with over 300 women; girlfriends, sisters, mothers, aunts; involved in, or affected by, gang violence in general and gang-related sexual violence in particular. This research highlights the wider implications of the prevalence debate and bares the question: what impact do gangs and gang-related violence have on indirectly associated females? In their extensive review of the literature, Maxson and Whitlock (2002:22) argue, “It is reasonable to conclude that females represent a substantial proportion of gang members, probably somewhere between one-fourth and one-third of all gang members.” Overall, estimates of female gang membership from the UK and America range from around 8 to 52 per cent. Although estimates of female gang membership are varied, they still provide support to the existence of females within the gang culture whether these are groups of independent females or simply female auxiliaries to a male gang. Each piece of research discussed thus far in this chapter uses its own parameters for measuring the extent of female gang membership. These methodological differences mean making comparisons between studies is problematic and subsequently hinders our ability to gather any form of accurate data on the prevalence of females in gangs, particularly within the UK. What we can deem from these contemporary research studies is that young women are participating in gangs in large enough numbers to cause concern (Miller, 2001c).The Structure of GangsGender has also been recognised as an important factor in the overall structure and organisation of gangs in the literature (Peterson et al, 2001). This section focusses on addressing the importance of gender in the overall structure and operations of gangs and provides some insight into the theoretical perspectives offered to explain how gender influences the gang construction. In general, previous research has identified three types of categorisation for the gendered organisation of gangs. Firstly, there are mixed gender gangs composed of both males and females; then there are females that are affiliated with male gangs (or auxiliaries); and finally there are independent all-female gangs (see Miller, 1975; and Laidler and Hunt, 2007). Moore (2007) noted that females belonging to independent all-female gangs are in a different social situation to females that are just ‘affiliated’ with gangs. Therefore one would expect the organisation and structure of all-female gangs, and mixed gender gangs to differ. Anne Campbell’s research into the female gangs of New York concluded that males and females within the gang structure tend to adopt positions that are available to them in wider society (1984). Campbell stated that true gangs are composed of young males, in addition to specific groups of young women that exist as an annex to the male gang. This means that the range of possibilities open to these females are restricted and dictated by the male members. As Harris (1988:128) stated “while the females purport to be independent of their male counterparts, belief in male superiority and the corresponding deference to male gang members becomes clear”. Similarly according to Messerschmidt (1997) auxiliary gangs are not simply made up of separate, identifiable groups of young females, but reflect the boundaries of power placed upon them by their gender. The author also claimed that men tended to play a more dominant role than females in mixed gender gangs. Whilst investigating the social context of female delinquency in the USA, Giordano (1978) conducted interviews with 108 incarcerated young females documenting that over half of them had been part of a group that could be considered a gang. The majority of gangs had a specified name, most of which did not convey a particular feminine image, but were also not subordinate to males. The Outlaws, Cobras, Mojos, Red Blood and White Knights are examples of some of the gang names reported. Giordano however failed to report whether these gangs were single sex or mixed gender in nature. One of the most successful methods at uncovering the structure of female gangs and females in mixed gender gangs is via individual gang case studies. Case studies tend to provide the richest information about female activities; however it is important to note that findings are restricted in terms of generalisation to the wider population. One such study recorded by Campbell (1987) investigated the sense of self in female Puerto Rican gang members in three New York City gangs. One important thing to note about Campbell’s research is that each of the three gangs she discussed intimately, were identified as gangs by their local police authorities, which may not have accurately reflected how the gangs perceived themselves.The first of these gangs was the Five Percenters. These were a black, Islamic movement group that were organised into gang-like structures on the East Coast. The females were associates of a male gang, constituting around ten per cent of their membership. They had their own leader and consequently made their decisions independently from their male affiliates. The females displayed quite a large age range between 12 to 28 years. In contrast, the Sandman Ladies came from the West Side of Manhattan, and were led by a husband and wife partnership based around a biker club. They displayed a preoccupation with Satanic and Nazi emblems, which Campbell described as similar to the stereotypical ‘Hell’s Angels’. Membership was unstable as members commuted from out of town, consisting of 20 men and 11 women, with their primary activities centred on drug sales, burglary and protection. The third of Campbell’s’ identified female gangs was the Sex Females who were the Brooklyn affiliates of the male contingency Sex Boys. The Sex Boys were originally part of a large Hispanic gang called the Ghetto Boys. Campbell documented that Sex Females numbers had declined since the 1950’s where membership reached around 50 females, now there was approximately 10 females whose activities concerned petty crime and some forms of drug dealing. Leadership and structure of the female affiliates were less clear, the author reported that the majority of the females were related either by blood or marriage, and had a variety of children between them.Given the complexity of gang definitions today (see chapter 2), it is unlikely that at least two of the three gangs identified (by the authorities) in Campbell’s study would actually be considered a gang today. The Five Percenters, despite their size and organisation, would be more aptly described as a religious group/sect; whilst the Sandman Ladies, many of them did not own a motorbike of their own, would probably be better described as a biker gang. The Sex Females would be the most similar to what we consider a gang today, however since Campbell reports that their membership numbers have decreased to merely extended family, not much information concerning their gang activities is available.Later case studies carried out by Jody Miller, investigated the female gang problem in Columbus (which reportedly had an emerging gang problem), and St. Louis (which had a well-documented existing gang culture). Miller noted that at the time of investigation, Columbus police estimated 35 active gangs operated in the area, with between 400 and 1,000 members. Apart from one all-female gang (namely the Gangster Femalez), all females described their collectives as integrated, mixed gender gangs, that had been in existence for at least two years and considered themselves a gang. Miller reported that young women used similar defining characteristics as many academics. Explanations usually had three main foci; the recognition the gang received from others; the adoption of an elaborate set of symbolism including names, colours and territory that help signify membership; and lastly participation in delinquent activities. Most mixed gender gangs consisted of primarily African American groups of adolescents who formed a collective within their local vicinity. Gangs contained fewer than thirty young people between the ages of 13 and 31, who were usually supervised by an adult referred to as ‘Original Gangster’ (OG). Eighty per cent of the gangs had more male than female members and although gender differences were described in terms of activities, most of the females considered themselves to be equal to their male companions. However, descriptions of their activities did not appear to support this notion, as female members were excluded from partaking in the most serious crimes. Although with regards to hierarchy 29 per cent of female members reported there was a ‘high ranking’ female in their gang, albeit a lower OG than a man. Ranking within the structure of Columbus gangs was believed to be more a by-product of length of service as opposed to what they have ‘earned’. Even though members could gain credibility by completing gang tasks, relations with other gang members also gave female members more prestige. Miller concluded that female gangs in Columbus were:“A relatively new phenomenon in the city, comprised primarily of adolescents with little or no intergenerational dynamics, these groups did not involve complex organisation, tended not to be involved in economic crimes in any sophisticated way, and were not particularly violent “(Miller, 2001a;83).The females believed a ‘good’ gang member would be tough, willing and able to fight and be loyal and true to the gang. Females’ loyalty was often tested by accomplishing a task such as stealing or engaging in conflict on behalf of the gang. Alternatively, St. Louis Police Department estimated gang membership as over 900 in 1992, a number which increased to 1,300 by 1998 with an estimated 75 active gangs in operation. The Police Department however failed to distinguish females in their count, although Miller documented the ease with which she located female gang members, this was not reflected in the official statistics of the day.Eighty-one per cent of St Louis female gang members reported being in a mixed gender gang, whilst female affiliates of a male gang and all-female gangs gained only three and two females respectively. In a similar fashion to the gangs of Columbus, mixed-gender groups were predominantly male, African American adolescents and young adults. Although St Louis gangs were more varied and slightly larger than those from Columbus, Miller noted that even these numbers could be an underestimation, due to the existence of numerous sub-groupings that were attached to these gangs but rarely recognised as so. Miller consequently reported that gang structure and organisation in St Louis was more complex and murky than gangs in Chicago. A potential by product of the larger gang structure and varied age range between members, motherhood tended to be a more salient factor in the gangs of St. Louis, with more females reporting having children or knowing someone in the gang that does.Miller attributes this difference to the divergent socioeconomic circumstances of both cities. In other words differences in the gangs of St Louis and Columbus may be a consequence of the environment in which they develop. As had been noted previously, Columbus had a growing gang problem which may not at the time of investigation have reached saturation. St Louis on the other hand, had a well-established history of gangs that had the opportunity to develop and expand over time. This was supported by the work of Huff in Columbus and Decker and Van Winkle in St. Louis that uncovered real differences between the gangs in the two sites including; the extent of female involvement in gangs; ethnicity and age of members; socioeconomic effects of the location; and the organisation and structure of the gang unit.In contrast to this, Miller noted many similarities between the two sites. Gangs from both areas adopted symbolism to signify their allegiance and membership to the gang, involvement in delinquency, and selection of a (loosely defined) territory. Member qualifications were also similar in both regions, with gangs preferring members to be loyal, willing and able to engage in successful conflict. In addition to this females also reported that a sexual double standard existed within the gang structure, resulting in females being closely monitored by their male companions (particularly romantic companions), and many female conflicts occurring as a direct result of females competing for male attention. Gang research in the US (Esbensen and Lynskey, 2001) and in the UK (Sharp et al., 2006) shows that female membership tends to be more common at a younger age (with a peak around 13–15 years-old) and tails off considerably during the late teens. Gang membership is not an instantaneous commitment, but one that forms over a long period of time, often many years (Decker and Van Winkle, 1996). Miller (2001a) reported that 69 per cent of females in her study joined a gang before the age of fourteen. This is mirrored by other research that documents the average age of female gang members between the ages of 12 and 15 (Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1995; Portillos, 1999). It has also been suggested that females tend to exit the gang experience at an earlier stage than their male companions, possibly due to marriage and starting a family (Moore, 1991). Sharp et al (2006) discovered that involvement in ‘delinquent youth groups’ (DYG) peaked at age 14–15 (12%), falling to nine per cent at 16–17 years and two per cent at 18–19 years. Both studies found comparable rates of gang membership amongst females and boys in the younger age groups, but reported that involvement peaked earlier for females, at around 13–15 years, before tailing off in their late teens. By age 16, prevalence was considerably higher amongst boys than females (Sharp et al, 2006; Smith and Bradshaw, 2005).Evidence provided here illustrates the influence gender can have on the structure and activities of gangs. Whilst much criminological thought has been placed into theorising the behaviours, development and dissolution of gangs (which will be addressed later in the current chapter), little attention has been paid to the influence of gender on the dynamics of gang structure. Nonetheless, given that evidence provided here dictates that males form the dominant collective within gangs, Blalock’s (1967) majority group power theory can be used to explain gender dynamics within mixed gender gangs. According to Blalock (1967) groups are established on the assumption that competition exists between the majority and minority factions. Women thus form the minority within predominantly male gangs operating within a masculine environment in which they are more marginalised, less accepted and have difficulty integrating (Blalock, 1967; Kanter, 1977; Blau, 1977; Gutek, 1985 and Konrad et al, 1992).As the minority group numbers increase they are perceived as a greater competitive threat to the dominance of the majority group. Blalock therefore stated that when females form the minority within the dominant male group they become reliant on males to access group resources and are subsequently reliant upon the control and status of males (Blalock, 1967).An alternative explanation for the dominance of males in gang structure is that research dictates that the most consistent predictor of one’s probability to conform is gender. By definition conformity refers to cases where a person changes their attitudes, statements or behaviour to adhere to group norms (Baron, and Kerr, 2003). According to Freedman et al (1970) women are generally more persuadable than men and as a result are more likely to conform. Women tend to show higher rates of conformity than men specifically within social situations that involve face-to-face groups, involve group-decision making tasks and are less likely than men to dissent from the group (Eagley, Wood and Fishbaugh, 1981; Santee and Jackson, 1982). According to Maslach et al (1987) during public situations women may feel the need to conform to gender stereotypes about women’s roles thereby displaying higher levels of conformity than during private situations. In contrast Maslach et al (1987) also reported that one measure of the masculine gender role is to be independent and assertive, therefore leading males to be more resistant to conforming. At the same time, they stated that part of the feminine role involves being sensitive to others, therefore leading to conformity to maintain harmony. These contrasting gender-specific traits thus set a solid foundation for explaining differences between males and females conforming behaviours. According to Eagly (1983) the higher status that men ordinarily have in groups in natural settings is the major cause of these sex differences in conformity behaviour (Eagly, 1983). The probability of conforming is based on normative social influences such as rewards and punishments that are controlled by the group. Conformity is more likely to occur when individuals face a unanimous consensus and those who deviate are likely to be punished or rejected, or if the group is made up of friends that the individual admires or does not want to disrespect (Baron and Kerr, 2003). It is therefore plausible that this type of conformity can be applied to explain the patriarchal dominance in gangs.The Roles of Gang Involved Females Similar to the gendered nature of crime discussed earlier in this chapter, several studies have also highlighted the significant impact gender has on the nature of gang members’ roles (Miller, 2001). According to the Home Office Tackling Gangs Action Programme (2007/08) women play a significant role within gangs. Despite this little consensus has been reached with regards to the exact roles females adopt within the gang structure. “Whether female gangs are seen as a serious problem depends in large part on the level of their delinquent and criminal activities and the types of offences they commit” (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001:4). Gathering information about the activities and behaviours of females in gangs is no easy feat. As has already been addressed, not only is their presence disputed, but perceptions of them and the roles they undertake have been highly distorted, historically by reports from over-eager male gang members, and gender-biased researchers (i.e. Campbell, 1984) As a consequence, limited data is available on female gang members’ activities per se, but information can be gathered from numerous sources to provide some insight into the involvement of females in criminal and violent activity. This section aims to highlight what we already know about the roles of females in gangs, including their involvement in criminal activities and the extent to which they use violence and weapons in the conduction of these offences. In addition, theories aimed at explaining the roles of females in gangs will also be touched upon. Anne Campbell’s (1991) early illustration of the difference [within gang culture] between “good females” who wish to assume traditional roles set out by their gender, and “bad females” who set out to challenge them set the foundations for exploring the roles of females in gangs. She described the different roles that can be adopted by females in gangs such as tomboys and sex objects and the on-going struggle for respect and femininity that these women go through. Other researchers concur with Campbell, claiming that these activities remain the primary functions for gang females (for example Moore and Hagedorn, 1996; Sanchez-Jankowski, 1991).More recent studies have supported this classification of female gang members. Pearce and Pitts (2011) stated that female gang members fall into one of three categories namely: girlfriends (in which the authors call wifeys), links and soldiers. The authors claim that girlfriends tended to be monogamous to their male [gang member] partner, however the same monogamy was not reciprocated by males who frequently engaged in sexual relations with other gang females (usually links). As partners of male gang members, girlfriends occupy a relatively high status in the gang, therefore finding themselves at risk of kidnap by rival gangs seeking revenge against their boyfriends. Behavioural roles of girlfriends involved concealing or carry weapons, drugs or money for males. Girlfriends were also required to bare the children of their male partners; however the authors noted that following childbirth females are forced down the gang pecking order becoming a link.Links on the other hand were typically younger gang-involved females, aged from 12 upwards. Links were often passed around between gang-involved young men for sexual purposes. However Pearce and Pitts (2011) disclosed that if a Link became pregnant by a high status male, this would enable her to establish a more solid relationship with him. As a result of this perceived increase in status, pregnant Links may become victims of violence at the hands of other gang females in an attempt to stop this social climbing or induce a miscarriage. The last of Pearce and Pitts (2011) categories was a Soldier. These females were normally associated with a small, all female group described as a ‘crew’. Soldiers do not have sexual relations with male gang members, but are involved in gang violence, street crime and drug dealing in an effort to be accepted by male gang members on the same basis as their male peers (Pearce and Pitts, 2011).Similar evidence was documented by Firmin (2009) who stated that gang involved females occupy a number of roles within the gang structure. These roles often see them as perpetrators as well as victims and targets of gang-related violence often in the form of reprisals from rival gangs. Firmin in her article about ‘females around gangs’ that females associated with gangs are used to conceal illegal items (such as drugs or weapons) and help eradicate evidence by washing clothes and providing alibis (Firmin 2009). A later publication on the wider implications of gangs on females, Firmin stated that girlfriends often carry firearms in addition to drugs for their companions. These females according to Firmin often live in areas that are not perceived as having a ‘gang problem’, have their own bank account which is used by males to store money, may attend private schools and are unknown by many statutory services. The research accumulated the experiences of 352 gang affected females, just over half of which self-defined as being associated with or affected by gangs. Only seven per cent of the sample considered themselves female gang members. The highest represented females were sexual partners of gang members (16%), friends of gang members (14%) and girlfriends of gang members. Firmin also noted that some females reported multiple associations to gangs (for example as a sister and a girlfriend). Whilst these findings make a substantial contribution to our understanding of the daily lives of gang-affected females, it is necessary to note that the aims were to address the wider impact of gangs on females. Consequently different types of female that are affected by gangs may hold varying perceptions on gangs themselves and the role of females in gangs. Although the research is not confined by the problems of definition, it also risks over-estimating the extent of the problem by utilising such a wide participant base. One study that did consider the impact of sexualised violence on female membership is Reluctant Gangsters: Youth Gangs in Waltham Forest (Pitts, 2007). Pitts recorded the testimonies of older and younger male gang members’ who often has several young girlfriends in the gang. Pitts stated that females in gangs were attracted to the ‘glamour’ and ‘celebrity’ they believed the gang brought to them. Female gang members were described as ‘bit part’ players, occupying ancillary roles such as carrying or concealing weapons and drugs. As such females are often sexually exploited, sometimes by the whole group as they are passed around male gang members for sexual favours, often in exchange for drugs. Pitts also noted that female gang members have abusive relationships with the males in their gang that is based on the premise of dominance and submission. Pitts research highlights the gendered nature of gang membership and his distinction of female gang members is similar to those described in the American literature (Bullock and Tilley, 2002). Alternatively some research claims that women have moved away from these stereotypical roles and are becoming more directly involved in gang activities (Chesney-Lind, Shelden and Joe, 1996; Miller, 1998b; Esbensen and Winfree, 1998). Female gangs may therefore provide an avenue for these females to challenge normative gender roles (Joe Laidler and Hunt, 2001). Horowitz (1983) in her study of the barrio lifestyle of gang females in Chicago documented the complex and sometimes conflicting roles of females within mixed-gender gangs. The females in her study were required to exercise restraint and give off a virgin-like persona. Females that were seen to be promiscuous were not tolerated within the group. Accepting the use of contraception for these females meant they were embracing a commitment to long term sexual experience. Instead females chose to become pregnant, by the consequence of a short-lived yet loving relationship, and continued to display their innocence by committing themselves to motherhood and rejecting casual sexual relations. In a later publication, Campbell (2004) reported that in terms of gang structure, the position of females within gangs involved taking a feminised version of male gangs’ names, having their own leadership structure, initiation rites, and meetings. Campbell observed that the majority of gang females’ time was actually spent hanging out with male gang members and in many cases involved some kind of romantic relationship. Moore (1991) on the other hand, found a disparity between genders about how female gang members are treated by their male counterparts. In a study of Mexican American gang members in LA, Moore investigated the roles of women within the gang. Two thirds of the women interviewed denied being treated like possessions by the males, whilst half of the men interviewed believed that female gang members ‘belonged’ to the male members. Moore concluded that this possessive response illustrated the male’s need to be in control and also reflected the sexual exploitation female gang members can be exposed to (Moore, 1991). These findings were mirrored by those of Decker and Van Winkle (1996). The authors reported that male gang members viewed group sex as an initiation ritual that female gang members had to participate in. By contrast, the females interviewed within the study dismissed this idea as ludicrous (Decker and Van Winkle, 1996).This may be a true reflection of perceptions of female gang participation. However, it may also be due to an over-exaggeration on behalf of male members, indulging in their own fantasies (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001). However, research has also documented the sexual exploitation of females within the gang culture from their personal perspectives (Brotherton, 1996; Miller, 1998a; Hagedorn, 1998; Portillos, 1999; Venkatesh, 1998; Moore, 1991). According to Moore and Hagedorn (2001) it is this evidence of sexual exploitation both in the homes of, and within the gangs of these young women that illustrates why this issue is such a serious social concern.Research has shown that male and female gang members are substantially more involved in crime and delinquency than non-gang members, with criminal involvement often being one of the distinguishing features of the gang (Battin, Hill, Abbott, Catalano and Hawkins, 1998; Esbensen and Huizinga, 1993; Fagan, 1990; Klein, 1995; Thornberry, 1997; Thornberry, Krohn, Lizotte and Chard-Wierschem, 1993). The most widely used source of information on gang female’s behaviour, are official statistics on women who have come to the attention of the criminal justice agencies in some way. Although these statistics can provide a cross-section of gang-related women, they are limited to those who have been ‘caught’. In addition as previously noted within this thesis, some authorities fail to recognise females as gang member’s (see Chesney-Lind, Shelden and Joe, 1996). As was highlighted in the second chapter of this thesis, definitions of a gang can differ greatly between institutions and authorities; counties and indeed countries. Very few jurisdictions (in America and Britain) actually collect data on gang activity in their area, subsequently for those that do, can we realistically compare their findings when what is considered a gang may be different in each place? Despite these limitations, official statistics still provide useful information about the involvement of women in gang-related activities. The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJP) in conjunction with the University of Chicago, conducted research into the gang situation across 34 American States. Although the survey failed to gather information on the prevalence of female gangs at the time, they did collect data on the participation of females within the gang structure enquiring about the percentage of women that came into contact with these gangs. Findings indicated that each of the 34 jurisdictions had an estimated 4,803 female gang members, which equates to fewer than 4 per cent (Spergel and Curry, 1990, 1993). A similar study conducted by the National Institute of Justice (1992) actually utilised official records that had been collected on females involved in criminal activity. Results indicated that there were over 9,000 female gang members in 61 law enforcement areas across the United States. The research also surveyed any available information provided by law enforcement agencies pertaining to gang-related crimes. In addition to official statistics, field studies and surveys of ‘at risk’ young people supplement information concerning gang activities and in particular the roles of females. Surveys usually rely on self-report questionnaires to assess one’s gang affiliation. This can be open to distortion or exaggeration as young people may wish to ‘big themselves up’, making themselves sound more involved than they actually are or alternatively they may wish to present themselves in a more socially acceptable light or indeed fear legal repercussions of divulging accurate data to researchers. Jody Miller (2001b) investigated female gang involvement by conducting interviews with female gang members and ‘at risk’ females not affiliated with a gang. Miller found that female gang members were more likely to be involved in criminal activity, and came from more troubled families than their non-gang affiliated counterparts. In terms of gender differences, Miller reported that gender dynamics in mixed-gender gangs are highly complex. Female gang members are at greater risk of serious violence by becoming a gang member, but can often rely on the safety of the group. However, females that refuse to involve themselves in activities they consider risky are often perceived as weak. Female gang members were also privy to sexual-exploitation unless they could stand up for themselves and gain other members’ respect. Research discussed in this section has highlighted the fact that gang females are more likely to be involved in crime, delinquency and drug use than their ‘at risk’ associates. However further research has also shown that gang females also involve themselves in these activities to a greater extent than ‘at risk’ males (Fagan, 1990; Bjerregaard and Smith, 1993). Fagan in particular documented a bimodal distribution amongst gang females and their relationship with criminal activities. Fagan noted that around 40 per cent of female gang members in his study took part in petty crime, whilst only 15 per cent of men were involved in the same crimes. The majority of men were involved in the more serious forms of delinquency, including gun use (Fagan, 1990; Decker, Pennell, and Caldwell, 1997; Miller and Decker, 2001; Fleisher, 1998; Miller and Brunson, 2000; Hagedorn, and Devitt, 1999). Similar findings were reported by Curry, Ball and Fox (1994) study where females were three times more likely than boys to be involved in property crime and around half as likely to involve themselves in violent offences, with 0.7 per cent of gang-related homicides being attributed to females. This percentage is extremely low which may be a reflection of the lack of involvement of females in violent gang-related offences, particularly those that result in homicide. Subsequently gang females appear to be involved in less serious, petty crimes and occasional violence, albeit to a lesser degree than their male counterparts, but more frequently than ‘at risk’ young people who are not associated with a gang. This implies that it is in fact gang membership that influences not only the extent to which young people involve themselves in delinquency and crime, but also the type of delinquency / crime they conduct.According to Moore and Hagedorn (2001) women are more inclined to commit property offences and those offences that if committed by an adult, would not be considered an offence at all, termed status offences. Male gang members have been shown to partake in various criminal activities including; the use of violence and drug sales, to a greater degree than their female companions (Block, Christakos, Jacob and Przybylski, 1996). The authors reported that just over one per cent of gang-related homicides were believed to be committed by females. Deschenes and Esbensen (1999) in their research reported that 78 per cent of female gang members were involved in fighting on behalf of the gang; 65 per cent had carried a weapon, of which 9 per cent used this weapon to attack someone. Although information gathered can provide some insight regarding the extent to which gang females are involved in criminal activities for the benefit of their gang, we are still unsure about what crimes they commit and why. Much of the early literature on female delinquency described their moderate roles in a variety of petty crimes (for example Bowker and Klein, 1983; Moore, 1993). However, more recent studies have reported an apparent increase in the seriousness of crimes committed by female gang members, with the inclusion of vehicle theft, armed robberies, shootings and drug sales and distribution (Campbell, 1984; Covey, Menard, and Franzese, 1992; Teilmann and Landry, 1981). Molidor (1996) attempted to provide an explanation for this change in women’s criminal participation levels. The author reported in an interview with a young female gang member, that gang fights used to involve fisticuffs with occasional weapon use (such as knives), whereas recent times have seen the availability of automatic weapons become commonplace. It was reported that women were previously at a disadvantage in violent gang conflict owing to the fact that they were unable to physically challenge male rivals, however “no matter how big and muscular the opponent, using a gun evens out the odds” (Molidor, 1996:255). Therefore an increase in the convenience of obtaining deadly weapons may have influenced the roles that women play within the gang culture, enabling them to navigate a more even playing field in terms of crime and violence. This was supported by the work of journalist Tony Thompson who has published numerous accounts of gang activity within the United Kingdom. According to Thompson, excessive violence on behalf of gang females has ensured they are now considered ‘fair game’ when it comes to violence. Whereas before women would stay out of the fighting, now they actively involved themselves in violent conflict often with the aid of a weapon, making themselves targets for retaliation (Thompson, 2005). It is prudent to note at this time, that Thompson’s findings are a direct result of his experience of UK gangs and not necessarily the result of scientific research and should therefore be treated with caution. However journalistic reports can be beneficial in criminological research, providing greater contextual understanding and perceptions of the subject matter.Miller and Decker (2001:137) reported that “young women used gender as a resource, both to accomplish gang crime and drug sales, and to temper their involvement in gang violence”. The gang-related experiences of African American female adolescents were documented by Harper and Robinson in 1999. The authors investigated whether females with a history of gang membership would report higher participation rates than non-gang females in a selection of ‘at risk’ behaviours. Results indicated that female gang members engaged in their first sexual experience at an earlier age, had more sexual partners and conducted unprotected sex to a greater degree than their non-gang companions. In addition, gang females reported more episodes of drug and alcohol use, carried weapons more frequently, and took part in more physical conflict with the intent of causing serious injury to others in comparison to non-members (Harper and Robinson, 1999). Motivations: Joining and Leaving GangsJoining a GangThis section outlines previous research and criminological theory aimed at explaining the risk factors that influence the onset and development of female gang membership. According to Messerschmidt (1997) joining a gang represents an idealised collective solution to the lived experience of class and race powerlessness, for both genders. The bleak social context in which these young females live and the overall levels of violence they witness on a daily basis, on the streets and at home, the gang becomes a substitute family to them. This was supported by Joe and Chesney-Lind (1993) who stated that gangs offer a social support system that helps these females cope with, and manage their everyday problems. Harris’s (1988) study into Latino gang females clearly illustrates the importance of gangs to the lives of these young females. The author reported that gang females exhibited a strong need for safety, belonging and companionship. Everything the females did, they did for each other; whether or not that included committing criminal offences or simply protecting and caring for one another (Harris, 1988).Miller (2001a) believed that variations in ethnicity may be influential in the likelihood of these young women joining each gang type. Miller observed that Latino gang females were more likely to report being affiliates to a male gang, whilst African American women were more likely to describe their gangs as mixed gender. Small samples of African American females have also been described as forming all-female gangs (Miller, 2001a; Curry, 1997; Joe-Laidler and Hunt, 1997; Lauderback, Hansen, and Waldorf, 1992; Venkatesh, 1998). Moore and Hagedorn (2001) stated that female gangs are more likely to be found in small cities and rural areas as opposed to larger cities. Ethnic make-up varies by region with African American gangs being prominent in the Midwest and Northeast, whilst Latino gangs were predominantly based in the Southwest (National Youth Gang Centre, 2000). Previous research appears to suggest within the US gang members tend to be from ethnic minorities, of which the most dominant is black Afro Caribbean’s. Ethnicity as an explanation for crime is supported by the street liberation perspective. Within this framework, women of colour were economically marginalised, unable to reach middle-class ideals and exposed to institutionalised racism, abandoned their traditional gender roles in order to venture into the hyper masculine criminal sphere (Irwin and Chesney-Lind, 2008). In contrast, Bennett and Holloway’s study of arrestees suggests the majority of gang members within the UK are Caucasian. The authors suggest this may be due to the different ethnic compositions of the two populations, or as a result of differing immigration patterns (Bennett and Holloway, 2004). On the other hand despite the reasoning behind the different ethnic compositions, this is a highly interesting observation. This may provide support for the fact that the two countries are distinct regions and therefore comparability of data concerning gang culture is dubious. If prerequisites for joining different gangs are predominantly based on race then surely comparisons should be based on racial identity and not geographical location (Bennett and Holloway, 2004).Clearly the sporadic nature of research into female involvement in gangs has meant that no clear consensus has been reached about their membership and the roles they undertake. This may be due to the fact that female gang involvement is an emerging trend, however early documented research of females partaking in conflicts on behalf of gangs makes this doubtful (Pearson, 1983; Davies, 1998; 1999). Is it therefore more likely that our minimal understanding of female gang involvement is a by-product of years of distortion and ignorance of behalf of criminological research, and more recently a reflection of different recording and reporting practices across the globe and the changing social and economic states of the environment in which they flourish? In general a collective identity forms within the gang, and provides a place in which young people can find companionship, safety and a sense of belonging (Messerschmidt, 1997; Fishman, 1988; Lauderback, Hansen, and Waldorf, 1992). Similar factors were adopted by Hagedorn (1988) in his book concerning gangs, crime and the underclass in Milwaukee. Hagedorn claims that gangs are comprised of friendship groups of adolescents sharing common interests, living within a clearly defined territory. Members are committed to defend each other, the territory and the gang reputation, often resulting in conflict (Hagedorn, 1988). Hagedorn claims that in short “when we talk about gangs we are talking about quasi-institutionalised structures within the poorer minority communities” (Moore in Hagedorn, 1988:6). Group dynamics theory provides some insight into the importance of collective identity in gang membership via group process and development (Tuckman and Jensen, 1977). Within this framework, gangs are characterized by a set of criteria (social categorization, social reward, interdependence, interaction, and influence) and are developed through a set of five stages: forming, storming, norming, performing, and adjourning (Tuckman and Jensen, 1977). Group cohesiveness was considered to have a significant influence over group interactions, longevity and goal attainment. Thus members of more cohesive groups are more likely to be influenced by other group members, to place greater value of the group’s goals, to be more active and equal participants in discussions, to be less influenced by members leaving the group, to be absent less often, and to remain in the group for a longer period of time (Goldstein, 1991). Research has illustrated a positive relationship between group cohesiveness and delinquency in that gangs are more likely to be engaged in violent activity when the status and solidarity of their gang is threatened (Jones et al, 2004).Alternatively research suggests that joining a gang can also be considered an act of independence from the restrictions of the family, culture and class (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001). Not only do female members share the limited opportunities and powerlessness of the lower classes with their male counterparts, but they also face the additional burden of subordination to men, and familial responsibilities (Campbell, 1990). However according to Bullock and Tilley (2002:29) “though gang life might appeal initially because if its promise of freedom from one set of real problems and limitations, it comes eventually to hem members in with another set of problems and limitations”. The importance of freedom and similarity in criminality was emphasised by Matza’s Delinquency and Drift theory (1964). Matza believed individuals were able to drift in and out of criminality at will, particularly in areas of the social structure where control had been loosened. Under these conditions, Matza argued that for the most part delinquents engage in routine, law-abiding behaviours, choosing to ‘drift’ towards either conventional or criminal forces freely. The theory implied that delinquents do not abandon conventional moral values, but ‘neutralise’ them via extenuating circumstances, reducing their perceived level of responsibility and justifying their actions (Matza, 1964). The majority of research has highlighted the influence of family problems on females’ gang membership, with many citing drug addiction and abuse as the most common problems. Gang females are more likely to be exposed to multiple familial problems. According to Miller (2001c) gang members are more likely than non-members to have witnessed physical violence and drug use both inside and outside of their home environment. Miller reported that 60 per cent of gang members (24 per cent non-members) described being exposed to three or more of the following within their family unit; (a) abuse, (b) violence, (c) alcohol abuse, (d) drug abuse, and (e) incarceration of a family member. Many young females subsequently run away from home, seeking to satisfy their social and emotional needs elsewhere, joining gangs to protect them from an abusive family environment (Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1995; Chesney-Lind, Shelden, and Joe, 1996). Moore (1991 and 1994), documented almost 30 per cent of Mexican American female gang members from L.A. had been sexually abused within their own homes. Research subsequently suggests that many female gang members have been exposed to some kind of abuse at home, and as a result enter into the gang domain not only to gain a pseudo-family but as a means of protection also. Gangs can therefore act as a surrogate family for young people who feel that they came from a destructive family environment that does not meet their need for belonging, nurturing, and acceptance (Huff, 1993; Campbell, 1990; Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1995; Decker and Van Winkle, 1996; Hunt, MacKenzie and Joe-Laidler, 2000; Miller, 2001b). In addition, when some females refer to their familial commitments they have to their gang, they are literally referring to members of their own family. Research suggests that many females (in particular) may have a heightened sense of loyalty and belonging to the gang as they physically share their membership with not only close friends and peers; but parents, siblings and extended family (Miller, 2001a; Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1995; Hunt, Mackenzie and Joe-Laidler, 2000).“The family is a key primary group with which one is differentially associated, and the process of acquiring, persisting or modifying conforming and deviant behaviour” is achieved via a process of social learning (Akers and Sellers, 2009:99). Hence the conventional role of the family is to socialise members into traditional normative and behavioural values through positive and vicarious reinforcement (Simons et al, 2004). The use of deviant parental models, such as ineffective and erratic parental supervision, the inappropriate use of positive and negative sanctions, and the endorsement of values and attitudes favourable to deviance can all lead to families promoting and reinforcing criminal behaviours (Akers and Sellers, 2009). Simons et al, (2004) reported that problems of misconduct and delinquency were more likely to be found among children from permissive, neglectful or too highly controlling families. Applying learning theory in this manner suggests that female gang members would be inadvertently encouraged to engage in criminal activity. By failing to learn traditional norms and values conventionally associated with law abiding behaviour this acts as a platform for females to adopt values typically associated with criminality. However, the application of similar models of learning within the family environment can create a direct link between education and criminal behaviours (Adler and Adler, 1978). Hotton (2003) found that childhood aggression and exposure to violence in the home was significantly related to aggressive behaviour among children. Hotton (2003) reported approximately 32 per cent of children exposed to violence were considered highly aggressive, compared with 16 per cent of non-exposed children. The study also revealed that hostile and ineffective parenting practices were related to higher levels of child aggression. Similar results were documented by Loeber et al. (2005) who found that poor and unstable child-rearing practices were factors that contributed to the prediction of violent behaviour in the future. The study recorded poor and unstable child-rearing practices as having two or more caretaker changes prior to 10 years of age, physical punishment, poor supervision, and poor communication within the family.Influences of the family environment however are thrown into question with research that compares gang females and ‘at risk’ females not affiliated with gangs. Why do some females exposed to a destructive environment choose to join gangs, whilst others do not? One such research study was conducted by Miller (2001a) who compared female gangs in four cities across the United States with either well established, or emerging gang problems. Miller documented that non-gang females lived under similar neighbourhood conditions; however their descriptions about gangs in their area differed slightly. Half of the ‘at risk’ females interviewed reported having lots of gang members and related activity in their areas, whilst four out of five gang members reported the same thing. The author concluded that in addition to other risk factors, proximity of gang members within one’s neighbourhood increases the likelihood of females joining gangs (Miller, 2001a). Similar research has found that under a quarter of young people living in neighbourhoods deemed as ‘high risk’ identify themselves as gang members (Winfree Jr., Fuller, Vigil and May, 1992; Bjerregaard and Smith, 1993; Esbensen, Huizinga and Weiher, 1993). One theory aimed at explaining the influence of proximity to criminal peers on criminality is Sutherland and Cressey’s (1960) expanded Differential Association theory. Here criminality is learned through interactions with others in circumstances where criminal definitions outweigh the effect of law-abiding definitions. According to the theory learning criminal behaviour principally occurs within intimate personal groups, such as gangs. The likelihood of adopting criminal behaviours is influenced by fluctuations in the frequency, propriety and intensity of the associations. It is therefore possible that differential association theory could be applied to explain gang membership given that previous research indicates frequent and proximal exposure to criminal peers can have an influence on gang participation.Many gang members come from run down estates where there is little possibility of escape and life as a result can prove highly mundane. Young people are locked into compressed spaces, seeking some form of excitement or release from the boredom. They subsequently begin to reconstruct their street worlds in dramatic ways, motivated and loyal to a particular group, estates become territories that must be protected and defended at all costs (Hallsworth and Young, 2004). Hallsworth and Young therefore claim that group formation and conflict are functions of the ecology of space, with the very thing that allows one to identify with a particular group, alienating them from another collective within that given space. The problem is consequently considered not a by-product of the young people congregating collectively, but as a result of the creative adaptation of the dull reality of street life (Hallsworth and Young, 2004).A by-product of living in economically deprived conditions has been shown in the literature to produce internal strain on residents. (Durkheim, 1893; Merton, 1938; Cohen, 1955. One example was provided by Pitts (2007) who reported that females in his study were attracted [into gangs] by the perceived ‘glamour’ and ‘celebrity’ of the lifestyle. According to strain theory society sets universal goals for its populace and then offers the ability to achieve them to a limited number of people. The resultant inequality of opportunity causes a strain on cultural goals thus forcing people to commit criminal activities in order to achieve. Cohen (1955) described the notion of status frustration to explain this perceived social inequality in the division of resources. To relieve the frustration felt at this disparity, Cohen argued that young people congregated together with like-minded peers to rebel against middle class ideals and standards. To Cohen this congregation in turn, leads to the formation of a delinquent subculture where instant gratification, fighting, and destructive behaviour become the new values (Cohen, 1955). Strain theory thus offers an alternative explanation as to why socially deprived young women would be attracted to gang membership. Hence, growing up in a disorganised, violent environment is considered a risk factor for gang involvement in young women (Thornberry, 1997). These violent and dangerous gangs may provide assistance in the form of protection and also education in the principles of street fighting (Fishman, 1995). Vigil (2003) in his review of urban violence and street gangs, commented on the culture conflict, poverty, family and educational problems that young women are subjected to claiming this may provide reasoning for them attaching themselves to certain groups or gangs. Vigil believes that women that find themselves in this situation undergo personal devaluation consequently having stricter child-rearing experiences and gender-role expectations fuelled by tension. Experiences of sexual abuse and exploitations can result in self-esteem issues especially when dealt with as a consequence of male dominance which can cause pent up aggression. It is therefore not surprising that some females have taken to channelling this aggression into their own violent street gangs (Vigil, 2003).One theory aimed at explaining the impact of the social and physical environment on crime is the Chicago School’s Zonal Hypothesis outlined by Burgess in 1925. According to the theory crime could be understood by looking at the social construction of cities which tend to grow outwards in a set of concentric circles. Highest rates of crime were uncovered in the zone of transition which by definition contains a transient population, exposed to poverty in poor and inadequate living conditions. People that live in the zone of transition are privy to numerous criminal behaviours and social problems which occur in an effort to create order in an area of social disorganisation. The theory was supported by Shaw and McKay (1931) who documented that the environment determines criminal participation. The primary focus of the Chicago school was explaining working class criminality (e.g., Cullen, 1984). Spergel (1990:171) claims that “race or ethnicity and social isolation interact with poverty and community disorganisation to account for much of the gang problem”. Despite the passage of time, many gangs today are principally separated from their rivals by race, ethnicity, politics, culture, language and territory (Campbell and Muncer, 1989). Research suggests that female gang members tend to be young women of colour, from socially deprived backgrounds, with marginalised families congested into dense neighbourhoods, with little employment or education facilities or prospects (Joe Laidler and Hunt, 2001; Campbell, 1984; Chesney-Lind and Hagedorn, 1999; Fishman, 1988; Harris, 1988, Moore and Hagedorn, 1996; Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1995).Esbensen et al. (1999:47) found that in general “the gang experience, in terms of involvement in criminal activity and perceptions of the gang, is remarkably similar for boys and females”. Consequently, perspectives on what constitutes a gang may be a direct reflection of one’s gang involvement (Petersen, 2000). Petersen reported that women who were associated with a gang claimed that the gang acts as a pseudo-family to them supplying a means for power, protection and excitement. For this particular group of women, criminal activities were seen as a means to protect their identities and territory. Those women not affiliated with any gangs had a more negative view of membership claiming that participation in such activities was for ‘wimps’, and that joining a gang was taking the easy way out. Petersen subsequently concluded that it is the illusion of criminal activities not necessarily the act, that separates gangs from peer groups (Petersen, 2000). This suggests that perception of female gangs and their members may be a vital influence. How the gang females perceive themselves may be equally as important as how they are perceived by others. Wang (2000) believed that this self-perception plays a role in what he terms ‘ganging’. Ganging refers to “any behavioural affiliation towards gangs in dress, physical appearance, language, association, and/or behaviour” (Wang, 2000:620). According to Laidler and Hunt (2001) the popular stereotype surrounding female gang members is that they are ‘bad asses’, similar to their male counterparts in aggression, toughness and violence. However the authors consequently set out to examine the meanings, expressions and paradoxes of femininity from the standpoint of Latino, African-American and Asian-Pacific American female gang members. They concluded that the popular view of a female gang member was in fact just a stereotype. Within their research female gang members accommodate to the constraints of their position within society and on the streets. The authors suggest that on the whole female gang members represent adolescents and young adults of colour, mostly poor or living within stressful family conditions. They face a daily struggle to negotiate a sense of identity including what it means to be feminine. One important theme Laidler and Hunt documented was the value placed on respect. Within all sample areas ‘reputation’ was one of the most salient markers of the females’ identities, to the point that they would be willing to resort to violence in order to defend it. As a result the authors concluded that it is through interaction with others based on the foundations of respect that female gang members accomplish femininity (Laidler and Hunt, 2001).Jody Miller’s (2001a) study mentioned previously, described the gang unit as providing a sense of empowerment to the young women that are affiliated with the group. Being part of a gang had real meaning for these young females, which was attributed to the perceived level of exclusivity with which gang members were exposed. The females subsequently feel like they are part of an exclusive group, providing them with a sense of accomplishment, pride and belonging.The notion of how gang members view themselves and are viewed by others is supported by the principle of symbolic interactionism outlined by labelling theory. Labelling theory proposed by Tannenbaum (1938) stated that a person’s self-image is constructed through social interactions with others. As a result simple casual interactions with a gang could result in females becoming stigmatised by association and subsequently labelled as a ‘gang member’. Tannenbaum (1938) argued that negative labels lead to further involvement in delinquent and criminal activities, with greater attention towards the label increasing the likelihood that the person will identify themselves with the stigmatisation. Through a process of exposure, individuals begin to identify themselves (and are viewed by others) as a ‘gang member’. According to Becker (1963) the criminal label overrides all other labels so others eventually see that person primarily as criminal. Leaving a GangPrevious literature on general criminal desistance has been used to provide insight into gang exit, discussing the significance of marriage, employment, parenthood, and other life course events (Decker and Lauritsen, 2002). As Hastings et al (2011:2) observed there is “little consensus on why and how youth leave a gang, or on what types of programs work to help accomplish this successfully”. The majority of research has focused on becoming a gang member rather than maintenance or desistence (Decker and Lauritsen, 2002). However the importance of age and maturation has been highlighted in the literature (Decker and Lauritsen, 2002; Hastings et al., 2011; Vigil, 1988). In their review of the criminal [and gang] desistance literature Hastings et al (2011) concluded that gang membership is usually temporary, that most members leave eventually, and that exit is associated maturity and life course events. This echoes the findings of Vigil (1988) who stated that exiting gangs is a process that occurs over time and involves increasing ties to conventional activities and institutions. The notion that offenders eventually ‘mature’ out of their offending behaviour is well documented in criminological research (Maruna, 1999). Despite this recognition criminologists have failed to dissect the rationale behind the relationship, implying that age simply ‘causes’ desistance. On the one hand criminologists have failed to identify a universal theory to explain criminal desistence (Hearn, 2010). On the other hand the age-crime relationship can be explained in part by Glueck & Glueck’s (1940) theory of maturational reform. The theory states that juvenile delinquents grow out of criminality over time and eventually burn out physiologically, naturally declining after the age of 25. The most significant developmental occurrence for females could potentially be becoming a mother. Many key predisposing factors likely to encourage pregnancy are quite common among young women in gangs. Involvement with men significantly older (six or more years) is associated with both young mothers (Office of Population Affairs 2000) and with young women in gangs (Dietrich 1998). This supports previous research by Fleisher and Krienert (2004). The authors found that pregnancy was the primary influence for females becoming inactive [from gangs] due to their need to settle down. However Fleisher and Krienert (2004) also acknowledged that some females did not completely desist from gang life after motherhood but simply reported a reduction in gang activities. The authors reported:“A few women in their early to mid-20s said they were still active gang members, but had stopped hanging out, fighting, and being ‘crazy.’ Pregnancy leads to a disinterest in hanging around the streets and an interest in the safety of the foetus that leads to reduced (or eliminated) drug use” (Fleisher and Krienert, 2004:619)Fleisher and Krienert (2004) touched on the possibility that female gang members could deliberately use pregnancy as a means of exiting gang, as they displayed a distinct awareness of the ability of motherhood to avoid repercussions from their gang. According to Hoang (2007) maturing or transitioning out of gang can be difficult for females due to barriers placed upon them through social and economic pressures. The author believed that women may be limited in their social and economic opportunities, and be hesitant to access social assistance upon leaving the gang for fear of their children being apprehended. Despite this Hoang cited females were more likely to report parenthood as a reason to exit the gang than male gang members (Hoang, 2007). On the other hand, Varriale’s (2006) quantitative study using the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth revealed the temporally, female gang members did not become pregnant before leaving the gang, but rather following desistance. Hoang (2007) suggests that though motherhood may decrease gang involvement, women may still find a sense of belonging and security with the gang if there is no available alternative. By becoming gang members’ young women may resist elements normative femininity (Joe-Laidler and Hunt 2001), however by having children they may be obliged to accept some elements of traditional femininity. Essentially there is a period of transition in femininity, from girlhood to motherhood. Maloney et al (2011) reported that caring for children while still being a gang member placed these young women in a precarious, contradictory position. The authors documented that prior to becoming pregnant female gang member respectability was negotiated via their role in the gang, demonstrating their autonomy and sexual reputation on the street. However, once pregnant, females’ existing gang identity conflicts with the newfound notion of maintaining respect as a good mother. Thus the meaning and negotiation of respect shifts as they move into motherhood, with the pursuit of autonomy no longer tied to wanting to be on the street and out of family controls and conflict but linked to the desire to feel independent (e.g. financially, emotionally) from others including the child’s father and her own family members (Maloney et al, 2011). Despite this identity conflict young women in Maloney et al’s (2011) study showed high levels of resilience, negotiating through poverty and stigma, returning to conventional home lives after giving birth and accepting social support from family and others. Partial explanation for this can be provided by Social Bond Theory proposed by Hirschi (1969), which states that varying informal ties to the family, employment and education can explain changes in criminality through the lifespan. Hirschi believed that criminality occurs when individuals bond to society becomes weakened or broken. The theory outlined four principal elements that make up the social bond namely; attachment, commitment, involvement and beliefs. The stronger these elements of social bonding, the more likely the individual would be to conform. An illustration of this was provided byGraham and Bowling (1995) who documented that for females’ in particular social transitions such as starting a family were highly correlated with desistance from crime. In addition, previous research has documented a relationship between leaving a gang and retaliatory aggression (Molidor, 1996; Wang, 2000). For example Molidor (1996) reported that when females decide to leave gangs, they are raped and beaten by the other members. Whilst Decker and Lauritsen (2002) also reported that personal experience of violence was commonly reported as a reason for leaving the gang. This is in line with previous research by Baskin and Sommers (1998) who examined desistence from violent crimes by a selection of women in New York City. The authors discovered numerous factors that related to the decision to stop offending. These included criminal justice sanctions, the pains of imprisonment, isolation from family and friends, and physical and mental ‘‘wear and tear’’ of crime and ‘‘living the life’’ on the street. Although some research has claimed that individuals who are embedded in negative social groups are more likely to identify with the roles of the group and are less likely to transform their identity after imprisonment (Matsueda and Heimer, 1997), it is possible that a gender difference exists in responses to criminal justice sanctions, with females reporting a more positive outcome. Equally it is plausible as Matsueda and Heimer suggest that the stronger social bond between the individual and the gang, the less likely individuals are to desist after incarceration. This would imply that females bond to the identity of the group may be less embedded than their male counterparts, hence the stronger effect of criminal justice sanctions on females. However more research is needed in this area to clarify if a gender difference really exists in the process of gang desistence. However what is clear is that regardless of individual motivations for desisting gang membership, research has shown that individuals must be ready for it in order for the process to be successful (Totten and Dunn, 2011).Gender Theory: Neutral or Specific?As evidence in the previous section signified, gender has a strong and consistent correlation with crime and delinquency (Tittle and Paternoster, 2000). Despite this well documented relationship between gender and criminality, Cohen and Harvey (2006) argued that the concept of gender has been consistently mis-conceptualised in criminological research, reducing gender differences to dichotomous labels that fail to acknowledge the more complex, non-biological aspects of gender. In order to understand how gender affects the experiences, roles and definitions of female gang members we must first understand the current state of academic knowledge and criminological thought about the gendered nature of crime. Drawing together theories outlined earlier in this chapter on the gender gap in crime, the gender composition of gangs and the gendered roles of females in gangs, we now move onto consider gender more widely. According to the American Psychological Association (2011) a person’s sex refers to their biological status, typically categorized as male or female, whilst a person’s gender denotes the attitudes, feelings, and behaviours that a given culture associates with a person’s biological sex. Gentile (1993) argued that the terms ‘sex’ and gender’ are used synonymously in social science literature to an extent where the true and intended meanings of the terminology have been lost. Whilst it is not the purpose of this literature review to delve into the murky waters of the social and biological constructions of gender, it is important to note that when referring to gender, one is not simply describing the physical characteristics of sex, but taking into account the social and culturally constructed traits of masculinity and femininity as well. Braithwaite (1989) suggested that any criminological theory should firstly attempt to explain the fact that crime is disproportionately committed by males. Cohen and Harvey (2006) reported that three major conclusions have been drawn from criminological research namely that men commit more crimes, are more violent and more likely to be involved in the criminal justice system than women. This bears the question if more men commit crime than women, can the same theories be used to explain criminal participation across genders, or would separate gender-specific theories be more appropriate? Miller (2001b) elaborated on this debate reporting that gender neutral theories that attempt to account equally for male and female offending and fall within the larger framework of a ‘gender similarities’ approach. These theories are universal in nature, attempting to explain crime causation across gender lines but fail to attend to the importance of gender in criminality. Alternatively gender-specific theories tend to accentuate differences between male and female criminality focussing on the ‘gender ratio’ problem, whilst simultaneously overlooking any gender similarities (Miller, 2001b). Historically however gender-specific theories placed more emphasis on the deficiencies of gender presenting female criminals as sick, pathological, powerless victims (Pollock, 1961).As such Steffensmeier and Allan (1996) constructed a gendered paradigm that combined the utility of traditional theory and the organisation of gender on social forces to explain crime. The authors believed that traditional theories explored the impact of broad social forces on the causality of male and female crime, when in fact ‘gender’ itself mediated the manner in which external forces play out differences in the type, frequency and context of crime. According to Steffensmeier and Allan (1996) applying a ‘gendered approach’ to explaining criminality should include four key elements. Firstly any gendered theory should equally be able to explain both male and female offending behaviours. The authors refer to ‘organisation of gender’ to explain how gender deters or shapes criminality in both sexes. Secondly the authors believe that a gendered perspective should account for gender differences in the type and frequency of crime as well as differences in the context of offending. Thirdly, Steffensmeier and Allan (1996) believed that gender differences in the route to criminality were important. Within this framework they highlight that boundaries between victimisation can be blurred for women to a greater extent than men, that women are excluded from more lucrative criminal enterprises, and that women also have the ability to exploit sexual activity as an illegal money-making service. In addition greater relational concerns experienced by women cause them to be drawn into criminal activity by males and trigger the need for them to be protected from predatory or exploitative males. The real or anticipated consequences of motherhood are also considered a key difference in women’s path into criminality in comparison to males. Lastly the authors believed that any gendered approach should explore the extent to which gender differences in criminality occur from social, historical, cultural, biological and reproductive variations (Steffensmeier and Allan, 1996: 474). The authors believed there are five key areas of life that cause a negative correlation between male and female offending behaviours. Specifically these factors inhibit female criminality whilst encouraging male criminality. Firstly gender norms associated with being female such as their nurturing role obligations and female beauty and sexual virtue mean that criminal activity is perceived as taboo. Thus familial obligations, traditional gender role stereotypes and expectations regarding sexuality are contradictory to the qualities desired by the criminal underworld (Steffensmeier, 1986). Crime therefore becomes stigmatising to females causing them to be exposed to tighter surveillance that constrain their opportunities to engage in illicit activities. Similarly tighter social controls on females necessitate that their behaviour is stringently monitored and supervised, limiting their risk-taking behaviour and strengthening the attachment to conventional roles of the family. Thirdly, gender differences in moral development mean that women are predisposed to respond to the needs of others thus inhibiting their abilities to cause harm to others. Operation within the criminal environment is believed to require specific physical demands, such as power and strength, which females may lack, therefore inhibiting their potential to successfully complete certain crimes. As such women are seen to commit less serious, less violent crimes, to a lesser degree than their male counterparts. Finally Steffensmeier and Allan (1996) noted that reproductive-sexual differences account for the greater sexual deviance and infidelity expressed by men. Females utilising their sexuality for financial gain through illicit sexual roles are seen as an exploitation of male stereotypes that remain dominated or controlled by males (Steffensmeier and Allan, 1996).Masculinity versus Femininity: The Age of the ‘Ladette’“Rise of the violent ladette: Girl gangs on rampage blamed on cheap booze”(London Evening Standard, 21st August 2012)Males (2010:16) in his chapter entitled “Have Girls Gone Wild” stated that every generation invariably creates a moral panic centred on contemporary femininity that breeds a “generation gone tragically rotten”. In recent times this media mania has been focussed on the on the promiscuous, binge-drinking, violent figure of the ‘ladette’ with headlines such as the one above becoming commonplace (Day et al, 2004: Jackson and Tinkler, 2007). According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary (2004) a ladette is defined as “a young woman who behaves in boisterously assertive or crude manner and engages in heavy drinking sessions”. The term ‘ladette’ is a late twentieth and early twenty-first century phenomenon coined by the UK press as a by-product of women’s increasing equality in society and that their behaviours and traits are converging with those of men women’s increased equality with men in late modern society (see Jackson and Tinkler, 2007; Redden and Brown 2010). Ladettes are usually portrayed as pleasure seekers, hedonistic and driven with increased financial and social independence and a lack of family commitments (Jackson and Tinkler, 2007). According to Jackson and Tinkler (2007) a significant dimension of the hedonism expressed by ladettes is public visibility, with ladettes being seen to occupy a space outside the confines of traditional femininity that is primarily regarded as the principal preserve of men, contradicting the traditional gender role of the homemaker. The masculinisation hypothesis offers an explanation for this adjustment in gender roles, claiming that female offenders abandon their femininity and adopt traits typically associated with males (Irwin and Chesney-Lind, 2008). This is reinforced by recurrent themes around gender inequalities such as male domination; patriarchal control and lack of equal opportunities (see Artz, 1998; Brown, 2003; and Morash and Chesney-Lind, 2006 for further discussion). Here women are freed from the protective constraints of their gender, fuelled by emancipation, and liberated from institutionalised inequalities women found themselves on an equal footing with men (Adler, 1975; Simons, 1975; Irwin and Chesney-Lind, 2008).Media discourses over women’s loud, vulgar and sexualised behaviour have seemingly adjusted the boundaries surrounding appropriate gendered behaviours, social class and respectable citizenship (Skeggs, 2005). An example of this was provided by Warner (1997) who claimed that popular discourses on drinking and intoxication are bound up with assumptions about proper femininity that identify women’s expressions of sexuality and intoxication as inappropriate or offensive. Historically Warner notes that lower-class women who drank in male company were seen as prostitutes or “hostesses of dubious virtue” (Warner 1997:106). Dobson (2013) argued that traditional gender roles have become more entrenched, with femininity increasingly defined around notions of (hyper, hetero-normative) “sexiness.” in contemporary popular culture. In contrast, aspects of masculinity (namely sexual hedonism and social, drinking-centred hedonism) have conditionally opened up to young women. As such the boundaries surrounding traditional gender roles have become ambiguous, with typically “laddish” behaviours contradicting the notion of young women as “sexy girls” (Archer, Halsall and Hollingworth (2007:166). McRobbie (2009) claimed a new kind of anti‐feminist sentiment has been established in contemporary culture where elements of feminism have been incorporated into political and institutional life as a substitute for traditional feminism. Modern women are offered a form of sexual contract that promises economic freedom and independence in return for abandoning feminism, which McRobbie claimed signifies the key role women have in advancing the modernisation process. Dobson (2013:6) argued that “this brand of new feminine subjectivity is associated with a “sassy,” bold attitude; toughness and sexiness; bodily strength and activity which includes both violent or self-defensive capabilities and sexual initiation and exhibitionism; and self-gratification through sex and consumption”.Bernhardsson and Bogren (2012:12) in their analysis of Swedish media discourse argued that women are placed in a position where they “continuously have to strike a balance between being defined as independent and cool, on the one hand, and being defined as vulgar, on the other”. The authors explored the link between alcohol consumption and sexual availability in females, concluding that through intoxication women have to avoid the negative stigma of being defined as “too sexually available” or as “sexually available on men’s terms.”Griffin et al (2006) provided a hypothetical example of this conundrum where a girl is asked to have sex with a bloke. In this event, ‘nice girls’ who refuse to engage in sexual activity are condemned as ‘boring’ whilst bad girls who are favourable towards it are labelled as ‘slags’. In essence there is no correct behavioural response to the question that does not bear the brunt of derogatory remarks. This touches upon the notion of a sexual double standard where men are socially rewarded for sexual activity, whereas women are derogated for it (Marks and Fraley, 2005). This appears to contradict previous research that has painted a picture of the ‘new young woman’ as confident, unafraid of failure, devoid of anxieties, brazen in their sexuality and unafraid of the sexual double standard (McRobbie, 2007). This bears the question, is there a gender difference in the sexual double standard? In their research of undergraduate university students and internet users, Marks and Fraley (2005) noted that both male and female participants were more likely to be referred to offensively as their amount of sexual partners increased. The authors concluded that people evaluate others as a function of sexual activity; however there is not necessarily a gender difference apparent in regards to sexual standards. The authors however concluded that the double standard may still play a role in shaping perceptions of sexually active people in specific domains. In contrast, Milhausen and Herold (1999) reported that women were actually more inclined to reinforce the sexual double standard than men, using negative terminology to describe those considered ‘sexually experienced’ whether they were male or female. The authors reported that women who had more sexual partners were less judgemental on the sexual promiscuities of others. However the majority of participants in the study, which comprised of unmarried university students, did not personally condone the sexual double standard.It has been argued in the literature that femininity no longer exists in a stereotypical form in which females either conform to or abandon, but has evolved into a highly complex puzzle that is impossible for women to navigate through successfully. Contemporary femininity is characterised by profound contradictions in what is ‘feminine’, insinuating that there is no longer a clear cut representation of femininity in which to aspire. In contrast to this, Dobson (2013) believed that the figures of the “sexy” and the “laddish” girl work in conjunction to support and balance each other through the notions of dualistic gender. “Their co-existence in popular culture and media discourse facilitates a common perception of young women as both “excessively” feminine and “excessively” masculine” (Dobson, 2013:7). To Dobson, contemporary femininity has evolved to a place where both laddish and feminine behaviours have become normalised into popular culture, allowing young females to be ‘free’ and providing them with something to aspire to.Studies discussed so far in this section have discussed gender as a wider sociological phenomenon, however how does this debate elude itself in females who consistently operate in a masculine environment? Research into the impact of gender in the police force has indicated that women are acculturated into the behavior and attitudes characteristic of the male police officers (Remmington, 1983). Moore (1999) in her research into the gender traits and identities adopted within the Israeli Police force documented that women in-line with their male colleagues, ranked occupational identity higher than gender identity. In other words, first and foremost these women identified themselves as a police officer, contemplating their gender as a secondary characterisation. Additionally Moore concluded that the feminine identity (usually in contrast with the masculine organizational context) was not repressed and their gender identity was as strong as that of the men (Moore, 1999). This suggests that female police officers adopted a masculine persona externally in-line with the uniform, but internally maintained their feminine gender traits. Similar As a result female officers altered their behaviour in line with that of their male comrades, namely an increased cynicism and distrust of the public, with an abrupt and unsympathetic demeanor. The authors also reported that female officers were not accepted as equally capable as male police officers, resulting in male officers adopting an overprotective and discriminatory attitude whilst enforcing patriarchal domination. According to Remmington (1983), females emulate the male officers' ethos and behavior within the force despite not being accepted as equals. Remmington concluded that females have thus not altered the male subculture of policing (Remmington, 1983). Despite their acceptance of masculine traits, research indicates that female police officers continue to see themselves in a feminine light. Similar discriminatory elements have been documented concerning women who operate within the army. Hamphf (2004) reported that female soldiers in the U.S. army were subject to rumours and hostility by both the public and the media. The author documented that the stereotypical ‘feminine’ gender concept was irreconcilable with the stereotypically masculine ‘soldier’ image. As a result both lesbian and heterosexual women’s sexual agencies were seen as a threat to military masculinity and established gender roles (Hamphf, 2004). Research presented in this section has highlighted the ongoing debate about how gender is shaped in contemporary society and how the image of what it is to be feminine has changed over time. Some research has supported the notion that femininity has evolved to encompass more masculine tendencies (Adler, 1975; Simons, 1975; Irwin and Chesney-Lind, 2008). This idea is largely supported by research into females that operate within a male dominated environment such as the police or the military, that indicate an internal acceptance of femininities in conjunction with an outward display of masculinity that mimic those displayed by their male comrades. A debate also exists within the literature as to whether femininity and masculinity operate at opposite ends of the gender role spectrum (Griffin, 2005; Griffin et al, 2006) or whether they are complimentary traits that are balanced and necessary to effectively navigate contemporary society in the new post-feminists culture (Dobson, 2013).ConclusionIn summary previous literature and criminological theory has downplayed female’s involvement in gangs by focussing on their sexual activities or manifestations of masculinity but failed to delve into any in-depth discussion as to the importance of these behavioural roles (Esbensen and Tusinski, 2007). Female gang members have been considered as part of mixed-sex groups (Moore, 1991; Chesney-Lind, 1997; Joe Laidler and Hunt, 2001; Miller, 2001); as auxiliaries to male gangs (Campbell, 1984), or as independent all female units (Taylor, 1993). Whilst some researchers categorise female gang involvement into a secondary capacity (Miller, 1975; Esbensen and Tusinski, 2007; Laidler and Hunt, 1997), others have labelled the categorisation of female members as restrictive (Whyte, 1943; Spergel, 1964; Campbell, 1984; Short and Strodtbeck, 1965; Hanson, 1964; Rice, 1963). Despite this specific factors relative to female gang membership have been documented. The extent of female gang membership is considered less than that of their male counterparts. Overall, estimates of female gang membership from the UK and America range from around 8 to 52 per cent. Although estimates of female gang membership are varied, they still provide support to the existence of females within the gang culture whether these are groups of independent females or simply female auxiliaries to a male gang. Female gang members tend to conceal and carry weapons and drugs, are sexually exploited and poorly treated by male members (Pitts, 2007; Hoang, 2007; Firmin, 2010; Grekul and LaRoque, 2011). Female gang members are also more likely to engage in criminal and violent behaviour than non-gang females (Fagan, 1990; Esbensen and Huizinga, 1993). Gang involvement is considered a transitional process increasing in delinquent activity (Thornberry et al, 1993), with females tending to join later and leave earlier than males (Spergel, 1992). Finally females were more likely to use motherhood as an exit strategy for leaving gangs (Fleisher and Krienert, 2004; Hoang, 2007). Additionally, this chapter has acknowledged that gender has a strong and consistent correlation with crime and delinquency (Tittle and Paternoster, 2000). Whilst an on-going debate in the literature exists as to whether gender neutral or gender specific theories are more appropriate to explain this disparity (see Irwin and Chesney-Lind, 2008), evidence has also suggested that the concept of ‘gender’ may not be as dichotomous as first thought. The development of contemporary femininity and its parallels with new-found masculinity has seen the boundaries of traditional gender roles become ambiguous. Hence is it now more appropriate for existing areas of criminological thought take into account the fluctuating and flexible nature of the current masculinity, femininity debate as opposed to focussing specifically on the gender neutral versus gender specific ideology?Chapter 5Research Methods and Data CollectionIntroductionThe scope of this chapter is to present the research strategies and data collection procedures utilised in the current research project. The primary aim of this chapter is therefore to provide the reader with an in-depth and reflexive account of the method of data collection used, the nature of the data and an overview of the analysis. Whilst it is not the aim of this chapter to provide answers to the research questions, its purpose is to explain the process by which answers will be derived, how the methods of investigation were chosen, providing a detailed description and understanding of the research process and highlighting the challenges faced by the researcher in investigating such a sensitive issue. It is therefore prudent at this time to reiterate the primary research questions:Specifically the research aims to discover (i) whether females constitute ‘members’ of a mixed gender gang, (ii) where and how females fit within the structure of the gang, (iii) what roles females perform in gangs, (iv) how gender affects the experiences and roles adopted by gang-involved females, (v) why and how females join gangs, (vi) why and how females exit gangs and finally (vii) whether existing definitions of gangs are appropriate for gangs containing female members.The research adopted a mixed methods approach and as such the current chapter is divided into two parts. Part one outlines a scoping study conducted to guide the choice of geographical location for the empirical research, whilst part two outlines the methods of data collection, research design and strategy, sampling techniques, ethical considerations and data analysis used in the main body of research. Further appreciation of the research challenges and reflections of the research process will also be outlined. Part One: Scoping StudyOwing to the lack of academic research on female gang involvement in the UK, little reliable evidence existed to help guide the research process. Consequently this meant locating knowledgeable individuals for interview purposes was problematic. As such it was first prudent to discover where in the UK gang involved females were located in order to enable an appropriate sample to be collected. In order to shed some light on the location of female gang members, a systematic review was conducted on all UK print media articles referring to females in gangs, generating the quantitative element of the research study. Event locations were subsequently plotted on a map allowing the researcher to focus in on specific geographical locations.JustificationAcademic researchers such as Batchelor (2002) and Campbell (1995) have claimed that the media is responsible for sensationalising female violence and creating the myth of the female gang. It is therefore no surprise that researchers are now beginning to utilise the media as a means of investigating the gang phenomenon and how it is perceived. For example, Esbensen and Tusinski (2007) reviewed all gang-related articles published between 1980 and 2006 in the ‘big three’ American news weeklies namely; Newsweek, Time and U.S. News and World Report. From their research the authors’ concluded that there was a strong tendency by the media to rely on stereotypical depictions of gangs and their members when reporting on gang-related activities. Esbensen and Tusinski (2007) stated that this reinforces misconceptions that surround youth gangs, which they believe are problematic enough in reality without the media contributing to exaggerations of the links between gangs and violence.Thompson, Young and Burns (2000) conducted content analysis on all gang-related articles printed in the Dallas Morning News from 1991 to 1996. In total 4,445 articles were discovered over the 6-year period averaging over two articles per day. Eight major themes were identified. The majority of articles (32.7%) included some form of gang references; individual mentions of current and former gang members, editorial warnings about gangs and references to fictional and historical gangs. Articles also reported incidents of gang crime (18.7%), discouraging gang membership (resisting, 13%), gang busting on behalf of authorities (12.1%), and descriptions of foreign gangs (13.5%). The least reported articles involved accounts of gangs exclusively aimed at gang members (5%), academic gang research (2.1%), and gang rape (2.9%). The authors reported that during this time gangs and gang crime was a major source of social and moral news (Thompson, Young and Burns, 2000).The main aim of conducting a systematic review of the UK print media was to identify potential research sites for the main part of the research project. It was felt that by pinpointing the location of published journalistic accounts of female gang activity, it would narrow the focus for the researcher to sample potential female gang members. It was also hoped that collating this information would give some insight into the ‘spread’ of female gang membership across the UK. A by-product of the review was to examine the presentation of females in gangs in the UK. Conducting systematic reviews of existing literature have become key bases in the development of evidence-based practice particularly in the field of health (Bambra, 2011). According to Khan et al. (2003: 118) “a review earns the adjective systematic if it is based on a clearly formulated question, identifies relevant studies, appraises their quality and summarizes the evidence by use of explicit methodology”. Systematic reviews can subsequently be as rigorous in scientific method as other forms of research, involving identifying and synthesising all published evidence in order to provide reliable answers to particular questions (Thomas and Harden, 2008). One crucial aspect of systematic literature reviews is that they are based on peer-reviewed evidence enabling searches to be replicated and thus verified. The content of media articles whilst not necessarily considered peer-reviewed literature have been widely used as a source of information for academic research.Media content analysis has been a well-established research methodology since Lasswell’s work in the 1920’s on propaganda. By definition, content analysis can refer to any research technique that makes inferences from systematically and objectively identifying specified characteristics within text (Stone, Dunphy, Smith and Ogilvie, 1996). Whilst there are different types of content analysis, quantitative content analysis collects data about media content such as topics or issues, volume of mentions of key words, circulation and distribution levels and frequency (Macnamara, 2005). Whilst the current methodology was on a small scale, the same scientific and analytical principles were applied.Consequently a systematic review was conducted of all female-gang related articles that appeared in a selection of national and regional UK media publications from 1st January 2000 to April 2009. Within the confines of the research timescale, the maximum available time was allotted to this task. It was believed that nine years of data would provide sufficient scope to allow for any fluctuations caused by social or economic change. Articles were accessed via two main databases that archive both local and national newspapers from the last 25 years, namely; (a) Lexis Library (formerly LexisNexisButterworths) and (b) NewsUK. These two databases were used specifically due to the level and depth of the coverage they provided at the time of the search. In order for a content analysis to be conducted systematic searches were carried out using the following key words: “girl”, “woman”, “female”, “gang” and/or “group”. Identified articles included references to female gangs or females in gangs, acting as perpetrators of a criminal offence. Given the complexities of the debate into definitions of ‘gangs’ discussed in chapter two, it was decided that participation in criminal activity was an important identifying feature of female gang involvement and thus used as a prerequisite for media articles on females in gangs. It was understood that the use of the term ‘gang’ within media articles may not correspond to ‘official’ academic or professional definitions or indeed the current research project. However, it was believed that this would provide a more general picture of female group crime in the UK, whom may or may not be officially regarded as a ‘gang’. In total, 128 newspapers were searched obtaining over 3,000 articles. Articles matching the search criteria were located in 57 national and regional publications in England, Wales and Scotland. Although four articles that matched the criteria were located in Ireland, it was felt that geographically widening the search field would be unrealistic for the scope of the current research. Therefore these four articles were excluded. The content of individual articles was then read and analysed for relevance to the current research, resulting in 230 applicable articles being identified. The locations of these incidents were plotted on an electronic map of the UK using Google Maps software to illustrate the spread of the results across the country. Further information on the search results and process are provided in chapter 6 that follows.Part Two: Methods of Data CollectionIn an attempt to understand the role of the female gang member, the second part of the research methodology involved conducting semi structured interviews with female gang members and leading experts in the field who work with gang involved females on a frequent basis. Utilising a semi-structured interview format provides the researcher with the flexibility and fluidity that would be impractical if a detailed interview guide was adhered to. This methodological freedom allows the researcher to provide explanation and ask for clarification if responses are unclear (Corbetta, 2003). It was felt this would be particularly poignant when conducting interviews with vulnerable young women who may require more time and reassurance during the interview process. Patton (2002:343) stated that semi-structured interviews should enable researchers to:“Explore, probe, and ask questions that will elucidate and illuminate that particular subject … to build a conversation within a particular subject area, to word questions spontaneously, and to establish a conversational style but with the focus on a particular subject that has been predetermined”. Given the potentially emotive nature of the interviews in this case, it was believed that creating a natural environment in which dialogue could flow freely would allow issues specific to individual interviewees to be explored. Utilising a flexible framework of questions would therefore allow comparisons to be made across interviews and ensure specific themes were explored whilst maintaining continuity. As such, the interviewer actively encouraged interviewees to adopt elements of narrative enquiry throughout the process. This meant allowing interviewees to freely explore issues they believed to be of important instead of restricting them to respond to a strict prospectus of questioning. It was believed that adopting a more flexible procedure would generate a more realistic account of the daily lives of gang involved females. The study of narratives is becoming increasingly popular in social science research as a means of qualitative analysis. Consequently variations of techniques that utilise this method can be found depending in part on the background of the researcher and the methodological approach adopted; the unstructured interview (King and Wincup, 2007), the episodic interview (Flick, 2000), the focussed interview (Merton and Kendall, 1946), the active interview (Holstein and Gubrium, 1995) and the life story interview (Atkinson, 1998) to name a few. Using narrative enquiry in qualitative research credits individual stories as standalone data providing a pure description of one’s experiences as worthy documentary (Bochner, 2001). Given the time frame for the current research and the cross-sectional nature of the design, utilising a purely narrative interview would have been unrealistic. Therefore elements of narrative enquiry were used to provide interviewees with freedom to explore issues they believed important whilst helping to maintain a ‘real world’ context. The semi-structured nature of the interview schedule therefore enabled the researcher to ensure that specific gang-related information was generated.To this end, the researcher constructed a loose framework of questions for interviewees based on the aforementioned research aims. However as mentioned above these questions were utilised as a means to guide participants through the interview process and were not rigidly enforced. Interviewees were then able to provide the researcher with descriptively rich data about their experiences with ‘prompting’ only being given by the researcher when needed. Interviewees were therefore encouraged to express their opinions, feelings and experiences in a natural way and were allowed to do so with limited influence from the researcher. Prompts were used to aid respondents in their answers only when required. It was believed utilising such a flexible methodology would allow the interviewee more freedom in the interview process enabling them to dictate the direction of the interview, give their thoughts and opinions and expand on areas they wish to provide more detail (see appendix two for female gang member and appendix three for expert interview schedules).Research Design and StrategyA cross-sectional design was adopted throughout the current research to provide a snapshot of the female gang member problem across the UK at a specific point in time (Bryman, 2008). Cross-sectional designs involve collecting data from a sample of individuals (or groups) at a particular point in time which can be one-off or repeated at regular intervals. The benefit of cross-sectional research is that it can be used as a basis for inferring characteristics of the population and provides a means of ‘monitoring’ changes in the population in response to societal and policy change (Bynner, 2006). Cross-sectional research design is best used in exploratory research as it is time efficient and requires no long term commitment from participants (Gravetter and Forzano, 2012). Conversely this does mean that individual changes over time are not taken into account and causal relationships cannot be attributed (Gravetter and Forzano, 2012). However due to the fact that little is known about the roles of females in gangs across the UK, the research itself was exploratory in nature. No attempt was made to discover causal relationships between variables, but simply to shed light on a sociological phenomenon. It was believed that this design would allow the research to explore numerous issues simultaneously and to make inferences about possible relationships whilst gathering preliminary data to support further research and experimentation. Consequently a mixed research strategy was adopted which typically involves using alternative research methods in a single research project (Creswell, 2003). According to Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2004) the goal of utilising a mixed methods approach is to draw from the strengths and minimise the weaknesses of both approaches individually. In other words mixed methods research allow researchers to simultaneously answer questions about the complex nature of a phenomenon from the point of view of the participant whilst also measuring the relationship between variables (Williams, 2007:70). Within the remit of the current investigation, the alternative approaches used combine both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Denscombe (2010) suggests that this specific combination of research methodologies provides the researcher with more than one perspective, whilst facilitating a blend of exploratory and explanatory research. The quantitative aspect of the methodology was represented by the scoping study consisting of a systematic review of the UK print media. Although this task was completed with the sole intention of narrowing down the geographical focus of the research, further analysis revealed some interesting insights into the characteristics and behaviours of gangs. As a result the scoping study was extended, details of which shall be discussed in detail later on in this chapter. The qualitative element of the current investigation was represented by semi-structured interviews with female gang members and experts in the field. Baring this in mind, one of the major drawbacks of using this form of research design is that it can be highly time consuming and costly for the researcher (Desnscombe, 2010). As will be addressed later this chapter, the research methodology was altered during the course of the process due to unforeseen organisational and logistical constraints. However it must be acknowledged that the combination of quantitative and qualitative techniques may also have extended the time-frame allocated for the research completion. In addition it must be noted that a secondary disadvantage of using a mixed methods approach is that the findings obtained from alternative techniques may not corroborate one another (Denscombe, 2010). Despite these shortcomings however, given the exploratory underpinning reflected in the research philosophy it was felt that embracing a holistic approach in terms of a mixed methods design would best represent the research aims.SamplingTwo sources of information were identified through the current research namely; current and former female gang members and leading experts in the field of ‘gangs’ in the UK. Each sample population was accessed through an intricate process of networking which will be outlined separately. ExpertsWhilst results from the systematic print media search allowed the geographical scope of the sample to be narrowed, suitable individuals to participate in interviews needed to be identified. The sampling techniques used for this stage of the research were slightly more complex, with mixed strategies being applied. The underlying principle of the original sample was convenience allowing the researcher to focus on an easily accessible, volunteer population (Kemper, Stringfield and Teddlie, 2003). Firstly access needed to be negotiated to informed individuals who worked with gang exposed females on a frequent basis. Experts have been successfully utilised in previous research as a method of data collection about gangs (Howell, 1998; Esbensen et al., 2001). Approximately ninety gang-informed individuals were contacted in total, representing around forty-three different organisations that ranged from law enforcement, prison and probation services, child and adolescent services, and women’s services to gang-specific services. Contact with experts was generated via an intricate process of networking that took place over an extended period of time (approximately twelve months). This process involved the researcher approaching numerous voluntary and public sector organisations and law enforcement agencies in the selected areas building up a portfolio of contacts. Effectively at this stage a snowballing sampling technique was applied in which once one expert had been obtained, access to further informed individuals was negotiated. Utilising snowball sampling techniques means that the sample size grows as the process continues, due to respondents providing the researcher with further recommendations of contacts (Newburn, 2007). Some of the experts were unable to complete an expert interview (usually due to time or organisational constraints). Of the ninety individuals contacted, formal interviews were only conducted with ten experts. This resulted in a response rate of nine per cent. Gang MembersOwing to the fact that female gang members were categorised as a vulnerable, ‘at risk’ group, obtaining access to them for interview purposes was problematic therefore a decision was made to utilise gatekeepers (i.e., experts) as a means of access. Once expert access was established, their help was sought to facilitate access to female gang members. Whilst detailed information was provided to experts on the types of females required for participation, essentially the decision of whether to provide access, and to whom the access was given was at the discretion of experts. As such it is important to note that discrepancies may have been present in the definitions of a female gang member applied by experts and those utilised by the researcher. Whilst every effort was made to minimise this inconsistency, it may have affected the final sample. Typical case sampling involves locating appropriate cases that best illuminate the research question at hand (Kemper, Stringfield and Teddlie, 2003). This can often involve seeking out the most extreme or outstanding cases. Within the remit of the current research it is possible that experts sought out the most extreme female gang members in order to be of most benefit to the research. To avoid yielding to such social desirability factors, any female gang members supplied by experts that failed to adhere to the research criteria were excluded. To this end, one female interview was omitted from the final sample. The female in question displayed a lack of knowledge on gangs in her area, had no personal experience with gangs and consequently gave little useful information in her interview to justify her inclusion. A small sample of four interviewees was obtained from a female prison in the UK. Access to interviewees was negotiated directly with the prison governor and psychologist and took place through a series of written and verbal communications. The process itself took six months to secure due to organisational requirements and constraints. The prison psychologist provided the researcher with access to an identified sample of gang-involved females who were then approached by mail to participate in the study. Female gang members then elected to participate in the interview processafter being fully informed of the research aims and procedures. Characteristics and demographics for the two sample populations namely; female gang members and experts will now be outlined separately.Characteristics of Female Gang MembersIn order to shed some light on the experiences of females in gangs, it was prudent to secure a sample that contained both current and former gang members in order to present a holistic view of female gang involvement. In addition it was decided that a broad sample range with regards to age, ethnicity, criminality, and geographical location would be appropriate. In light of the research challenges outlined above, the final sample size was smaller than anticipated. Initial assessments aimed for between thirty and forty interviewees. Although verbal contact was made with twenty-five potential female gang members, only twenty-one physically participated in the interviews. The final sample consisted of twenty females all of whom had some experience with gangs and gang-related activities in their area. Of these twenty females, eleven were identified as current gang members whilst the remaining nine were involved in gangs at some point in the past. The distinction however between those currently still involved and those that had terminated their gang associations were not as straightforward as first anticipated. Although all interviewees were asked to clarify the status of their gang membership, answers often generated ambiguous and unclear distinctions of gang involvement. As a result, each interview was meticulously examined to assess the interviewees’ level of involvement in the gang. Identifying factors included frequent and consistent interactions with the gang and its members, in-depth knowledge about gang operations and group dynamics and extensive involvement in gang activities. Whilst the complexities of this distinction will be outlined in-depth in Chapter Nine, it is important at this stage to acknowledge that females that adhered to this criteria presently were categorised as current members whilst females identified with these characteristics in their past were classed as former members. Of those classified as former members the length of time spent since their membership ranged from between 12 months and 10 years. The length of time females spent as part of a gang was harder to establish as many found it challenging to pinpoint a specific date in which they became a ‘gang member’. Instead females indicated that joining a gang was more of a progressive process that happens over time. Bearing this issue in mind, estimates were made from the information generated through interviews, and it was assessed that length of membership ranged from between 4 and 11 years with an average length of 8 years. The age of participants ranged from fourteen years to thirty-five years with an average age of nineteen. With regards to the racial identity of participants the majority were Caucasian (10) whilst the remainder were mixed race (6), Black (4) and one participant identified as Mongolian. The majority of females were single (12), whilst nine of them were in a relationship at the time of interview. Six of the females indicated that they had at some point had an intimate personal relationship with a gang member. When asked to disclose their sexual orientation most indicated that they were heterosexual, however of the four females that resided in custody during the interview three of them disclosed that they were homosexual and one identified herself as bi-sexual. Only three participants had dependents, of which collectively resulted in five children. Most participants were still in school at the time of the interview, whilst four were in prison others were employed as volunteers, youth workers and one was a qualified solicitor. Although four were currently residing in custody an additional two had served a prison sentence previously. Characteristics of ExpertsThe title of ‘expert’ was given to any individual or group that had experience working with gang members, particularly females on a direct and regular basis. As highlighted above around ninety individuals that matched the criteria of ‘expert’ were approached to participate in the study, representing approximately forty-three different organisations that engaged with gang exposed young women. Within this cohort of experts many provided vital information to the research team via e-mails, telephone conversations and face-to-face meetings without completing an ‘expert’ interview. However, their information was no less valuable. It helped guide the research process and provided the researcher with a variety of contacts and background information. It is important to note at this time that the unit of analysis here was the number of expert interviews conducted, of which there were ten, nine individual and one group session. This decision was taking owing to the fact that the three experts present in interview five answered the questions collectively as opposed to individually. Therefore separating their responses would minimise the usefulness of the data and remove many answers out of context. Table 5.1 below details the final sample of ten expert interviews, the gender of the interviewee, their sector of business, area of expertise and years of experience on the job.Table 5.1: Expert Interview Participant InformationExpertGenderBusiness SectorArea of ExpertiseGeographical LocationLength of Experience1MStatutoryYoung Offenders (Gangs)Birmingham18 Months2MVoluntaryYoung OffendersLondon3 Years3FVoluntaryCommunity ConflictBristol8 Years4FVoluntaryYouth ServicesLondon12 Years555M(1)M(2)M (3)VoluntaryVoluntaryVoluntaryGangsGangsGangsLondonLondonLondon6 Years12 Months2 Months6MStatutoryFemale OffendingManchester6 Years7MStatutoryPoliceCardiff3 Years8MStatutoryProbation: Gang SpecificManchester20 Years9FStatutoryEducationManchester25 Years10FVoluntaryYouth WorkBirmingham7 YearsAs is visible from the above table four of the experts were female, whilst the remaining six were male (expert interview 5 consisted of three male interviewees). Seven of the interviews were with experts who represented the voluntary sector whilst the other three were with experts from statutory services. Three interviews were conducted in London, three in Manchester, two in Birmingham and one each in Cardiff and Bristol. The average number of years’ experience generated by experts was seven years and seven months in total. In order that levels and depth of expertise could be clarified, each expert was asked to divulge in what capacity they worked with female gang members.Three experts also divulged previous personal experience with gangs through their interviews. This meant that in their younger days, prior to the commencement of their current roles, they were considered gang members themselves. Expert number two was a former gang leader who had turned his life around and now focussed on helping young people desist from their gang involvement. Expert number four disclosed how she was part of a large gang family when she was a child and as a result had to move out of the area she grew up in in order to exit the lifestyle and remove the stigma. She now focussed on working with young people, resolving conflict and running gang-related programmes to help others avoid her experiences. Expert interview five consisted of a small focus group of three male former gang members who now run a project that highlights the consequences of gang involvement to at risk young people. Whilst these three interviews were not given any more weighting than other expert testimony, they did bring a more personal element to the agenda that was considered beneficial.Interviews with experts also adopted a semi-structured format focussing on the interviewees’ experiences with gang-involved young women and gathering their opinions on the subject. Interview questions centred on experts divulging information about gangs in their area; the characteristics of gangs and their members including gender; the purpose/function of gangs; their organisation and structure; the motivation of members and initiation procedures; and exit strategies for members. In addition to these, experts were also asked about initiatives they were aware of that aim to tackle female gang involvement in their area. Within this section they were asked about the nature and extent of the problem in their opinion, what programmes were in place and how they perceived female gang members were responding to the interventions. Experts were also asked if there was any further information they wished to share with the researcher regarding female gang members that had not been directly tackled during the interview. This was to ensure that their knowledge and expertise was being utilised to its maximum potential, and that no information was bypassed or excluded from the study that may have been of importance. Experts were also asked if they were aware of any further individuals or organisations that may be beneficial for the current research to contact, and whether they would be prepared to provide their details. In addition to this, experts were asked whether they were able to facilitate access to the research team to appropriate young females for interview purposes, and whether they would be prepared to do so (for full copy of expert interview schedule, please see appendix three). Ethical ConsiderationsInterviews were conducted in line with University of Glamorgan’s General Ethical Guidelines for Research and Consultancy (2008) and the British Psychological Society’s Code of Ethics and Conduct in Research (2009). The key principles considered relevant to the current research were: to obtain informed consent, avoid deception, avoid harm, to ensure interviewee’s privacy was maintained and that interviews were conducted with fairness and integrity. The completed proposal was then presented to the University of Glamorgan’s Ethics Committee for approval, which proved to be a lengthy process taking approximately four months to complete. This process was necessary to ensure the research was conducted to the appropriate standard and protections were in place for the safety and security of both the researcher and interviewees.All interviewees were fully informed about the research, its aims and procedures prior to the commencement of interviews. Given the delicate nature of the research topic and the vulnerability of potential participants, it was anticipated that full disclosure was necessary in helping secure the trust and subsequent co-operation of interviewees. Posters, flyers, letters and information sheets were distributed to potential participants in anticipation of their involvement in the research. In addition, owing to the vulnerable nature of current and former female gang members, special attention was given to obtaining informed consent. Whilst all participants completed a consent form, extra precautions were taken with participants under the age of sixteen. Secondary consent forms were provided to parents and/or guardians of those participants under sixteen years of age. Although experts were not given a consent form per se, implied consent was assumed after arrangements had been made to meet with the researcher. However, to ensure ethical considerations were met, each expert was read a statement of intent that included details about the study, the main aims and objectives, and confirmation of all anonymity and confidentiality issues prior to the interviews conduction. If issues were raised about any aspect of the research project, they were dealt with at this time, to enable informed consent to be obtained fully. Assurances were given to all interviewees concerning the confidentiality and safe storage of information that was gathered. To maximise the security of female gang member testimony, each female was given the opportunity to create a pseudonym that would replace their identifiable details on all research correspondence. On the other hand expert anonymity was guaranteed by providing assurances that no identifiable data would be published in the completed thesis. All participants were informed of their ability to refuse to answer specific questions and to terminate the interview at any stage should they feel uncomfortable. To ensure the safety of participants and the researcher, interviews were conducted at secure locations provided by the organisation that allowed the interview to take place. Additionally it was believed this would place interviewees in a comfortable and familiar environment during the interview process. All thirty interviews were conducted by the same researcher. This meant that all interviews were conducted in the same manner, ensuring the privacy, integrity and fairness of the process. Reinforcements were made (verbally and in writing) to female gang members in particular, that they should refrain from disclosing identifiable details of themselves or others during the interview process. Circumstances were therefore clearly outlined to participants in which the confidentiality clause would be lifted namely; if they divulged information that displayed a significant and previously undetected risk to themselves or others; and if they disclosed identifying details linking them to a previously undetected offence. Interviewees were advised that should either of those circumstances arise, the interview would be terminated and the information may be passed onto the relevant criminal justice agencies. Whilst these conditions were explained in full to all participants, they were not required for any of the interviews. Permission to digitally record interviews was obtained from interviewees prior to the commencement of questioning. Whilst all experts consented to being digitally recorded, two female gang members refused and therefore hand-written notes were taken from their interviews. All digital data were kept in a secured location and destroyed once transcription had taken place. Major concerns with female gang members in particular were the potential consequences of participating in the study and the responsibility of the researcher not to place them under circumstances of stress. To this end, as previously stated all female gang member interviews were conducted within an environment where females were already receiving support and guidance for aspects of their gang involvement. Interviewees were kept fully informed about the content of the interview and had the opportunity to withdraw at any point. Although details of the researcher and professional agencies that could assist the individual were provided on completion of the interview, female gang members in particular were encouraged to use the resources already available to them via their organisation should they feel the need to discuss issues further. Contact information for the researcher was also provided to every institution that accommodated interviews in the unlikely event that issues should arise. “Because of the feelings of ‘closeness’ created by interviewees discussing personal details of their lives - sometimes never before revealed, or indeed hidden from family members and friends - researchers have stressed the ethical duties incumbent on researchers” (Godfrey.2004:59).The above quotation suitably encapsulates the responsibility of researchers when investigating sensitive topics. One might assume that the definition of sensitive research is quite self-explanatory when in fact within the research arena this is not so clear cut. Whilst it is not necessary at this point to delve into the depth of definition in terms of sensitive research topics, it is vital to illustrate how the delicate nature of the subject may have impinged upon the interview as a process. Research can be considered ‘sensitive’ if; (i) it produces an ‘intrusive threat’, that is investigating private, stressful or sacred issues; (ii) it involves the possibility that stigmatizing or incriminating information may be revealed; and finally (iii) when it impinges on political alignments often involving controversial topics (Lee, 1993: 4). It was believed that the current research encompasses all of the above stipulations. Conducting interviews with vulnerable young women who may have been exposed to some kind of abuse albeit physical/sexual or indeed alcohol/drug related, who come from disadvantaged backgrounds and who may have partaken in criminal activities highlighted the need for discretion and caution during the interview process.It was vital to make one’s interviewee as comfortable as possible in their surroundings in order to generate reliable and fruitful rewards. The ability of researchers to emotionally and empathetically relate to their interviewees facilitates successful interviews and is vital to the interpretative process. However, a researcher who identifies too closely with their subject runs the risk of losing the “professional detachment and questioning stance that is…necessary for critical research” (Godfrey, 2004: 60). During the access and interview process inevitably relationships are forged between the researcher and their interviewee (Bornat, 2001). This was particularly prudent in the current case on account of the potentially sensitive nature of the dialogue. Whilst Jones (1998:49) stated that “it would be unlikely if the experience of talking about….memories was entirely without cost for either the interviewee or the interviewer”, it was hoped that by adopting sensitive interviewing techniques and creating a safe environment for exploration interviewee’s would be placed under more comfortable and less stress evoking conditions. To maximise this element of security access was obtained via organisations that had existing rapport with interviewees and therefore established relations of trust. Whilst it would have been impossible to eradicate all extraneous variables that may have had an effect on the interviewees’ responses, every effort was made to ensure minimal interference with respondents. Data AnalysisInterview data (female gang member and expert) were transcribed and thematically analysed, identifying, evaluating and reporting patterns (themes) within data using NVivo qualitative organisational software. Conducting a thematic analysis on the data set involved meticulously searching for recurring patterns (themes) in individual data items (i.e. individual interview transcripts) and analysing their applicability across the entire data set. “A theme captures something important about the data in relation to the research question, and represents some level of patterned response or meaning within the data set” (Braun and Clarke, 2006:82). Qualitative organisational software NVivo was used to categorise existing themes into meaningful chunks of data. Throughout the analytic process several themes emerged, each of which will be outlined along with supporting quotations taken from the text in the following chapters.Only two of the female gang members refused to be digitally recorded during their interview session (Mickey and Lilly A), as a result hand written notes were taken instead. Their data were included in the analysis however using verbatim quotations from their interviews was understandably difficult. “Thematic analysis can be a method that works both to reflect reality and to unpick or unravel the surface of ‘reality’ (Braun and Clarke, 2006: 81). In this instance the ‘reality’ being the daily lives of current and former gang involved females. By adopting a realist method of analysis it was hoped to accurately describe the experiences, meanings and actuality of female gang membership. Whilst other qualitative methods may have provided a more theoretical basis for analysis (for example discourse analysis) it was thought that analysis should be led by the data-set itself as opposed to preconceived theoretical assumptions. As thematic analysis is not wedded into any pre-existing theoretical framework, it was believed that the flexibility it provided would allow the data to be presented in its original context with minimal distortion or influence therefore providing a more ‘realistic’ account of the daily lives of female gang members.Research ReflectionsThis purpose of this section is to apply a retrospective lens to the research process, to evaluate its strengths and weaknesses and acknowledge challenges faced during the course of the investigation. Particular emphasis will thus be placed on (i) exploring any challenges faced by the researcher in investigating such a sensitive and ‘at risk’ sample population and (ii) evaluating the success of the study in answering the research questions as well as identifying limitations of the research and areas for potential improvement. Research ChallengesInitially at the start of the research process, the aim was to gather information from a wide variety of gang involved females between the ages of 10 to 25 in order to illustrate the gang ‘career’ of involved females. It was therefore intended to conduct both one on one semi-structured interviews, observations and focus groups with females from pupil referral units (PRU’s), the probation and prison services, and through the use of an outreach worker on the streets. In reality, this proved more difficult than anticipated. It quickly became apparent that organisations that work with gang-involved females on a regular basis can be reluctant to expose them to external sources such as researchers. The majority of females are brought to the attention of such organisations as they fall into a category labelled ‘at risk’, and therefore interventions are introduced to provide help and support to that individual. These females may have already been exposed to extreme violence and/or abuse and subsequently wish to exit the lifestyle that reinforces this negative cycle. It is therefore understandable that organisations should be protective of their clients. However this created a major challenge with regards to accessing gang-involved females for research purposes. Access was therefore obtained through a long, intensive process, involving the researcher attending many productions, conferences and meetings on the issue of gangs, and building up a portfolio of contacts. Individual contacts were then approached via numerous correspondences about the current study and asked whether they would be prepared to facilitate access to appropriate females. This consequently led to delays in completing the research thesis. In addition to the logistical problems experienced throughout the course of the research, the researcher also faced some difficulties engaging with and researching such a vulnerable sample group. As previously stated, many of the young women who took part in the study had previous experience of being both an offender and victim of crime and violence and as such were naturally cautious about disclosing information to an outside source. Whilst every attempt was made to make interviewees feel comfortable by initiating contact with them through a familiar source, and conducting interviews in a familiar environment, it is possible that interviewees remained guarded in their discourses. Additionally, a desire to appear socially acceptable to the researcher may have encouraged interviewees to answer questions in a manner they believed to be desirable. Nevertheless reflecting on the interview process, data obtained from female gang members was rich in information concerning their criminal involvement and victimisation. It can therefore be speculated that the researcher obtained a good rapport with female gang members and experts in the field in order to generate such detailed narratives. With that in mind, were the research to be extended, it would be beneficial to conduct repeat interviews with female gang members in an attempt to extend existing relationships. Research EvaluationIn utilising semi-structured interviews, it was hoped that interviewees would provide the researcher with descriptively rich data about their daily lives and ‘prompting’ would only be given by the researcher when needed. ‘Prompting’ was subsequently more applicable to the interviews conducted with female gang members as opposed to interviews conducted with ‘experts’. ‘Expert’ interviews flowed more easily and this was anticipated for a few reasons. Firstly ‘experts’ are experienced in partaking in the interview process and can sometimes be well rehearsed in presenting answers articulately to promote their own interests. This was also identified as a potential risk that could confound the reliability of the data as experts might use the platform to communicate their own agenda. To ensure this was not the intention plausible experts were screened beforehand, and the entire intentions of the research were explained to them prior to any meetings being set up. In retrospect most experts were keen to promote the needs of young women engaged in the gang lifestyle and that they had separate and distinctive needs as opposed to their male counterparts. For the purpose of the research, ‘experts’ were defined as those individuals who had frequent, extensive and direct contact with young women who were associated with gangs. More detail on the characteristics of experts will be given in due course. At this point it is important to note that experts despite having intrinsic knowledge of gangs and the roles females play within their organisational structure, possess second and sometimes third hand experiences. Bearing this in mind, experts were able to provide a more holistic and general account of the women they had come into contact with who were involved in gangs and therefore were considered an important source of information. In addition to this any discrepancies between accounts generated from gang involved females and experts that work with them on a frequent basis may be of vital importance to understanding the phenomenon as a whole. In regards to interviews conducted with female gang members, the semi-structured framework worked moderately well. Some respondents took the opportunity to share with the researcher their ‘life stories’ in detail and needed very little encouragement to explore their role within the gang. However, other participants were less forthcoming with information and found it easier to respond to a specific set of questions. Having this framework in place afforded the researcher the opportunity to respond to individual interviewee’s needs during the conversation and provide encouragement when it was needed most.Whilst it was important to the researcher to maintain a ‘female’ orientated piece of research, it is also acknowledged that to fully illuminate the influence of gender in gangs, a comparative approach would also have been beneficial. A comparison of the experiences of women in all-female gangs versus women in mixed gender gangs would provide a deeper insight into the gender dynamics operating within the gang structure, whilst comparing the roles of female gang members to those of their male counterparts would highlight any gender differences in the gang experience. Although an attempt was made to obtain the testimony of women in an all-female gang, and that of male gang members, unfortunately this was not plausible in the remit of the current investigation. Whilst further information on this issue will be discussed in the conclusion to the thesis, it is important to acknowledge here the potential limitations of the research methodology. Consequently given the relatively small sample size (20 female gang members and 10 experts) generated in the current research, any attempt to generalise the findings to the larger population should be guided with caution. With that in mind it was not the purpose of the current investigation to provide comprehensive evidence of the extent and nature of female gang membership across the UK, but to provide detailed narratives about the experiences of young women in gangs to help explain the nature of their involvement. Although supplementary information was generated about gangs as a larger social entity, the primary focus here was on the individual experiences of female gang members. Further discussion about the implications of the current study on future research and policy will be addressed at the conclusion of the thesis. ConclusionThis chapter has presented a reflexive account of the current research process as well as outlining ethical issues that emerged through the course of the research. Additionally a number of challenges faced by the researcher were evaluated and limitations of the current research addressed. Existing research has failed to provide an adequate springboard for researching female gang membership in the UK. The systematic review of the UK print media aimed to provide some clarity to this issue by painting a picture of female gang membership across the UK. Two main sources of information were used to build a picture of female gang involvement in the UK namely; female gang members (current and former) and leading experts in the field that work closely with gang-involved young women on a frequent basis. In chapter seven that follows, the first of these data will be examined with key themes identified through expert interview testimony being analysed. Testimony from female gang members subsequently forms the basis of chapters eight, nine and ten. Chapter 6Scoping Study: ResultsIntroductionThe primary motivation for conducting a systematic review of the UK print media was to help identify appropriate geographical locations for the second phase of the research. Due to the lack of empirical evidence concerning the involvement of females in gangs in the UK, the research utilised the UK print media to help narrow the scope of the research. It is therefore the purpose of this chapter to outline the results of the UK print media search. Specifically this chapter aims to: (i) identify geographical locations where incidents of female gang involvement were reported (ii) describe how this information was used to narrow the scope of the research and (iii) illustrate the process of data analysis. In conclusion the chapter will draw upon findings from the scoping study to help answer the research questions and guide phase two of the research. Incidents of Female Gang Involvement: Geographical DistributionFindings from the media review indicated that the majority of incidents documenting female involvement in gangs were reported in and around the major cities within the UK. The highest number of accounts took place in London (39), followed by the North West (35), Scotland (32) and the West Midlands (31). The least number of incidents were documented in Wales (8) and the East Midlands (8). Incidents describing female gang involvement published between January 2000 and April 2009 were then plotted on a map of the UK. Figure 6.1 overleaf illustrates the number of incidents involving females in gangs that took place in each region of the UK.2228854635500Figure 6.1: Map illustrating the location of Girl Gang Incidents reported in UK print mediaAs is clear from the above map, the highest number of incidents took place in London (39), followed by 35 in the North West, 32 in Scotland and 31 in the West Midlands. Results indicate that the majority of gang-related incidents involving females were reported unsurprisingly in and around our major cities. Narrowing the Scope of the ResearchWhilst the highest numbers of incidents were recorded in London, the aim of the research was not to paint a picture of female gang involvement one major city but to explore the problem more generally. Therefore the researcher was able to focus resources on areas where incidents of female gang involvement were reportedly high, specifically the North West, West Midlands and London regions of the UK. Utilising the print media results in this manner meant that the scope for sampling was narrowed and more focussed. The researcher was able to use the results as a basis for exploration, contacting services in the target areas that worked with gang involved females in order to begin appropriate sampling techniques. Once initial target areas were identified, snowball sampling techniques (outlined in chapter 5) were employed. This often meant that the researcher was directed to different geographical locations through key connections that were made. Although the primary aim of conducting the systematic review of the UK print media was to locate potential female gang members for the interview phase of the research, some interesting information was gathered from the content analysis of these articles. Subsequently information gathered here helped to inform the main research process. Data AnalysisWhilst the main aim of conducting the systematic review of the UK print media was to provide the research with a geographical focus, on closer inspection it was noted that the media articles contained valuable and relevant information about the characteristics and behaviours of gangs across the UK. As a result, the researcher felt that conducting further, more detailed analysis of the media reports would be beneficial. Therefore the content of reported incidents was collated and analysed to depict the gender composition of the gangs reported, the gender of the victim(s), the crime that was committed and whether a weapon was used in the commission of the offence.Firstly in regards to the gender composition of gangs, incidents were coded and plotted on an electronic map with pink markers indicating incidents involving an all-female gang, green markers identifying incidents involving a mixed gender gang, and blue markers highlighting incidents involving a lone female in a male gang (see figure 6.2 overleaf).Figure 6.2: Electronic Map of Female Gang Incidents reported in the UK print mediaTable 6.1: Number of articles in each code depicting the gender of the perpetrator, Perpetrator GenderNumber of ArticlesAll Female (PINK)141Mixed Gender (GREEN)60Lone Female (BLUE)29As illustrated by the above table and figure 6.1 the majority of incidents reported in the UK print media involved an all-female gang. Sixty incidents described girls taking part in a gang-related offence within a mixed gender environment, whilst twenty-nine incidents involved a single female partaking in an offence with a gang of males. The majority of reports in the print media depict that the offence occurred against a female victim, however sixty incidents described an incident involving both male and female victims, and thirty-six described a single male victim (see table 6.2 below).Table 6.2: Number of victims reported in girl gang articlesVictim GenderNumber of ArticlesNo Victim3Female130Mixed Gender60Male36More than 1 victim1Table 6.3: Types of crimes reportedly committed by girl gangsCrime CommittedNumber of ArticlesViolence Against the Person125‘Happy Slapping’10Sexual Assault3Theft/Robbery73Anti-social Behaviour17Criminal Damage2It is clear from table 6.3 above that the majority of offences involved violence against the person, which typically took the form of some kind of physical assault. Seventy-three incidents involved theft or robbery, whilst seventeen incidents described the gang engaging in some form of anti-social behaviour. ‘Happy Slapping’ describes a crime where a victim is beaten up whilst being film on a visual recording devise, often a mobile phone. Although they do come under the guise of violence against the person, they were treated separately due to the perceived difference in the motivation for the offence. One-hundred and seventy-three of the incidents reported in the media did not involve the use of a weapon, whilst fifty seven reported the use of guns, knives, baseball bats and the like as weapons. Only twenty-one of the incidents reported resulted in a fatality, the remaining two hundred and nine did not report any significant injury to the victim.ConclusionIn summary, reported articles describing females in gangs indicated that that the majority of incidents (61%) involved an all-female gang, committing violence against the person (60%), against a female victim (57%). Seventy-five per cent of the incidents reported did not involve the use of a weapon, whilst the remaining twenty-five per cent reported the use of guns, knives, baseball bats and the like as weapons. Twenty-one incidents reported resulted in a fatality, the remaining ninety-one per cent did not report any significant injury to the victim. In addition, these incidents were more likely to be reported in and around the major cities within the UK. Despite the motivation behind conducting the scoping study being to narrow the focus of the research, it provided some useful and interesting insights into the characteristics and behaviours of females in gangs through the media. Findings presented here help to paint a picture of female gang involvement across the UK particularly in regards to distribution, gender composition and involvement in crime and violence. It is important to note that it was not the purpose of the content analysis to evaluate any discrepancies between media reports and ‘actual’ events, but simply to enrich and orientate the investigation in attempting to answer the research questions. However examination of the impact of the media on female gang membership will be touched upon in the discussion. Chapter 7Expert Interview FindingsIntroductionIn an effort to generate a holistic approach to understanding the nature of female’s gang involvement and to help identify and locate an appropriate sample for the second phase of the research, interviews were conducted with leading experts in the field. The title of ‘expert’ was given to any individual or group that has experience working with gang members, particularly females on a direct and regular basis. Therefore separating their responses would minimise the usefulness of the data and remove many answers out of context. The purpose of conducting interviews with experts was threefold: firstly to help organise potential research access for the second phase of the research, secondly to guide the structure of female gang member interviews, thirdly it was hoped that expert testimony would supplement data gathered from female gang members in order to answer the question: what is the nature of female gang involvement? The current chapter presents findings from these interviews with specific focus on the gangs that experts have experienced, how they were defined, how they developed, how they were structured and organised, gender makeup of gangs, gang roles and activities and how agencies set out to tackle the gang problem. Expert interview transcripts were thematically analysed using a combination of NVivo qualitative data organisational software and subjective interpretation on behalf of the researcher. This analysis developed utilising a ground up approach where recurrent themes within experts’ dialogues were identified. These were then collated and coded until persistent themes started to emerge from the data. It was important to the researcher to keep data in context, therefore allowing the central focus to be dictated by interviewees themselves. The nature of expert testimony meant that it was second hand. As such no direct focus was given to explaining gangs as a single entity but as a social phenomenon. On the other hand, this enabled a more holistic account to be generated by knowledgeable individuals with extensive experience with female gang members in the field. As such the main focus of this section is to present the findings from interviews with experts purposely to explore their understandings of the roles of female gang members, although some consideration will be given to gangs as a whole. Primarily the focus here was females in mixed gender gangs; although some limited information was gathered on all-female gangs. DefinitionsThe first important factor to note when discussing expert testimony is the emphasis placed on the definition of the term gang. Foremost the definition of a gang caused some logistical problems for the researcher as organisations approached during the sampling process often had different gang definitions. Practically this also appeared to be a challenge for practitioners. No conclusive definition was used by any organisation represented by experts during the interview process, however some similarities were unearthed. Experts were not directly asked to define what they believed a gang to be, however many of them highlighted the problems with defining gangs as a significant issue. It was suggested that the lack of consensus on what a gang is often meant that gang members, particularly females, slipped through the system. Definitions of a gang that were too narrow meant that individuals failed to be recognised, whilst too wide a definition risked over emphasising gang involvement. Definitions provided by experts shared a number of similar characteristics namely: possession of a common goal, purpose and identity, longevity, repeated criminal activity and rivalry or conflict. One example is shown below:“The one [definition] that we’ve settled on at the moment in terms of longevity in terms of how we define it, it’s probably kind of like a group of young people that share a common identity, common language and common goals and but they are involved in repeated criminal activities and have become more organised” (Expert 3)The most significant difference in definition was noted between law enforcement and other agencies. Experts that worked for law enforcement agencies tended to place an emphasis on the involvement of firearms in defining gangs as illustrated below:“A group of individuals with a specific identity a willingness and a known willingness to use firearms, so we’re quite specific about that it’s about high echelons of gang activity my area” (Expert 1)The above quotation suggests that the use of firearms places gangs in a higher level of risk in terms of criminality. It is plausible that given the restricted resources available to tackle gangs, law enforcement tend to place emphasis on the more serious end of the gang spectrum. The Development of Gangs“People don’t get involved in urban street gangs just like that, it doesn’t just happen overnight something happens or a series of things happens or environments are created…….it’s either socially driven or socially and criminally driven or you know it’s a combination of many parts of things” (Expert 1)Experts were asked to explain what they believed to be the main function or purpose of gangs, how gangs developed in their area and what they believed motivated young people to join gangs. All three of these questions yielded similar responses and have as such been collated together. Experts disclosed much information about how gangs in their area came into being and why. Many stated that the formation of gangs was a developmental process as opposed to an instant creation. Therefore this section will address the social and environmental factors believed to contribute to the development of gangs and attracting young people into the gang lifestyle. Responses were fivefold: making money, conflict, urban culture, family situation and relationships.Making MoneyThe desire to gain monetary funds was a major contributory factor to joining gangs. Money obtained was believed to be for personal use on behalf of the individual, in order to buy the latest trends, clothes or fashion items, or to purchase drugs or alcohol for the gang. Whilst it is presumed that young people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds would be attracted by the ease and swift nature of gaining money through illegitimate means, this was not always the case. Experts reported being exposed to numerous middle class individuals, with steady homes, in mainstream education that joined gangs as outlined below:“Money, money, a lot of young people come from poor backgrounds there’s a feeling, there’s kind of a sense of loss I guess some young people come from middle class fine families but they don’t necessarily have access to that if there’s boundaries or walls or limitations that the parents have put in place most likely rightly, and then they will go out and find their ways” (Expert 4)Experts disclosed that in gangs money was usually made through illegitimate and criminal means, typically involving selling drugs or stolen goods as highlighted below:“[Drugs] it’s the biggest money maker for them, you know there’s associated things like violence, and threats and intimidation reported the occasional kidnap but generally it was drugs because they get more bank for their buck don’t they, they get easy money quickly and a think that looking at gang members across Britain, across the world they all love money, and their bling and their fast cars and their nice clothes so” (Expert 7)ConflictRivalries and conflict were also considered important catalysts in the development of gangs and attraction of potential members. The assembly of competing individuals in a small geographical area was felt likely to result in tension, causing people to band together for protection. This could stem from different racial or ethnic tensions or simply individuals from different neighbourhoods clashing. Experts reported individuals getting involved in gangs owing to their desire to avoid becoming a victim from a rival gang. Resultantly a group of individuals subsequently unite through a common cause, creating safety in numbers thus enabling them to feel more protected as explained below:“Bullying's a big one, a lot of people get involved in gangs I think because they were bullied by a group or a gang something like that, don't want that to happen again so its protective” (Expert 6)Banding together sometimes also reinforced the geographical constraints adopted by the gang often resulting in them claiming some kind of territory or turf. This geographical location was then defended by the gang from rivals who may choose to enter or even attempt to claim the area as the following quote explains:“This creates dangerous areas where rivalries can cross. Postcode territories result in gang wars (for example Hackney murder mile strip). Different estates provide members with different identity. Some cannot even walk down the road safely as their territory meets that of their rivals. Gang identity can be shown with regards to clothing and colours, tattoos and symbols” (Expert 2) Gang rivalries therefore frequently resulted in violent altercations some of which concluded in fatalities and tended to involve the use of weapons as the example below illustrates:“Weapons again main right, mainly tends to be knives carrying. You know you kind of hear, we do all sorts of work in terms of trying to challenge young people but you hear them say common things which are like I’d rather carry a knife because I’d rather stab than be stabbed…..you can’t bring fists to a knife fight and you can’t bring a knife to a gun fight so it’s like you have to up the anti whatever it is you need to make sure you’re evenly matched…..I think it is protection……it’s fear” (Expert 3)Urban CultureWithin discussions about the attractions of becoming involved in gangs, experts divulged numerous details concerning the perceived benefits of adopting an urban ‘gang’ lifestyle. It was believed that the media, fashion trends, social media, and musical genres collectively contributed to making gangs appear glamorous and desirable to young people. The desire to create a certain image, build up a status and demand respect from one’s peers were seen as appealing and therefore an attractive alternative to ‘normal’ life as illustrated in the quote below:“The urban culture is ripe at the moment, it’s very cool in society with music etc. It gives gang members a certain street reputation. People from mixed socioeconomic backgrounds and ethnicities can relate to the culture of the street more than they can their own lives. It can occur in wealthier families. A gap appears in the relationships between the parent and child as the parent is often out working and has little time for their child, and don’t understand them very well. Urban appeal is coming to the forefront now, it is more prevalent” (Expert 2)It is clear from the quotation above that a gang is not simply a club to be joined at will, but a way of life that is adopted and internalised. Interestingly it was suggested that the attraction of this lifestyle is not confined to the lower socioeconomic demographics. Young people (particularly females) are attracted by the pull of the lifestyle, the glamour and freedom it provides them, regardless of their background. This was a view shared by other experts, in particular in regards to female gang members. The consensus was that male gang members would recruit females from outside their demographic, sometimes as girlfriends, sometimes as members. Females outside the usual remit of gang recruitment often have access to useful resources such as money, cars and houses which can then be utilised by the gang. However this is not to say that females from low socioeconomic backgrounds do not join gangs, in fact quite the opposite, they tend to be the more likely to get involved than their more ‘well-off’ counterparts owing to their proximity to the gang environment. This therefore suggest that gangs are expanding to recruit outside their usual demographic in an effort to secure more resources, territory and members. A personal account of the effect that glamorising gang membership can have on young women was given by expert 5:“My sister actually came into my room once when I lived with my mum and I used to have posters all over my wall and I used to have a section of women, and my sister came in and said 'oh I wana be one of them fancy females' and I had to rip them straight down off my wall cos I realised that’s what’s getting them into this as well is things that they see they think that men are chasing they wana be” (Expert 5)Family Situation“It is easily to spiral out of control, it is complex in how it evolves (gang membership). The females are manipulated and trapped; they come from dysfunctional home lives” (Expert 2)The family situation and environment of gang members was considered fundamental in causing young people to get involved in gangs. This is for two main reasons, either through exposure by having family members involved in gangs or due to having a dysfunctional family environment. Experts disclosed that it is not unusual to have a few generations of one family involved in a gang. This includes immediate family such as parents, children and siblings and extended family such as aunties, uncles and cousins. In some cases more than one family member were involved in gangs, sometimes representing separate and often rival factions. This means that young people are exposed to gang-related activities on a frequent basis and are in close proximity to active members from a very young age. One expert reported working with a seven year old boy who was the younger brother of a prominent gang member who was displaying gang-related behaviours at school. Experts suggested that being brought up in an environment that is saturated with gang members, many of whom are close family members can cause young people to drift naturally towards a gang lifestyle continuing the legacy of the family and thus creating generations of gang members. They become entrenched in the daily routines of gang membership at a young age and eventually become desensitised to the activities around them. The example below illustrates the complexities of having family members who are gang involved:“They're not really close families though the kids will probably have the same surnames but……I worked with somebody who's half-brother’s best friend shot and killed him. It might not have been deliberate but that’s what happened, they were in separate groups, separate crews so there was two half-brothers in opposition to each other and one of the half-brothers best friends ended up shooting and killing this individual” (Expert 6)The process of joining a gang is therefore a gradual one and can be considered seemingly invisible to the individual who fails to recognise their involvement in the gang until it is too late, as outlined below: “Typically you'd have somebody who is clearly you know their family are gang members so her friends start to meet up with her and the gang, not knowing it’s a gang really, getting involved with those boys and from that point once they're involved with them then that’s it, you’re in it now” (Expert 9)In addition to family members encouraging young people into gangs through exposure, it was also suggested that a dysfunctional home environment would cause people to go in search of a pseudo family on the streets to achieve a sense of belonging. A variety of factors could cause a family environment to become destructive. For example experts described single parent families, parents being in prison or with a criminal record, domestic violence or abuse within the household, children brought up in foster care or with grandparents. One example is given below:“I do think the family environment, from what I can see, every single case has been around the family environment. There was one female who went along [to a gang] with her mate, they got some drink and ended up having sex with three different lads over a weekend. Her family environment was that they were very disciplined, Christian family, but in actual fact there was sexual abuse going on in the family by an older sibling, that the parents weren't addressing, social services had been trying to work with them for years so this kid was clearly damaged, and she had been displaying really poor attitude in school with complete refusal to engage with me……some parents want to bury their head in the sand” (Expert 9)Dysfunctional family environments often lead to individuals suffering from low self-esteem, lacking confidence and thus becoming particularly susceptible to manipulation and coercion into the gang culture. An appropriate summary of the consequences of a dysfunctional family is outlined below:“The vast majority are from single parent families I would say the vast majority over 90 per cent with mother being the single parent I think I’ve worked with about 3 or 4 gang members as you say with their fathers in their lives in a positive way poverty is an issue, living in a sort of risky area with regards to high crime rates, gang membership in the area you know history of shootings and violence, negative peer influences, high unemployment the usual factors I suppose, a lot of young people that are attracted to gangs are in the care system as well that’s quite a good precursor or quite a good indicator of whether you’re going to be involved in quite a few of, quite a few gang members who’d be seen as quite seriously problematic came through care or were in children’s homes when they were young” (Expert 6)RelationshipsOne factor that appeared particularly relevant to females was the introduction of a romantic relationship. Experts suggested that young women become entrenched in gang culture through a romantic connection with an existing male gang member. Throughout the course of their relationship they are then exposed to numerous gang activities and inadvertently become involved themselves. Some suggestions were made that females were unaware what they were getting into, simply being blindsided by their emotions for a young man and naively placing themselves in harm’s way. However others suggest that females are fully aware of the consequences of dating a gang member prior to commencing a romantic relationship. Whichever the case may be, it was clear that a personal connection to a specific male gang member would be a suitable catalyst to explain female gang involvement. An appropriate summation of this is outlined below:“I think with young women you have to add the dimension of love. Naively you know young women, ‘I love him’, ‘I’d do anything for him’, and they also take the piss out of them to a certain extent….young men are not as attached you know they will freely move around young women and young women will be freely moved around for a man but they won’t necessarily, that won’t have necessarily been their choice, they would do it out of love….and if you don’t have a good sense of self-worth and if you cannot necessarily identify where you receive positive love from your family etc., you will look for it elsewhere, and you will do whatever you think is necessary to keep hold of that love and if that includes putting drugs in your baby’s cot, then you will…..so imagine how that’s amplified when you add violence, drugs, guns, into that situation or weapons etc. into that” (Expert 4)Gang Makeup and StructureThe makeup of gangs refers their demographic characteristics as well as any identifiable features they may possess, whilst gang structure denotes how they are organised as a social group. Clearly information generated from experts on this subject was a generalisation of the gangs they were aware of in their respective areas. Whilst the experts provided limited information on specific gangs they did provide an overview of some of the gangs across the country and their general characteristics that have come to the attention of services provided by the sample of experts. Experts explained how there were two different types of gangs that included female members: all-female gangs made up wholly of female members and females that are members of a mixed gender gang. These two types of gang will be addressed separately owing to the fact that experts believed they were organised and structured differently. In addition experts highlighted that different types of females were present in gangs therefore these different female gang member characteristics will also be outlined. All-Female Gangs“There's two different types of situations with the females, you've got proper organised female gang structure, proper criminal organised gang structure which does not tend to be in the majority cos females more so tend to fight over things like territory, size, reputation rather than actual criminality such as drug running, you know cocaine. They are violent but they stay away from, they do things in a slightly different way to the men do. So basically you've got female gangs that basically doing their own thing, they're just fighting for their own reputation then there's female gangs that are fractions of the male gangs” (Expert 5)The above quotation succinctly illustrates the different roles that females in all-female gangs display. All-female gangs are considered independent sets, not affiliated to male gangs, and subsequently are not believed to be under the influence of male gang members. Although experts detailed gangs that consisted of only female members, they were reportedly rare. Despite this some information was uncovered about their existence. Structurally all-female gangs maintained a loose hierarchical structure with the most influential members adopting the role of leader, although this appeared very fluid. Female gangs owing to their independent status were believed to possess more control over their activities and resultantly were not seen as vulnerable to coercion from males. In a similar vein females were not competing for rank or reputation against males and therefore tended to have higher status in a single-sex environment. Interestingly the benefits of being involved in an all-female gang appeared to weigh on the fact that females were less likely to be manipulated by male gang members. They were able to adopt creative control over their activities and set their own rules as opposed to obeying those set down by high ranking male members as the following quote suggests:“The females in an all-female gang for example I think are more likely to have status and reputation because you don’t have to vie for the status and reputation against boys so and you also don’t have to fend off necessarily sexual exploitation so I think you’d find it a lot more easier to make a bit more status in a female gang than you would in a boy gang unless, and it’s going to sound terrible, unless the senior females were using the younger females in some way linked to a boy gang, some kind of favours but I think you’re more likely to have a bigger status in a female gang than you would in a mixed gang because obviously male dominance rules so yeah I definitely think that female gangs wouldn’t necessarily be more equally sharing of power to a certain degree but I don’t think there would be as much vulnerability as there would in a mixed gender gang, and I think your role of being more vulnerable is more likely definitely in a men’s group in a mixed gang” (Expert 4)An interesting observation from the above quote is that more influential female gang members may manipulate their younger females into performing certain activities, sometimes of a sexual nature to gain reputation with local male gangs. This suggests that there is a high degree of loyalty and obedience present in all-female gangs and those female members may be vulnerable to exploitation even in a same-sex environment. On the whole however, all-female gang members were less likely to become victims of sexual exploitation or domestic violence as they were physically distant from male members and therefore at less of a risk.The downside of being in an all-female gang appeared to be the lack of protection achieved by affiliating with a usually larger and stronger sub-set of male gang members. The following narrative illustrates how independent sets of females can be highly violent but also experience consequences when they clash with a rival male gang:“Everybody thinks that these females are sweet and lovely you know they play sports etc but the long to short is the YOT records says that they’ve been running around robbing guy gangs and because they’re females the guys were unsuspecting they just saw them as females you know and got chatting to them, invited them in and then subsequently were robbed by them and one of them ended up getting shot, one of the females” (Expert 4)However evidence from experts suggested that extremely violent all-female gangs were uncommon. Experts suggested that even if all female gangs are identified, they are usually associated with a male gang in some capacity. It was implied that all-female gangs were not as strong as those mixed in terms of gender, and therefore they disperse at a faster rate due to the fact that they are unable to compete with bigger factions and resultantly are prone to merge with male dominated gangs:“Sometimes a way of females in all female gangs to get more status is to go out with a male gang member…..even though the gangs are separate it’s status…..if something’s about to kick off a female might say don’t you know who my man is, you know that’s almost like a threat, it’s quite a useful thing to sort of you know lob in there it’s kind of, it’s seen as sort of currency if that makes sense” (Expert 3)There was some debate amongst experts as to whether or not all-female gangs exist. The argument was twofold. Firstly all-female gangs rarely fit the criteria placed upon them by organisations to be labelled a ‘gang’ and secondly evidence suggested that even if all-female factions exist, they are usually affiliated to a larger male gang and subsequently become subservient to male members. Thus all-female gangs were believed to be smaller in size, less criminally active but highly violent and lack the longevity of male dominated gangs as the quotation below implies: “If we're talking about proper, a gang that stands on its own, takes part in organised criminality by that very first definition then yes they are rare. Because most of the females out there on the streets have got their purpose is usually defined by the male gangs anyway. Other than that then yes it’s about their size and it’s about the violence, but they don't really have a structure, they're not really like an organised criminality gang, their commodity is fear, size, reputation and that's it, nothing grounded in anything concrete at the moment anyway. There's no big female gangs out there circulating financial criminality through drugs for example” (Expert 5)Mixed Gender GangsGenerally descriptions of female gang members took the form of those involved in mixed gender gangs primarily those that were male dominated with a few female members. Overall, the age of gang membership was recognised from around the age of eight up into the forties, predominantly consisting of dual-heritage members. Some evidence suggested that females tended to join gangs at a later stage, in their teenage years and exit slightly earlier than male members (in their twenties). Gangs were made up of between ten and forty members, had names, territories and dress codes that signified their allegiance. Whilst the gang name and territory were relatively solid constructs, the dress code and size of gangs tended to fluctuate. Experts divulged how gang members altered their physical appearance (outward signs of their gang allegiance) in order to avoid detection and prosecution. “It’s getting harder to distinguish between them, because I think they’re more aware and astute to the fact that they are more easily identifiable if they attach something to themselves like a colour…..they are wise enough to know now that the whole bandana thing or the colour thing or the specific, is what will get them caught so, I think they’ve moved away from that to a certain degree, and I think that you know this is the evolution, they will evolve, and they will get kind of aware of the intelligence that we have to a certain degree and will do whatever is in their power to remain hidden. So it is quite difficult to differentiate” (Expert 4)Although specific colours may be adhered to, how these colours are represented on the person would change, for example from a bandana to shoe laces or a baseball cap as illustrated in the example below:“I noticed that the females had started labelling themselves so they started wearing flowers in their hair, or like a band with a flower on it, a white flower meant that you were affiliated to [gang name], they started to stitch with gold thread on the bottom of their skirt, some of them started to wear one glove….so they were beginning to label themselves up” (Expert 9)The size of gang would fluctuate depending on the social situation. Typically gangs described by experts were loosely organised in nature having a discernible leader and a laxly enforced ‘pecking order’ based on the age and experience of members. However it became clear that gangs also possessed smaller sub-groups or cliques that despite not being part of the central core of gang members, were allies to be called upon should the occasion require it as explained below:“It varies like say they was having a park event in the local park they'll be walking 20/30 strong but that would be sub-gangs and some tag alongs you know what I mean, if there was like a a serious fight going on with all these serious gang members there we're looking at 10 maybe 10 people that will go there but it just depends or if you come onto the estate where we all are just chilling there's different numbers again so there's a lot of wanna-be gang members that idolise this group of people so it fluctuates” (Expert 5)Physically the structure of mixed gender gangs saw male members take precedence over female members. The general consensus was that females held a lower rank in the gang than their male counterparts and were thus submissive to the males, rarely taking charge or control in any situation and simply obeying orders that were relayed to them. “Females have no leadership status, there are no females in senior positions that I am aware of. They have a lower level status” (Expert 2)Interestingly some suggestion was made that this power imbalance between the sexes was an extension of stereotypical gender roles manifesting in a highly volatile environment. Here women were seen as the weaker sex, to be protected and thus should they involve themselves in gang activities to the same extent as men, they are prone to the same consequences as the quote below implies:“Their status is lower than the boys generally I would say. There's certain females who've got respect because of who their families are because they're seen to be proper this an that I think if females started to get a bigger status within the gangs they'd probably start getting shot, or much worse beatings and if they can't, I think because of the nature of gangs, it’s about violence and personal ability to commit acts of violence and how strong, tough and hard you are then it’s unlikely that the females are going to get equal status with men cos it’s all about that” (Expert 6)The above quote suggests that females are unable to make effective gang members as they do not have the same ability to create and distribute violence as men. Attempts by females to adopt such masculine personas could therefore result in them experiencing punishments that mirror the hyper-masculinity of the situation. Female Gang Member Roles and ActivitiesThroughout expert dialogue much information was disclosed about what female gang members do on a daily basis. This included their social and behavioural roles, sexual activity and exploitation, romantic relationships and domestic violence and the nature of their involvement in crime and violence. Social and Behavioural RolesFemale gang members performed a variety of social and behavioural roles in the gang, all of which were performed to benefit male gang members and the gang in general. Experts divulged that this meant female gang members were ‘used and abused’ by their male counterparts, being coerced into committing certain activities under duress. These involved acting as carriers which involved them storing or hiding stolen goods, weapons and drugs on behalf of the gang. It was believed females were beneficial to this task as they would be less likely to be searched by the police and also had more available storage places that were not seen as suspicious (e.g. a pram). As expert one outlines below:“Police warrants have gone in and found guns stored you know in children’s outdoor play furniture in gardens, you know and mums put it there, we’ve got evidence of that where there’s been a you know handheld automatic weapon found on the top of the wardrobe in the 8 year olds bedroom…loaded I hasten to add, and mum has put it there” (Expert 1) Interestingly suggestions were also made that female gang members used their gender to the benefit of the gang, in essence exploiting the fact that as women they were less likely to be challenged or suspected by the general public and law enforcement alike. This illustrates a conscious knowledge of the gender-differences between male and female members and how they are able to perform separate yet key roles in gang operations as expert one went on to stress: “Women play a key role, they store weapons, they store drugs they provide the smoke and mirrors if you like to to agencies while smiling sweetly to the social worker, to the teacher, and to you know the concerned front line professional, and its fine knowing full well that their partner or whoever it might be will know, [that the] individual they are affiliated to, is actually living a completely criminal very dangerous lifestyle which presents risks for them and their children by definition” (Expert 1) Females were also used to provide adequate distractions to allow the gang to commit criminal activities. These roles included honey-trapping which means luring potential victims to a specific location at a set time so that they can be targeted, usually for some kind of robbery. In addition to this females were used to distract victims and witnesses from a crime that may be being committed, and act as lookouts to ensure the act is not reported to the authorities. As expert three details below:“Starting from carrying weapons, or being a runner, so making pickups and delivering…..honey trapping, so your kind of the promise for a rival gang member and they’re being lured there then you’re the trap basically….luring them to a place so that gang members can deal with them in whatever fashion….selling as well…..we are seeing more of a trend of young females beginning to rake in a bit of cash for themselves” (Expert 3)Sexual Activity and ExploitationExpert testimony suggested that sexual activity was rife within gangs and that it performed numerous functions. Experts suggested that sex was used as a weapon to control female gang members, as an initiation procedure to test a female’s loyalty to the gang, and as a means of females gaining or indeed losing status within the gang hierarchy as illustrated in the following example:“I think for me the biggest issue at the moment the hidden issue, is the sexual exploitation of them being used you know, I’ve heard horror stories….around initiations being taken place through rape and etc…..and that has literally been if you wana get into this group, show us what your made of, and do that and that’s happened” (Expert 4) It was apparent from expert testimony that the role of sex in the gang was created and enforced by male gang members. This was done primarily to manage female gang members and keep them under the control of the gang as illustrated below:“Their initiation right is sexually orientated, it’s a man that’s come up with that idea and he's thinking right we've got females that want our protection or want to be as hard as us we're gona make it nicer on ourselves, there's no reason why a female should have to subject herself to you know....mass sex with 5 or 6 men that she's never known, so that’s a guy that’s brought that up basically for his own needs” (Expert 5)Although a certain amount of sexual activity between members was acceptable, excessive promiscuity resulted in females becoming ostracized from the group. Females who were sexually active with a variety of gang members were viewed as the property of the gang and as such used and in some cases, abused for their sexual favours as the following quote suggests:“Yeah cos like you see from that sex thing they’re having sex with lots of guys didn't really get up her status, it’s just about putting her in her place and making her do what you tell her to do” (Expert 5)This suggests that female gang members had little choice in the matter. Within the confines of the gang, little difference was reported between actual consensual sexual activity and exploitation. Whilst in reality the difference between consensual and non-consensual sexual intercourse is a matter for the courts, in the social construction of the gang females were viewed in equally derogatory terms whether their promiscuity was due to choice or force. They would be labelled in the same manner and would become a sexual target for male gang members. It was implied that male gang members would even force females to commit sexual favours against their will: “Scenarios that I've come across where the guys wanted to have sex with a female, she wouldn't give it to him and he's turned around and raped her anyway” (Expert 5)It was also suggested that female gang members use sex themselves as a means of achieving their own ends. The belief that status was achieved through sexual familiarity with high ranking male gang members was commonplace and whilst the major concern appeared to be the vulnerability of female gang members to inappropriate sexual attention, there was some indication that they were fully aware of their actions, committed them intentionally in order to achieve a better standing in the gang. Ironically this was not the case. As illustrated above, the more men a female gang member slept with, the lower her status became within the gang hierarchy. In addition sexually promiscuous females were placing themselves at an increased risk of being victimised by their own gang members: “To coin a phrase somebody’s shagging somebody they are going around basically you know working their way through criminal gangs because they see it as a status issue you have to work your way up to be having sex with the most [influential] guy, the other side of this is domestic violence. Plenty of examples of inappropriate sexual behaviour, lots of concerns about how rape is used, sexual violence is used to initiate people into gangs, as well and how females will be quite literally sold on from one gang member to another one as well” (Expert 1)Romantic Relationships and Domestic ViolenceAccounts of female gang members provided by experts were often described them as romantic partners of male gang members. Expert two sums up the role of the girlfriend in gangs in the quotation below: “The role of women in gangs…..there’s the trophy girlfriend. The females play on their attractiveness, they know they are lusted after and they sell themselves. They end up having multiple partners, moving from one member to the next. They are used and abused by the men. Their reputation decreases the more partners they have, they are seen as commodities. There is a rivalry between these females, they are aware of their role and compete for the men’s affections. If they stay with one partner, their reputation can increase as their partners increase, but never to the same status” (Expert 2)Girlfriends of gang members found themselves in a complicated predicament. Experts explained how their status in the gang coincided with the ranking of their male partner. Hence if he was one of the gang leaders, the female would be well respected and protected at least for the duration of the relationship. However if the relationship terminated female gang members find themselves in limbo. No longer receiving the protection of their male partner, they become vulnerable to exploitation by other male gang members as the following quote highlights:“It can go one of two ways so if you’re with a very high up, established, powerful gang member your kind of protected, from males and females really alternatively if things really hit the fan you could be a target, so it means your nice cosy lifestyle you know that conflict could be brought to your door but on the whole I’d say they do have a lot of respect yes depending on who they’re going out with yeah” (Expert 3)The consequence of this relationship breakdown could also create issues for vulnerable young women. In addition to the potential sexual exploitation they may face from other gang members, females place themselves at a greater risk of domestic violence should they fail to comply with demands. Resultantly some female gang members may experience low levels of self-esteem and confidence due to their mistreatment and subsequently end up living in fear of the punishment they may receive from the gang as outlined below: “She becomes fair game, because she can’t leave yet, she can’t walk away because she’s now got the protection of the group etc and the internal threats are greater than the external threats really, but it’s a psychological thing, so the young women are not only frightened or whatever of any groups they’ve got issues with, they’re now afraid of the group they are involved in because the nature of the relationship’s changed from it being sweet love and romance to you know the domestic violence kind of situations and then that woman becomes fair game, for whoever else is in the pecking order and if that young woman doesn’t comply then she’s disrespecting, not only that guy but the guy that she initially was with” (Expert 4)Female gang members whilst adhering to the physical and behavioural characteristics that were expected of them they also adopted labels for each other as the following extract details:“They label each other. Like they’d say wifey meaning that you’re a girlfriend, bonified wifey means that you’re like the looked after wife you’re actually legitimately a wife or long term girlfriend because you’ve had their first children or he spends the most time with you or he gives you the most amount of money, clothing, accessories whatever, you’re respected, looked after but then there’s kind of a I guess there’s kind of skanks or they’ve got other terms for them (Expert 3)As opposed to being derogatory terms, these labels placed upon the females by themselves appear to reinforce their standing in the gang, illustrating where they fit in the structure and hierarchy and with which male gang member they are associated.Crime and ViolenceExperts seemed to acknowledge that female gang members were engaged in crime and violence on a regular basis albeit to a lesser extent than their male counterparts. Additionally their crimes were believed to be of a lower level of criminality than male gang members.“Shoplifting, credit cards, traditional stuff I suppose the frauds, violence more and more, women generally against other women though, but sometimes against the lads it’s kind of, there's not much thought that goes into it, a lot of what happens is on the spur of the moment, so it might just be on sight something will happen and people react, so its people reacting to situations rather than planning them” (Expert 6)This does not mean however that females were not engaged in more serious crime or violence, simply that on their own, their criminality fails in comparison to male gang members. Females appeared particularly dangerous in the creation and escalation of these activities in their role as catalysts or instigators of an event. Experts told many stories of how females had ‘set-up’ an incident where someone was seriously injured or killed as outlined in the following extract:“There’ve been high profile murder cases off the back of that honey trap thing, female had dated [a guy]…..and then she was with this other guy and then this other guy….and she played them off and as a result of that the more vulnerable guy ended up getting murdered…..she was the first female I believe to be given a custodial sentence off of it” (Expert 4)As such female gang members were often described as the cause of conflict by experts. Some of the time females encouraged male gang members to target certain individuals for retribution, encouraged them to retaliate by having inappropriate relationships with rivals or simply played cheerleader causing male gang members to feel under pressure to resolve the situation as illustrated in the following quotation:“I guess this is a perception of young men, is that sometimes issues escalate, when women or young females are around, either because of bravado so for example if something’s kicked off and they’ve been making threats and the females have been with them the next time they see the person they made the threat against, you know they feel pressured to carry it through because the females were there, and if they don’t take this opportunity and follow it through, they won’t think much of them. So it’s about impressing the females but also they can see them as triggers for conflict so you know something happens a female’s often heard saying you know ‘you gona let him talk to you like that’ you know it’s kind of like stoking or fuelling that fire” (Expert 3)Tackling Gangs: Exit StrategiesOwing to the nature of their work, experts usually came into contact with gang members during or just before their desistance. Whilst much academic debate exists over the definition of the term ‘desistance’ for the purpose of the current research the term will be expressly used to identify the process by which females exit gangs. As Shover (1996:121) states this involves the ‘‘voluntary termination of serious criminal participation’’. The majority of experts’ roles were to assist in the desistence process or to enforce punishments on gang members as a means of deterrence. As a result experts were able to provide a sound explanation of the process of exiting gangs. Despite this, some variance was discovered. Whilst some experts acknowledged the almost impossible difficulties involved in attempting to leave a gang, others played down the complications stating that the process is relatively easy. It is also important to note that motivations for exiting may vary by individual and by gang. Given this complexity it is perhaps unsurprising that services dedicated to tackling gangs across the UK are varied and sporadic. Two specific issues were focussed on namely: individual female’s motivations for leaving gangs and gang intervention methods to encourage desistence.Motivations for Leaving GangsFemale gang members were believed to wish to exit gangs for a variety of reasons. These included simply growing out of the lifestyle, witnessing or suffering a traumatic event and being arrested or going to prison. However the most popular response to this question was motherhood. Experts believed that having a baby provided the ultimate discouragement for females to continue with such a volatile lifestyle. The need to be a good mother, provide for the child and keep it safe was seen to override any desire to be involved in gangs: “So young women who are pregnant might instantly want to protect their foetus, their young, that might make them want to leave. Young women tend to be more empathetic towards their families I think that could drive home the message” (Expert 4)Interestingly motherhood was also seen by some as a bonus to a female’s gang membership. This was particularly relevant if the baby in question was the child of a gang member. Experts disclosed situations where females would use their child in order to conceal illegal items such as weapons for the gang, whether in the baby’s pram or wardrobe. In this way, the baby appears to be an asset to the female in her gang activities, in addition she will also be securing monetary funds for the child that can be utilised by the gang, in addition to potential housing that she has been provided with. “[Having a child] I think it could have a bearing in terms of getting them out of it, but then there are females that are involved in it and do have kids so you know if you’re kind of carrying weapon and your pram or whatever you’ve kind of made some sort of decision haven’t you that this is a risk worth taking” (Expert 3)Surprisingly, experts disclosed that male gang members adopted roles that co-insided with traditional gender stereotypes when it comes to parenthood. Despite some female gang members willingness to continue with their gang activities once they have a child, experts detailed that this was frowned upon by their male members. Males actively discouraged females from participating in gang activities instead urging them to look after the child as the following quote suggests:“Because you’re responsible for somebody else’s life if that makes sense and I think guys do have an empathy around babies and children and their own lives so you know they are able to relate back to their own lives, I’ve often heard young guy gangs saying you know, what you doing out on the street it’s 10 o’clock get your baby home and disrespecting a female for that, and disrespecting them not necessarily bringing them up properly cos they see themselves as not necessarily been brought up properly and that’s what happened to them. Then you know there are a lot of guys who are fathers and they want their children to grow up in better homes so they would see it as quite terrible, quite bad you to be repeating that pattern that they see as the pattern that was for them so I think it would be perfectly plausible to move away to be you know a better mum, and I don’t think young men necessarily condone bad parenting if that makes sense, I have often heard guys turn round and say look this is my kid, get up, feed them, do this do that, not that they’d do it themselves which I think they should but they would definitely harp on at the mother for not taking good care of that child or etc you know or running round on the street with them, not looking after them” (Expert 4)In addition to adhering to stereotypical gender roles, females who have a baby with a gang member were also as a result exposed to the father’s gang membership and subsequent behaviours for an extended period of time. Therefore even if she wished to exit the gang lifestyle and become a good mum, providing for her child, the male gang member father would continue to expose the child to the negativity of gang behaviours on a frequent basis. The following quotation taken from Expert four’s interview explains the dilemma surrounding young women who have a baby with an active male gang member:“Oh absolutely, they’re not going anywhere, they’re not going anywhere, I feel sorry for them because that is a lifetime full of agro if you know what I mean, unless the young gang member guy gets up and fixes his life up and they can have an amicable relationship” (Expert 4)As previously mentioned a few other generic factors could also encourage young women to leave gangs. An appropriate summary of these was provided by Expert 3:“Often I think it’s the same for females as it is for boys actually in our experience when we talk to them so it will be imminent birth of a young child, it will be seeing someone that they know or love being injured in front of them or dying it will be that either they’ve had a near death experience themselves it might just be that they decide its time just to grow out of it I think we forget that yeah, that sometimes for some people, but often if they make a good relationship with somebody in the community or often an older person like a support worker or someone with connections or they discover that they’ve got a new skill that can tend to be a really good exit path for them. Sometimes it’s just somebody paying attention to them you know that’s not for sex or not for what they can do for but actually somebody recognising that they’ve got potential that can often be a good trigger” (Expert 3)Gang InterventionsGang interventions specifically refer to programmes and initiatives that are run in order to help young people either avoid getting involved in gangs to begin with, or to encourage their desistence. As mentioned previously the majority of experts interviewed for the current research either took part in or managed programmes of this kind. Those that originated from law enforcement also displayed specialisms in gang prevention. Unfortunately the majority of programmes identified during the current research process were run by males and directed at male gang members. Whilst this issue will be addressed in the conclusion of the thesis, at this stage it is important to note that experts seemed to acknowledge a gender difference in exiting gangs. The general consensus was that leaving a gang was easier for females owing to the fact that they rarely become as entrenched in the gang lifestyle, have less responsibility and subsequently less knowledge of gang activities than male gang members do. As such they are less likely to come up against friction should they decide to leave the group:“Exiting I think is a lot easier probably for females than it is for guys, depending on how entrenched they are if that makes sense, or depends on how much information they have, how much knowledge they have of the order you know how it works etc the couple of young women that I know that have left gangs managed to do it relatively simply” (Expert 4)Despite this overall generalisation, experts acknowledged that attempting to leave gangs was a dangerous process:“It is dangerous though [leaving a gang] because if [the gang] don't know what you’re doing they presume it’s something important and you’re getting a lot of money for it so they do want to rob you of it, I've been through it so. What tends to happen you see is people commit crimes in a group and once they've left the group, now you’re a target on your own, you've lost the groups protection so if anybody wants to get back at you when you’re on your own it’s the best time yeah” (Expert 5)The above quotation suggests that the danger present when attempting to leave a gang is both internal and external. The gang one is attempting to exit may assume that your intentions are underhanded, that you will inform on the gangs practices or pass information to rivals, whilst a rival gang would see you as an open target owing to the fact you no longer have the protection of the rest of the gang to hide behind. Stories detailing gang member’s attempts to leave gangs were rife with violence, intimidation and harassment for the former member and their family. The following narrative taken from expert three’s interview outlines a female gang member’s plight to exit a gang and the difficulties she faced during the process:“I’m trying to help a woman of twenty-one exit [a gang] that she’d been involved for ten years cos she’d kind of grown up with them, gone to the same schools and earlier this year she tried to exit because she’d got two accounts of common assault breached her ASBO’s twice, and on one occasion she’d actually ended up bottling a man and she’d got a suspended two year sentence and this really was a last chance for her….. so she thought right, well I’ll remove myself and then for the first six weeks got around fifty phone calls a day, some threatening some were nice going you know oh what’s wrong you know kind of but all she could tell with an undercurrent of trying to get her back in and they even followed her to go and visit a cousin in a nearby area and as she got to the house a brick came through the window with her cousin and their two small kids and her boyfriend, and the boyfriend had to go out and basically fend off you know a group of about six young women. They caught up with her about three weeks later in town with baseball bats and she said she remembers being hit with something in the face but she doesn’t know what when you saw the picture, it looked like an iron, it was really shiny it looked like the outline of an iron you know, I was just thinking what in the hell could that be you know she was pretty tough, I think that had been the second time she’d been jumped still threats were coming and she’s still trying to go out and for her she keeps saying it would be so easy just to go back so I don’t have to deal with all of this” (Expert 3)The above example illustrates the difficulties faced, particularly by female members trying to exit a gang. Clearly for the woman involved it would have been much easier to continue with her gang involvement as opposed to suffering the negative consequences of trying to exit. Therefore the clear message from experts was that in order to successfully leave a gang, one has to be highly motivated. The draw of falling back into old ways is too strong to walk away from should you fail to really want to change. “I think the first step is acknowledging that they want to stop and they don't want it anymore but they don't know how to make it stop. If it’s gone that far getting them to turn around, you don't win with all of them......its talking to them about what could happen and giving them examples of what has happened to females so they can see what could happen to them and then showing them an alternative, showing them that there is another way” (Expert 9)Experts therefore suggested ways in which the transition from gang member to independent individual could be reached. This usually involved a gradual process of desensitisation, distancing oneself from gang members and the gang as a whole socially and physically. This sometimes involved physically relocating to another area, changing identifiable information (such as name, e-mail address and phone number) and associating with a new set of peers as illustrated in the following quote:“It’s all about purpose and timing if…. you start jumping around like you've been branded…. and now you suddenly want to leave, and you’re screaming I want to leave what tends to happen is people think you’re going to grass on the rest of the group and they don't want that they will gain reps, gain straps by taking you out of the picture…..if you subtly just leave and by leave I mean initially that is make excuses, change your phone, go and spend time with your girlfriend, your family, whatever else put these people through to voicemail eventually they do lose interest” (Expert 5)Surprisingly emphasis was placed on highlighting issues surrounding gang membership as opposed to gang membership itself. This suggested that tackling the impact and consequences of gang membership (separately) were more important to desistence, than the gang as a whole. For example, addressing issues such as healthy relationships, sexual exploitation, manipulation, self-esteem, self-identity, negative lifestyle choices and emphasizing the consequences of criminality in later life were all offered as potential deterrents. All experts were of the view that prevention and education were the way forward. Teaching children as young as seven or eight about the potential difficulties they face growing up, attractions of the streets such as drugs and alcohol and how to make the right choices were popular suggestions as outlined below:“We're trying to tackle the underlying issues, and they could be family, bad associations, negative ideals, negative lifestyle choices, lack of self-identity, lack of parents or guidance, lack of positive peers, and the idea is to help them make a 180 degree change and get them into education, training and employment. When we're dealing with young kids on the estates though is we're trying to go in from a preventative angle so what we're trying to do with them is demystify the whole gang culture, demystify the whole ideals and get to what is effectively reality and that can only really be delivered by us cos we are the only completely ex-offender led [service], so we've been there, we've done that, we know what's out on the streets, we know what the reality of it is, and the aim is to provide them really with tools, how to manage conflict, what is the right sort of choice that they need to make, what is it that they need to be aware of” (Expert 5)In addition, identifying problem behaviour in young children before it escalates was seen as a successful preventative method as the following quote explains:“It [gang membership] shows itself through anti-social behaviour, it shows itself through non-attendance at school, absence, persistent lateness. Picked up through people having suspicions someone might be having a lot of late nights maybe been out drinking or substance misuse, so what we tend to pick up are the symptoms and once we've identified the symptoms we start to find out, another way we find out is by word of mouth, by another pupil coming to us and saying I’m really worried about so and so the other way we find out is through networking….. so through siblings, so if they've got siblings who've got heavy involvement then that raises a concern” (Expert 9)ConclusionIn summary, ten separate organisations were represented in the current sample of experts, all of whom had some experience working with gangs. Evidence highlighted in this chapter suggests that violent, all-female gangs whilst present in the UK are extremely rare. The majority of experts disclosed information concerning gangs containing mixed gender members. Testimony from experts also suggested it is no longer prudent to assume that female gang members in the UK originate from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. Experts interviewed in the current sample suggested that gang-involved females were equally likely to come from middle class backgrounds, functional family environments and mainstream education. Whether UK gangs are adapting their recruitment strategies, or whether this has always been the case is at this point is unclear. What was clear from expert testimony was that female gang members adopted a subordinate role to their male counterparts in the gang structure often sexually exploited and abused for their efforts. In the following two chapters, data gathered from female gang member interviews will be discussed. Chapter seven that follows will deal specifically with information related to the twelve gangs females members resided in, whilst chapter eight illustrates characteristics of the twenty (current and former) female gang members interviewed for the current project. Chapter 8: GangsIt is the purpose of this chapter to begin to describe and analyse data gathered from interviews with current and former female gang members. Specifically, drawing on information gathered from interviews with female gang members, evidence presented here relates directly to the twelve gangs in which the current sample of females resided, representing six different geographical locations around the UK. Chapter eight that follows will move on to describe data generated about the twenty individual female gang members sampled in the present study. It is the aim of this chapter to provide answers to the research questions that relate specifically to gangs as a whole. In addition to providing the reader with a brief overview of the types of gangs female members were involved in, this chapter focuses on discovering where and how females fit within the structure of the gang, and how gender affects the experiences and roles adopted by gang-involved females. All of the twenty females interviewed were involved in mixed gender gangs, it was therefore hoped that the perspectives of these gang involved females would add to the existing literature about the nature of mixed-gender gangs in the UK. As such the word ‘gang’ will be used for the remainder of the thesis to refer specifically to gangs consisting of both male and female members. The chapter will be divided into three sections. Firstly in order to provide the reader with the most accurate picture of mixed gender gangs and to place the information in context, an overview will be given of the twelve gangs represented in the data, highlighting their identifying physical characteristics. Secondly a broad synopsis of the structural and organisational components of mixed gender gangs will be outlined focussing on issues such as hierarchy and leadership. Following this the chapter aims to ‘set the scene’ by focussing on individual gangs providing a more in-depth account of gang units by presenting case studies on the twelve gangs in question. Gangs Overview: Physical CharacteristicsThis section presents the reader with an overview of the vital statistics of the gangs that females were part of. Interviewees were asked directly to describe the physical characteristics of their individual gangs which included information on the size of the gang, gender and racial makeup and the age range of gang members. As discussed in the methods chapter, female gang members were encouraged not to disclose identifiable details of their gang to the researcher during the interview process. It is for this reason that the current representation of gangs across the UK is an estimate based on the data provided by female gang members. Despite not disclosing direct identifiers of their particular gang, females provided the researcher with enough information that an educated judgement could be made as to their allegiance. In order to aid identification each gang was given a specific colour by the researcher. Table 8.1 below illustrates the twelve identified gangs in the current research along with the female gang members that resided in those gangs and the geographical location of the gang unit.Table 8.1: Identification and location of female gang members and their gangsGang (Colour)Female Gang Member(s)LocationOrangeMarshaLondonLilacLouManchesterGreenJadeLiverpoolGreyJiggaManchesterTurquoisePoppy AYorkshireRedKiaya, Chenia, ChloeDerbyPinkLissy, Millie, Sarah, Lily ADerbyWhitePearlLondonNavyMickey, Poppy B, Hayley,RachaelManchesterBlackLily BManchesterPurpleBelleManchesterYellowAppleLondonSome of the female gang members interviewed for the project inhabited the same gang (see Red, Pink and Navy gangs above). In terms of geographical location five separate gangs were discovered in Manchester, three in London, two in Derby whilst one gang was represented in Liverpool and Yorkshire respectively. The total membership numbers for the twelve gangs ranged from a minimum of ten members to a maximum of fifty members. As illustrated by table 8.2 below fifty per cent of gangs had fewer than thirty members. Table 8.2: Total estimated membership numbers per gangTotal Gang MembershipNumber of Gangs10-20321-30331-49250+2No estimate2Total12Seven of the gangs comprised one dominant race which consisted mainly of Caucasian or Black members (see figure 8.1 below); however race only appeared ‘significant’ in four gangs who recognised race as a core element of their gang identity.53403578740006521451676400.12%000.12%228727021209033%0033%149352015748033%0033%2087880698525%0025% Figure 8.1: Racial makeup of GangsOf the four gangs in question that appeared to centralise race as an identifiable feature, two were primarily Black and one consisted primarily of Caucasian members. However the location of the gangs seemed of importance with the three primarily Black gangs originating in London and the one primarily Caucasian gang from Liverpool. One example was given by a former female gang member below:“I would not necessarily…I would not have robbed a black person, unless they were cheeky. I would say that other races were more of a target for me” (Apple: London)All of the gangs included in the current research project were mixed in terms of gender. Interestingly these gangs were dominated by male gang members with an average of six females per gang being reported (see table 8.3 below).Table 8.3: Number of females per gangNumber of FemalesNumber of Gangs1-586-152No estimate2Total12The age range of all gang members began between ten and fifteen years of age and terminated between the ages of twenty and thirty on average. Figure 8.2 below highlights the age range of each of the twelve gangs researched. As is clear from the chart (overleaf), gang number four (grey gang) in which Jigga was a member failed to identify the age range of their gang members. 31686512954000Figure 8.2: Age range of female gang membersStructure and Organisation of Mixed Gender GangsInformation was also gathered on the way in which gangs were organised and operated on a daily basis including details on gang hierarchy and leadership. It is imperative to emphasise that details concerning the physical organisation of gangs are from the perception of individual female gang members and are therefore not necessarily a factual representation of the entire gang. Female gang member dialogue contained much detail of how they perceived the gang to be organised, in other words who they saw to be the most influential and therefore ‘leaders’ of their gangs, and where in the structure everyone else fitted. Whilst specific female roles will be addressed in the next chapter, here details will be discussed of how female gang members perceived the organisation of their own gangs, referring primarily to male gang members hierarchical positioning. In addition to the physical organisation of gangs, data were also uncovered about how gangs operated on a daily basis and further structural divisions that form the overall gang organisation. These structural elements focus on four key areas namely; gang names, territory and appearance; gang construction, including a tiered hierarchical system and sub-systems and, development of the gang unit; gang operations including leadership and conformism and obedience and governing principles of the gang including social norms and moral codes.Gang Names, Territory and AppearancesThe first structural component of gangs was also used to identify associated gang members and signify their allegiance to their particular gang. Possession of a gang name, specific territory and adopted visual representations appeared to give gangs an identity as well as recognising their existence and labelling their boundaries. Table 8.4 below illustrates the number of gangs in the current sample that exhibited a name, specific territory and adopted a specific appearance. Table 8.4: Identifying Characteristics of GangsGang CharacteristicYesNoName 102Territory111Dress Code (appearance)84Gang Name As is visible from the above table, ten of the gangs in the current project had an identifiable name. These usually related to where they were from in terms of a neighbourhood or postcode address. Often these took the form of shorthand abbreviations of the area or code. As illustrated by the following quotation: “I'm aware of other gangs, there's one in every town. They all have names, usually shortened version. They call themselves something then use the 1st letter to represent where they're from” (Mickey).Gang TerritoryThe location in which gangs resided also appeared to be an important aspect in their identification. Eleven of the twelve gangs adopted a specific geographical area, claiming that location as their territory. As stated above it was common that gang names were indicative in some way of the geographical area they adopted. For the most part these territories were marked by physical restrictions. Whilst not always marked by physical boundaries, stable elements of the local environment were used to illustrate boundary lines. For example specific roads, junctions, roundabouts, and certain neighbourhood landmarks highlighted gang areas. The quotation below summarises the circumstances surrounding the location of gangs geographically:“They'd [gang members] all be from the same place, but from different areas of the same place if you get what I mean but they'd all meet up in one place” (Rachael). A common feature used to identify the physical boundaries of gang territory was postal codes. Three gangs made reference to representing a particular postcode area as an important defining feature of their gang. It was subsequently the duty of the gang to protect their allotted postcode, conceiving it as a kind of possession belonging to the gang. In addition to adopting their own geographical location, alternative areas belonged to rival gangs and were therefore unsafe for female gang members to frequent as Sarah explains below:“[Gang members] just like representing their area…..you can’t really walk in a different area if you know what I mean” (Sarah).Gang AppearancesGang members also fashioned certain physical alterations to their appearance in order to signify their allegiance to a specific gang. These alterations ensured that all individuals within the gang embraced a similar ‘look’ which separates them from the general public and particularly from rival gang members. The most common alteration assumed by gangs was to display a collective dress code. Eight of the gang sample indicated they adhered to a particular dress code to identify their members. This ranged from adopting a specific coloured item (usually a hat/bandana or shoe laces) to more loosely wearing a certain style of clothing (usually a tracksuit or hoodies). Whilst some dress codes seemed regularly enforced, others appeared to be more of a reflection of what was deemed fashionable on the streets. In addition to this the extent to which females were required to abide by this code was unclear. Many chose to adopt the colours associated with their particular gang but were not restricted to specific clothing items and could in effect wear what they felt seemed fit. Gang Construction Hierarchy and Sub-SystemsOne of the major structural elements within gangs appeared to be the age of gang members. As reported previously the age range of gang members in general was quite large with recognised membership beginning around ten years old and concluding in the thirties. In addition, the age range of gang members also appeared to play an important role in their structural administration. Gangs appeared to be distinctly separated by the age of their members, with ‘older’ and ‘younger’ gang members falling into different categories. Older gang members generally had been involved for an extended period of time, with younger gang members being more recent additions. As a general rule these age brackets can be loosely organised into a three tiered system (see table 8.5 below) according to the age of members (with the oldest members at the top). Five of the gangs represented specifically mentioned the three tiered system outlined below:Table 8.5: Structural Organisation of Gangs by AgeStructural TierAge Range of Members1. Top 20 years +2. Middle 16 – 19 years3. Bottom– 15 yearsThe age of gang members appeared to the single most influential factor as to where in this tiered system gang members were positioned. Supplementary to the tiered system discussed above, four of the gangs described the division of larger gangs into smaller gang units or cliques. These sub-gangs claimed allegiance to the dominant gang often mirroring their physical characteristics. This was so far as adopting the same name (or abbreviated version) as the dominant gang, adhering to the same dress code and representing the same geographical area. One example of this divide was given by Kiaya who described the union of separate gangs in her area using the pseudonyms of bloods and crips to protect her gangs’ identity:“There’s 4 gangs in [location] but there’s only 2 that are high risk and that’s bloods and crips, like bloods their colours are purple and red cos they're joined up with another gang so it’s kind of complicated, so like bloods they're joined up with another gang which is a red gang so obviously they wear purple and red, and crips they are black and blue and they're joined up with a blue gang.....say like the bloods got into trouble they'd like ring up a couple of their mans and whoever is available will come from the red area to the purple area and they'll just like link up like they're all mixed up like they're all good friends and they know each other some of them are brothers, some of them are cousins stuff like that so some of them are actually family”. Progression and Development of the Gang UnitInvolvement in gangs was due to an extended process based on frequent interactions with fellow gang members resulting in a progression of involvement and behaviour escalation as opposed to an instant decision. All of the twelve gangs reported their formation took place over a prolonged period. There was no indication that attendance was required as part of the gang administration suggesting that members (in particular female gang members) were not obligated to turn up under any circumstances. Despite this nine of the gangs met up on a daily basis. This appeared to indicate that females chose to frequent with their particular gangs rather than being forced. Descriptions of how the gang formed as a unit were rife with stories of growing up together, forging friendships and escalating behaviours. The following quote taken from Jigga’s interview highlights the progressive and somewhat cyclic nature of gang construction: “When you were a kid yeah you don’t have to worry about certain things you get me cos the olders took care of that shit but now yeah like there’s a time yeah when the youngers take over you get me so when the olders do what they’re doing yeah and settle down then we have to take over init you get me so an then we have our youngers that’s what we was an we just make sure nawt happened to them everything’s best you get me, but youngers yeah you don’t get in trouble for as much shit yeah cos you’re a kid they don’t really bother you police nowadays it’s like they get you for every little thing” (Jigga)This implies there is a self-fulfilling prophecy in terms of gang structure and administration in which younger recruits manoeuvre their way up the three tiered structural system and eventually replace their ‘olders’ at the top of the ladder. Gang OperationsLeadership: Being in Control The importance of being in control was another theme that emerged from the age related tiered gang structure discussed previously (see table 7.5 above). The top tier of older gang members were considered ‘in charge’ of the gang, many of whom were deemed to be the recognised leader of their particular gang. Overall nine gangs had a discernible leader. For the most part this was dictated by age with the older males proving to be the most influential members, often exhibiting higher levels of control over their fellow members. Under these conditions those that were deemed ‘in charge’ of the gang often had no need to adopt the label of gang ‘leader’ as it appeared an unnecessary title as illustrated below:“You always had some, you always had the odd few who were more influential than others that were more stronger, and were like the leader of the gang” (Marsha)The general consensus was that a small group of older, more influential males were typically in charge of gangs. This suggests the possibility of multiple leaders overseeing gang structure and activities, although no further clarity was given as to how this dynamic works in practice or how decisions are made. Responsibilities of the gang leader ranged from keeping their fellow gang members in line, giving permission for activities to take place (i.e. violence), instructing and training younger members how to perform certain tasks (usually criminal in nature), to providing inside knowledge on goings on in the area and location of any social gatherings. An interesting summation of the role of the ‘older’ gang members is provided by Kiaya below:“It was operating from one of the olders, obviously he told everyone what to do, he got the stuff for everyone and like let’s say showed them how to get the drugs and how to deal it on the road like how to weigh it up on the scales an stuff he knew people from like out of town so he knew where to like get guns and whatever else you need to get and bring it back, and with the youngers, teaching them, not the youngers but the middle youngers say like 17 to 18 and they'll do that but they won't show the youngers until they're like older like 16, 17, 18” (Kiaya)Although females were not clearly identified as leaders of the gang unit, some were acknowledged as highly influential as illustrated in the quotation below extracted from Apple’s interview:“Usually the weaklings were from the group, you know, you had some people who were stronger characters, people who would get their own way, you had people who were easily… weaklings, even people in your own circuit you could actually bully to get what you wanted” (Apple)Conformity and Obedience: Following the LeaderAside from the loosely structured tiers previously discussed, the physical structure of gangs appeared relatively fluid. All subordinates whilst adhering to the instructions of those in charge appeared relatively equal to each other in the physical structure of the gang as shown in the following extract:“They just followed each other, if one went they all followed, the would do the same, say if there was a fight or something, they would do the same if someone punched they all followed like dominos basically” (Belle)Although gang members did appear to conform to the instructions of the identified leader descriptions of following these instructions did not appear to be done under duress with a few interviewees claiming that they were able to make their own decisions but simply chose to conform as illustrated below:“Some of them don’t listen to the leader they just do whatever they want…it depends like on who they are really, cos some are really into the leader and some of them.....they are kind of equal but some are more scared than others” (Millie)This appeared to suggest that conformity was more subjective than obligational as members did not appear to be forced but chose when and where to conform. One example of females conforming to the social norms of the gang is given below:“When I was in gangs wasn’t actually me starting off as actually being a participating gang member, it was mainly more of a follower…..everybody you know we was like sheep’s, so you followed who you saw was mainly the leader you know that, that kinda you know that kinds sheepish mentality” (Marsha)Despite the aforementioned ‘sheepish’ mentality of gang members, there was some indication that individuals may have performed specific roles within the gang and not simply ‘followed the crowd’. “Yeah it’s like obviously there’s certain man that will deal wiv the money side, certain man who’ll deal wiv the how we gona make the money side, certain man who takes the money an pass out your wages all different things” (Jigga) Gang members adhered to a range of social roles within the gang structure. Whilst the distribution of these roles was less obvious, evidence seems to suggest that gang members displayed a particular aptitude for a certain social roles. A good summation is provided by Marsha below:“You know that who was best at punching, you know who was best at running, you know who was the fastest runner you know then you’d get someone who’s maybe a distraction so that person could come over and punch, so you always had someone who had a job, a role to play, you know, there’s always someone who’s got a role to play, there’s always gona be someone who’s got a good right hook, or a good left hook, you know that knocked that person out cold, you know someone who can run faster so if they snatch the bag or snatch the [security] case they could run faster” In addition to adhering to the social roles impinged on them due to their social standing within the gang, some references were made to the behavioural roles required both as an initiation and as a consequence or punishment for failing to adhere to specified social roles. The best description of these behavioural requirements was given by Kiaya who explained that initiation procedures can involve the enactment of criminal or violent activities, but serve as more of a humiliation activity to ensure the prospective member was ‘serious’ about joining the gang. Kiaya also mentioned that when gang members directly [or indirectly] disobey an order from an elder they are subject to what is called a ‘violation’. This involves some kind of punishment which is directly related to the infringement committed, an example of which is given below:“There’s another thing a violations so like if let’s say one of the youngers like tried to hit one of the olders that’s a violation they’d like have to get down an do 20 press ups in front of their mans or the mans would think of something that they had to do in front of everyone cause you’ve just violated one of the olders that’s like your boss you can’t do that.....yeah it depends what, depends how bad the situation was if it’s only a little situation then they’ll be like yeah you do 20 press ups or run round the block wiv your trousers down or something”.Governing Principles of the GangGang Socialisation: Norms and Values It became apparent throughout the interview process that gangs and their members formulated and adhered to their own social code. Whilst some of their norms and values reciprocate wider societal views, for the most part they created their own rules and regulations that were solely applicable to them in their social environment. The group norms and values therefore depicted how all members of the group are to act. Interestingly these ‘regulations’ seemed to be intrinsic to each individual and rarely required any form of enforcement. As a result gang members appeared to wholly abide by the norms and values set out by the group as if bound by some invisible, psychological contract. “I'm here I'm in the gang this is what I'm doing it’s like a contract but like a talking contract because if you say something you've got to stick to your word” (Kiaya) As the above quotation illustrates the emphasis placed on this unwritten contract is a core element of the social underpinnings of gang normalisation. In short the norms and values adopted by gangs centred on being loyal to the gang unit and supporting fellow gang members. Throughout the interviews it became clear that gang members were expected to remain loyal to their fellow gang members. This meant not sharing information, in other words grassing, snitching or informing on gang activities and always providing support to a fellow gang member when needed. As Jade explains below this loyalty is engrained to such an extent that one would be prepared to be arrested to maintain it:“All my females like me spars like me proper mates do you not what I mean an we are dead loyal to each other do you know so I mean so like no one would let just one person getting nicked you wouldn’t let them get nicked on their own do you know what I mean” (Jade)In addition to this loyalty and support, the safety of the gang unit was of paramount concern to members. As Apple explains below gang members are required to withhold any information that could place the group at risk: “Where we come from you are not allowed to rattle, you are not allowed to talk up, you don’t want to be seen as an informer. That holds a lot of pressure to be honest” (Apple)This risk could be from potential targeting or reprisals from rival gangs, preventing competitors seizing control over gang territory or evading the police gathering credible information for a prosecution. Due to the compulsory level of loyalty needed, trust is also a principal issue in the selection criteria of gang members as the following quote point out: “Mostly you would have to fully know what is going on you know what I mean, cos they could do anything. They can’t just let anyone near like and tell everyone all their business what they have been doing cos they could just go and tell someone else” (Chloe)Gang Case studiesTaking into account the information provided in this chapter, it is important to consider the gangs in their original context. Therefore detailed case studies of each of the twelve gangs in question were generated from information given by interviewees in order to provide the reader with a detailed picture of the gangs female interviewees were involved in. Whilst in some cases the information gathered is based solely on one female member other gangs contained up to four female interviewees. Ideally comprehensive observations would have been done on each gang to provide a more holistic account. However as this data is supplementary to the focus on female gang members it was decided that collating existing evidence, as opposed to gathering observational data would present the most useful purpose. Case studies are comprised of all information gathered on each specific gang including details of their identifying features, physical characteristics, structure and activities. Orange GangOrange gang was based in London and comprised of three females and around twenty male members totalling twenty-three collective members. Marsha was the only female interviewed from this gang. All members were Black British and all females in gangs were girlfriends of the male members. The gang had a name and a specific geographical location they frequented, however they didn’t have a dress code but adhered to a certain fashion style that included jeans, hoodies and trainers. Gang members were aged between fourteen and thirty who met up every day for the main purpose of socialising; however there was also a major emphasis on making money. The gang itself had an identified leader with older, more influential people being in charge of the gang. The tiers within the gang structure were based on the age of members with the youngest members falling lower down in the hierarchy. The gang was involved in numerous criminal activities including muggings (particularly revellers at cash machines and SECURICO vans), robberies, selling drugs and breaking and entering. Money generated from any criminal activity was shared out between members. However the spoils were only shared out between the players that were present during the commission of the crime, suggesting the rewards could be considered ‘danger money’. Gang members would utilise their generated income to purchase drugs and alcohol. Orange gang also engaged in numerous violent activities for the purpose of obtaining monies as well as through conflict with rival gangs. Lilac GangThe lilac gang was based in Manchester and consisted of solely Caucasian members. Five females were identified as involved, however no numerical estimate was given on the number of male members. Evidence about Lilac gang was generated from Lou’s interview. Her response when asked to estimate the size of the gang included ‘quite a few of us….a lot of people’ and ‘more lads than females’. Lilac gang had a name, specific territory and a dress code in which they adhered. Members of the Lilac gang were aged between eleven and sixteen. The gang had no identified leader however all members of the gang were known to one another and the general public in the area. Members therefore hung around together on the streets frequently consuming drugs and alcohol and engaging in violent and criminal behaviours. The majority of the time this would involve stealing cars and joy riding and engaging in violent altercations. Some of these altercations were planned revenge attacks on rival gang members whilst others were spontaneous acts of rebellion for entertainment purposes. Green GangThe Green gang was a dominantly Caucasian gang from a specific area of Liverpool in which Jade was a member. Whilst no numerical estimate was provided for the total gang size, all indications were that the gang was considerable, consisting of fourteen female members. Some of these females were girlfriends of male gang members; however the majority were not romantically linked to fellow members. The gang had a name, specific geographical location which was protected by its members and they adhered to a certain dress code. Green gang also had a violent and long-standing rivalry with a fellow gang that shared similar localities. Membership of the green gang began around twelve years old with the eldest members being in their thirties. Green gang had a discernible leader and also an enforced hierarchy that was defined by the age of gang members, namely the older more influential members placed higher up the gang structure. The gang would congregate on a daily basis with the aim of socialising and making money. They engaged in numerous violent and criminal behaviours in order to secure funds to purchase drugs and alcohol. In terms of criminality, green gang regularly carried out burglaries, muggings, sold various drugs and stolen goods. Green gang also frequently and violently used weapons to help them achieve their goals, including knives and guns. The money gained from these endeavours would be shared throughout the gang. Grey GangThe Grey gang consisted of Black British members based in Manchester. Only two females were involved in this gang (one of which was Jigga) with the remaining thirty eight members being male. The gang adopted an identifiable name, territory and dress code. They comprised of older and younger members divided into tiers with the older, more influential members placed in charge of the gang. The two females in the gang had the same roles as the male members which involved engaging in criminal behaviours to secure monies for drugs and alcohol which were the primary motivation of the gang unit. These behaviours would mostly involve burglaries, selling drugs and stolen items. Grey gang also had a long standing rivalry with a fellow gang that frequented some similar localities consequently they often found themselves defending their territory. This rivalry and the underlying loyalty required by gang members were of considerable importance to the gang’s identity. Turquoise GangPoppy A was a member of Turquoise gang which was based in Yorkshire. Despite failing to disclose the racial identity of the gang, the female gang member interviewed was Caucasian and claimed that all her fellow members were from the same background as her. Whilst this is not conclusive it does provide some information on the gang itself. The gang was made up of ten members, with more males than females starting at the age of twelve with the oldest member being twenty-two. Turquoise gang had its own name, territory and dress code. The gang did not have an identified leader, instead gang activities were reportedly a group decision although no information was given about what happened if a consensus could not be reached. All members of the gang were equal in terms of hierarchy and all engaged in similar roles which included engaging in deviant and sometimes criminal behaviours. These would involve nuisance behaviours such as vandalism, as well as robberies and selling stolen goods. These activities were done for both entertainment and money-gathering purposes. The gang would meet up at a specific location daily with the primary aim reported to be socialising and getting drunk. They would also participate in violent confrontations with others outside the gang. Turquoise gang had no recognised rivals in the area, therefore violence would ensue with the general public. Females in turquoise gang rarely involved themselves in these violent confrontations. Derby GangsFrom the data collected in the current sample, four gangs resided in the Derby area, two of which were considered ‘high risk’ by law enforcement officials. However two of the gangs were considered smaller affiliate gangs of the two larger Pink and Red gangs. For the most part the smaller gangs adopted the same characteristics as the larger gangs. However the two smaller gangs did adopt their own colour scheme which was integrated with their associated gangs existing colours. For example the sub-group of Pink gang was blue whilst the sub-gang of Red gang was purple. For the purpose of this evaluation the two gangs have been considered in their entirety, encompassing both the smaller sub-gang and the larger, more dominant gang. Red GangThree of the females interviewed (namely Kiaya, Chenia and Chloe) in the current sample were members of red gang who were based in Derby. Due to the fact that red gang was divided into a smaller sub-group, there was some disparity between members as to the physical characteristics of the gang. What can be ascertained is that the gang were mixed in terms of racial identity and had an identifiable name, territory and specific geographical area which they actively protected from a rival gang that adopted a similar local area. In total, the gang boasted membership numbers reaching fifty, which were broken down into smaller groups of around ten to fifteen individuals. The gang consisted of mostly male members with a maximum of three females identified as involved. The age range of members in Red gang was fourteen to thirty which were structured into three tiers of older, middle and younger members. The older, more influential members were considered in charge of the gang with three recognisable leaders. The older members of the gang acted as teachers to the younger members, instructing them how to effectively carry out criminal activities, in particular how to sell drugs. Red gang members would meet up on a daily basis at a specific location within their territory. They would engage in crime and violence in order to obtain money for drugs and alcohol. The majority of crimes involved stealing monies or goods that could be sold on for monies. The gang would also sell drugs and weapons in order to generate income. Red gang would use weapons during the commission of these offenses including dogs. Male members in particular were subject to initiation rituals in order to join the gang and violations or punishments should they engage in behaviours deemed unacceptable by their fellow gang members. Pink GangFour of the females interviewed were members of Pink gang namely Millie, Sarah and Lissy and Lilly A who were cousins. In a similar vein to Red gang, Pink gang was divided into a smaller sub-gang, therefore some inconsistencies were uncovered in female gang member accounts. This is due to the females in question describing the different sub-sections of their gang. Pink gang consisted of mixed race members based in an area of Derby. Total membership was between forty and fifty members, around thirty five of which were male and the remaining fifteen female. Pink gang membership started around ten years old and continued into the thirties. The gang had a representative name, territory and dress code and were subject to rivalries from other local gangs. Pink gang had a recognised leader and was structured into age related tiers with the older members and the top and younger members at the bottom of the hierarchy. Pink gang as a unit engaged in numerous criminal and violent behaviours in order to gain monetary funds. These criminal activities included mugging individuals, stealing from houses and selling drugs and stolen goods. During the commission of these crimes, weapons were regularly used including guns, knives, baseball bats and hammers. Money generated from these endeavours was used to purchase drugs and alcohol for the gang. White GangWhite gang was dominantly black in membership based in an inner city area of London. The gang consisted of around twenty members, two of which were female with the remaining eighteen being male. White gang did not have a name that they used to identify the gang, instead they were highly protective of the specific area in which they frequented. Despite not having a dress code that was adhered to, members of White gang did dress in a manner which was identifiable in terms of fashion including jeans, trainers and hoodies. They were not however represented by a certain colour or logo. Members of White gang were aged from twelve to nineteen years of age. White gang did not have a rigid structural system, however there were smaller sub-groups associated with the gang. Older gang members were more influential than younger members and considered ‘in charge’ of the gang. The gang would meet on a daily basis with the primary purpose of making money. White gang would engage in numerous criminal and violent behaviours in order to achieve this aim. These included robbing people at cashpoints, or mugging revellers leaving public houses and beating up prostitutes after they were paid by a punter. Navy gangFour of the females interviewed were members of Navy gang which was primarily mixed race and resided in Manchester. Navy gang had around thirty members which were divided into smaller sub-groups of around ten people. Navy gang did not recognise females as ‘actual’ gang members; all females that were associated with the gang were girlfriends of male members. The gang had a name, territory, and dress code with members aged between eleven and twenty years of age. The gang consisted of older and younger gang members with the older more influential ones considered in charge of the gang. Gang members hung around on the street vandalising the local area and taking drugs and were frequently involved in intimidation and conflict of rival gang members and the general public. In terms of criminal behaviours Navy gang would perform burglaries, steal cars, muggings, and selling drugs. However there was no discussion as to the purpose of gaining funds, although suggestions were made that these criminal and violent activities were done more for entertainment purposes than money-making exercises. Black GangThis mixed race gang consisted of around fifteen members from Manchester, three of which were female with the remaining members being male. Lilly B was the sole contributor to information about Black gang. Black gang had an identified name and a specific location they resided but did not adopt a particular dress code. Gang members were aged between fourteen and twenty-one with a few of the older members in charge of the gang. Older members would train younger members how to complete certain illegal activities such as selling drugs. The main objective of Black gang was security owing to the fact that they had a long standing rivalry with another local gang. Black gang would therefore engage in numerous criminal and violent behaviours including stealing cars, burglarising houses and out-houses, and mugging people. Navy gang members also carried weapons that would include guns and knives for protection against rival gang members. Money gathered from these endeavours would be used to purchase drugs, cigarettes and alcohol for the gang who would meet up on a daily basis. Purple GangPurple gang was based in Manchester and contained mainly male Caucasian members. Whilst a few females were reportedly involved, no numerical estimate of the number of females was given. Gang members were aged between fifteen and eighteen years old with a total membership of around twenty-five. Purple gang had an identifiable name, territory and dress code. Purple gang did not have a rigid structural system, all members appeared equal and decisions were made as a group. It appeared the primary motivation for the gang was socialisation with members engaging in drug and alcohol use daily, however suggestions were made that protection was also important. Purple gang resided in a ‘high risk’ gang area and therefore had rivalries with fellow gangs in the vicinity. As such they would regularly carry weapons such as knives and baseball bats that they also utilised during the commission of criminal offences. The gang would partake in numerous violent and criminal behaviours such as muggings and burglaries, however there was no indication as to the purpose of these criminal activities. Suggestions were made that activities were performed through boredom and a desire to be entertained.Yellow GangYellow gang resided in London and consisted of thirty-four predominantly Black British members. The bag contained two female members, with the remaining members being male. The gang didn’t have any identifiable features such as a name, territory or dress code. However the members used to congregate in numerous locations around their local area. Members were aged between twelve and twenty-one years old, with the older, more influential members ‘in charge’ of the gang unit. The gang would meet up every day for the primary motivation of socialising. Whilst the gang did not have any recognised rivals, they frequently engaged in violent and criminal behaviours for the purpose of obtaining monetary funds. These funds would then be used to purchase goods for the gang as a unit, whether it is drugs, alcohol or cigarettes. Examples of criminal activities include fraud, robberies and muggings. The older gang members rarely engaged in these activities but got the younger members to commit criminal actions on their behalf. ConclusionTwenty female gang members were interviewed for the current project, providing the researcher with details of twelve separate gangs covering six different geographical locations around the UK. Eighty-one per cent of gangs in the current sample possessed a specific name, geographical location and dress code which in addition to being central to the gangs identity also helped in their identification. As mentioned at the start of this chapter, all gangs studied were mixed in terms of gender. On average the ratio of males to females per gang was 4:1. Fifty per cent of the gangs had fewer than thirty members with an age range between ten and thirty years, with over half (58%) of these gangs consisting of a single dominant race. For the most part gangs were considered groups of people with a collective identity formed through an extended process of frequent interactions for the sole purpose of socialisation. However, making money was also considered a vital part of gang activities. As a result gangs frequently engaged in robberies and muggings, in addition to selling stolen goods and drugs in order to generate income. Gangs represented in the current sample appeared loosely structured around a three tier (age-related) system with older members proving to be recognised leaders of the gang seventy-five per cent of the time. Control, influence and manipulation were commonly used to reinforce gang leadership within the hierarchy. All subordinate members were equally represented conforming and obeying to instructions given by ‘older’ members. In addition, gang members appeared to adhere to their own intrinsic social code which stipulates loyalty and trust as core requirements, an expectation to engage in violence when required and a desensitisation towards criminal activity which is considered an intrinsic part of gang life. Understanding these core elements identified by female gang members as crucial to their gang identity and structure has provided some interesting insights into the workings of gangs as a social entity, and helped provide the reader with a sound basis for which to explore the role of the female in the structure and organisation of gangs which shall be explored in the following chapter. Chapter 9Female Gang MembersThe primary motivation for the current research was to tell the stories of female gang members in the UK to provide a comprehensive and detailed description of their daily lives. It was believed that this in turn would help answer the ultimate question: what is the nature of female gang involvement? The research aimed to address the current gap in knowledge in the UK surrounding the nature of female involvement in mixed gender gangs. By applying a gendered lens, the research hoped to situate females in the social hierarchy of gangs, exploring the roles they performed and investigating how ‘being female’ affected their gang experiences. Specifically, the research aimed to discover (i) whether females constituted ‘members’ of a mixed gender gang, (ii) where and how females fit within the structure of the gang, (iii) what roles females perform in gangs, (iv) how gender affected the experiences and roles adopted by gang-involved females, (v) why and how females joined gangs, (vi) why and how females exit gangs and finally (vii) whether existing definitions of gangs are appropriate for gangs containing female members?As mentioned previously, no all-female gangs were uncovered during the research process. As such the current chapter pertains to females that are involved in mixed gender gangs. Female gang members’ transcripts were thematically analysed using a combination of NVivo qualitative data analysis software and interpretation by the researcher. This analysis developed through a form of grounded theory and consequently began to identify some consistent characteristic and behavioural similarities and differences within female gang member dialogue. These were then collated and coded until persistent themes started to emerge from the data. It was important to the researcher to keep female gang members’ data in context, therefore allowing the central focus to be dictated by interviewees themselves. Thus the focus of this chapter is to present the findings from interviews with female gang members purposely to explore female’s understandings of their roles and environment to provide some insight into their daily lives and experiences. Specifically the current chapter aims to highlight how it feels to be part of a gang from the perception of female gang members. On the whole female gang members focused on four broad areas: what gang membership means to female gang members, how female gang members make sense of conflict their motivations for joining and their motivations for leaving gangs. Twenty females were interviewed all of whom elected to take part in the research having been fully informed of the study’s primary focus and aims, thus identifying themselves as ‘gang involved’ young women. Despite this declaration there was some disparity as to whether or not females classified themselves as gang ‘members’. Whilst the complexities of this debate will be outlined later in this chapter, it is important to note at this stage how the classifications of females came about. Thirteen of the females interviewed had clear views of their gang involvement with eight of them identifying themselves as former and five of them as current gang members. However, the remaining seven females displayed some inconsistencies in their accounts. Some of the females’ own classifications of their involvement actually denied physical membership as shown below:“I would not class myself as one of their gang members, it is just people I have known for so long they have turned into being in a gang. But I still hand around with them” (Millie)Originally six females described themselves as friends of gang members (as illustrated by the above quotation) whilst one identified herself as a former girlfriend of a gang member. Despite these perceptions their knowledge and descriptions of gangs, gang members and how they operated appeared too in-depth to classify the females as non-members. It became clear throughout the analysis that some of these females were more involved in the gang than they had stated. Whilst this could have been a by-product of social desirability factors, it is also plausible that the definition of ‘gang member’ applied by interviewees may have differed from that of the researcher. This is illustrated by the fact that despite describing themselves as not directly involved in the gangs they discussed, some of the females showed highly knowledgeable accounts of gang activities and daily operations. It is for this reason that these seven girls were classified as current gang members by the researcher. These females in particular displayed comprehensive understandings of gangs and gang activities, possessing detailed knowledge, describing frequent interactions with a particular gang and its members. On this basis, eleven females were labelled as current members and nine as former members. Of the nine females that were categorised as former members, seven were able to provide an estimate as to how long they had been separated from the gang itself with an average of five years since their last involvement. The remaining two females were unable to give a numeric estimate as to when their last involvement with the gang was. Original (self-defined) and re-classified (researcher defined) coding of female gang members are outlined in table 9.1 below as well as the total number of females classified as current and former gang members (see table 9.1a below).Table 9.1: Female gang membership original and re-classified codingOriginal ‘Self’ DefinedResearcher DefinedNumber of ParticipantsCurrently Active MemberCurrent5Friend of Gang MembersCurrent6Used to be in a gangFormer8Former Girlfriend of Gang MemberFormer1Total20Table 9.1a: Total number of females in each re-classified codingFemale Gang Member ClassificationNumber of ParticipantsCurrent Member11Former Member9Total20What Gang Membership Means to Female Gang MembersIn order to paint a picture of how it feels to be involved in a gang, females were asked to describe what their gang membership meant to them. This enabled the researcher to probe into female gang members understandings of their daily lives. Four major themes emerged from the data namely; family and acceptance, the cycle of respect, labelling and gossip and obligation versus guilt. Family and AcceptanceWhen asked to describe what gang membership means to those that are involved, a common response was that membership provided a sense of belonging and acceptance, it felt like being part of a family as Lilly B explains:“It just felt like I was not alone…You could call it alone…but I wasn’t hanging around with people…how can I describe it …I seen it as they were well popular but I wish I didn’t now” (Lilly B)Furthermore it appears that this acceptance also includes a level of understanding that the individual fails to gain from elsewhere, meaning that females seem to be under the impression that this feeling of belonging and togetherness appears to be specific to the gang they are in and the members in it as Mickey illustrates:“Being part of a gang means respect, somewhere to fit in, certain people get along with who they stick to, feeling part of something” (Mickey)The Cycle of RespectWhen asked to describe what gang membership means to them, and to describe what it feels like, themes emerged in female gang member dialogue concerning the development of image, recognition, status and respect. Whilst at first these seemed to be independent factors that formed part of their understanding of gang membership, further analysis revealed the cyclic nature of the individual factors. Firstly female gang members described the image of themselves (and others) that forms the basis for their gang membership. For example it was clear that having a fearless, tough and hard image was a requirement of membership within a gang, which was applicable to both male and female members. The development of one’s image was subsequently acknowledged by others and reinforced through the creation of a reputation and recognition. Therefore the main aim of one’s image would be to be recognised which usually progressed over time by proving one’s self-worth to the other gang members as Kiaya explains below: “It’s about your reputation, obviously to get your reputation in play your gona have to do something so everyone knows and notices ya, if you don't then not many people are gona know your face” (Kiaya)Females explained how they wished to be known by those around them as well as the wider population. As a by-product of this gang members are seen to use this recognition to increase their status both inside and outside the gang structure as outlined by Poppy B:“Yeah, they have to be known like the people in it......by everyone, so they know not to mess with them that’s what they want them to think and stuff like that......they have nicknames like Chronic or Bundy or something” (Poppy B)The challenge faced by female gang members then becomes a question of preservation. Once they have created an image and built up a reputation it needs to be maintained. In effect once they have chosen their path, they must abide by its identity as Jigga explains:“People expect that of ya you keep the expectation up if you’ve got a reputation it’s hard to just let that go do you know what I mean” (Jigga)One example of the image of a female gang member is given below:“I had a confidence about me, arrogance around me, I just…the way I carried myself really. I was gobby, I was…people thought I was really confident that did not necessarily mean I was. I was always standing my ground, I was the person who would challenge, and I was not backing down the person was always backing down before I was. I had a reputation for the kind of person I was” (Apple)Once female gang members become recognised they begin to develop a status within the gang structure. This status is usually dependent upon the behaviours females have adopted as part of their image. Females reported that being in a gang gives you a certain standing or status with your peers in which they show you greater respect. The relationship between gang members and respect was multifaceted. Whilst on one hand females found being in a gang to be a respectful pursuit, their understanding of respect appeared to be a social construction within the gang context. Respect did not appear to be a respect for the law but more a respect for the group norms and values (these will be addressed later in this chapter). One example of how respect manifested is shown below:“You just feel respectful and like belonging to your environment. And you know where to go to” (Sarah)The examples given above represent two different types of respect that exist in the social environment of gangs. The first is a feeling of respect that is instilled in gang members adhering to group norms and values (to respect each other), and the second is a respect that is a by-product of association to another ‘respected’ individual, which could be a family member or a partner. Both of these types of respect correspond within the gang environment to influence one’s status in the group. Therefore the more respect a gang member has, the higher social status they achieve within the gang. This is an interesting concept as the level of respect generated by female gang members may increase their standing within the gang. However this is likely to simply raise them to the top of their existing category (e.g. tomboy, girlfriend or chick) and not leapfrog them onto the top of the rankings. In a similar vein the cyclic nature of this development also means that should one lose respect, then status, recognition and image all become affected. Therefore female gang members reflected on the importance to them of creating an image, being recognised, developing a status and possessing respect on their perceptions and understandings of gang meaning. Labelling and GossipTwo types of labelling were addressed through the interviews, external labelling by outsiders including the media, and internal labelling by gang members on each other usually extrapolated by gossip. It was the view of female gang members that external sources of labelling made assumptions and judgements about them on account of their ‘looks’ or ‘behaviour’. The underlying tone of these descriptions was that these labels were unfair and sometimes unfounded as Apple outlines:“They see the people they hang around with is a family. And they use that a lot but in saying that because of what society has defined as a gang they have been labelled as a gang, hence them fitting into that slot….. we were not like I said classified as a gang but as time has gone on, I have heard the media use the term ex-gang member quite a lot, you know, when they hear my story” (Apple)It was suggested by one interviewee that these labels were so offensive to the females themselves, that they considered them as a form of accusation.“Cos some [females] get accused of being in a gang and they don’t like being accused of being in a gang cos they are not. But if you live in the area and you hang around with them you get accused for it. Some of the females don’t like it” (Millie)There was also some suggestion that these societal labels were directly responsible for females’ failure to succeed in life owing to the restrictions placed upon them by this invisible tag. The consensus was that once you had been labelled a gang member, legitimate opportunity became restricted to you, in essence forcing you deeper into the realms of criminality. Jigga expressed concern that if society continued to label gang members, restricting their chances of success through legitimate means then by default they are forced to remain in limbo and effectively give up trying to pursue better things:“If you failed in school or you got kicked out most of us got kicked out a school yeah at a young age an it’s like yeah we sit in a job interview an man not gona wana look at us cos they think yeah straight away they’re thugs do you know what I mean, so we’re just gona stick at what we’re good at if no-one else is gona not wana give a man a chance we not even gona take that chance we’re not even gona bother for it we’ll just carry on doing what we’re doing” (Jigga)Labelling also took place within the gangs’ social environment. Internal labelling within gangs often took the form of rumours and derogatory name calling. On the whole labels were given to those females who took drugs, were excessively aggressive or sexually promiscuous and were usually enhanced by gossip. An example of this was provided by Kiaya who explained that adopting the label and subsequent behavioural attributes of a (crack) cocaine addict were unacceptable within her gang structure, resulting in the female in question being ostracised from the gang: “This female was a bit of a drug addict...I don't like that I think it’s disgusting to be a crack head I weren't allowed to touch that stuff, there was a female who tried to join our gang who was a cack head, I said no you're not coming in our group if you’re a cack head, no” (Kiaya)Discussions with female gang members also illustrated the consequences of gossip and rumour on the lives of female gang members. Whether based on fact or fiction, it was clear that the result of being targeted by the rumour mill could lead to social exclusion and in some cases violent retribution. As Chloe explains below:“I can remember one time, this female got beat up cos they thought they were talking about someone dead, he had just died, they got pissed off and they beat her up” (Chloe)Gossip and rumour was detailed by word of mouth, the use of text messages and social communication media such as Facebook. Females explained how simply being ‘tagged’ in a photograph with ‘the wrong people’ would get them into trouble with their gang. One interviewee, Belle, detailed a situation where she herself had been the target of gossip and rumour which eventually resulted in her exiting the gang and re-locating to a different area. She reported that the other females in the gang accused her of being sexually promiscuous with other men whilst dating one of their male gang members. Belle confessed that she tried to ignore the results of these altercations but they eventually forced her to leave. The key points of her narrative are presented below:“One of me boyfriends used to be in a gang, one minute they are all happy like and one minute be nasty to me and basically said you are not with me anymore so forget about it….. I couldn’t deal with the fact that they were speaking to the gangs and telling them everything that I said to them… I just could not deal with it…..gossiping like mostly they used to say stuff like you have done this, done that, you done a blow job, basically you get shit and it’s basically annoying…..they used to gossip about me and it just got out of hand and I just had to step away” (Belle)It is therefore clear that both external (societal) and internal (social) labelling can have a negative impact on females, sometimes forcing them to adopt roles they have been ‘tagged’ with, causing them to suffer violent consequences, social exclusion or forcing them to exit the gang unit. Obligation versus GuiltAnother theme that was apparent throughout the interviews was the notion that females felt obligated to complete certain activities because they were in a gang, however they also felt guilty about what they had done which created a quandary for them. For the most part obligation took precedence over guilt which was typically experienced after the event and neutralised by justifications of why the behaviour needed to take place. This obligation appears to be a by-product of the friendship bonds and loyalty necessary for gang membership, females feel like they need to support their fellow gang members regardless which was supported by Marsha below:“We’re like a family so I felt obligated now to see it through to the end, even though I thought you know oh my god what are you doing, because it brings you to the next level…..this is my friends, this is like my family, you felt obligated, to stick around and to stay” (Marsha)In addition some of the females had blood relatives that were involved in gangs, therefore extending this obligation to include familial ties. Mickey a current gang member explained that she felt that some of her blood relatives were involved in gangs because they felt like they had to be and that for females it can be an obligation as she explains below: “Some females will have boyfriends, brothers in the gang, they must do certain things, they're obligated to do something” (Mickey)A more personal account was provided by Jigga who explained that she felt obligated to adopt a certain image and commit certain activities for the sake of her reputation. It is clear from the following extract that she felt that being nice was not beneficial to her gang image and expressed remorse at her actions on reflection.“I’d go off so stupid you know what I mean I’d go off like a proper dickhead, you know what I mean obviously I’m not, you get me I’m a nice person but yeah I didn’t have time to be nice coz I thought it made me look weak in actual fact it didn’t yeah but the way I would act and the way I’d treat people yeah it weren’t nice you get me, there were no need for it you know what I mean” (Jigga)This obligation seemed to be ingrained in female gang members, encouraging them to act in a certain way and commit specific activities on behalf of the gang, despite their underlying feelings of guilt. As such the lure of obligation appeared stronger than the guilt associated with the consequence of one’s actions. Justifications were used to excuse any behaviour females deemed as unacceptable, as Jigga illustrates below:“So if man are gona pay for drugs yeah we’re gona provide them init what’s the point can’t get no job, can’t stay in school, can’t stay in college how else are we supposed to survive we’re not gona sit there broke cos we know it’s illegal it’s not like that do you know what I mean there’s always a reason behind whatever a man does you know what I mean” (Jigga)How Female Gang Members Make Sense of ConflictNarratives with female gang members were awash with details of conflicts they face on a daily basis. These conflicts primarily centred on personal and gang issues. However it is necessary to understand not just the manifestations of conflict in the lives of female gang members but how they internalise this conflict and make sense of it within their social environment. It is for this reason that female gang members’ management of conflict presented itself as a distinct theme. Female gang members appeared to live within an environment of conflict, to the point where they became desensitised to it. Interviewees therefore failed to identify this underlying conflict as an issue worthy of their attention, it was natural to them to be exposed to such tension on a regular basis. A common catalyst for conflict within the personal lives of female gang members related to their upbringing and family environment. Within the gang environment, conflict manifested in two main ways; fighting within the gang they are in (intra-gang conflict) and conflict with rival gangs in their area (inter-gang conflict).Personal issues: Upbringing and Family Environment“We’ve been brought up to do that that’s basically our lives that’s what we do” (Jigga)It was highlighted through discussions with female gang members that many of them were exposed to conflict via their social and family environment. One of the most common themes that emerged from female gang members was their upbringing as illustrated in Jigga’s quote above. However other females divulged more detail about what exactly in their upbringing resulted in this conflict. Issues centred on growing up in a disruptive family environment, some of which involved the intervention of social services and being exposed to the foster care system. In addition exposure to drug and alcohol abuse also emerged as a significant theme in the dialogue of female gang members. Females disclosed details of getting involved in fighting at a young age and being victims and witnesses of violent behaviour within the home. There was some suggestion that being exposed to violence in this manner encouraged females to become violent themselves as Lou explains:“My sisters growing up they was always fighting an my mum as well my mum was proper mad, but I been brought up a bit, around that sort of thing, I think that’s why I was like I was I think not so much the people I was around it’s the way I was brought up with me to be honest with you an things that had happened an that I think they made me a bit violent like not so much my friends do you know what I mean” (Lou) In addition this exposure was also described as encouraging females to get involved in gangs in order to escape the disruptive family unit in search of socialisation and security as Kiaya outlines:“Kind of like some of the people in the gangs they have good homes they have good families but some of them are like the way they’ve been brought up its kind a different like they’ve been brought up to do violence all the time or in the household it’s just known as violence or their mums on drugs or their dads an alcohol or something bad that’s why they’ve gone on the streets down round us cos that’s where they feel comfortable and they feel secure and safety” (Kiaya)Ironically this appeared to push female gang members into an environment that is also rife with violence and disruption. It is clear from the above quotations that broken family units, violence and addiction could be prominent issues in females getting involved in gangs. As suggested by Kiaya above, it is possible that in the absence of a strong family unit, females go in search of a pseudo family on the streets. However it is also clear that the internalisation of this conflict within the social environment is considered a ‘normal’ everyday occurrence for these young women. This suggests that females are desensitised to the violence and conflict around them by consistent exposure making it an acceptable part of daily life. In addition to this, racism was identified as a subsidiary source of conflict. Whilst not identified as a primary motivation in gang construction, race was considered a prominent issue in four of the gangs researched who stated that the racial make-up of their members was central to the gangs’ identity. However in the context of conflict racism cropped up as a potential source of tension when linked with personal issues in the lives of female gang members, as illustrated in the quotation below:“I know why I was like that, I was like that because I grew up with black people have it hard …….and I listened to that when I was growing up in the family home but I don’t think the family knew what kind of effect those quotations were having on me. So that has got a lot to do with my behaviour pattern and my choices that I made when I was” (Apple)The following narrative from Jade details when she was confronted by rival female gang members and illustrates the deep rooted nature of racism:“I was like no chance, and they were like give me your fucking phone an all that, an I was like listen you black bitch get out of my face now, but she wouldn’t stop about this phone so I got me brand new phone and just smashed it on the floor stood on it do you know what I mean so the phone was fucking smashed I said do you know what though I’ll tell you something I’d rather have me pride, I’d rather smash my own phone than be robbed by some nigger do you know what I mean if my boys found out I got robbed off yous” (Jade)This suggests that female understandings of conflict as an everyday occurrence may stem from some deeper social issues. In the extract above Jade is prepared to break her own phone in order to avoid it being stolen by females from a different ethnic background. This shows that the conflict is more prominent than her desire to avoid victimisation completely. Gang IssuesAn additional and unsurprising source of conflict for these young women came as a direct result of their gang involvement. Again personal accounts were crammed with details of conflict within the gang environment both with fellow gang members and rivals. Sometimes females were directly involved in this conflict, other times they were bystanders or witnesses to the event. Intra-Gang ConflictThis refers to conflict that took place within the gang unit itself between existing members both male and female. Given the emphasis placed on trust and acceptance already outlined this was an interesting observation. It became apparent to the researcher that intra-gang conflict was rife and seemed accepted as part of the gang culture. Despite this it was still viewed quite negatively by the females. The following quotations illustrate the point effectively:“You’d find in your own gang you’d find people turn on each other picking on someone, you know when you’re bored your finding a victim to pick on or, and it was really funny because we’re supposed to be a gang together but you’d be finding people arguing amongst themselves in the gang……. You know and it’s kind a like you’re still trying to outdo your gang member because they would undercut you, if you understand what I mean, they swindle money out a you so you’re having to second guess you know” (Marsha)Another interesting factor that emerged from Jigga’s quotation above is the notion of ‘informers’. In this context she refers to people, specifically men within her gang who betray the trust of the gang and pass information either to the authorities or rival gang members. Whilst the complexities of trust within gangs will be addressed in further detail it is important to note here that this intra-gang tension may have contributed to the females’ understanding of conflict. “Certain man are fucking snakes and informers you get me so obviously sometimes you have to cut em loose init” (Jigga)Inter-Gang ConflictDescriptions of inter-gang conflicts were endemic throughout interviews with female gang members. As previously outlined these young women were exposed to conflict in all aspects of their social environment from their family and friends. However the conflict between rival gang members was an issue that was very much ingrained in the minds of these young women. Discussions of events depicting clashes with other gangs were commonplace and mundane to them and their descriptions of events quite matter-of-fact. It was clear to the researcher that external conflicts with opposing gangs sought to reinforce the already desensitising effect of conflict on the daily lives of gang involved females. The following extract taken from Lou’s interview illustrates the blasé approach to conflict that female gang member’s exhibit. She explains how she has been a victim of violence on numerous occasions due to the association she has with her gang. Despite this she goes on to explain how that is ‘just the way it is’: “There’s been a few times yeah where I’ve been done in like you know jumped an that but I think that’s because I was part of that group like there’s some people whose try an get you when you was on your own do you know what I mean like we’ll get her on her own she’s not wiv all them…..there’d always be another group there especially if you’re drinking like you couldn’t pass them like or they couldn’t pass us without someone in the group saying something and then it all kicking off it’s how it is init” (Lou)This was reinforced by other female gang members who described violence and conflict with rivals as a common occurrence. Suggestions were also made that there may not necessarily be a motivation for this conflict to arise but that it simply happens spontaneously which is supported by Poppy B below:“One of the boys asked one of these other people who was in the park for half a cigarette and he said no cos it was his last cigarette and then he started battering him and people tried to stop it as well…he tried to rip his eyeball out” (Poppy B)Despite the amount of conflict gang involved females are exposed to on a daily basis, many of the females insisted that they do not seek out conflict but that conflict simply finds them or is a natural consequence of their lifestyle as Millie explains below:“You don’t…you don’t go out every day looking for crimes or people to hit or stab. But if there is beef, if there is trouble, then that’s when it starts” (Millie) Motivations for Joining Gangs: What’s the Attraction? In order to understand why and how females became involved in gangs originally, participants were asked to reflect back at this time and source any motivating factors as to why they joined a gang. None of the females questioned displayed any evidence of force or coercion in this decision. In fact as will be addressed in chapter nine to follow, females failed to acknowledge their gang involvement as an instant decision at all, and more of a progression, or series of events surrounded by frequent interactions with existing gang members. Despite this it become apparent to the researcher that some females may have been unaware or decidedly naive in their judgement to join a gang. Three primary reasons for joining a gang emerged to socialise with others or get involved in the [perceived] glamour of the gang lifestyle, out of enjoyment versus as a consequence of boredom and out of fear. Although these factors were usually more cumulative in nature with no one reason standing out as the primary motivator in gang involvement, each of these factors will be addressed individually.Socialisation and GlamourAfter conversing with female gang members it became clear that the main attraction in joining gangs was to socialise with other people. Whilst it wasn’t apparent that this automatically attracted females to gangs per se, it can be assumed that they were looking to engage with others holding similar interests to themselves. The desire to socialise with others seemed to be an attractive feature of gang membership, even to the point that sometimes the ‘gang’ itself took a back seat to the desire to engage with others. On the other hand this could illustrate a naivety on behalf of the female gang members of not realising what they were getting themselves into. However in addition to socialising with like-minded individual’s, females also reported that being part of a gang was seen as a cool pursuit and a glamorous lifestyle which made it more appealing to them as Jigga demonstrates:“Back in the day yeah it used to be glamorised you get me all glamorised you get me fresh grams every day, money in your pocket everyday” (Jigga)This suggests that female gang members are fully aware of the pursuit in which they are involved and not in fact naive to the purpose of the gang, attracted by the money, drugs and alcohol that are rife throughout gang culture. Enjoyment versus Boredom Some females also reported joining a gang simply because they wanted to. They reported enjoying the thrill of it, describing how it gave them an adrenaline rush and how they relished the excitement of being in a gang:“I used to love it I tell you straight I used to love it…..it’s just like you love to chill, we love to do what we do” (Jigga)Narratives concerning the need to alleviate boredom, to ‘find something to do’ were also common responses when females were asked why they got involved in gangs in the first place. Females explained how there was very little to do around the locality in which they lived and that there was very little opportunity to change their situation. Therefore as a result, to alleviate the monotony and escape from what they perceived as their mundane lives, they sought out gangs as is highlighted in the following extract:“Yeah, I think company, I loved excitement. Boredom as well being at my grans and I just knew a lot of people I think, I was just not a femaley female” (Pearl)Interestingly these reasoning’s appear to be similar to what one would expect from non-gang affiliated young people when asked why they go out with their friends. The burning question is then what is different about the current sample of females that encourages them to seek out involvement in gangs as opposed to generalised friendship groups? This question shall be returned to in the discussion. For now it is important to note that the current sample of females disclosed partaking in gangs for their own reasons, whether it be out of enjoyment or to alleviate boredom. The Irony of Fear: Perceptions of how fear is exploited in Gangs The relationship between fear and gang membership was complex. Whilst fear appeared to be a precipitating factor for joining gangs, it was also used as a weapon of control to intimidate others both internally and externally to the gang. In addition, many interviewees described a lack of fear in terms of engaging in specific behaviours, in particular those of a criminal nature and a disregard for consequences of one’s actions. By and large narratives focussed on three main uses of fear within the gang context; as a means of protection; to intimidate or influence the behaviour of others; and the absence of fear sourced as a justification for behaviour, each of which will be addressed separately.Protection: Safety in NumbersDialogues depicting the use of fear as a motivation to seek out protection [from a gang] were rife throughout the interviews. Interestingly this protection appeared to have an internal and external basis. On one hand females disclosed that there appeared to be safety in numbers when it came to joining a gang, explaining how they would be less likely to become targets, with particular reference to rival gangs, if they had the protection of a gang behind them. However what was also clear was that by becoming a member of a gang, females actually became a target for rivalry by fellow gang members due to existing rivalries and retributions. In addition to this external conflict, narratives from female gang members also suggested that by joining with a local gang, they avoid becoming victims of those particular gangs’ activities and enjoy the security the gang provides. “I felt safer though well obviously I suppose you are gona in a sense aren’t you feel safer if you’re like you got other people round you you know and like people won’t do anything to ya where if you’re on your own they’d try you know what I mean I suppose in a way you would feel a lot safer yeah I must have done” (Lou)As Lou suggests the security felt at being part of a gang may simply be a by-product of being surrounded by a group of people and not necessarily an indication of the groups’ intentions to protect its members. However it was suggested that the safety and security of its members was a primary goal of gang membership: “It probably, the reason that they got into the gang is probably to feel well protected like by the other boys an stuff and they obviously didn't wana leave cos they're too scared to, to see what happened with them so they're probably stuck there I suppose that’s it really” (Hayley)An interesting observation from Hayley’s quote is that gang members may be too frightened to leave the protection of the gang, in effect being stuck in limbo.IntimidationFear was also used within the gang unit as a means of intimidation. This intimidation took on two primary forms; as a physical consequence of the gangs’ presence and as a threatening behavioural action. Descriptions of how the gang can be intimidating as a unit included details of their size and dress code and fear of what the gang may do to them. There were also some suggestions that intimidating people was a primary function of the gang and an intrinsic motivation to get involved in the first instance. Utilising fear to intimidate was a utility used to scare individuals within and external to the gang itself. The following quotation demonstrates how the physical presence and characteristics of a gang can be perceived as intimidating:“It’s very intimidating you know the way they are cos the lads are dead tall and dead, well you know some of their faces are dead puffy from all the fighting an stuff and they don't look very nice” (Rachael)It is also clear through the data collected that no distinction is made between males and females in terms of intimidation as illustrated in the quote below:“Like if an old woman walked past she would be just as scared of the females as she would be of the boys, cos the females would be with the boys” (Lilly B)However this can also backfire on female gang members as they are considered an easier target than male gang members as illustrated by Lilly B below:“Obviously females are an easier target than boys” (Lilly B)Therefore it is the physical presence and characteristics of the gang that create this level of intimidation and not necessarily the gender of the gang members. Furthermore fear was also used to influence and manipulate those around them both within the gang and externally. Jigga described the intimidation that does on within the gang structure and how that is used to generate a specific outcome through manipulation and control: “I think most times they feel intimidated that’s why they do it coz if one man rings up the guy and tells him I need you to stash this or I need you to bang this female up really, really, really, I think they think if they don’t do it they’ll get fucked up, me yeah” (Jigga)Furthermore fear is used to intimidate those outside the gang environment for a number of reasons. Creating a reputation within a local area results in the general public avoiding frequenting certain areas and also increases gang members perceived image in the area. Females stated that they wanted people to know who they were and consequently used intimidation to achieve this as Hayley implies:““Just to intimidate people to make people scared of them, to be well known around areas and stuff” (Hayley)The following citation is taken from Millie’s interview, during which she shares a story about a close female friend who tried to exit the gang and as a result was threatened and intimidated by its members:“Like her mums been…what is the word? Threatened for her house to be petrol bombed or set on fire cos of that female......by her beating another member, another female up, not from another gang just a normal female who goes to school who hangs around with people who are not in gangs and their family are like…not mental but if anything happened to their daughter or son they would be there to back their son or daughter up. But…they people who did that, that female has beat that other female up about 3 or 4 times in the past year” (Millie)The irony of fear indicates that females feel safer being part of a gang, securing safety in numbers and avoiding becoming a victim of the gang they reside. However simply by being part of a gang they open themselves up to internal and external conflict and the fear that accompanies this opposition. It was clear from dialogue with female gang members that fear and intimidation is used productively within the gang unit to control and influence the behaviour of others.‘I Don’t Care’: Demonstrating a Lack of FearIn addition to utilising fear as some kind of weapon to influence the behaviours of others, females also described gang members exhibiting limited fear concerning the consequences of their actions. To this end gang members showed little disregard as to the impact their behaviours had on others within and external to the gang with many highlighting a blasé ‘we don’t care’ outlook. The following extracts illustrate this lack of fear:“You just didn’t have any fear, any boundaries you know, I didn’t have any fear surely when I was that age, I didn’t have boundaries I wasn’t scared, I didn’t think of the consequences or anything” (Marsha)Both of these quotations seem to suggest that this lack of fear is a by-product of age implying that this outlook is one that can be minimised with maturation. As will be addressed further in this section, maturation was highlighted as a primary motivation for exiting gangs, therefore it is plausible that the manner in which these young people adopt may in fact be linked to the age in which they are involved in gangs. “You’re just young aren’t ya you don’t really care when you’re a kid do ya I suppose, you have no fear or anything do ya you’re just not bothered” (Lou)The following citation taken from Jade’s interview illustrates how this manner can be apparent even during highly emotive and stressful situations where another person is being physically hurt. The amusement that comes through in the narrative is illustrative of someone who shows little disregard for the damage caused. In the narrative below Jade is reminiscing about when her cousin killed a rival gang member with an axe:“It was him who got killed an it was me cousin ***** what did it, but at the time we thought that was good do you know what I mean we were just like o it’s horrible to think he killed a nigger an all that but it was funny at the time” (Jade)Motivations for Leaving Gangs: Reasons for Desistence Another important aim of the current research project was to uncover the reasons young women exit gangs, how this is done and whether there are any consequences to the action. As such former gang members were asked what reasons encouraged their departure from the gang whilst current members were asked to anticipate what would entice them to leave the gang in the future. Motivations for desistence were threefold namely: maturation (including motherhood), shame and embarrassment and a traumatic incident. Whilst none of these factors appeared more forceful than the others in achieving desistence from gang membership, traumatic incidents did result in more negative feelings towards gangs and deeper desires to avoid further repercussions. The other three motivations appeared to be more age-related involving females simply disengaging with the lifestyle as they get older.Maturation The most popular response when asked why females exit gangs was developmental, complete with descriptions of how they have ‘grown out’ of the lifestyle of gang membership. Females went so far as to stress that gang membership in females had a limited ‘time span’ claiming that it is acceptable behaviour for a young female to engage in but not for older females as the following extract shows:“Yeah, they [females] just grow out of it when they mature and growing up……I have seen a few females that don’t grow out of it there are a couple of females in their twenties that are still in gangs….. like there are quite a few people in in their twenties who are still in gangs an your just like ain't you grown up yet or something, cos you like maturing an that and if you have like kids and that” (Sarah)The fragment above taken from Sarah’s interview also suggests that females who engage in gang activities for an extended period of time are viewed quite negatively as if they should know better. Whilst it would be difficult to pinpoint an exact age where gang membership is no longer appropriate for females, the consensus was that women who are in their late twenties should be exploring other aspects of their lives instead of engaging in gangs.MotherhoodIn line with maturing out of the gang lifestyle, females also expressed that a desire to become a parent would be a motivating factor to exit gangs. Females clearly felt that once a woman becomes a mother her priorities should change and she should no longer be out on the streets ‘repping her colours’ but at home providing her child. This traditional attitude could be considered surprising from a group of young people to adhere to their own norms and values. However it is possible that due to female gang members’ experiences of conflict discussed earlier on in this chapter they desire to avoid exposing their offspring to the same environment that they were subjected to growing up. “[One] female she used to wear purple all the time and that, and go on the street but she has had a little female and her female is about 5 now. Her little female goes to school and she has her life back on track now. But she still does talk to the gang but she is not really into it anymore” (Millie)The example shown above by Millie describes how motherhood can change the priorities and outlook of female gang members. She details the life of a female friend who after having a baby chose to exit the gang to focus on being a good mum. Interestingly Millie describes her friend’s desistence as ‘getting her life back on track’ as if prior to giving birth she was unruly which altered as a result of having a child. It is also suggested in the above quotation that communication with the gang still exists even after departure but may manifest in a more distant and less frequent manner. Females perceived motherhood as a means of ‘calming down’ from the gang lifestyle as opposed to a dramatic exit, proceeding to be a contributing factor as to why motherhood encourages desistence from gangs. A first-hand account of why motherhood triggers females to leave gangs was given by Marsha:“I got pregnant at 17…..so that’s what kind of curved me off cos I had a child now and I had responsibilities I had a flat and I had a child to look after and it wasn’t a part of my lifestyle anymore…..I knew that I had to be in the house now being a mum so that’s what made me take a complete u turn” (Marsha)Shame and Embarrassment Shame and embarrassment at their actions was also a common theme as to why females would want to leave gangs. Again this could be considered a by-product of maturation, however it could also be influenced by a desire to appear reformed and socially accepted to the researcher. Nevertheless on reflection females expressed much remorse and regret about their gang-related actions as the following references suggest:“I was like oh my god what you doing but you do don’t ya when you’re a kid you just think you’re cool and stuff on the streets drinking but really you’re not [laughs] I look back and just think oh my god really, yeah I do yeah” (Lou)Interestingly shame and embarrassment was expressed by both current and former gang members. Therefore it is possible that only when shame and embarrassment are accompanied my maturation, they result in desistence as current members despite any notions of regret are still ‘current’ gang members. Traumatic IncidentWitnessing or partaking in a traumatic incident was also reported as a reason to desist. These incidents occurred during gang membership to change females’ perceptions of their involvement, in essence encouraging them to ‘rethink’ their lifestyle. These included descriptions of incidents where they have witnessed someone getting seriously hurt or killed, sometimes a close friend or family members, or negative anecdotes of incarceration that provided females with a sense of perspective. A few examples are provided below:“It comes at a price you get me I lost my friend through it do you know what I mean, my friend dies at 16 yeah an about a year after yeah I was still having my doubts yeah but I were still doing what I was doing…..too many people are dying yeah you get me obviously man are just going on sick now if your warring you’ll fight you get me you just get straight plastered an you just get straight shot off the road for minor reasons you get me” (Jigga)Lilly B below illustrates how traumatic events can affect the desire to be part of the gang culture even when one is not present to witness or partake in it. Having been informed of the serious injury of a friend at the hands of her gang, Lilly B disclosed how she stopped hanging around with her fellow gang members, claiming she was disturbed by the incident as she explains:“They hit someone I know with a golf club around his head, and they were supposed to go down for attempted murder but I don’t think the police could find the weapon…….I stopped hanging around with them, so I just heard about that” (Lilly B)ConclusionThe aim of this chapter was to explore female gang members’ understandings of their environment in order to provide some insight into their daily lives and experiences. Throughout the interview process, female gang members disclosed that being part of a gang made them feel respected, accepted and a part of something that they referred to as a ‘family’. Females also reported being exposed to negative labelling within and external to the gang unit which they felt influenced their behaviours and possibly lead to social exclusion. Female gang members reported an internal conflict in which they battled their obligation to be loyal to the gang and complete gang activities with the internal guilt they felt at their actions. Gang membership also exposed females to an environment of conflict. Conversational dialogue was laden with stories of a broken family unit, violence, abuse and addiction. Whilst these personal issues may have acted as a contributory factor in females joining gangs the irony of the situation resulted in them being exposed to intra-gang and inter-gang conflict on a frequent basis. Whilst the majority of females joined gangs for social reasons, there was also some indication of enjoyment and avoiding boredom and monotony. Fear had a contradictory role in the gang lifestyle, acting as a motivator to ‘band together’ for safety and also as an influential issue in intimidating and controlling the behaviour of female gang members. Female gang members that had exited the lifestyle reported factors related to age and motherhood, expressing shame and embarrassment at their actionsEvidence provided by female gang members suggested that clarification of gang membership may not be as clear cut as previous research suggests.Chapter 10Typology of Female Gang MembersIn analysing female gang member dialogue it became clear to the researcher that there was a distinct divide in the ‘types’ of females that were involved in gangs. Characteristics of females both physically and behaviourally varied and were extracted from interviews by grouping together similarities in female makeup. The characteristics of female gang members and the behavioural roles they exhibit collectively formulated a typology of female gang membership. Classifications were self-defined by female gang members and subsequently adopted by the researcher to describe the three categories of females that were involved in mixed gender gangs. As such, the aim of this chapter is to specifically focus upon the roles of females in mixed gender gangs and how ‘being female’ influenced these roles. Consequently by classifying female gang members into a typology, it is proposed that females do constitute ‘members’ of mixed gender gangs owing to the fact that they have a particular function to perform within the larger gang structure which is gender specific. Female gang members categorised themselves into three separate groups within the gang unit namely; tomboys, wifeys and chicks. These self-assigned categories dictated female gang member’s position within the gang structure in addition to confirming the identities they adopted and the roles that they performed within the gang unit. Interestingly this typology is based on female gang member’s relation to males within the wider hierarchical ‘pecking order’ of the gang unit. The following quotation is a fitting summary of the overall role identities performed by females in a gang:“Some females, pretty females are there because eye candy, have sex, blah blah. Then females who would come and feed information…even now I know with cases…there is always a female somewhere chatting giving information basically instigating someone else to get killed or whatever, females like that have their uses like that or I don’t know…ones bringing weed on a visit and passing it over. The ones that would get sent out there to go and shop lift, tracksuit for someone, they had their uses really” (Pearl)Generally female gang members adopted either a masculine, tomboyish persona in which they were considered ‘one of the lads’, or a feminine, girly image in which they were viewed as aesthetically pleasing ‘chicks’ to male gang members. In addition females also adopted the role of romantic partner to male gang members who were referred to as wifeys. Whilst the majority of wifeys adopted a feminine identity associated with chicks, four females who claimed to have had intimate relationships with male gang members also classified themselves as tomboys. Figure 10.1 below illustrates the social standing of each of the three categories of female in the overall gang hierarchy. As is clear from the diagram, tomboys have the highest status in the gang whilst chicks have the lowest and wifeys are positioned in the middle of the rankings. In terms of numbers nine of the current sample were categorised as tomboys, seven fell under umbrella of wifey whilst the remaining four were classed as chicks. 1590675210185008096251905000940435-27940Gang Hierarchy00Gang Hierarchy2861945111125(a)Tomboys00(a)Tomboys1323975280035002860675384175(b) Wifeys00(b) Wifeys2495550200024002047875118109002912745269875(c) Chicks00(c) Chicks1685925127635Figure 10. SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 1: Categories of females involved in gangs and their hierarchical positioning in the gang structure00Figure 10. SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 1: Categories of females involved in gangs and their hierarchical positioning in the gang structureIn addition to these image related classifications, categories of females also adopted certain behavioural roles in-line with their gang persona. Chicks were most likely to adopt a supportive role towards male gang members providing them with assistance particularly in the commission of criminal offences. Females who performed the role of a wifey were more likely to provide a protective role shielding male gang members from prosecution whilst Tomboys were more likely to adopt the role of the independent female, acting on their own merit as opposed to behaving on behalf of male gang members. 186055191770Low Level of Gang Involvement HighHigh Services to Male Gang Members LowChick(Wifey(Tomboy(00Low Level of Gang Involvement HighHigh Services to Male Gang Members LowChick(Wifey(Tomboy(Figure 10.2: Typology of Female Gang MembershipFigure 10.2 above illustrates how the classification of female gang members and their behavioural roles interact within the typology. As previously mentioned, chicks traditionally performed a supportive role, whilst wifeys performed more of a protective role and tomboys tend to behave more independently to male gang members. Resultantly chicks possessed the lowest level of gang involvement whilst they exhibited the highest amount of services performed on behalf of male gang members. In opposition tomboys displayed the highest level of gang involvement and consequently performed the lowest amount of services for male gang members. As is typical with social typologies, some variation occurred as human behaviour is problematic to compartmentalise into specific categories. All aspects of the typology were therefore situated on a continuum and were as such prone to fluctuation depending on the circumstances and situation, for example during the commission of gang-related criminal activity. As is clear from the figure above as the level of gang involvement increased, the number of services female gang members performed for their male counterparts reduced. Females who were more independent are therefore less likely to obey the instructions of male gang members than females who perform a supporting role. For the most part female gang members adopted the physical and behavioural constraints placed upon them by their classification in the gang. Nevertheless females were able to adopt the roles of any other classification of female gang member. This however tended to be temporary existing only for the length of time of a specific event before the female in question returned to her traditional category. The example below was adapted from a narrative given in Jade’s interview:For example a tomboy after the commission of a (gang-related) criminal offence, chose to remove incriminating evidence, such as DNA and fingerprints from stolen goods and weapons used during the event. This would stereotypically be a protective role and thus the responsibility of the girlfriend. However in the absence of a girlfriend, the tomboy adapted her role in order to secure the safety of the gang and its members. After performing this role however, the tomboy returned to the responsibilities typical of her classification within the gang. Female gang members rarely fluctuated between classifications choosing instead to maintain the typical gender roles associated with their given category. There was however one exception. Females that adopted the classification of girlfriend naturally only maintained the designated persona whilst the relationship existed. Once the relationship is terminated however, the female must re-define herself into either becoming a chick or a tomboy. This choice would depend on the female in question and whether or not her persona was more masculine or feminine. In general most girlfriends returned to becoming a chick. Unfortunately this came with its own perils. It became clear that females who had previously been a girlfriend of a gang member might be more open to sexual exploitation by male gang members who see that female as ‘free property’ or ‘fair game’. To investigate the similarities and difference further the roles of tomboys, wifeys and chicks will be outlined individually.Tomboy: The Independent FemaleOf the twenty females interviewed for the current research project, nine of them could be classified as tomboys (see table 9.1 below). The term tomboy whilst being highlighted in previous literature to describe a female that exhibits characteristics and behaviours that stereotypically apply to males was also used by the females themselves as a means of describing their role in the gang. As previously stated, tomboys adopted a more masculine image. This meant that they displayed behaviours more typically associated with being male, they ‘act’ like men, dress like men and talk like men. As a result they were reportedly seen by their fellow gang members as ‘one of the lads’. Table 10.1: Sexual orientation of female gang members classified as TomboysTomboysSexual OrientationJiggaHomosexualJadeHomosexualPoppy AHomosexualLouBisexualAppleHeterosexualLilly BHeterosexualMickeyHeterosexualPearlHeterosexualKiayaHeterosexualThe most clear demographic that separated tomboys from other females in the gang were their sexuality. As is clear from table 10.1 above, of the nine identified tomboys, three females namely Jigga, Jade and Poppy A classified themselves as homosexual whilst Lou stated she was bisexual. This consequently may have had a bearing on their role in the gang owing to the fact that they may adopt more masculine traits in line with stereotypical images of homosexual females. In addition, homosexual females may have been unlikely to be viewed as desirable by male gang members; therefore they would be unable to perform the role of a chick. The remaining five females appeared to suggest that becoming a ‘tomboy’ was more about choice as illustrated below:“All of them kind a saw me as a little man anyway they'd say I was a little tomboy, I'd always be wearing, hats and hoodies and that so I wasn't really that different apart from the fact that I wore a bra” (Kiaya)It was also apparent from the descriptions given by tomboys that they viewed themselves, and were allegedly viewed by male gang members as ‘better’ than chicks, of more use to the gang unit and subsequently obtained more respect and rankings from the male members. As illustrated by the quote from Jigga below:“I know how I can pull out you get me and stop any of them fucking on me, I just tell no fuck who you think your, no man tells me nothing, fuck you i'm not sitting in no jail cell I’m not doing those fuckin things man, but obviously there's certain gal yeah the femaley female who are like pussies init...an that's what goes on init” (Jigga)Jigga demonstrates that as one of the lads she was not asked to do things that other females were, reaffirming the difference in status between tomboys and chicks. Suggestions were also made that chicks were manipulated to a greater extent than tomboys as outlined below: “The females went in the pack, there was literally about two of us but then you had other females on the outskirts who were not necessarily part of us who had their uses, there were things they could be used for, whether it would be opening their legs or setting someone up in some shape or form. There was always a role for someone and some of the guys in the pack would sleep with them” (Apple) An interesting point raised was that because tomboys acted ‘like a boy’ they were less likely than the other more feminine females to be pressurised into doing things. This seems to suggest that adopting a masculine and tomboyish image was beneficial to females in gangs as they appeared more able to ‘stand up for themselves’. However it is also likely that only certain types of females were able to become tomboys which may have resulted in them having increased confidence, self-esteem, low levels of fear and demonstrating independence which in itself is respected by fellow gang members. In terms of roles and responsibilities tomboys reported having the same jobs as male gang members as Jigga points out below:“[The females] just do the same as what the guys do” (Jigga)This also seemed to be an ‘honour’ to the females as they were allowed to do things that the other female members were not. Jade in the quotation below outlines how she would be taken out on what she termed a graft, which she described as going out to steal something. In addition to this she goes onto explain how other females are not taken out on a graft because they are likely to get the gang caught by the authorities. “[The other females] couldn’t graft like, like me so I’m a good grafter so do you know what I mean so the females would come in the car an that they wouldn’t come in the graft, females will get you caught do you know what I mean, and if you get caught in someone’s house then there’s a chance you could get killed do you know what I mean, someone could get you killed for just being stupid you know it ain’t about that” (Jade)The distinction that is made in the above quote is that Jade being a tomboy was allowed by male members to assist in the graft whilst the other females were only allowed to accompany the gang on their mission. This illustrates that tomboys actually engage in criminal activities along with male gang members. These often involved participating in muggings, robberies, kidnappings, selling drugs and stolen goods as the following quotes outline:“I said to me female I said I’m gona tax this female now I said, come here an she just looked at me, an carried on walking......so I was like aw I said listen I said how much money you got on ya, she was like nothing, I was like what you got on ya, she was like nothing an I was like obviously you fucking have do you know what I mean an I told me mate to search her so me mate searched her, they found an iPod on her, a phone on her, 20 quid on her, some ciggies, I got a fat chain off her an a bracelet an yeah I took it an then I said thanks do you know what I mean” (Jade)Despite the levels of confidence and independence displayed by tomboys it was clear throughout the dialogue that females were still very much lower down in the hierarchy than male gang members, often asking permission to complete tasks or following orders they were given as Apple explains:“I would be asked to do illegal things like for example hired to beat up people, you know suggested, a request put through” (Apple)Instigators, Catalysts and PerpetratorsTomboys were more likely to be independent within the gang unit, acting of their own accord as opposed to taking instruction from male members. Independent females displayed behaviours that did not appear to be motivated by assisting male gang members but seemed to be a personal choice. To this end, they became either an instigator or catalyst or a perpetrator of criminal and violent behaviour. Instigators and CatalystsFemales became instigators and catalysts in a variety of ways. In general this involved manipulating a situation in order to get an intended reaction from fellow gang members, sometimes by accident whilst other times deliberately. Instigating an event involved females using their influence over fellow gang members to obtain a desired outcome. In general these involved antagonising male gang members, spreading rumours or being sexually promiscuous with rival gang members. An example of intentionally acting as a catalyst was given by Pearl: “If one of them [females] has got a boyfriend from out of the area or something and he has disrespected her in some way she is going want to get one of the guys to go and deal with him” (Pearl)This outlines a female gang member using her influence to instigate a violent act against someone who disrespected her. In addition becoming a catalyst involved female gang members behaving in a way that resulted in criminal or violent actions that were indirect or unintentional. For example females may be classed as catalysts for an event by being in the wrong place at the wrong time, or becoming the target of unwanted male attention from rival gang members as illustrated by Belle below: “They say if anyone touches her [a gang member’s girlfriend], they will have a fight” (Belle)PerpetratorsThe role of the independent female saw them perpetrating numerous criminal and violent behaviours which appeared to be of their own free will and not controlled or motivated by male gang members. One example of this was given by Millie who described a close female friend who was also in the gang and her perpetration of violent incidents as she details below:“It depends like, there is a female who was very close to me, she was really really bad like, she has been in court and she has been kicked out of her house….she will beat someone up for no reason an like she's really mean like we could be talking about someone on the street an she'd be like 'I banged them'…..she is not bothered” (Millie)A more personal perspective was provided by Jade in the extract below:“If I wana do something to someone, I’ll go an do it do you know what I mean I was a 15 year old kid, I was a baby stabbing someone 7 times I nearly killed a female I was a baby man but I said I was gona do it so I done it an the only reason I did it like, I did probably go ahead wiv it as well is I weren’t being made out to be some pussy do you know what I mean” (Jade)Jade detailed an incident where she stabbed another young women numerous times. Her description of the event whilst outlining that it was her decision to stab the young woman also suggests that she did so owing to social desirability factors. She wanted to follow through on what she had said and not be seen to be weak. Whilst this may have influenced her decision to commit the crime, it is important to note that she engaged in the behaviour herself because she wanted to. On the whole tomboys were considered ‘one of the lads’ owing to the fact that they dressed and acted more manly than feminine. As a consequence of this they were allowed by male gang members to partake in criminal activities and were viewed with more respect and given a higher status than chicks.Wifeys: The Protective Female“I’ll be like I’m like a little wifey an all that ironing all their clothes an all that you know” (Jade)The above quote taken from Jade’s interview illustrates the application of a stereotype of a wife that has been adapted and applied to the gang context. It was clear that wifeys were not marital spouses of male gang members, but simply romantic partners in which the label had been applied. The term did not appear to be used in a derogative manner but did mean that the females adopting the role had specific behavioural requirements to adhere to. 10.2: Classifications of romantic relationships of female gang membersWifeysCategoryMarshaWifeyJadeTomboyLissyChickLilly AWifeyPearlTomboyLilly BTomboyBelleWifeyAppleTomboyWifeys were the most flexible category of female gang member owing to the fact that the majority of romantic relationships had a finite lifespan. With this in mind eight of the females interviewed reported having relationships at some point during their gang membership. However as illustrated in table 10.2 above only three females viewed being a wifey as part of their gang identity. This meant that they perceived their romantic relationship as their main and only purpose in the gang. The remaining five females had all been involved in relationships that had terminated during their time in the gang. Four of whom then resumed the role of a tomboy, whilst Lissy adopted the role of a chick. It was not however traditional practice for tomboys to engage in romantic relationships with male gang members. Those that were divulged here appeared to be relatively unserious and short-lived; as such the females in question did not see the relationship as an intricate part of their gang identity. In opposition wifeys whose only role is to provide for their romantic partner usually left the gang after their relationship had terminated. Lilly A was the only female who was still involved in the gang and remained with her gang member boyfriend at the time of the interview. Wifeys were seen as slightly different to other females as they were described as kind of followers, simply hanging out when they wanted to and when their ‘man’ was present. As Marsha explains below they were there for the sole purpose of defending their ‘man’ and not necessarily for representing the gang:“We all had a boyfriend that was in the gang, so you kind of went as like just to be the woman, just to be the side line so that you could kind of see your boyfriend go into action… I find that my role in the gang was more just of a follower than an actual active part of the gang if that makes any sense” (Marsha) Due to this association wifeys were not required to partake in gang activities unless they specifically wanted to as Poppy B explains:“Yeah but they [wifeys] don’t really hang around with them [the gang]….like they see them [wifeys] separately, they are not expected to be with the gang all the time just whenever they want to go out and stuff” (Poppy B)However the clause in this invisible pact appeared to be if a wifey was asked to participate in gang affairs by their significant other. If given an instruction by her partner she was expected to carry that out, in effect obeying his command. In this respect wifeys could be manipulated into doing things if their partner cared more for the gang and its survival than their relationship. This shall be addressed in further detail later in this section under the guise of domestic violence. At this point it is important to note that in terms of gang activities, wifeys were not obligated to participate, but in regards to their relational commitment, this may have an impact on their behaviour. Wifeys of gang members also appeared to have quite a good standing in the gang hierarchy, however this was dependent on the status of their male partner as Marsha explains below:“If I was with him, everybody respected me, nobody would take liberties with me approach me in a certain way because my boyfriend was part of the gang member and he was one of the leaders as well so you know, I was ok” (Marsha)An underlying issue addressed in this quote is that wifeys also adopted the protection of the gang suggesting they are almost an extension of their partner. However it was clear that this protection existed only for the length of the relationship and should the relationship break down, the female would no longer be protected. It was also suggested that wifeys took advantage of this protection, acting in a certain way as they were aware of the security that they had as Belle outlines:“They think they are well hard and stuff [as a wifey]. No one will touch you cos your boyfriend is all hard an that” (Belle)One side-effect of being a wifey of a gang member that other types of gang-involved female may not face is domestic violence. Whilst this was not widespread, descriptions of females being exposed to violence at the hands of their partners, and their partner’s gangs did happen as Millie explains below:No, I knew this boy that was beating his girlfriend, and she is nice and he has cheated on her, and she found out recently and he slashed her phone and punched her. Cos someone told her a while ago that he has cheated on her with this person and such and such knows, don’t trust her and all that and then he has got angry cos he knows he has done it and beat her up and smashed her phone and gone off on one. She was was just crying (Millie)On reflection Marsha divulged that she was unaware at the time that the situation she found herself in was a negative one, she believed that this was normal relational behaviour as she explains:“At that time you know I thought it was acceptable for him to be the way he was to me you know, I thought this was the right way so you know, I didn’t see a problem” (Marsha)Within the social environment of the gang, domestic violence was not restricted to the female alone, females gave descriptions of how female gang members’ families were also targeted with violence from the gang. Rachael detailed an event where her step sister’s relationship with a gang member ended with her falling pregnant. Rachael explains how the gang member took offence to this information and proceeded to terrorise the family home which she witnessed first-hand.“Someone said she was pregnant, so this lad that was in the gang but her ex-boyfriend now was like 'no she's not' blah blah blah and one night he came round to my house and started banging on my door and everything and I was like 'what are you doing' and he was like 'why did **** say that she was pregnant'? and I was like I don't know, and he was like well freaky he just knocked really loud on my door and that and obviously all the lad hate her now and that......he probably thought that she was lying….he was really angry about it…..there was always like his 'boys' outside my house, I would be like looking out of my window [frightened]” (Rachael)Similarly Mickey explained that her close friend was targeted after ending a relationship with a gang member as she outlines below:“My friend had a boyfriend in gang, she didn't want to be involved, she fell into it, I think she was afraid but she loved him. One day they were all going to rob someone's house but she didn't want to go, she ended up just watching but he [boyfriend] wanted her to take part, they broke up, he wasn't mean to her but he doesn't like her anymore because she stood up for herself. She ended up just watching, as a lookout. When they first broke up he targeted her house, throwing things and vandalising it, the front door trying to get back at her” (Mickey)Mickey clearly states that the relationship broke down due to her friend not following the instructions of her gang member boyfriend as she did not want to get involved in a robbery. As previously stated wifeys of gang members had a high status within the gang during the course of the relationship. In contrast, female gang members reportedly suffered often violent and abusive consequences if the relationship was terminated. Hayley extended this debate by explaining that once a relationship ended with a gang member, the female returned to her original role which Hayley described as a sex object. “She'd probably move onto someone else really quickly, turn into like a slag or something.....you'd probably get called a slag and obviously the female would have to live with that and that boy would hate her and it would just go around until all the boys hate her at one point and then they'd probably like end up using her for sex or something so” (Hayley)It is clear from Hayley’s description that this type of female was be the least respected in the gang environment and subjected to further use and abuse by fellow gang members both male and female. Concealing Illegal Items, and ScapegoatingThe protective female exhibited behaviours that safeguarded male gang members from detection and prosecution for criminal activities. This usually occurred after the event but occasionally involved females acting in a protective manner at the scene of the crime. Concealing Illegal ItemsThe first of these protective acts included concealing illegal items which usually included stolen goods, drugs or weapons. An appropriate summary of these responsibilities was outlined by Apple in the following extract:“Some of [the females] went to other countries and did a bit of infiltration. Some of them would bring drugs into the country, some of them were selling drugs. Other females would be, you know the guy would drive the car and the females would be given things to hold, drugs to hold cos females were less likely back then to be searched so that has not changed. So yeah there was different things that a female could do [other than sleep around]” (Apple)This was reiterated by Kiaya who explained how concealing illegal items could be beneficial role for female gang members, in order to assist male gang members to avoid prosecution. A noteworthy point in the following quotation is that females are less likely to be stopped and searched by the authorities than males.“Obviously when the police come it’s good to have the females init so the mans would pass us stuff and we'd hide it down our bras or in our pockets or something cos the cops won't search us an then we'll meet back up wiv them [lads] later to give all the stuff back and everything’s fine. So that's probably a good role for them and all to like hold stuff......like weed, maybe like a knuckle duster thingy or like heroin, cocaine, whatever the mans used to sell back in the day the females would just hold it down their bras for a while” (Kiaya) ScapegoatingFemale gang members were also used as scapegoats to take the blame for the criminal activities of male gang members. For example in the previous narrative given by Chenia concerning the robbery at the chip shop, she goes onto explain that:“Cos, once there was a robbery at the chippy and they [the boys] made the female go in and made the female wait and then the police come and they just let them [the females] get locked up and take all the blame” (Chenia)As detailed above male gang members coerced female gang members to enter the chip shop and distract the owners whilst they proceeded to rob the takings. However once the crime had been committed the males fled the scene leaving the females behind to take the blame for the offence. This could under severe circumstances lead to prosecution of the female. Whilst four of the interviewees were incarcerated during the interviews, an additional two had completed prison sentences in the past and two admitted to being arrested previously. Despite the fact that the researcher is unable to ascertain whether these prosecutions were directly gang related, one example of how the consequences of being a scapegoat for the gang can result in incarceration was given by Jigga when she was asked about trust in the gang unit. An extract is given below:“Cos I’m sat in prison right now you know what I mean my own cousin you get me my own blood I’m not gona, they all stitch me up yeah they all sat there an let me take the blame yeah obviously I did take the blame but that’s one thing, you don’t snitch no matter if it’s on your worst enemy do you know what I mean so yeah that’s how I know” (Jigga)Additionally an interesting reflection was given by Jade who despite classifying herself as a tomboy, described exhibiting many features of the protective female. The narrative concerns the stereotypical female gender role of ‘cleaning up’ after a male under criminal circumstances and is summarised below:“I do do things for them [the boys] you know they don’t bitch me about don’t get me wrong I’m not some but I like to look after them when we’re in the gaff an that when we’re staying in the gaff I’d be like you know I’d make them something to eat an I’ll be like I’m like a little wifey an all that ironing all their clothes an all that you know I get all the things sorted you know make sure all the grafting things are there sorted, like say they’ve come in from a graft get the clothes straight in the wash do you know what I mean I’ll just you know sit there an wipe the stuff down getting the prints off an that in the gaff just wiping it down for time do you know what I mean an like obviously we’ll have gloves on do you know what I mean but just in case make sure I wipe it all down an then get it an get it sorted do you know what I mean I won’t let them get nicked for nothing so I know they’ve got my back, and they know I’ve got theirs you know what I mean” (Jade)In general, the role of the protective female involved sheltering male gang members from reprisals whether they were from rival gang members or the law enforcement community. This included acting as a scapegoat to take the blame for criminality away from male gang members and often meant concealing drugs, weapons and stolen goods on their person or at their place of residence so as to abolish the responsibility from their male counterparts. Interestingly it appears that females were more than willing to adopt these protective roles for the benefit of the gang displaying a lack of fear for the consequences of their nobility. Chick: The Supportive Female“We just call each other chicks cos we are close. So like…we are just chicks really” (Lissy)Eight females were categorised as chicks which saw them adopt a more feminine role in the gang (see table 9.3 below). As Lissy outlines above the term chick was used by the females themselves to describe their role. The term did not appear to be applied in a derogatory manner but simply to act as an identifier for the collection of females who were more ‘girly’. Females that fell under this category were aesthetically pleasing and feminine and ultimately this was the primary reason for having them in the gang. Table 10.3: List of female gang members categorised as Chicks by ageChicksAgeSarah15 Lissy14 Chenia14 Millie15 Poppy B15Chloe15 Hayley16 Rachael16 The most significant demographic of chicks was their age. As can be seen from table 10.3 above all females who adopted the role of a chick were under sixteen. As such all of the eight chicks were of school age. This may have had an impact on females role within the gang as being so young and perhaps slightly less mature might have seen them stay on the outskirts of gang activities as opposed to getting heavily involved. On the whole chicks frequented with their gang on a regular basis, appearing to choose whether or not to adopt the gang colours and signs as opposed to it being a requirement of membership. In general chicks tended to dress more feminine, wearing make-up and having their hair done. Chicks held a lower position in the gang hierarchy than other categories of females and as such were reportedly treated differently by their fellow gang members. To illustrate this, the following quote taken from Kiaya’s interview described her role as a tomboy in recruiting other females whom she explains stay on the side-lines of gang activities: “Obviously like I would recruit like other people, like other females to join like the other females weren't really on the gang as much as I was they were just my [female] friends honestly like I'd have some mates from school who would just come hang out on the streets on a Friday and Saturday night....but if there was beef wiv other females then they'd have my back you know what I mean if there was like more than I could deal wiv on my own you get me they'd be there” (Kiaya)Kiaya here draws attention to a specific requirement of chicks in the gang environment. Although in terms of roles very little is required of them, if necessary they are expected to be loyal to the gang if conflict should arise and be ready to support their fellow members. This is an interesting point as it seems to suggest an alternative motivation in possessing chicks within the gang could be to make up numbers. It was suggested throughout the interview process that females were present in gangs in order to ‘deal with’ females from rival gangs or indeed female ‘targets’ in terms of victimisation. It is clear that chicks provide this role well within the gang structure. This is detailed below by Kiaya:“I've drummed it into them you can't hit a female, that's why I'm here, that's why I'm here, you can't hit a female it’s just rude, like the only time you'd hit a female is if a female properly bombed them in their face they'd probably push them away or give them a slap, not full force though cos I'd tell them off for it” (Kiaya)When chicks were asked what their role was in the gang and what they did, the resounding answer was ‘nothing’, suggesting that chicks did not involve themselves in gang activities but performed more of a social or cheerleading role. The majority of responses claimed that males engage in criminal activities whilst females just ‘hang out’ with them as highlighted by Hayley below:“They don’t really do nothing the females it is mostly the boys that do all that stuff” [crime] (Hayley)Honey Traps, Lookouts and DistractionsDespite failing to acknowledge their own significance within the gang, chicks did perform some specific behavioural roles which helped to distinguish them from other categories of females. Chicks often cooperated with male gang members in order to provide assistance in the completion of specific tasks, which were usually illegal in nature. Honey TrapsThe first of these supportive behaviours, namely honey-trapping, involved females luring a potential subject into a situation where the remaining gang members could take advantage. For example this sometimes involved females encouraging a rival gang member to a specific location so that they could be targeted by the gang, usually resulting in some kind of violent encounter. In addition this also included females approaching individual targets for such activities as theft or mugging again encouraging them into a position of danger. In essence honey-trapping involved females ‘setting up’ an individual to become a victim of criminal or violent behaviour on behalf of the gang. A narrative concerning honey-trapping is outlined by Sarah below:“There was this boy and his brother…this boy from, he lives in the same area as us but like went to a school in the opposite area. He must have made a [music] track about his brother …..so obviously he got angry so my mate knows him and knows him so she went to his door with two of her mates and I was standing by another door there with people behind me and some more around the corner, I was making out that I was just coming out of a mates house an was like 'hey' then I seen two of my mates just starting beating him, an then some others started beating him and then we made tracks then and then everyone just stopped and ran. [She was there] just to get him out [of the house], she was the only one that was close to him” (Sarah)DistractionsBeing a distraction involved luring the attention of a specific victim so that they can be targeted by the gang, in essence caught unawares. Sarah details a situation where a female friend of hers was used to approach the house of a potential target owing to the fact that she had an existing relationship with the occupant and would subsequently be more likely to answer the door. This was done purposely so that the male gang members could physically assault the occupant. In a similar vein, females were also used as distractors so that male gang members could participate in illegal activities. This could involve talking to a shop keeper to avoid them noticing male gang members stealing from them or stopping a passer-by to ask them the time whilst a counterpart picks their pockets. Generally being a distraction meant creating a diversion to that a target fails to notice they have become a victim of crime as Millie explains below:“The females that’s exactly what we were, we were the ah distractions we were the decoys to help them you know and that’s that’s exactly what we were, that’s exactly what we were” (Marsha) In addition, some female gang members actively participated in the commission of a crime whilst acting as a distraction. One example of this was outlined by Chenia when describing an incident involving the robbery of a local chip shop. Chenia details how female gang members distracted the attention of the store owners by physically holding them down allowing the male gang members to steal the takings from the till as she explains in the following extract:“When the chip shop was locked the females went in and held the people that owned it while the other gang members got the money” (Chenia)LookoutsThe third role provided by supportive females was a lookout. This involved females in effect ‘standing guard’ over a crime scene in order to help the culprits avoid detection and prosecution by the authorities. An example of this is given below:“Certain people who have been in the gang a long while, they smash the windows and break the door, and get in…the females would stand outside and watch who is walking down and when they come back out the females like stay on the street and walk up and down and see what happens and text the other people and tells them” (Chenia).On the whole, the supportive female provided assistance to male gang members usually during the commission of criminal or violent activities. This manifested in the form of honey-trapping or distracting potential victims in order to ‘set them up’ for the gang to capitalise and acting as lookouts to ensure male gang members are not caught during the event. These often involved females being present during the commission of crimes, participating in their commission and witnessing events unfold. Females would also act as a channel for information to be passed from gang member to gang member about the commission of the offence, placement of victims and witnesses and location of law enforcement agencies. The Sex Object: Consent or Not Consent?Within the concept of chicks an additional behavioural role saw females become the object of affection for male gang members. This sometimes involved engaging in sexually promiscuous behaviour with male members of the gang. To clarify, the term ‘sex object’ was used to describe a potential role that chicks performed in the gang at one time or another. It does not specifically describe their primary purpose. However the females referred to females within the gang unit who performed sexual favours for male gang members and the term sex objects was used by the researcher to define this role. With that in mind females adopting the role of a ‘sex object’ were not in a relationship with a particular gang member, but were available and attractive to their male counterparts. In terms of hierarchy these females were the lowest on the scale not actively involving themselves in gang activities. Sex objects would regularly engage with the gang but remain on the periphery of the structure unless they were needed. Whilst to the females themselves their primary motivation for being there was to socialise and ‘chill out’, descriptions given by interviewees suggested that male gang members’ motivations for having them around may have been different. Interestingly none of the females admitted to being a sex object themselves but detailed narratives of other females they knew that had adopted the role. It was unclear whether this was genuinely the case or whether in order to appear more socially acceptable females referred to incidents in the third person. Either way much detail was derived about the roles of a sex object within the gang with the biggest issue being sexual exploitation. The use of sex within the gang was a complex one as many stories emerged about young women adopting the role of a sex object. However what was unclear was whether this role was one of choice or force. Females explained that some females had sex with male gang members on a frequent basis but proceeded to speak in derogatory terms about these young women. This suggests that sex objects fulfilled this role because they wanted to and subsequently gave their full consent for sexual behaviours to occur as Pearl explains:“I think a lot of females would just be around the guys for sex” (Pearl)When explaining why females get involved in gangs in the first place Chenia suggests that sex objects actively seek out male gang members for sexual reasons as well as for obtaining drugs and alcohol. Her answer is given below:“Because they get free weed and drink with them and like…most females they like sex and smoke with them, drink with and they go out and do things but they say they do it to represent the area” (Chenia)This implies that sex objects are fully aware of the consequences of their actions and target male gang members for this reason. This was reiterated by Jade who explained that females in rival gangs can also adopt the role of sex object:“We’ve got this thing wiv people from *** [location] we don’t like them cos they’re slags, they shag all our boys, all our boys go up there to get for them to suck their cocks an all that do you know what I mean cos they do” (Jade)On the other hand there were numerous suggestions that sex objects were given this role by male gang members, having very little choice or say in the matter. Narratives depicting females being used and abused for sexual favours were not uncommon as the following extracts indicate: “One female I know just sleeps around with them all….[she’s] just a slag, they can just use her” (Chenia)Belle summed up the use of female gang members as sex objects succinctly in the following extract:“If the gang want to go off [have sex] with a female…..if they are not satisfied they will just say ‘you have done your stuff bye’. Just horrible basically…..[the females] just do stuff to the gangs, like have a shag and other stuff…..the boys can say no to the females but the females can’t say no to the boys basically….to have sex, basically sexual stuff. If [the females] say no…it depends if [the boys] are drunk or not if they are drunk they can be violent, so sometimes they can be violent sometimes not” (Belle)Belle stressed in the quote that sex objects had little choice in whether or not they engage in sexual intercourse with male gang members. She claimed that females were coerced into having sex with male gang members and were subsequently threatened with violence if they refused. Interestingly despite the fact that sex objects may be forced into the role they adopted within the gang structure, it was clear from discussions with female gang members that these females were still viewed negatively by the other females in the group. An appropriate summary of this discrepancy was given by Lilly B:“Yeah, some females yeah, they get used by boys if you know what I mean. It could be any type of females it just depends. Like if they are good then they would not do it but if they don’t really care about their body and catching stuff then they would do it. They think they are impressing the boys. But that is just dirty that it [having sex]......they are just skets and little slags, why would they do that? That is just dirty that is, slags start losing virginity that early age” (Lilly B)This is an interesting contradiction as female gang members negative and often derogatory opinions of sex objects did not appear to be linked to whether the role was adopted by choice or coercion. Female gang members therefore failed to distinguish between those that voluntarily adopted the role and those that were perceived as forced. Whilst an assumption could be made that perceptions of sex objects forced into their role would be one of pity or remorse, this was not the case. Females referred to sex objects in a pejorative manner using words such as ‘slags’, ‘sluts’ and ‘skets’ regardless of the method in which they took on their roles. This suggests that female gang members’ view of sex objects were based more on the behavioural aspect of the role as opposed to the provocations behind it. It was clear that sexual promiscuity on behalf of a female was unacceptable behaviour in the eyes of female gang members, hence outlining a possible reason for their lower standing in the gang hierarchy. A personal example of sexual exploitation within the gang environment was provided by Pearl who detailed an event where one of the gang leaders tried to rape her when she was thirteen years old. She managed to escape the situation, but her narrative provides an appropriate example of the sexual exploitation that takes place within the gang unit: “There was me and one female and about 4 other guys sitting there and he walked in and he has looked at me and he went “bang” and punched me in my face and tried to grab me to take me upstairs to rape me…..and I fought this man for my virginity, and the more I fighting the more he was…he was on the stairs trying to strangle me and at the same time trying to pull his trousers down…..I knew what was going to happen” (Pearl)In summary the role of the chick could possibly be described as the ‘cheerleader’ of the gang. She is young and attractive and for the most part romantically unattached. Chicks fail to acknowledge their role in the gang as having any importance preferring to see themselves as simply ‘hanging out’. However chicks are expected to engage in violent behaviour in order to support their fellow gang members and sometimes perform sexual behaviours for male gang members. None of the current sample of chicks disclosed engaging in such promiscuous behaviours, but told rich narratives of females that they knew who frequently performed this role. It is unclear whether females adopting the role of sex object did so voluntarily or under duress as reports from female gang members suggest that both may be the case. However what was clear was the derogatory terminology that female gang members used to refer to females who were sexually promiscuous. An appropriate summary of the divide between tomboys and chicks is provided by Millie below:“Some of the females are really into the gang…..the ones who are into the gangs are more like the lads like, they like fighting and like doing crimes, but the females who are not tell the females who are into the gangs not to do it and they look out for them and that. But the females who are not into the gangs if they ever had to hurt the other females who are in the gang they would be there for them and all that. The females who are in the gang if they end up getting beat up the females who was not in the gang would stick up for that person you know what I mean” (Millie)ConclusionIn summary twenty gang involved females were interviewed about their daily lives and activities, eleven of whom were classified as current whilst nine were classified as former gang members. The main aim of this chapter was to provide a level of understanding into the roles of female gang members. Female gang members described themselves by using certain physical and behavioural characteristics which were extracted from interviews by grouping together similarities in female makeup. The characteristics of female gang members and the behavioural roles they exhibited collectively formulated a typology of female gang membership. Classifications were self-defined by female gang members and subsequently adopted by the researcher to describe the three categories of females that were involved in mixed gender gangs. Female gang members tended to adopt one of three identities within the gang namely a tomboy, chick or wifey. Tomboys adopted a masculine persona, and were subsequently considered ‘one of the lads’ partaking in violent and criminal activities alongside their male counterparts. To this end they acted independently of the influence of male gang members, subsequently they had the highest status within the gang and the greatest level of gang involvement. Romantic partners of gang members were termed ‘wifeys’ and were described as followers engaging in gang activities when they were ‘asked’ to by their significant other and were sometimes exposed to domestic violence should they refuse. Wifeys tended to adopt a protective role that involved shielding male gang members from prosecution and retribution. Alternatively chicks were more feminine performing a more social, cheerleading role. As a consequence chicks performed a supportive role assisting male gang members particularly in the commission of criminal offences. Whilst chicks were not expected to participate in gang activities, they were required to engage in violence on demand and were often exposed to sexual exploitation. Each of these typologies proved to be flexible, describing generalised behaviours adopted by females within the gang that could potentially fluctuate depending on the situation and surrounding circumstances. In addition this typology is based on female gang member’s relation to males within the wider hierarchical ‘pecking order’ of the gang unit.Chapter 11: Case StudiesThe purpose of this chapter is to place the knowledge already gained about the roles of females in gangs into its original and appropriate context. It was believed that simply reporting this data would remove the human element that undoubtedly underpins this issue. Whilst exploring the roles of female gang members was a key aim of the current research, it was also considered important to paint an accurate picture of the daily lives of gang-involved young women. Whilst the focus here is primarily centred on individual statements, dialogue presented by female gang members contributes much towards answering the overall research questions. In particular information was generated on (i) whether females consider themselves to be ‘members’ of a mixed gender gang, (ii) where and how females fit within the structure of the gang, (iii) what roles do females perform in gangs, (iv) how gender affects the experiences and roles adopted by gang-involved females, (v) why and how do females join gangs, and (vi) why and how do females leave gangs. Subsequently this chapter provides the reader with a detailed picture of the lives of the young women interviewed for the project explaining how they got to where they are today. Whilst previous chapters have given an overview of female gang membership here it is pertinent to focus in on the individuals themselves, in essence telling their stories, in their own words. That said it would be impossible given the scope of the current research to explore the background of all twenty interviewees. Therefore this chapter provides in-depth case studies on three of the interviewees namely Jade, Marsha and Lissy. Each case study specifically outlines the roles of the three categories of females previously disclosed namely chicks, tomboys and wifeys. The motivation for this was to explore the background, upbringing and gang involvement of three involved females in more depth, placing the narratives in their original context. It was also hoped presenting information in this manner would provide some clarity into the similarities and differences between each category of female gang member discussed in the previous chapter. Each case study was therefore deliberately presented from a different perspective within the gang unit with the females adopting different identities within the gang, they were also varied in terms of age and ethnicity and provided the researcher with detailed accounts of their lives to justify utilising their transcripts. The three case studies in question were selected as a representative sample of the interviewees. Each of the females discussed in-depth here provided data-rich, detailed accounts of their lives and as a result were chosen to represent their designated category.It was supposed that this would give the reader the opportunity to identify with female interviewees giving them a deeper understanding of the issues that surround female gang membership. Additionally to provide some insight into the motivations and processes involved in leaving a gang, an extract has been inserted from Apple’s interview which specifically outlines her attempts to exit the gang lifestyle and adopt a ‘legitimate’ career. Due to the fact that Apple was classified a tomboy, her data has been placed at the conclusion of Jade’s case study for the purpose of continuity. Although Jade did not discuss the issue of desistence, her interview was so rich in data that it was believed it would be beneficial to include as a case study.Case StudiesAs previously discussed it was believed that in order to present the most accurate synopsis of the daily lives of gang involved young women, it was necessary to consider chronicles in their original context. All three examples are typical cases of the everyday lives gang involved young women that adopt their specific category. However owing to the in-depth and data rich content of their interviews, these three females were specifically chosen to become the focus of the current case studies. As well as providing a detailed insight into the daily lives of gang involved young women, case studies themselves focus on four key areas namely the females; family background, personal relationships, criminal record and gang membership. Jade: TomboyAt the time of her interview Jade was nineteen years old and part way through a four year custodial sentence for wounding with intent to cause grievous bodily harm, in addition to being in possession of an offensive weapon and a small about of cannabis. Jade had made many attempts to secure employment whilst incarcerated to no avail. Jade had no employment history outside of prison and due to her criminal record, and she failed to finish her high school education. This is Jade’s story.Family lifeOriginally of Italian descent, Jade came from a single-parent family in Liverpool where she spent much time living with her elderly grandmother as her mother was sporadically in and out of prison. Owing to a heavy drug habit her mother worked the streets as a prostitute in order to feed her habit and place food on the table. As she explains below:“I wouldn’t say I’ve had a bad life an that but me mum was me mum was a crack head an that then she turned into a bag head then she turned into a prostitute an then I ended up living with me nan cos me mum was in an out of jail” Jade explained how her mum was very young having her and struggled to cope with a child due to her drug habit. Illustrating her commitment to the gang she disclosed that the male gang members viewed prostitution as unacceptable and used to provide her mum with money for food and free drugs to avoid her having to walk the streets. Jade recalls how much she appreciated their input. Recollecting that her Nan’s age was an issue in her guardianship Jade tells how her Nan was unable to ‘keep tabs’ on her comings and goings as a child. She claims that her Nan raised her but admits “me Nan didn’t have a clue, me Nan was soft. Nan let me get away with anything. She was always kicking me out all the time”. Despite acknowledging that her Nan was always there for her, she claims that the family failed to provide her with what she wanted choosing instead to acquire things herself:“Me family weren’t there for me to give them nothing just me nan, me nan couldn’t afford all the things that I wanted so I went to that lot, me nan wouldn’t have let me go without nothing but I wanted I was quite greedy….I wanted everything when it first came out I wanted it first I wanted to be the best dressed…..if I want something then I’ll go an get it….. everything I got for meself do you know what I mean everything I’ve earned, everything I’ve got meself….me nan’s like where did you get all that stuff where’d you get all those clothes from where’d you get the jewellery from” In spite of her Nan’s reservations Jade explains how she felt comfortable being on the streets and began to distance herself from her maternal family:“My family started noticing a change in me me nan says to me from when I turned 11 I’ve never been the same do you know what I mean she says to me your eyes an like have gone dead cold” Consequently Jade described her gang as a kind of pseudo family in which she felt content and one that she was fiercely loyal to. Jade appears to suggest that her upbringing has been a direct causal factor in her escalating criminal behaviour and subsequent gang membership. Jade seems to have accepted this lifestyle without question and makes no excuses for what she has done: “I’ve grown up since being a kid an that a baby I’ve seen the police drag my mum out of the house an all that raid the house put the doors through in the morning when I’ve just been trying to have me brekkie an all that an I think you know that’s why I don’t like police I don’t wana be one of these good little females that go to school an you know go to university an all that get a job an all that shit because that isn’t how I’ve been brought up an I don’t see no problem in the way I am” In addition to her immediate family, Jade had a male cousin who was also involved in the gang culture. When he came to live with her Nan Jade began borrowing his clothes to look more like a ‘boy’ when she went out on a ‘graft’. He also was presently incarcerated having killed a young lad with an axe as she outlines below:“My cousin my cousin ended up killing one of them cos one of them came round ours ends….he was walking his girlfriend to the bus stop and me cousin put axe in his head….I seen me cousin use the fucking axe….it was him who got killed an it was me cousin what did it, but at the time we thought that was good do you know what I mean we were just like o it’s horrible to think he killed a nigger an all that but it was funny at the time…….me cousin’s in jail do you know what I mean me cousin’s doing life which alright he killed someone got caught do you know what I mean”Jade explains how she witnessed the event and found it amusing at the time, suggesting that it was perfectly acceptable behaviour in her understanding of everyday violence.Personal RelationshipsJade disclosed details of two personal relationships she had during her gang membership. Currently Jade described herself as homosexual and was in a relationship with an Irish traveller who was also in prison. Jade explained how she and her girlfriend were on the run from the law together prior to being sent to prison eventually being located by the authorities and incarcerated in the same facility. In spite of this Jade divulged that she used to be heterosexual and had a relationship with another member of her gang. When describing her relationship with a male gang member Jade extrapolated the treatment she received to the other males in the group claiming that she was ‘looked after’ by them and that they treated her like a little sister. She recalls how she would be bought presents and provided with money whenever she wanted. In addition Jade explained how if she or the other females fancied any items gathered from a robbery, she was allowed to keep them:“I was wiv this lad who was always taking me to have me hair done you know me extensions an that paying for me eyelashes an everything, all me clothes you know when they’d graft like nice bracelets an that or chains you know if it was too hard to sell them do you know what I mean then they’d just give them to us an that do you know what I mean so we got a lot out of it as well not just the money but a lot of nice things do you know what I mean we didn’t want for nothing an we were like no bad come to us you know”Interestingly Jade went onto explain to the researcher that she was no longer attracted to men but went onto suggest that having an intimate relationship with a male gang member was not advisable. This she explains would interfere with her relationship with the male members of the gang, something she believes is more important as she outlines below: “I wouldn’t fuck about wiv them by being in a relationship an messing up I’m not even into boys no more anyway I’ve got a girlfriend in here we were together on the outside an that come in together”RacismIt was clear from discussions with Jade that race and ethnicity were major influences on her life. She confided that her mother was racist towards Black and Asian individuals and how this influenced her thought patterns making her assume that this attitude was ‘normal’. Jade therefore divulged how racism was ingrained in her from an early age. This was further exacerbated by her gang membership. Jade was forward in disclosing that she still had problems with Asian people but that being in prison had allowed her to come into contact with Afro Caribbean females which she has adapted to. Baring this in mind Jade confirmed that she had a friend inside that was mixed race, but that she didn’t approve of the colour of her skin: “I’ve never liked them [black people] do you know what I mean I think they’re scary when I look at them you know when I look at their face I think they’re just [makes scary face] but, it’s horrible saying that do you know what I mean but that’s just the way I’ve been brought up I speak to them in here now, I’ve got a mate who’s black well she’s mixed race not black but when it comes down to it she knows that I don’t like her colour do you know what I mean an that’s just the way we are”Jade had visibly internalised racist ideologies from a young age that had been reinforced through numerous social avenues in her life. Criminal RecordDuring her time inside Jade had been penalised on numerous occasions for instigating violent behaviour and once for inciting a racial disturbance. Due to her behaviour Jade was rarely off ‘basic’ rations. As mentioned above Jade’s current sentence saw her incarcerated for wounding with intent. According to Jade, the young female that she stabbed was from a rival postcode as she describes below:“I was a 15 year old kid, I was a baby stabbing someone 7 times I nearly killed a female I was a baby man but I said I was gona do it so I done it….everyone used to carry knives an all that whatever do you know what I mean but I think you don’t think at the time you’d use them you know what I mean it’s just to scare people really, an then when I was 15 I did end up using one do you know what I mean an stabbed someone an that quite a few times, an at the time an that the female who I was wiv thought it was dead funny do you know what I mean we was laughing just as soon as wed done it laughing an that”The current sentence was Jade’s second bout of custody having been convicted of false imprisonment at the age of fourteen. Jade described in detail how the event unfolded during her interview recalling her thought-processes at the time. Jade explained how when the gang was in need of cash to secure drugs, she and a female companion went in search of a target to rob. Having seen a female in her area from a rival postcode Jade approached and threatened relieving her of an iPod, phone, cash, cigarettes and jewellery. It was at this point that a male member of the gang drove past the scene: “I shouted at him yeah to come here so he drove the car up an I was like I got some little slag for you here, an he was like what you mean, I was like from ****** init, he was like oh yeah an he went put her in the car init and we said come on, an she was like why why why an like crying an all this so I was like you’re coming wiv me init, so we threw her in this car now an we all went on a mission”The group then proceeded to collect other members in the vehicle and drove to a remote location in the meantime terrorising and beating the young female whilst smoking cannabis. Jade recalls how one of the boys demanded that the kidnapped perform oral sex on him, which she refused to do. Jade recollects her thought-process at the time:“I was thinking they’ll do something to her now like if she sucks, if they make her suck them off or they sleep with her she’s not gona have said that she’s consented to it she’s gona like pretend to consent to it there an then, but as soon as she fucks off she’s gona go to the police an get my boys done for rape, so I was like na she’s not going there you go anywhere like that cos she’s gona go off like a little rape victim”Interestingly Jade’s concern in the above narrative is with protecting her fellow gang members. Jade went on to explain how after refusing to engage in oral sex with the males in the group they “dragged her out the car by her hair”. Jade explains how she felt responsible for the events that unfolded, however she was clear in stating she felt obligated to see it through to the end:“So me mate was just fucking her up an me mate looked at me as if to say what you standing there for you know you started it…..you know what I mean come an finish it, so I was like I had to bang the female init, an I couldn’t stop an next thing one of the lads walked over to her an like like she was on the floor an stood over her init an he pulled his willy out [laughs] an said you gona suck my cock so she said no, so he pissed on her”Jade recalls her remorse at the time considering that the situation had become uncontrollable when one member of the gang threatened to set the female on fire. In her concern Jade attempted to leave the area when this failed she began arguing with the gang member in question:“I was like so you’re gona set the female on fire cos she wouldn’t fucking suck your cock an that an he was like listen you fucking brought her to me, you told me you had some little slag for me he was like well she’s not a fucking slag is she cos she’s not doing nothing an I was like what so you’re gona set the female on fire”The situation was resolved after it became apparent that the lad had soaked her in diesel fuel which according to Jade would not ignite a flame. Two weeks after the incident Jade was arrested along with her fellow gang members. Jade’s exhibited a blasé attitude towards her criminality, she explained how after the event, despite her reservations about how it unfolded, she stuck by her fellow gang members and did not provide the authorities with any information. This illustrates the strength of her loyalty to the gang.Gang MembershipJade recalled first getting involved with gangs at the age of twelve when she started going out looking to obtain cannabis. She remembers how she used to meet up with gang members sporadically in order to engage in drug-taking behaviours. At this time Jade recollects being the youngest of the group. She explained that as she got older she began frequenting with the gang on a more regular basis. According to Jade the most vital aspect of gang membership is postcodes. She explains that each gang in a geographical area adopts their own postcode and that rivalries exist with fellow postcodes to the extent that gang members are restricted in their movement. “Postcodes are a big thing an that’s the new thing now postcodes…..postcodes are just, postcodes are killing people man”Jade explained how she knew all of the postcodes around her area and how specific areas of the city were off-limits to her. When describing her connection with fellow gang members, Jade eludes to them as her ‘spars’ which she explains means they are considered close family. Jade mentioned on numerous occasions how she trusted and was trusted by her fellow gang members:“You’re like dead close I’d say you’re not just mates you’re like you class them as like you know like you’re family you’s dead close…like people you know you’d do anything for…..they’re your proper like mates an you know they’d have your back no matter what and you’d have theirs”She recalls how she admired and respected the older gang members for their resources and reputations:“I liked going out and having a smoke, I was a kid I looked up to these people an was like wow do you know what I mean an they’ve got everything you know nice cars you know everyone looks up to them an that”Jade described daily activities of the gang as consumed by drug and alcohol use. She explains how the lack of drugs or alcohol often led to criminal behaviours in order to generate an adequate supply for the whole gang suggesting the primary motivation to engage in criminality was money:“Just chill an that in it chill and get stoned an then you know we didn’t go grafting every fucking day there was days when we just liked to chill together an you know get drunk an you know just fuck about together an that like normal people but we were in it for the money you know an we were kids we had like drug habits an shit like that we needed fucking money to fund it”Whilst recognising that gang membership was not a permanent fixture in her life, she refused to accept that legitimate employment was an option explaining how she would earn more money illegitimately. However Jade did clarify that she would not like her children to be subjected to the upbringing she had: “I know I can’t go round being in a gang for the rest of me life….. I wana grow up an I wana have kids yeah..... but do you know what it is yeah I want kids an I wouldn't let me kids grow up the way I did, but I wana graft an I wana have the money to give me kids what I want, people go to me the staff in here what you gona do for your job I don’t want a job do you know what I mean, I get more, I get paid more grafting than I would do in a job but it’s less hours” Jade is presently residing in a penal institution in the UK and still openly acknowledges her allegiance to her gang. Through her interview she made clear to the researcher that on her release she had every intention of returning to her gang-involved ways. Exiting the Gang LifestyleDue to the fact that Jade was currently still involved in a gang, no information was gathered on how tomboys in particular exit the gang lifestyle. As a result information was gathered on this subject from Apple. At the time of her interview Apple was thirty-four years of age and had been out of the gang lifestyle for nearly ten years. She classified herself as Black British and was in a long term heterosexual relationship. Having left school at sixteen, Apple was presently working as a youth worker in London and was the co-manager of a successful youth agency. Apple rationalised that she wanted to help young people avoid the experiences she had gone through by being a positive role model and encouraging building good self-esteem. Due to the intensity of her gang involvement Apple re-located to a different area half-way through her gang career in an effort to exit the gang completely. Despite channelling her energy into her creative side by making music, Apple struggled to avoid the allure of the gang lifestyle in her new location, taking with her some of her old mates. “Those people were the reasons how come I ended up with a custodial sentence, like I take responsibility obviously but I got involved with their bollocks, there is no other way to put it but I got involved with that and getting involved in that ended up me having 2 robberies, fraud and deception, handling stolen goods and common assault charge next to me and my name”Apple had extensive experience of violent and non-violent criminality including (although not exhaustively) assault, robbery, mugging, kidnap and fraud. Some of which she had been prosecuted for having served three years and six months for robbery, fraud and deception at the age of 20. As a result of her incarceration, Apple reported that she was able to reflect on her life and choices and in doing so found a reason to exit the gang:“But that [prison] was a real turning point.....when I went to prison I was able to sit down, I had peace of mind myself, I was able to think about me rather than other people......It was only when I started to go on that journey, it was then that I started to feel remorseful for other people, before that I did not feel remorseful for other people that I caused the pain”Apple claimed that through the intervention of ex-offender groups run by the prison she was able to channel her energies into achieving different goals and began to feel remorse for the things she had done. She now wishes to pass this message onto other young people who are drawn into gangs and criminality. In spite of this, throughout her experiences Apple retained a positive image of gangs, claiming she would not be the person she is today without them. “I don’t necessarily see a gang as something that is bad. Obviously if they are committing illegal activities together or not, I am not promoting that and that is wrong. But I don’t see a gang as necessarily a group of people that have to commit crime, they can be very supportive amongst themselves, they can be more like a team”Apple revealed that she thinks one of the major contributory factors to young people joining gangs is labelling. She claims that perceptions of the media and the general public about out of control youths caused them to band together and ‘live up to’ the reputations they have been branded with:“I have been a member of a family, not my maternal family. I have been classified as a gang member….. we were not like I said classified as a gang but as time has gone on, I have heard the media use the term ex-gang member quite a lot, you know, when they hear my story. Society yet again pigeon holes you into that box…..society has defined as a gang they have been labelled as a gang, hence them fitting into that slot”Apple expressed her concern that intense media interest in gang culture across the UK has also contributed to the number of young people becoming familiar with and subsequently joining gangs. “I think now the media have jumped on the hype now over the last couple of years, but gangs have been around for a long time and it is only now that the media have highlighted this stuff, and they have also encouraged and not so much glamorized but…..they have made so much in the media about gangs, that more young people are starting to become aware of gangs. People are starting to turn to gangs for support so I do feel like the media have also contributed towards the popularity if you like of gangs”?Despite all her efforts to resettle herself back into society, to achieve her goals, be a good mum and a role model for young people, Apple revealed that she still finds it tough. Explaining how her new legitimate lifestyle fails to pay the bills due to the recession she confirmed that she could earn more money if she returned to her gang-related criminal enterprises. She is however determined to move forward with her life and remain an ex-gang member.Marsha: WifeyAt the time of her interview Marsha was thirty-four years old and had been absent from the gang lifestyle for approximately five years. Her involvement in the gang spanned fifteen years beginning during the 1990’s from the ages of fourteen through to twenty-nine. Marsha classified herself as Black British and was currently single. Marsha left school at the age of thirteen as was presently working as a volunteer for a youth charity. Family LifeMarsha explained how she was brought up in care from three months old and never knew her real family. Marsha explained how she was close with her foster mum. Despite this she divulged that she felt as a child she had ‘issues’. Although Marsha failed to detail what these issues were, she explained how they resulted in her living in numerous children’s homes. Reflecting back on her upbringing Marsha believed that she would never have befriended gang members in her area had she remained at home with her mum. It was not until she left home and was exposed to other children with ‘issues’ that she found herself becoming what she described as a ‘street kid’. At seventeen Marsha became pregnant with her daughter which she claimed help to change her life. She explained how she felt when her daughter started growing up and engaging in a similar lifestyle to what she had experienced: “[Gang members] tried to mug my daughter on the bus the other day…. I had to say to myself I know now how it feels when I used to do that to people and how they felt scared and it gave me an insight and a taste and its karma, because what goes around comes back around and they say it doesn’t sometimes falls on you, it sometimes falls on your children so when [my daughter] came home with a torn up nose bleeding, I was like oh my god, I had to think to myself, that was you Marsha, 20 years ago you may be contributed to doing that to somebody, do you know what I mean, somebody’s child…..it hit home, and I looked at her and I thought look at that you know, this is exactly how someone must have felt, must have felt when their kid come home after being mugged by me and my mates and the feeling of anger how I felt I was like you know how do people allow their kids to get into this gang stuff and you know, it has really opened my eyes up” Personal RelationshipsDuring her gang membership Marsha was in a long term relationship with a fellow male gang member. She explained how all of the females in her gang had boyfriends. “We all had a boyfriend that was in the gang, so you kind of went as like just to be the woman, just to be the side-line so that you could kind of see your boyfriend go into action”Marsha suggests that being a wifey of a gang member she was more of a ‘follower’ and implied that it was a privilege to be the partner of such a high ranking gang member. She detailed how her boyfriend was one of the gang leaders which meant that she was protected by his reputation. She tells how nobody would take liberties with her out of fear of retribution by her partner. Despite being a partner of a gang leader, Marsha explained how females were required to obtain their own money and not simply ‘kept’ by their men. On reflection Marsha believed that she and the other female partners had been mistreated by their boyfriends during this period of time. In order to obtain money females would regularly go out and commit criminal activities only to have the money taken away from them by their partners. In addition females were used by male gang members to engage in violent conflicts with females from rival gangs. At the time Marsha believed this was simply part of her role, however looking back she divulged that it may have been unacceptable:“At that time you know I thought it was acceptable for him to be the way he was to me you know, I thought this was the right way so you know, I didn’t see a problem”Criminal RecordMarsha was sentenced to six years in prison at the age of twenty-nine. Despite failing to disclose the nature of her sentence, Marsha did suggest that it was due to a gang related incident. She actually served three years of her sentence being released in 2006. Marsha also explained how she gave birth to her son whilst in prison and that she kept him incarcerated with her for the first nine months of his life. Gang MembershipMarsha’s grew up in a London suburb where she remembers getting in with the wrong crowd out of boredom. She claimed gang membership was a gradual progression made over an extended period of time with frequent interactions with others. She stated that ‘it did not start out as a gang’. Marsha told how groups of young people in her area congregated out of boredom. Due to her family situation she had increased freedom that allowed her to frequent with other gang members on a regular basis without limitations. Marsha explained how all gang members had a sheepish mentality following those who they saw as the most influential, leader of the group. Marsha explained how the most influential people were sometimes elders outside of the group that had more authority than those in the gang whilst everyone else appeared to follow suite: “You got that sheepish mentality even though you don’t really want to but you find yourself following behind and you know, you think to yourself you don’t really wana be a, you look at a person and think what they’re doing is actually really wrong and you’ve got a conscience cos when you go home you actually think about that person that’s been hit over the head and you’re worried, are they dead? So you’re having to sometimes question yourself and think well where do my loyalties lay and you find yourself staring over to the wrong direction because of obligation you know”As Marsha explains above she became involved in gang-related criminal activity more out of obligation that choice. She detailed how she was unaware of her actions until she became too deeply entrenched as she details in the following narrative:“I remember I was with my friend ***** and there was this lady at the cash machine taking money out, and she went behind the lady and she threatened the lady in some way to get her money, that was my first active time as like thinking wow you know it’s gone, from me to walk away from her is its gone too far for that because I’m like a, we’re like a family so I felt obligated now to see it through to the end, even though I thought you know oh my god what are you doing, because it brings you to the next level……but then it goes to a next level, and the next level I don’t think even I was ready for it but because I felt as though you know this is me, this is my friends, this is like my family, you felt obligated, to stick around and to stay”She explained how she found herself mimicking the actions of her fellow gang members, to be accepted and also to prove her loyalty to the group. Marsha explained how she didn’t want to be the one that was left out or ridiculed for not fitting in. Marsha stated that this was also the case during the commission of a criminal offence, she claims that the Police fail to distinguish between the actual perpetrators of the incident and those that are simply present. She therefore found herself running away from the Police on numerous occasions so as not to be implicated in an offence she did not commit, however she claims that simply by running away from a scene of crime you are admitting guilt in the eyes of the law. Marsha also described the in group feeling she used to get from being involved in the gang. She claimed that she knew everyone in her community by sight and that if she didn’t recognise them, then they weren’t her friends as she explains below:“You knew all the people in your area, you know you knew all the people that kinda had a close knit community among gang members…..so anybody that was unfamiliar that we didn’t know, was an outsider, because you wasn’t a familiar face, so you had to be an outsider….you knew that this person wasn’t a part of your team, they wasn’t somebody who you hung with every day. So if it wasn’t someone who you hung with every day, it wasn’t your friend, because if I didn’t see you every day and I didn’t know you’re name, you weren’t my friend, so that’s how it kinda was, I didn’t know your name, so that means you weren’t in my gang”Marsha’s gang had a long standing rivalry with a neighbouring borough and each gang would signify their allegiance with specific colours of clothing (either blue or red). This ‘them versus us’ attitude became very destructive for Marsha as she explains that she became suspicious of anyone that she didn’t know. An unfamiliar face to her meant that person was against her because they were not part of her ‘team’. Marsha stated the primary aim of her gang was to make money. She detailed how this created a constant air of pressure on her to generate funds as she explained everybody had a role to play in the gang, if they weren’t doing anything, they weren’t involved. Marsha did explain how she felt remorse and embarrassment at her actions even during her time as a gang member. She would avoid hurting anyone if possible and tried to remain on the side-lines as much as she could. Marsha claimed that she had means to obtain money from her mum and social worker and therefore never really had the need to engage in criminal behaviour. Despite this acknowledgement she still admitted to committing robberies and muggings on behalf of the gang in order to generate money. As she outlines below, the obligation to keep up a certain appearance within the gang encouraged her to participate in activities she may not have initially wanted to complete:“You did it because you wanted the other gang members to look at you and think you had guts and you know you’re tough and that kind of thing you know” This obligation was described my Marsha as familial in nature. Despite not being related to her fellow gang members she describes them as her family. Marsha explains that as she was devoid of a solid family unit at home she may have been drawn by the freedom that she received on the streets, eventually coming to see her fellow gang members as a type of pseudo family as she outlines below:“They were like my family because I left home and it was like these are my friends you know, I believe these people to be my friends…..so it was important to me to be around them because they were all I knew once I left home, I spent all my time with them, my mum didn’t understand, well I thought my mum didn’t understand, and you know I was like I’ve got these friends that I can go out with all day and be out til all hours of the night and I’m just up and down and it was like oh my god this is wonderful”Marsha explained how motherhood and maturity helped her drift out of the gang lifestyle. However she explains how this was a very gradual process having taken many years. She explained that having to move to an alternative children’s home was the catalyst for her retreatment as she was no longer associating with a destructive crowd of peers. Despite this however she still spent many years ingrained in the gang lifestyle, climaxing in her incarceration at the age of twenty-nine. On her release Marsha and her two children have managed to stay out of the gang and whilst they still associate with some old gang members, Marsha explains how all of the females she used to hang around with have turned their lives around and subsequently find their former gang days an embarrassment. This was not the case for the male members of Marsha’s gang some of whom were still involved, a few were in prison, one had been shot and another died. Marsha explained how children of these gang members were now starting to get involved, the next generation, which Marsha believed was highly destructive. Marsha believed that during her time as a gang member females simply ‘tagged along’, however she feels that now female gang membership has escalated along with the severity of behaviours associated with gangs. Marsha claimed that being in the gang had made her a horrible person, she described how she lost all of her friends and became quite isolated after leaving the gang. Marsha claimed that after years of being involved with a violent street gang she had lost all of her social skills as she explains: “I was isolated and by that time you know I’d become such a horrible person I didn’t have many friends, because I didn’t know how to be nice by that stage, cos all those years of being in a gang and being up and down on the street I just didn’t know how to respect people or talk to people in a nice way, so by the time I had my daughter I didn’t have many people who wanted to be around me because I was horrible, I was really just a horrible person”Lissy: ChickAs was identified in the previous chapter, females that adopted the role of ‘chick’ within the gang performed more of a cheerleading role. As such they were not involved in gang activities to any great extent. It is for this reason that interviews with females identified as ‘chicks’ within the current sample contained less detail than those derived from more ‘involved’ female gang members. It was subsequently difficult to construct a complete case study detailing the daily life of a chick owing to this lack of detail. However the following information has been gathered on Lissy which provides the reader with enough detail to help paint a picture of what her life was like.Lissy was a current gang member based in Pink gang in Derby. She was fourteen at the time of her interview, a single heterosexual female of mixed race and attending a pupil referral unit in her area. Lissy’s cousin, who also took part in the study, was in the same gang. Whilst Lissy disclosed that she was in a relationship at the time of her interview, she failed to provide any further details on this union. Little is known about her upbringing or personal circumstances, and she had no criminal record at the time of her interview.Gang MembershipLissy grew up with her fellow gang members claiming that she had known them all of her life, to the point where she failed to acknowledge the formation of a gang at all.“It is just basically a bunch of friends meeting up…..you just see people and talk to them”She disclosed how she would meet up with the gang on a daily basis after school. They would meet in a specific area of Derby in order to socialise. Explaining how her daily life in the gang was simply what she was used to and therefore considered ‘normal’ to her, exposure to violent and criminal behaviours therefore transpired as part and parcel of her daily routine. She would often get involved in violent altercations to support her fellow gang members. This was especially common when there were females present in the opposing gang. She felt safer walking around her home town accompanied by her fellow gang members and should she decide to visit another area or city she would feel vulnerable without this support. It is the inability to ‘know’ people in an unfamiliar area that is the foundation of this fear. Where she lives in Derby, Lissy recognises people and those who are familiar to her are her friends. During the commission of a crime she and her female gang members would attempt to deceive the police by giving false names, an action that appeared to be a regular occurrence in her life. Older female members of the gang were also used to conceal any hidden items gained through criminal means, owing to the fact that they were less likely to be searched by police officers at the scene. Recalling the first time she was present at a crime scene, after consuming an excessive amount of alcohol, the gang attacked a residential dwelling with stones and other weapons of opportunity. When the occupants of that and the neighbouring buildings came to confront the gang, a brawl ensued. Everyone was fighting, which she found amusing at the time.“It was the first time [I'd done something like that]…yes, it was less people, it’s the first time I have ever done it with loads of us but it was more funny…yeah (laughs) everyone was just falling over and fighting, it was so funny. This one female her mate was in a headlock, it was well funny like we were all pissed, then the police came an some of us got arrested, some of us never”.The blasé attitude used to describe the event and the aftermath made it clear that this was a regular occurrence. In addition, females in the gang showed an awareness of their legal rights during the event purposely providing false names and not adopting a confrontational manner to police officers. Should they do this, females were under the impression they would simply receive a caution, which they failed to acknowledge as a significant form of punishment. She would engage in criminal activities, usually involving theft, when she felt like taking part, as she explains below:“Yeah [fighting other females] or robbing shops and stuff like that. I don't bother with that though, well I do sometimes but most of the time they [the gang] will do it for me, like if I go to town with them an they're like 'oh do you want this?' I'm like yeah, but sometimes I just do it for myself cos if I want something I get it for myself but the only reason I'd rob is if I wanted something”. What is clear from the above quotation is that Lissy also took part in criminal activities without the support of her gang. In addition it is also apparent that the gang would steal something on her behalf should she want the item in question. When asked if there was rivalry with other gangs, the following response was given:“Yeah, cos they get cheeky cos they are like, we don't like them, and we are like well we wouldn't want to speak to you anyway. Females from other areas try to get cheeky yeah, but they're fake cos they used to come to this area and now they have gone to other areas getting cheeky to us......they used to come here and jam with us and then they will go to other areas and jam with them and then they will say we are fake and stuff like that”Clearly there is an underpinning of conflict between Pink gang’s females and those of their rival gang. The females from both gangs would often end up in verbal and sometimes violent confrontations should they come into contact with one another, despite an insistence that conflict was spontaneous and not ‘sought out’.The male members of the gang looked after the female members, treating them as ‘little sisters’. Male gang members would therefore get girlfriends from outside of the gang, subsequently perceiving their fellow females as part of the family. Whilst the younger females (which included Lissy) were protected by the gang, the differences between her cohort of what she termed ‘chicks’ and some of the older females:“None of us would [conceal weapons] but the older females would, they would hide stuff in their house….we just jam with them, but they would like help them out by putting themselves on the case stashing stuff from the cops but obviously if my chicks… if they thought they would not get caught and was helping them out then they probably would hold it in their house for them but not for long though”There was a clear divide between the younger cohort of females and the older female gang members. Interestingly it was reported that if the younger females were assured that they would not get caught, they would be more than willing to conceal items on behalf of the gang. Lissy was very verbal about females that she saw in a less positive light. These were females that engaged in sexual intercourse with male gang members, whether voluntarily or coerced in order to be accepted into the gang. Despite admitting that these females were being ‘used and abused’ by the male gang members, it was suggested that it was the female’s responsibility not to engage in such risky behaviour therefore females that did behave in this manner were viewed as a disgrace.“Yeah, some females yeah, they get used by boys. If you know what I mean. It could be any type of females it just depends. Like if they are good then they would not do it but if they don’t really care about their body and catching stuff then they would do it. They think they are impressing the boys. But that is just dirty that it [having sex]......they are just skets and little slags, why would they do that? That is just dirty that is, slags start losing virginity that early age”.Clearly Lissy disagreed with this kind of sexually promiscuous behaviour as she uses highly derogatory terms in which to describe females that adopt that role. These females would get a bad reputation and would be gossiped about by the male gang members about their sexual conquests. In terms of leaving her gang, it was suggested that motherhood would provide a suitable exit strategy. A desire for her children not to be exposed to the same environment she had been brought up in was considered motivation for desistence:“I mean obviously this is bad area to be brought up in an obviously like you do get influenced very easily when your younger, cos you know people, and you get into trouble, like if they say come on let’s do this you'd be like yeah getting into trouble yeah, I wouldn’t want my kids to be getting into trouble like that yeah but obviously you can’t choose who your friends are, well you can but you know your parents can’t choose your friends for you”ConclusionWhat is clear from the case studies presented in this chapter is the difference in gang experiences between the three categories of females. Jade provides the most detail in her interview, clearly displaying first-hand and in-depth knowledge and experience of gang activities. As a tomboy she was masculine in her appearance and expressed behavioural characteristics stereotypically associated with males. She displayed highly violent and turbulent gang involvement that included participation in serious crime and violence. Her allegiance to the gang is clear throughout her testimony where she displays profound and intrinsic dedication to her gang and its members. Jade was clearly respected by her male gang members who actively encouraged her to get involved in gang activities. Adopting a more independent role, Jade acted as an instigator and perpetrator for numerous criminal activities. Despite this, her actions were still dictated by the male members of her gang. Marsha’s interview on the contrary whilst including some stark details on her involvement in violent and criminal activities fails to capture the same strength of loyalty and dedication as Jade’s. Clearly Marsha was heavily involved in the gang, however she describes herself consistently as following her fellow gang members and mimicking their actions as opposed to acting independently. She claimed her participation was therefore more out of obligation than choice and that her role in the gang was very much defined by her relationship. Due to the fact that her partner was a high ranking member of the gang, she was protected from harm by his reputation. However she, and the other females, in her gang were often mistreated if they failed to comply with the gangs’ agenda. In contrast, Lissy’s interview suggested she was more on the periphery of the gang, getting involved in large scale criminal activities in a more supportive role than a perpetrator herself. Crimes she was personally involved in were smaller in scale and less violent. Less information was gathered from Lissy’s interview, owing to the fact that she had less gang-related experience than the other females. Lissy was a young, attractive female who seemed to ‘look up to’ the older more experienced members of her gang. Despite a minimal and often supportive role in gang activities, she displayed a desensitisation to the crime and violence around her. With regards to exiting the gang, evidence from Marsha and Apple suggest that maturation plays a key role. In particular, both females spent time incarcerated for gang offences which they highlighted altered their perception of the consequences of their gang careers. Furthermore both women disclosed how motherhood impacted on their lives, and a desire to be a good mum encouraged them to desist from their gang related activities. The case studies discussed in this chapter have highlighted several important dimensions for understanding the role of female gang members. By exploring female gang members’ narratives about their gang lives and experiences, a typology of female gang membership emerged. Subsequently it became clear that there were three well-defined types of females that were involved in gangs. The current examples represent the typical physical and behavioural characteristics that appear to be important features in identifying these categories of female. Each category also affords a distinct and crucial role within the gang structure, dictating their social standing, behavioural roles and responsibilities within the gang, and the treatment they receive from their fellow gang members. Tomboys hold the highest status within the gang, adopting a more independent role and displaying the strongest level of allegiance. Being a girlfriend of a gang member meant that social standing and behavioural roles were dictated by their relationship adopting a more protective role. Alternatively chicks possess the lowest status in the gang acting as moral and physical support to the gang when required. As a consequence of their gang involvement, females were often exposed to a range of complex social issues such as drug and alcohol abuse, sexual exploitation and domestic violence. All female gang members appeared to share common perceptions about violence, living within an environment of conflict they internalise and accept hostility as part of their everyday lives, desensitising them to the consequences of their actions. To varying degrees, all female gang members involve themselves in gang-related offences and feel some sense of loyalty to the group they inhabit. Female gang members’ accounts have cast some light on the significance of gender issues in gangs. Although each category of female gang member possessed their own set of social and behavioural responsibilities, it was clear that their significance in the gang was subservient to male gang members. Whilst some (specifically tomboys) female gang members were able act independently at times, supporting and protecting their male gang members was clearly a priority. As such, females’ gang roles were directly related to their relationship with male gang members. Consequently it is important to discuss these issues in light of existing literature on female gang membership in the UK and beyond, in order to draw some useful conclusions about the roles of females in gangs. Chapter 12: DiscussionIntroductionThis final chapter will draw on interview data collected from female gang members and experts examined throughout the thesis in order to draw some overall conclusions about the roles of females in gangs in the UK. In addition some reference will be made where applicable to the results of the UK print media search conducted as part of the scoping exercise. It is hoped that information detailed in this chapter will help ‘de-mystify’ the role of the female gang member as well as provide some guidance on how the issues of gangs should be tackled by policy makers, and provide a suitable definition of the term ‘gang’ that is gender appropriate. Here the key findings from the research project will be outlined whilst drawing upon numerous theoretical perspectives within the social sciences to help make better sense of them.The aim of the present study was to address the existing gap in literature in the UK regarding the nature of females’ involvement in mixed gender gangs. By applying a gendered lens, the research set out to situate females in the social hierarchy of gangs, exploring the roles they performed and investigating how ‘being female’ affected their gang experience. Specifically, the research intended to discover (i) whether females constitute ‘members’ of a mixed gender gang, (ii) where and how females fit within the structure of the gang, (iii) what roles do females perform in gangs, (iv) how does gender affect the experiences and roles adopted by gang-involved females, (v) why and how do females join gangs, (vi) why and how do females leave gangs and finally (vii) whether existing definitions of gangs were appropriate for gangs containing female members?From the analysis of the various sources of data utilised in the research it is possible to draw some broad conclusions about the roles of females in mixed gender gangs. Several issues will be discussed here: whether female gangs are a myth or reality, the importance of gender composition and group dynamics on gangs, the development of urban femininity, whether females are considered ‘members’ of gangs, classifications of female gang member roles, and understanding female motivations for joining and leaving gangs. Firstly a brief synopsis of the major findings will be presented.A typology of female gang members was constructed for females that exist within mixed gender gangs. Three distinct types of female were identified within the gang unit. The first being the ‘tomboy’ was a stereotypical masculine female, adopting the persona and appearance of male gang members and involving herself in gang crime and violence. This female had the highest status within the hierarchy and was viewed as ‘one of the lads’. Tomboys often took on the role of the independent female acting of their own accord as instigators, perpetrators and catalysts for criminal and violent incidents. Secondly wifeys were relational partners of male gang members that were considered more followers than members. Wifeys were viewed as an extension of their male partner and were expected to obey their partner’s requests, subsequently making them prone to domestic violence. Wifeys therefore tended to perform a more protective role shielding male gang members from repercussions by concealing illegal items, eliminating evidence and acting as a scapegoat for criminal activities. Thirdly more feminine members were identified as ‘chicks’ performing a cheerleading role, skirting around the periphery of the gang, engaging in violence when required but with the primary motivation being socialisation. Consequently ‘chicks’ sometimes adopted the role of sex object to male gang members exposing them to issues surrounding sexual exploitation. Within their role ‘chicks’ supported male gang members assisting them in the commission of offences by acting as honey-traps, lookouts and distractions. The implications for this typology will now be discussed in relation to existing research and theory.Female Gangs: Myth or Reality?Research Question 7: Are existing definitions of gangs appropriate for gangs containing female members?The ultimate debate here which was alluded to at the start of the thesis was whether or not all-female gangs exist in the UK. Despite exhaustive efforts, no all-female gangs were discovered during the current research. Whilst probing the existence of female gangs was not a primary aim for the current thesis, it was an interesting line of inquiry that presented itself through the process and one that was mirrored by the existing literature in the UK. In line with previous research, findings presented in the current thesis from interviews with leading experts and female gang members suggest that all-female gangs may be more of a myth than a reality. This is not to say that small groups of females do not congregate in a manner which could be perceived as ‘gang-related’, however interviewees were clear that independent female gangs were typically an associated fragment of a larger male gang. This appears contradictory to the findings presented from the systematic review of the UK print media conducted at the onset of the research project. The search revealed that the majority of articles published by the media focus on all-female gangs committing violence against other females. There are at least three possible explanations for this discrepancy. First, it is plausible that selected media articles exaggerated the extent of female gang involvement. Whilst the extent of crime publicised in the media is problematic to ascertain due to discrepancies in the definition of the term ‘crime’, estimates suggest between five and thirty per cent of British newspapers devote their news space to crime (Williams and Dickinson, 2003). It has been widely documented that the British press over-represent violent crime in comparison to official statistics (see Ditton and Duffy, 1983 and Schlesinger et al, 1991 for further discussion). Bearing this in mind, Naylor (2001) suggested that differences exist in the nature and intensity of reporting violence by men and women. In her paper on the gendered nature of media reports, Naylor commented how reports depicting female violence centred on the irrationality or emotionality of the offender. Naylor stated that reports of female violence were deemed as more deviant, anxiety-producing and transgressive than male violence and ultimately more newsworthy (Naylor, 2001). Given the media’s propensity to overemphasise female criminality it is plausible that media articles selected for use in the current investigation were prone to the same bias. According to Chermak (1994) the media are prone to select articles on the basis of creating dramatic effect; as such more serious, violent incidents take priority publication. Although every effort was taken to extract only factual data from reports of female group offending, should such a selection bias influence the type of articles that were originally published it is possible that the identified number of articles could be an over-estimation of the extent of female gangs across the UK. A similar picture is also provided by policy makers who fuel the stereotypical image of the violent female gangster by claiming that resources should be attributed to tackling such an issue and echoing media representations albeit in a less sensationalised manner (Centre for Social Justice, 2009).Secondly given the limited amount of information presented in media articles it is possible that all-female gangs reported by the media were in reality associates of male gangs. Smaller factions of females could therefore have been acting independently whilst still under the control and influence of a more established gang as findings from the current research suggests. Finally it is possible that the current research was unable to locate or identify all-female gangs despite their existence. Although this is a possibility, the failure of other academic research to locate and document the existence of all-female gangs to any great length would suggest that this is not the case. Recent figures from the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) estimate the number of street gangs in London to be 174. The MPS figures also show the number of active gang members in the UK at 50,000 of which young women are estimated to make up 5 per cent (2500) of the total number (MPS, 2006). Given that females represent such a small percentage of the gang population it is possible, as Batchelor (2001) suggested, that the intense and unjustified focus by the media on female participation in gangs risks creating the ‘myth of the female gang’. As outlined by Young (2009:13) “the construction of the ‘shemale’ gangster has been achieved through media coverage of violent offences committed by young women and statistical evidence provided by law enforcement officials”. Anne Campbell’s work on gangs in Britain during the nineties provides an adequate explanation for this void. Campbell suggests that Britain, at that time, had not developed a substantial male gang problem in comparison to evidence gathered from the United States. According to Campbell female groups follow (rather than precede) male groups and resultantly it was unlikely that women were organizing into gangs in any great numbers in the UK (Campbell, 1995). Despite the time difference between Campbell’s work and that of the current research, it is possible that the same principle may be applicable. The current research failed to identify any all-female gangs across the UK, despite some acknowledgement by previous academics (Thrasher, 1927; Archer, 1995). Therefore it is possible that, as Campbell states, female gangs in the UK are in the infancy of development and as of yet are not a bona fide social construction. Consequently intense media scrutiny and focus by policy makers has resulted in a moral panic (Cohen, 1980) where young women are described as being ‘the feral sex’ (Bracchi, 2008).The acknowledgement that at the current time, all-female gangs are not widely in existence in the UK, and are a by-product of overzealous media scrutiny has implications for how gangs containing female members are defined. The disparity between results uncovered in the media scoping exercise and the interview phase of the research indicate that the media has an influence on how gangs are perceived in the UK. Although the influence of the media on crime is a well-documented phenomenon (Reiner, 2007), rarely is it acknowledged as a mechanism for definition of criminal activity. However given that female gang members reported that how they are ‘labelled’ and ‘stigmatised’ by others had an influence on how they perceived and defined themselves (through the principle of symbolic interactionism), the influence of the media on perceptions of gang membership cannot be ignored. The current research therefore advocates that any future theories derived at explaining female gang membership should be aware of the link between the media and perceptions of female gang members, and advises that whilst utilising the media as a source of information is beneficial, it should be undertaken with caution. Gender-Composition and Group Dynamics of Gangs Research Question 2: Where and how females fit within the structure of the gang?The idea of “doing gender” was introduced by West and Zimmerman in 1987 who conceptualized gender as a routine accomplishment that is created and maintained through everyday rmation generated from interviews with leading experts and female gang members detailed gangs in which the gender of members was mixed. All of these gangs were dominantly male with an average of around six females per group. According to Peterson et al (2001) gender composition is important in determining the norms and activities of gangs. The authors reported that the least prevalent gender composition of gangs were those consisting of all or majority females which is consistent with previous research (Curry, 1997; Miller, 2001 and Nurge, 1998), and in-line with the current findings. Resultantly the most common form of gang was those comprised of both male and female members. Females in dominantly male gangs reported holding less central positions in the gang structure and disclosed that the gang had higher levels of organisation and increased levels of delinquency than gangs with other gender compositions (Petersen et al, 2001). This suggests that members from gangs containing various combinations of males and females may report different experiences of gang life particularly in regards to gang structure and activities. Interestingly this appears to advocate that it may not in fact be the gender of members that influences gang operations, but the dynamics behind the ratio of male to female members. Gender-Dynamics: Influence of Power and ControlFemale gang members positioning within the social hierarchy of the gang were subordinate to their male counterparts. Females consistently depicted scenarios where they were acting under the instruction of male gang members. In addition females also divulged that they required the permission of male gang members to conduct certain, usually criminal, activities. According to Konrad et al (1992) owing to the fact that females form the minority within the gang their experiences would be markedly different to those of the majority (i.e. males). Females who form the minority in dominantly male groups are believed to be more marginalised and thus less accepted within their peer groups (Kanter, 1977, Blau, 1977 and Blalock, 1967). This is particularly relevant when considering groups that are typically associated with masculine traits, such as gangs where females may have difficulty integrating (Gutek, 1985). All of the females in the current research reported being subordinate to male gang members, obeying instructions given and generally conforming and obeying the social rules imposed on them by male members. Blalock’s (1967) majority group power theory, whilst dated is still applicable today. It suggests that groups in which a majority is established are based on the assumption that competition exists between minority and majority groups. The theory suggests as minority group numbers increase they are seen as a greater competitive threat to the dominance of the majority group. All of the females interviewed for the current project resided in gangs that were dominantly male, as such if Blalock’s theory is to be applied here, female gang members presented no risk of competitiveness to male members, due to having a numerical minority. However Blalock also suggested that females, being in the minority must rely on males to access group resources and as such are wholly reliant on their control and status. Evidence from the current investigation suggested that this was in fact the case. Female gang members often obtained goods and resources from their male gang members including monies and stolen items of jewellery or drugs. Female gang members described an obligation to participate in gang activities through loyalty for the gang and in some cases familial ties; however they also felt a sense of guilt for the criminal and violent activities that they had committed. This begs the question, why do female gang members continue to conform to group norms and values against their moral reasoning? By definition conformity refers to cases where a person changes their attitudes, statements or behaviour to adhere to group norms (Baron, and Kerr, 2003). The most consistent predictor of one’s probability to conform is gender. According to Freedman et al (1970) women are generally more persuadable than men and as a result are more likely to conform. Research indicates that women tend to show higher rates of conformity than men specifically within social situations that involve face-to-face groups, involve group-decision making tasks and are less likely than men to dissent from the group (Eagley, Wood and Fishbaugh, 1981; Santee and Jackson, 1982). According to Maslach et al (1987) during public situations women may feel the need to conform to gender stereotypes about women’s roles thereby displaying higher levels of conformity than during private situations. In contrast Maslach et al (1987) also reported that one measure of the masculine gender role is to be independent and assertive, therefore leading males to be more resistant to conforming. At the same time, they stated that part of the feminine role involves being sensitive to others, therefore leading to conformity to maintain harmony. These contrasting gender-specific traits thus set a solid foundation for explaining differences between males and females conforming behaviours. According to Eagly (1983) the higher status that men ordinarily have in groups in natural settings is the major cause of these sex differences in conformity behaviour (Eagly, 1983). The probability of conforming is based on normative social influences such as rewards and punishments that are controlled by the group. Conformity is more likely to occur when individuals face a unanimous consensus and those who deviate are likely to be punished or rejected, or if the group is made up of friends that the individual admires or does not want to disrespect (Baron and Kerr, 2003). It is plausible that this type of conformity can be applied to gangs. Female gang members described a sense of belonging that they achieved by being part of a gang many describing the unit as a ‘family’. They held their fellow gang members in high regard and respected them. In addition, females also described how they were afraid not to comply with gang requests out of fear of reprisals from their fellow gang members and gang rivals. This suggests that fear of punishment was used as a means to control and manipulate female gang members. However, the fact that some females felt obligated to participate in gang activities and displayed remorse about their actions suggests that they may not have internalised the group norms and instead simply act in accordance with the demands of the group. This type of normative social influence is referred to as compliance, where an individual might change the behaviour and verbal expressions, even if their actual attitudes have not changed (Baron and Kerr, 2003). Therefore given the reported feelings of remorse and obligation described by female gang members, it is more likely that they were compliant to gang norms and activities owing to the respect and fear that they felt for their more dominant male counterparts.Power and control have also been identified as key explanatory factors in domestic violence. Research has shown that violence against women, both physically and sexually have been utilised by males as a means of asserting patriarchal dominance (Brownmiller, 1975; Dobash and Dobash, 1979; Stanko, 1985; Romito, 2008). Higher incidences of domestic violence have been identified in situations where males have control over their female partners, typically within a spousal relationship (Straus et al., 1980; Pahl, 1985). This has been shown to be particularly influential when females are economically dependent on their male partner. Under these circumstances males use the control of monetary funds in order to maintain their power (Pahl, 1985). Evidence from female gang members in the current study has supported this standpoint. It was clear through female gang member dialogue that male gang members were in control of both gang funds and the means of obtaining income and utilised this governance in order to manipulate female gang members behaviours. For example female gang members were instructed to commit criminal activity in order to obtain money which was then taken as the property of the gang. In addition, the subordinate nature of female gang members’ relationships to their male counterparts made it clear that males held the authority in the gang. Therefore female gang members’ presence in a lifestyle that encourages patriarchal dominance may have placed them at increased risk of both sexual and physical violence. Domestic violence usually refers to some form of physically threatening or abusive behaviour targeted towards an intimate partner or family member (National Police Improvement Agency, 2008). Some female gang members in the current sample had relatives or romantic partners (either current or former) who were involved in gangs. This was particularly relevant for females that adopted the role of wifey in the current study who displayed a higher level of risk in terms of physical abuse than other categories of female. However the majority of female gang members in the current sample described their gang as a pseudo family. Therefore if female members perceive their gang as a familial unit, it is possible that current domestic violence theory may be used to explain domestic violence in a gang setting. Gender-Dynamics: Influence on Perceptions of Gang Membership in FemalesGender dynamics in gangs was also found to be influential on female gang members’ experiences of their membership. Support for the influence of gender dynamics was documented by Miller (2001) who reported that gender-composition shaped the experiences and perceptions of female gang members in particular (Miller, 2001). Miller (2001) reported that females from gangs with higher proportions of female members were more likely to emphasise the social and relational aspects of their gang. In contrast females from gangs that were dominantly male were more likely to emphasise the delinquency of their gang lives. The current research partially supports this by suggesting that female gang members in mixed gender gangs promote social, relational and delinquent aspects of their gang membership. The emphasis on these aspects of membership is however influenced by the typology of female gang members outlined in the current thesis. Therefore females adopting the role of a tomboy were more likely to emphasise the high level of delinquency, particularly violent activities that form part of their daily lives. Wifeys were subsequently more likely to emphasise the influence of romantic relationships with male gang members whilst chicks placed more prominence on the social aspects of their membership, claiming they simply wished to ‘hang out’. This outlines that different types of female gang members may place different meanings on their understanding of gang membership; in essence membership may mean different things to different categories of female. In addition there is some debate amongst academics as to whether violence forms one of these normative features. Although previous research clearly illustrates that violence is an integral part of gang life (Klein, 1995; Decker, 1996), it is not clear whether this applies to both sexes. Bjerregaard and Smith (1993) in their paper addressing gender differences in gang participation reported that both male and female gang members display higher rates of delinquency than their non-gang peers (Bjerregaard and Smith, 1993). Previous research also indicates that gang members are more likely to be arrested, commit violent and property crimes, including robbery and theft, and indulge in binge drinking, drug use and selling (see Hill, Lui and Hawkins, 2001; Spergel, 1995; Thornberry, 1998 and Bjerregaard and Lizotte, 1995). Naturally this implies that criminality, particularly of a violent nature forms a normative part of gang life. Miller (2001) stated that females who act as peripheral members of male groups, may be considered the property of men, and are sexually exploited and assaulted, often as part of the initiation ritual (Miller, 2001). Therefore females that participate in mixed gender gangs may be more prone to being exposed to violent conduct due to sheer proximity to violent male members.Despite this evidence, Joe and Chesney-Lind (1995) reported that conflict formed a major activity within the gang for males but not for females. Whilst this could be attributed to differences between the sexes, within the context of the gang it is possible that male gang members block young women's participation in central activities within the gang. As Bowker et al (1980; 516) stated female gang members higher levels of conformity is potentially the result of “the structural exclusion of women from male delinquent activities".Current findings support this notion since female gang members interviewed conformed to the instructions of male gang members even when they disagreed with them. Additionally, female gang member status, whilst higher amongst tomboys, was always considerably lower than male gang member status. However, in contrast to the findings of Joe and Chesney-Lind (1995), female gang members from the current research indicated that conflict did form a normative part of their daily lives. Females that were gang involved were indeed subject to intense violence and aggression in numerous aspects of their lives, both internal and external to the gang unit. Female gang members interviewed illustrated that they were exposed to an environment of conflict that involved abuse, sexual exploitation and domestic violence. Although the extent to which females engaged in violence in comparison to their male counterparts was not clear, it was clear that their involvement was considerably lower than that of males. Additionally statements from female gang members imply that their lower level involvement in criminal activity (in comparison to male members) was a result of male dominance blocking female participation as opposed to a result of battling gender roles. This was particularly relevant for chicks and wifeys who were either forced to engage in crime and violence against their will or shunned away from such activities by male members who believed them incapable. This provides support for Bowker et al’s (1980) structural inequality within the gang based on patriarchal power that effectively excludes females from delinquent activities. In summary, with regards to the structure of gangs the most common gender composition included both male and female members. Female gang members resided in an environment of patriarchal dominance, where conflict was normative and the risk of exposure to sexual and violent behaviour was increased. Within the larger hierarchy of the gang, females were considered subordinate to males which were reinforced through the use of power, control and manipulation. Whilst female gang members maintained a level of conformity to this structural imbalance, evidence showed that they did not internalise the group norms and values, but simply complied with instructions through obligation. “Doing it like a Dude”: The Development of Urban FemininityResearch Question 4: How does gender affect the experiences and roles adopted by gang-involved females?This far there has been a tendency within criminological investigations to focus on gender differences (as opposed to similarities) when attempting to explain crime (Messerschmidt, 1997). As such women’s crime has often been conceptualised in masculine terms when they engage in typically masculine crimes. Characteristically according to McRobbie (1991) the female version of the male delinquent subculture is a culture of femininity in which working-class females through adopting distinctive modes of style and youth culture, develop an oppositional stance to school. Whilst this may have been the case during the 1990’s, evidence from the current research suggests that female gang members are no longer restricted to the confines of social class. Not all of the females sampled in the current research came from lower-socioeconomic backgrounds. In addition suggestions were made by experts that male gang members may deliberately target females from high levels of economic status in order to procure useful resources. Despite the lack of influence of social class, are gang involved young women challenging traditional gender roles? Previous research has supported the notion that femininity has evolved over time to encompass more masculine tendencies (Adler, 1975; Simons, 1975; Irwin and Chesney-Lind, 2008), whilst others have debated whether femininity and masculinity operate at opposite ends of the gender role spectrum (Griffin, 2005; Griffin et al, 2006) or whether they are complimentary traits that are balanced and necessary to effectively navigate contemporary society in the new post-feminists culture (Dobson, 2013). Here it is argued that female gang members, despite adopting characteristics stereotypically associated with masculinity, actually accomplish a unique and specific form of femininity. Within the remit of the current investigation accomplishing femininity within the gang is not simply a conflict between typically masculine and feminine ideals but more of a negotiation to a distinct form of femininity within the confines of the gang. Female gang members in the current study adopted one of three distinct types namely; a tomboy, a wifey and a chick and it is within these parameters that femininity is negotiated.Messerschmidt (1997) claimed that violence and toughness displayed by female gang members were resources for accomplishing the image of the ‘bad female’. Messerschmidt stated that the street reputation and status experienced by female gang members translates as power within the patriarchal power structure of gangs. However, the current research dismisses the notion of the bad female, claiming that this is a socially constructed image that is grounded in the immediate situation. Female gang members in the current study in their negotiation of what it is to be feminine ‘on the streets’ fluctuated between traditional masculine and feminine ideals. The ‘tough’ masculine description given by Messerschmidt (1997) holds similarities to the role of a tomboy identified within the current research. As independent females that view themselves as ‘one of the lads’, constantly striving for acceptance within the patriarchal hierarchy, committing themselves to gang activities that are considered stereotypically male. Whilst by all behavioural aspects tomboys appear to internalise masculine traits, they still embrace some forms of culturally appropriate femininity. Tomboys would still engage in behaviours that were supportive and protective of male gang members, however these were to a lesser degree than other types of female. As such tomboys would appear to experience the highest levels of conflict in accomplishing their femininity in the gang. Whether to behave more masculine or feminine was dictated by their social interactions and environment at the time. Tomboys in particular were therefore able to adopt an aggressive form of femininity that allowed them to negotiate their way through the confines of gender-stereotyping. As such female gang members appeared to be in a unique position to negotiate their own balance between what is masculine and what is feminine depending on the situation and the requirements placed upon them. An interesting observation from the current research was the interaction between sex and gender at play within the confines of the gang. Although previous research has acknowledged the complexities of gender in criminality (Cohen and Harvey, 2006), it is possible that these differences are exacerbated within the hyper masculine environment of gangs. Females in the current research reported flexibility in their approach to traditional gender roles fleeting between masculine and feminine ideals at will. Taking this into account, even when females adopted all aspects of masculinity, to the extent that they were considered ‘one of the lads’, they maintained a subordinate role to male members. This appears to suggest that in an environment where the boundaries between what is ‘feminine’ and what is ‘masculine have become so blurred, sex-differences supersede gender-differences. Archer (1995) argues that females are able to re-define the norms and values of femininity by their open expression of sexuality in their appearance. Archer describes a variety of females in gangs who transform notions of femininity by means of unconventional clothing, hairstyles and behaviour. This suggests that some female gang members exhibit stereotypical ‘feminine’ behaviours such as taking pride in their appearance and gossiping (see Campbell, 1990 and Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1995). Traditional accounts of female gang membership viewed the involvement of females in gangs as a by-product of their sexuality (Laidler and Hunt, 2001). However choosing to identify a female’s desire for an attractive appearance as an expression of their sexuality risks demeaning the underlying notion of what it is to be feminine. Within the current research, chicks often adopted an outward appearance that was aesthetically pleasing. It was however unclear whether this personal grooming was conducted for the females own benefit or to attract male attention. Nevertheless acting as a sex object was merely part of the role assigned to chicks within the gang unit. Chicks were tasked with performing roles that typically saw them supporting male gang members, particularly from a social standpoint. Thus choosing to view them merely under the guise of their sexuality risks downplaying the extent of their involvement as well as misinterpreting their efforts at accomplishing femininity within the social environment to which they are exposed. Previous research in this area has suggested that females suffer an internal conflict when negotiating their femininity (Quicker, 1983; Harris, 1988; and Moore, 1991). This was not however supported by the current research. Females in the present study disclosed no such internal conflict. It is unclear whether this was because no conflict existed or whether they had become so apt in their abilities to fluctuate between different aspects of their femininity that they felt no desire to disclose this information. Furthermore research has indicated that exaggerated displays of toughness on behalf of female gang members happen as an expression of the greater flexibility of their roles having to defend themselves against male members as opposed to them rejecting or testing stereotypical gender norms. In other words due to their proximity to such a hyper masculine environment, females have learned to adapt the meaning of femininity to encompass their ability to defend and protect themselves in a patriarchal structure (Fishman, 1988; Lauderback et al, 1992). Given the subordinate nature of female gang members’ behaviours within the current sample, it is more likely that exposure to hyper masculine scenarios encouraged females to be more flexible in their self-identity. Ashcroft (2004) reported that some social commentators argue that more young women are now ‘behaving badly’ and that ‘being powerful, sexy and violent’ defines what it is to be a young woman in contemporary society. Overall the current research advocates that despite adopting traits typically associated with masculinity, female gang members accomplish a specific form of femininity within the gang. Accomplishing femininity in the gang is not simply a conflict between masculine and feminine ideals, but a negotiation based on social interactions and environmental factors that operates within the parameters of the typology of female gang membership. However it is possible given the importance placed on patriarchal dominance operating within gangs that sex-differences are more important than gender differences in the hyper masculine environment of gangs. A Question of Membership: Females in GangsResearch Question 1: Do females constitute ‘members’ of a mixed gender gang?Research Question 7: Are existing definitions of gangs appropriate for gangs containing female members?One important debate uncovered within the current research was whether females constituted ‘members’ of a gang. Exploring the answer to this question was highly complex. Evidence collected from interviews with female gang members suggests that the answer is yes. However females’ perceptions of their own place within the gang would suggest not. Herein lays the conundrum, which is more important, how the world views female gang members or how female gang members view themselves? The answer is of course, both. There is little doubt that those classified as tomboys are considered gang members as it has been addressed that they are quite literally seen as ‘one of the lads’. However the circumstances with chicks are a little vaguer. Whilst it has been outlined in this chapter that they perform distinct and specific roles within the gang, they continue not to perceive themselves as gang members. Despite frequent and direct contact with gangs, some females fail to acknowledge their involvement. However it became clear to the researcher during the interview process that the females understanding of the term ‘gang member’ may have been distorted. As has been outlined, chicks performed more of a cheerleading role within the gang, which came with its own duties and responsibilities that were important to the longevity of the unit. However these roles were not viewed as important by the females themselves, hence the disparity on their self-classification. Previous literature has downplayed female’s involvement in gangs by focussing on their sexual activities or manifestations of masculinity but failed to delve into any in-depth discussion as to the importance of these behavioural roles (Esbensen and Tusinski, 2007). Whilst the current research could be seen to support previous findings given the emphasis placed on the typology, it also discovered the role of females in gangs was more important than existing literature acknowledged, playing a crucial function in the overall structure and organisation of gangs as a social unit. Despite this, previous definitions of gangs have typically been written by male researchers about male gang members existing in a masculine social environment (Young, 2009). Although this discrepancy has been widely documented, to date, no attempt has been made to gender proof academic definitions of gangs. This begs the question, can existing definitions of gangs be used to explain female membership, can existing definitions become gender-neutral or do female gang members require their own unique characterisation? To provide an answer to this question it is important to consider existing definitions and whether they may be applicable to the current sample. One method of conducting this assessment is to look at the characteristics of gangs highlighted in previous research and assess their applicability to the current sample. One such, detailed account that provides a sound basis for this exploration was provided by Walter Miller in 1975 in his collation of 160 criminal justice and youth service agencies definitions of the term ‘gang’. According to Miller gangs should be: (i) organised, (ii) have an identifiable leadership, (iii) identify with a specific territory, (iv) associate continually, (v) have a specific purpose and (vi) engage in violent or illegal activities. Applying such classifications to the current sample provides support for Miller’s gang characteristics. In accordance with previous research (see Sanders, 1994 and Hagedorn, 1988) females in the current sample reported the structure of their gangs to be loosely organised around the age and sex of their members. This meant that the gang structure was loosely divided into three tiers with the oldest members at the top and the youngest members at the bottom. Similarly, female gang members held a lower positioning within the gang structure than male members. Apart from this loosely enforced tiered system, gang organisation replicated what Thrasher (1927) termed an unreflective internal structure. Miller’s second classification of leadership was also supported by the current research with nine out of the twelve represented gangs reporting a discernible leader. Similarly the current research suggests that the majority of mixed gender gangs identify with a specific geographical location in line with previous findings (see Harris, 1988; Taylor, 1993). Gangs consisting of female gang members would also congregate on a frequent basis for a specific purpose (i.e. socialising, drinking, drug taking or making money). Finally all gangs within the current sample engaged in crime and violence, whether females were willing participants or as Pitts (2007) describes ‘reluctant gangsters’ is however debateable. According to Sanders (1994) a gang which is not involved in violence is not really a gang. Owing to the fact that all gangs represented in the current study were mixed in terms of gender, it is not surprising that support was generated for Miller’s classifications. As such one would expect their characteristics to reflect those documented by previous research. According to Jody Miller (2001) in her investigation of female gangs in Columbus, Ohio, gang involved young women used similar defining characteristics to those outlined by academics. For Miller these included recognition the gang received from others, the adoption of an elaborate set of symbolism and participation in delinquent activities (Miller, 2001). Considering these characteristics within the current remit, symbolism identifying female’s gang allegiance was integral of gangs and delinquent (especially violent) behaviours and formed a normative aspect of their daily lives. Similarly partial support was given for the recognition received by gangs by others albeit to a lesser degree. Female gang members and experts interviewed presently disclosed that recognition was an important identifying feature of gangs but did not form one of the foundational characteristics for defining a gang. Although females within the current sample displayed many behaviours associated with gang members such as having frequent and direct contact with other members and having their own behavioural roles, some inconsistencies were reported in their self-classifications. As such a discrepancy exists between the behavioural roles exhibited by females and the subsequent identities attached to these roles, and the classifications females placed upon themselves. The current research advocates that females do constitute members of mixed gender gangs due to the fact they perform gender-specific roles within the gang that are vital to the overall operation of the gang unit. Evidence documented in this chapter confirms that gangs represented in the current sample share many of the same characteristics documented by previous researchers investigating mixed gender (Moore, 1991; Chesney-Lind, 1997; Joe Laidler and Hunt, 2001; Miller, 2001), auxiliary (Campbell, 1984), and all-female gangs (Taylor, 1993). However these previous definitions have attempted to encompass gangs as a social entity and explain their existence within the social context of the streets, thus little attention has been paid to individual members. Campbell (1990) stated that it is not the presence of females in gangs that is under dispute, but the form of their participation that is problematic. It is in this detail that the current research now focusses. Whilst the gangs that females reside in may be similar, as a whole, to previous research, female gang members in this study displayed distinct and separate characteristics to their male counterparts. The intricacies of these roles will now be outlined in the following section. Putting Females in their Place: Classification of RolesResearch Question 3: What roles do females perform in gangs?Many early gang studies failed to consider the role of women as active participants, with male researchers focussing on street-based groups of young men with women essentially being invisible (Heidensohn, 1996). The current research aims to correct this imbalance. Thus far young women have been negatively portrayed in the media as being a ‘new breed’ of street gangster (Thompson, 2001) who are ‘deadlier than the male’ (Smith, 2005) but is this a true reflection of the behavioural roles of female gang members or simply a media exaggeration? Evidence from the current research would suggest that the reality is a combination of both. Miller (2001) reported that the majority of female gang members in her study considered themselves equal to their male counterparts. Despite this claim descriptions of male gang member activities failed to provide support illustrating that females were excluded from partaking in more serious crimes. As discussed earlier in this chapter it was apparent to the researcher that a disparity existed between how female gang members viewed themselves and how they were viewed by others, specifically male gang members. If this is in fact the case then it is equally plausible that the image portrayed of female gang members in the media may also be privy to this discrepancy. Evidence gathered suggests that female gang member’s roles within the gang are grounded in the characteristics of their relationship with male members. Females are subordinate to males in gang status and as such the roles they adopt are directly based on the foundations of this hierarchy. This is consistent with previous research claiming female gang members are “defined solely in terms of their . . . relations to male gang members” (Campbell, 1990, p. 166). A recent report entitled ‘Gangs and Group Offending Guidance for Schools’ issued by the Department for Children, Schools and Families (2008) reiterated this gender imbalance. The report claims that females and young women “are subservient in male gangs and even submissive, sometimes being used to carry weapons or drugs, sometimes using their sexuality as a passport or being sexually exploited, e.g. in initiation rituals, in revenge by rival gangs or where a younger group of females sexually service older male gang members’ (DCSF, 2008: 7). Moore and Hagedorn (2001:2) concurred with this notion stating: “Sex objects or tomboys…..these are the images that, until recently, dominated the literature on female gang members. Individual females were portrayed in terms of their sexual activity, with an occasional mention of their functions as weapon carriers for male gang members…..even when describing female gang members as tomboys, researchers emphasized that the females’ motivations were focused on males” (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001: 2).It is therefore important to consider in what forms female gang members adhere to this patriarchal governance in light of the current research typology. Previous research by Miller (1975) identified three classifications of gang that contained female members, (i) mixed gender gangs made up of both male and female members, (ii) independent all-female gangs and (iii) female gangs that are affiliated with male gangs that Miller described as auxiliaries. Similar classifications were also reported by Curry (1997). Previous research has however suggested that the most common form of gang containing female members were mixed gender gangs (Miller, 2001; Nurge, 1998; Miller and Brunson, 2000). In contrast to research by Miller (1975) and Curry (1997) no all-female gangs were identified through the current research. However it was suggested by experts and female gang members that independent female gangs are usually associated in some way with a male gang and not a separate category as Miller and Curry suggest. In addition Laidler and Hunt (1997) also documented that females either formed independent all-female gangs or that they were auxiliaries based on their affiliation to a male group. The current research found partial support for this distinction. Laidler and Hunt stated that within auxiliary gangs, male members make all the important decisions and try to control female members. Evidence from the current research supports this notion. However the use of the term auxiliary appears to suggest that females are simply affiliated with gangs as opposed to fully fledged members. Whilst female gang members’ perceptions of their membership were complex, there was clear evidence to suggest that females formed an integral part of the gangs’ social and behavioural structure. As such despite the fact that female gang members may not correspond with professional or academic definitions of what a gang member is, each type of females had specific roles to play within the gang that was essential to the overall structure and operations of the unit. The current research argues that roles performed by female gang members, despite their subordinate role to the dominance of males, are crucial in the organisation and administration of gangs as a social unit. Simply removing females from gangs would not eliminate the need for their roles to be fulfilled. In fact, roles predominantly conducted by females such as acting as lookouts, distractions and honey-traps would consequently need to be completed by male members. Herein lays the conundrum. The current research promotes that although male members would be able to perform these roles in the absence of female members, they would be less successful in their conduction. Interviews with experts and female gang members yielded opinions that females are less likely to be challenged by law enforcement as well as their innate approachability to impending victims. For example, evidence from the current sample indicated that concealing weapons and drugs is a behavioural role specifically associated with female members. Previous research has documented that females are approximately 80% less likely to be stopped and searched by the police than male members (Jackson et al, 2013), therefore implying that females would be less likely to get caught concealing illegal items. In addition research has also shown that women are more approachable, are more responsive communicators and respond better to others than males (Wood, 2009). This proficiency may mean that potential targets would be less suspicious of a female assailant than they would of a male. Finally research has indicated that attractive female offenders are less likely to get reported, formally accused or convicted of a criminal offence (Berry, 2008), therefore suggesting that even if female gang members get caught they are less likely to be processed through the criminal justice system than males if they are perceived as physically attractive. In addition, Laidler and Hunt (1997) distinguished between the type of violence independent and auxiliary female gang members were exposed to. The authors reported that auxiliary females were prone to become victims of domestic violence due to their proximity to male gang members, whilst independent females were more likely to suffer violence at the hands of rival females. Within the remit of the current research, wifeys of gang members were the most likely category to suffer domestic violence from their gang member partner. This is not to say that other types of female gang member were not victimised by their gang in this way. However the nature of wifey’s relationships with their partner meant that they were more likely to be exposed to domestic violence, particularly if they didn’t follow their partner’s instructions. Alternatively all three categories of female gang member within the current typology were equally likely to be exposed to violence at the hands of rival female gang members. It was clear from discussions with female gang members and leading experts that gang members were exposed to an environment of conflict on a daily basis. This exposure was to such an extent that females had become desensitised to the violence surrounding them and even in some circumstances saw conflict as amusing or indeed necessary. This seems to provide support for Sykes and Matza’s (1957) theory of neutralisation, a technique which allows a person to rationalize or justify a criminal act. Considering the five techniques of neutralization namely; (i) denial of responsibility, (ii) denial of injury, (iii) denial of victim, (iv) condemnation of the condemners, and (v) the appeal to higher loyalties female gang members are able to displace their criminality thus minimizing their level of responsibility. The authors claimed that many delinquents can be affected by their surroundings and are susceptible to conformity and often feel or express remorse and guilt because of the criminal act. Equally the remorse felt by female gang members could be explained by a process of deindividuation. First proposed by Zimbardo in 1969 deindividuation is a process by which a series of social conditions lead to a change in perception of self and others, and thereby to a lowered threshold of normally restrained behaviour (Zimbardo, 1969). In other words the collective identity of the gang enabled females to diminish their sense of individuality that usually occurs with behaviour disjointed from personal or social standards of conduct, hence allowing them to conform whilst maintaining personal remorse. According to Lee (2007) the effects of deindividuation are strongest when a group displays high levels of polarization. Groups with high polarization have a tendency to make decisions that are more extreme than the initial inclination of its members. Through social interactions, individuals come to endorse more extreme positions in favour of agreeing with the group. Lee (2007) concluded that individuals that are more polarized and identified with a group will be more apt to act out of character and display anti-normative behaviour. This provides some explanation as to why the majority of female gang members maintained socially and culturally traditional roles whilst outside of their gang, but coincided with the norms and values of the gang whilst in the company of their delinquent peers.The roles which female gang members displayed in the current study were threefold namely; the tomboy, the wifey and the chick. Much previous research aimed at explaining the roles of female in gangs adopted Thrasher’s original categories of ‘tomboy’ or ‘sex object’ (Whyte, 1943; Spergel, 1964; Campbell, 1984; Short and Strodtbeck, 1965; Hanson, 1964; Rice, 1963). As a result female gang members were classified into one of these two categories, both of which were considered variations of the ‘bad female’ role (Campbell, 1984). O’Hara (2007) reported similar distinctions in a journalistic account entitled ‘Hidden Menace’ published in the Guardian newspaper. The article stated two types of females become involved [in gangs]: those who are ‘as tough as the boys’ and fight to defend themselves, and those who become involved with, and can be sexually exploited by, gangs of boys, sometimes under the auspices of being “initiated” or accepted into the group (O’Hara, 2007). According to Curry (1995) this illustrated the birth of what Campbell (1984) deemed the ‘myths’, and Moore (1993) termed the ‘stereotypes’ that surrounded female gang involvement at the time. On the contrary findings from the current research supports that these classifications help to distinguish different types of females within the gang structure and identify their typical roles and behaviours. Typologies in the current study bear a strong resemblance to the work of Ann Campbell in the eighties. Campbell’s distinction between tomboys and sex objects reflects the main underlying principles of the current research. According to Campbell (1984) sex objects would adopt a complementary role towards male gang members, often involving some kind of romantic attachment. However this made young women privy to sexual exploitation by other members of the gang and rival gang members. Although sex objects could use their sexuality to their advantage in terms of initiating inter and intra-gang fights, they were viewed as rivals and in constant conflict with other females for the affection of male gang members. These distinct characteristics are similar to those identified as chicks in the current research. Chicks performed a supportive role for male gang members providing social support and acting as distractors, lookouts and honeytraps to assist with gang-related criminal activities. Alternatively, in Campbell’s study tomboys considered themselves on the same level as their male counterparts, involving themselves in crimes and fighting to prove their toughness in emulating masculine qualities. Again these characteristics were confirmed in the current research. Of the three categories of female outlined in the current research, tomboys were the most independent, demanding higher levels of respect and status from their fellow gang members than other types of female. In addition tomboys were more likely to act as instigators, catalysts and perpetrators of crime and violence. Similarly tomboys in the current study displayed similarities to what Pitts (2007) referred to as ‘soldiers’. These females would participate in numerous violent street crimes including theft and robbery. In contrast, tomboys reported by Campbell often found themselves rejected and ridiculed by those they cared about for ‘going against the grain’ and adopting masculine traits, which were often seen as a phase (Campbell, 1984). No such disparity was noted with tomboys in the current sample. However it is possible that differences in methodology could account for this variance. Campbell’s American research was ethnographical in design, whilst the current research relied solely on interview data. As such different types and depths of data were likely to be extracted. In addition the time lapse between studies could have an influence, and it is possible the image of what is acceptable in terms of ‘tomboys’ may have become more acceptable in the last twenty years. The difference between Campbell’s categorisation of female gang members and the typology presented in the current thesis is that Campbell suggested that all gang involved females were representations of the ‘bad female’ image. Campbell believed that good females were modest and feminine. The remorse displayed by female gang members at their actions within the current sample and their abilities to correspond with some traditional social and cultural manifestations of femininity suggest that the distinction between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ may not be as clear cut as Campbell suggests. The current research proposes that female gang members fluctuate along a continuum of behaviours, some of which are considered ‘good’ and some ‘bad’ by general society. These behavioural fluctuations are dependent on the social environment females are exposed to, the interactions they engage in and the presence of others. For example chicks may display the image of a contentious pupil during school hours, the doting daughter whilst with their family and the delinquent member in the presence of their gang. The third category of female gang member addressed in the current typology was a wifey of a male gang member. Whilst previous research has acknowledged the importance of romantic relationships in female gang involvement, none have considered the role as a separate and structurally relevant entity. Historical research saw intimate relations between females and gang members as the driving force behind women affiliating themselves with gangs, and their primary function within the group. Emphasis was placed on the sexual aspects of these relationships and females’ abilities to abuse their sexual prowess to achieve their own ends. Women were painted as the destroyers of the gang, luring male members into romantic relationships and eventually marriage and children (Thrasher, 1927; Whyte, 1943; Spergel, 1964). Spergel in his report on the female gangs of New York City (1964: 88) reported that women were seen as “the carrier of tales…the magnifier, the distorter, the fabricator of derogatory remarks”. More contemporary research conducted by Pitts (2007) illustrated that male members possessed numerous ‘girlfriends’. These females adopted a supplementary role to their male partners, carrying and concealing both drugs and weapons. These behavioural roles were similar to those identified by wifeys in the current sample. Wifeys in the current typology adopted distinct and separate roles to other types of gang-involved female. They acted as a protective shield around male gang members, concealing weapons, drugs and stolen items on behalf of males. In further support of Pitt’s findings wifeys were often exposed to domestic violence at the hands of their romantic partners. Additionally Pitts (2007) detailed that gang females were privy to sexual exploitation, and often were stuck in abusive relationships that displayed their ‘man’s’ dominance over them. This included more senior gang members ‘pimping out’ their ‘Missus’ for the pleasure of lower-ranking members, either individually or as a group. Alternatively, Maxwell et al. (2003) reported that exposure to drugs and alcohol can increase the probability of sexual offending and victimisation, particularly among young people who are familiar to each other, like a gang. Further support for this link was documented by Fisher and Cullen (2000) who reported that over ninety per cent of female college students were sexually abused by friends, acquaintances or partners (current or former). The authors concluded that frequently becoming inebriated significantly increased females’ likelihood of becoming victims of sexual assault. Female gang members in the current study often described being in the presence of (if not physically taking) drugs and alcohol as part of their daily routine. It is therefore possible that having a close proximity to such substances may have increased female gang members likelihood of becoming victims of sexual violence.Despite this however, such evidence was sparse in the current research. Anecdotal accounts of females being sexually exploited were disclosed during both expert and female gang member interviews. However the exploitation did not appear widespread and limited mostly to chicks or wifeys whose relationship with a male gang member had ended. Nevertheless it is plausible that as a consequence of the research design, female gang members were only comfortable disclosing this type of information in a third party format. It is also possible that the current sample of females were not exposed to high levels of sexual exploitation documented in previous research. Three of the sample of female gang members disclosed personal experience with sexual exploitation whilst the majority dictated third hand stories of ‘friends’ they knew had been sexually abused. In a similar vein, whilst discussing the implications of sexual activity and exploitation by females in gangs, females disclosed that females who adopt this role are viewed negatively by the gang. These females possess the lowest status, are seen as possessions and referred to in derogatory terms by their fellow male and female members. This disgust at the promiscuous sexual activities of female members was clear and resulted in certain females being labelled as ‘easy’, whether they voluntarily or coercively engaged in sexual activity. This is consistent with previous findings by Horowitz (1983) who claimed that females that were seen to be promiscuous were not tolerated within gangs in her study of the barrio lifestyle of gang females in Chicago. Doyle (2012) in a recent Daily Mail article claimed up to 6,000 females may be victims of gang rape at any one time. These findings are supported by the Race on the Agenda (ROTA) Female Voice in Violence Project (2010). The report aimed to assess the impact of serious youth violence, gangs and serious group offending on women and females in London. Findings illustrate that rape is used as a weapon of choice for gangs used against sisters, girlfriends and mothers, and cannot be detected through stop and search procedures. In a statement that mirrors that of academics the ROTA report indicates that females that have been affected by gang related violence have been largely ignored in both policy and practice. Whilst some research on sexual exploitation was reported from the perception of male gang members with little verification from females (Short and Strodtbeck, 1965; Sanchez-Jankowski, 1991), it is possible that male gang members have exaggerated their sexual domination over female gang members in order to reinforce their sexual dominance (Decker and Van Winkle, 1996; Moore and Hagedorn, 2001). On the other hand research conducted specifically with female gang members has confirmed their exposure to sexual exploitation (Brotherton, 1996; Miller, 1998; Hagedorn, 1998; Portillos, 1999; Venkatesh, 1998 and Moore, 1991). Understanding Female Motivations: Joining GangsResearch Question 5: Why and how do females join gangs?Not only have female gang members been largely ignored by academics from a research point of view, but many early criminological theories actually failed to explain female criminality at all. “Most classical criminological theories simply ignored women and did not find the nature of female delinquent peer groups as interesting or worth explaining” (Chesney-Lind and Hagedorn, 1999:87). Those that acknowledged female involvement in delinquent and criminal activities tended to focus on sexualisation as a motive for engaging in criminality (Thrasher, 1927; Bernard, 1949 and Hanson, 1964). Contrastingly early feminist theories focussed on the liberation of traditional female roles to explain an increase in female offending (Adler, 1975; Simon, 1975). One of the biggest logistical difficulties when constructing theories about females and crime is that with a few exceptions (for example prostitution), women commit less crime than men (Vold et al, 2002). Hence any criminological theories must be able to explain this disparity.The scoping exercise undertaken at the onset of the research located articles depicting female gang members clustered around the major cities of the UK. Consequently this provides support for the Chicago School’s Zonal Hypothesis outlined by Burgess in 1925. According to the theory crime could be understood by looking at the social construction of cities which tend to grow outwards in a set of concentric circles. Highest rates of crime were uncovered in the zone of transition which by definition contains a transient population, exposed to poverty in poor and inadequate living conditions. People that live in the zone of transition are privy to numerous criminal behaviours and social problems which occur in an effort to create order in an area of social disorganisation. However in today’s vibrant economic and social society it is difficult to pin point the zone of transition around any major city in the UK. Despite this it is important to consider the environmental effects on gang membership as detailed by Shaw and McKay (1931) it is the environment that determines individual involvement in crime. One of the major criticisms of the Chicago school in explaining gangs is its exclusive focus on working class criminality (e.g., Cullen, 1984). Within the current sample female gang members came from a range of socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds, as such social disorganisation theory alone would not adequately explain female gang membership. Although social disorganisation looks to the environment to explain crime, it fails to address differences in populations whilst Sutherland’s theory of differential association also considered thetransmission and development of psychological constructs such as attitudes and beliefs about crime. One theory that can explain female gang involvement is Sutherland and Cressey’s (1960) expanded Differential Association theory. Here criminality is learned through interactions with others in circumstances where criminal definitions outweigh the effect of law-abiding definitions. According to the theory learning criminal behaviour principally occurs within intimate personal groups. The likelihood of adopting criminal behaviours is influenced by fluctuations in the frequency, propriety and intensity of the associations. Considering the current sample, females were frequently exposed to delinquent peers within the context of an intimate personal group, whose criminal definitions may outweigh their legitimate ones. Membership in a gang was reported to provide females with a sense of acceptance and familial obligation that was a progressive experience as opposed to an instant decision. As such differential association could provide an adequate explanation of female gang membership.However Sutherland (1947) believed that learning to be aggressive and tough and taking risks were necessary attributes of a successful criminal. These were attributes he believed women did not possess. This is however contradicted by the current research as female gang members outwardly expressed feelings of toughness and aggression through their criminality. Given that Sutherland’s original theory was writing in the 1940’s it is possible that the time lapse in research could account for this. One drawback of using this theory to explain female gang involvement is it fails to specify how much individuals need to favour crime before they become influenced in a pro-criminal sense since generally people hold beliefs that justify crime only in certain situations (Agnew, 1995; Akers, 1997). However given the intense loyalty displayed by female gang members in the current study illustrated by their commitment to the gang, is a clear indication of the level of influence experienced by females from their gang.Although previous research has acknowledged the importance of strain theory in explaining gang involvement (Durkheim, 1893; Merton, 1938; Cohen, 1955), female gang members in the current research failed to provide support for the theory. According to strain theory society sets universal goals for its populace and then offers the ability to achieve them to a limited number of people. The resultant inequality of opportunity causes a strain on cultural goals thus forcing people to commit criminal activities in order to achieve. With this in mind Cohen’s (1955) description of strain resulting in status frustration is more applicable. Status frustration may be resolved by the youth associating with similar others in order to react against middle class ideals and standards. In turn, this leads to the formation of a delinquent subculture where instant gratification, fighting, and destructive behaviour become the new values. Females in the current research disclosed a desire to be recognised both within their gang and externally by rivals and society as a whole. Therefore explaining female gang involvement in terms of status frustration is plausible. However reducing females’ motivation to join gangs solely to a desire to receive recognition or as a reaction against traditional middle class ideals risks ignoring the ‘bigger picture’ and minimising the impact of social influences on gang membership.Matza’s Delinquency and Drift theory (1964) emphasised the importance of freedom and similarity as opposed to constraint or differentiation. Drift (into criminality) occurs in areas of the social structure where control has been loosened. The theory outlined conditions that make the possibility of drifting into criminality more possible and probable. Many of the females in the current sample, despite attending school and having a sound family environment, identified freedom as a motivation for joining gangs. Describing a lack of social control mechanisms outside the boundaries of education, females drifted into gang involvement. According to Matza’s theory individuals are able to drift in and out of criminality at will (Matza, 1964). This was particularly relevant to the current sample of female gang members who disclosed their ability to fluctuate freely between their regular social lives and that of the gang, in essence mimicking Matza’s notion of drift. Interestingly evidence generated from experts in the current sample suggested that the fluidity of membership experienced by female members was not shared by males. Experts stated that male members were required to display stronger levels of commitment than their female counterparts. Whilst the current research failed to investigate this issue in any depth it implies that gender differences may exist as to why males and females get involved in gangs in the first place. Additionally whilst the effects of the media in helping distort the picture of female gang membership in the UK, it became apparent to the research that it also had an effect on females joining gangs. This effect however was more subtle than that reported by Pitts (2007) who suggested that females may have been attracted [into the gang] by the ‘glamour’ and ‘celebrity’ of the gang lifestyle. Females in the present sample disclosed that the image that accompanies gang membership was important to them and that this aspect of urban culture can be reinforced through informational and social media as well as interactions. The underlying principle here was not that females were attracted to the lifestyle but that they were seen as part of the problem by those around them. Simple casual interactions with the gang resulted in them being pigeonholed into membership. This stigmatisation by association can be explained through labelling theory (Tannenbaum, 1938). Based on the principle of symbolic interactionism the theory suggests that a person’s self-image is constructed through social interactions with others. Tannenbaum claimed that a negative tag or label often contributed to further involvement in delinquent activities. This initial tagging may cause the individual to adopt it as part of their identity. The core principle of Tannenbaum's argument was that the greater the attention placed on this label, the more likely the person is to identify themselves as the label. Whilst labelling theory suggests that through this process of exposure, individuals begin to see themselves (and are seen by others) as a ‘criminal’, the current research would revise that statement. Although criminal activity was a large part of females’ daily routines, it did not necessarily form part of their self-identity, yet being a ‘gang member’ did. Thus the current research proposes that once the label of ‘gang member’ is established it is reinforced through negative social reactions by significant others outside the group (i.e. rival gang members, the media and criminal justice system). Through a process of self-preservation females then begin to identify themselves with the gang, strengthening their ties with the group and distancing themselves from outsiders. Becker (1963) stated that typically the criminal label overrides all other labels so others eventually see that person primarily as criminal. This can help explain females participation in the gang as once they have been ‘labelled’ as gang members, they find it difficult to remove the stigma, people begin to treat them as gang members and eventually they start acting like gang members.In short the current research suggests that a combination of theoretical perspectives may be better suited to explain the motivations of females to join gangs. Female gang members explained that joining a gang was a developmental process that occurred through frequent interactions with existing gang members, as opposed to a rational choice (Cornish and Clarke, 1986). The primary motivation reported was companionship and socialisation, thus association with delinquent peer groups through a system of differential association exposed females to criminal definitions which become internalised as their loyalty to the group increased (Sutherland and Cressey, 1960). According to Thrasher (1927) females display lower crime rates as they are strongly supervised by over-protective parents thus maintaining strong social control which prevents them associating with delinquent peers. This was not considered the case for the present sample of females. A lack of social control mechanisms in terms of supervision and observation meant that young women were given the freedom to drift into and out of gang membership with their existing cohort of delinquent peers (Matza, 1964). Association with delinquent peers and lack of social control mechanisms result in females congregating together with likeminded others, which is eventually perceived and identified as a gang. This label is then reinforced through criminal and delinquent actions receiving negative social reactions from significant others (Tannenbaum, 1938). Understanding Female Motivations: Exiting GangsResearch Question 6: Why and how do females leave gangs?The ability of females to exit gangs proved to be problematic as a debate ensued as to whether total desistence was even possible. Some disparity was uncovered in expert and female gang member testimony that suggested the situation could either be easily achieved or subject to severe and deliberate consequences. The predicament here is therefore how do we explain why and how females exit gangs if they are unsure themselves?Terminating criminal activity is the point at which its stops and desistance is explained as the underlying process that leads to cessation (Laub and Sampson, 2001). Maruna (2001) described criminal desistance not as an event that happens, but rather as the ‘sustained absence of criminal behaviour’ (2001: 17). Here offending decelerates and exhibits less variety as the process continues. For Maruna (2001) true desistance can only occur once the individuals’ perspective of themselves change hence making criminals agents of their own change. Desistance is a process often associated with maturation that is frequently characterised by ambivalence and indecision. Desistance itself may be provoked by life events, or ‘sponsored’ by a significant other (McNeil and Maruna 2008). The importance of age and maturation in desistance has been highlighted in previous literature, with many reports claiming the link between the two is a natural progression (Decker and Lauritsen, 2002; Hastings et al., 2011; Vigil, 1988). Previous research has indicated that crime naturally declines with age with a total physiological ‘burnout’ expected after the age of 25 (Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1990:136; Glueck and Glueck, 1940) However can the same assumption be applied to gang membership?Previous literature on general criminal desistance has been used to provide insight into gang exit, discussing the significance of marriage, employment, parenthood, and other life course events (Decker and Lauritsen, 2002). As Hastings et al (2011:2) observed there is “little consensus on why and how youth leave a gang, or on what types of programs work to help accomplish this successfully”. The majority of research has focused on becoming a gang member rather than maintenance or desistance (Decker and Lauritsen, 2002). In their review of the criminal [and gang] desistence literature, Hastings et al (2011) concluded that gang membership is usually temporary, that most members leave eventually, and that exit is associated with maturity and life course events. This is supported by the current research as the majority of females expressed the importance of maturation in their actual or perceived desistence from gang. Females disclosed how they had future ambitions that they wish to achieve when they ‘grow up’ and subsequently understand that ‘gang membership’ is not for life. It is a safe assumption that if the development of gang membership is created through an extended process of interactions, then exiting a gang should occur along the same plane. This echoes the findings of Vigil (1988) who stated that exiting is a process that occurs over time and involves increasing ties to conventional activities and institutions. The most significant developmental occurrence for females was becoming a mother. This supports previous research by Fleisher and Krienert (2004). The authors found that pregnancy was the primary influence for females becoming inactive [from gangs] due to their need to settle down. However Fleisher and Krienert (2004) also acknowledged that some females did not completely desist from gang life after motherhood but simply reported a reduction in gang activities. The authors reported:“A few women in their early to mid-20s said they were still active gang members, but had stopped hanging out, fighting, and being ‘crazy.’ Pregnancy leads to a disinterest in hanging around the streets and an interest in the safety of the foetus that leads to reduced (or eliminated) drug use” (Fleisher and Krienert, 2004:619)Fleisher and Krienert (2004) touched on the possibility that female gang members could deliberately use pregnancy as a means of exiting gang, as they displayed a distinct awareness of the ability of motherhood to avoid repercussions from their gang. This would be an interesting observation as it would suggest a gendered implication in the desistence process. However not enough research has been done at this time to make such statements with any conviction. Suffice to say that the current sample of females did not disclose motherhood as a deliberate act of desistence but simply explained that it was a significant life course event that changed their perception of gangs. This does not however mean that exiting due to motherhood is a simple task. According to Hoang (2007) maturing or transitioning out of gang can be difficult due to barriers placed upon them through social and economic pressures. The author believed that women may be limited in their social and economic opportunities, and be hesitant to access social assistance upon leaving the gang for fear of their children being apprehended. Despite this Hoang cited females were more likely to report parenthood as a reason to exit the gang than male gang members (Hoang, 2007).Decker and Lauritsen (2002) also reported that personal experience of violence was commonly reported as a reason for leaving the gang. This is partially supported by the current research. Findings from the current sample indicate that first-hand as well as second-hand or witnessing extreme violence promoted desisting behaviours from females. Interviewees described traumatic incidents where themselves, a family member or gang colleague had been seriously injured or killed providing them with a motivation to leave the gang. Under these conditions females made a rational choice to leave based on the assessment of risk and a desire to avoid future conflict. Rational choice theory claims that individuals will make an informed decision whether or not to commit a crime by weighing up the costs and benefits. Decisions are based on the expected effort and reward in comparison to the costs and likelihood of severe punishment (Cornish and Clarke, 1986). Using this theory female gang members (as a consequence of a traumatic incident) assess the level of risk at remaining gang involved as too steep for the perceived benefits and as a result choose to leave the gang. Whilst this theory can account for the fact that leaving can be a rational decision by female gang members, it fails to account for how this process of desistence is achieved. Should female gang members believe that there would be no fear of reprisals from their gang as a reaction to their exit, rational choice theory could be applied. However should they anticipate punishments on behalf of the gang as ‘payment’ for leaving, the decision may not be as simple as first outlined. Previous research has documented a relationship between leaving a gang and retaliatory aggression (Molidor, 1996; Wang, 2000). For example Molidor (1996) reported that when females decide to leave gangs, they are raped and beaten by the other members. In addition, many females in the current sample reported having a ‘reality check’ after a significant law enforcement response to their crimes, either being arrested or incarcerated. This is in line with previous research by Baskin and Sommers (1998) who examined desistence from violent crimes by a selection of women in New York City. The authors discovered numerous factors that related to the decision to stop offending. These included criminal justice sanctions, the pains of imprisonment, isolation from family and friends, and physical and mental ‘‘wear and tear’’ of crime and ‘‘living the life’’ on the street. Although some research has claimed that individuals who are embedded in negative social groups are more likely to identify with the roles of the group and are less likely to transform their identity after imprisonment (Matsueda and Heimer, 1997), it is possible that a gender difference exists in responses to criminal justice sanctions, with females reporting a more positive outcome. Equally it is plausible, as Matsueda and Heimer suggest that the stronger social bond between the individual and the gang, the less likely individuals are to desist after incarceration. This would imply that females bond to the identity of the group may be less embedded than their male counterparts, hence the stronger effect of criminal justice sanctions on females. It is also plausible that females would receive increased levels of stigma following incarceration as they would be perceived as challenging traditional gender norms. However more research is needed in this area to clarify if a gender difference really exists in the process of gang desistence. However what is clear is that regardless of individual motivations for desisting gang membership, research has shown that individuals must be ready for it in order for the process to be successful (Totten and Dunn, 2011).Ladette to Gang Member: Theorising Gender and GangsResearch Question 7: Are existing definitions of gangs appropriate for gangs containing female members?It has been argued in the literature that femininity no longer exists in a stereotypical form in which females either conform to or abandon, but has evolved into a highly complex puzzle that is impossible for women to navigate through successfully. The current research would reject this notion however in favour of Dobson’s (2013) proposal that contemporary femininity has evolved to a place where both laddish and feminine behaviours have become normalised into popular culture, and that they work in conjunction to support and balance each other. Females in the current sample failed to disclose any internal or external conflict in their manifestations of their self-identities. This may reflect a fundamental shift in the societal view of what it is to be feminine. In general, young women of today appear more focussed on attaining social and economic independence than adhering to old-fashioned notions of the homemaker. The recent media influx surrounding the rise of the ladette culture may therefore simply be a reflection of this adjustment in gender expectations.Anne Campbell (1984) concluded that males and females within the gang structure tend to adopt positions that are available to them in wider society. In addition, many existing theories aimed at explaining female involvement in crime, and by default female gang membership centre on the notion that women’s increasing equality in society has directly led to their participation in crime (see Jackson and Tinkler, 2007; Redden and Brown 2010). If this is the case, and gang membership indeed reflects the wider ideologies of society then one would expect gender equality to be equivalently applicable in gang culture. However, the current study found that gang structure in particular serves to reinforce conceptions of gender inequality and patriarchal dominance. Thus, if gangs are such a ‘modern’ entity then why are they reinforcing outdated gender role stereotypes that are not applicable to the wider society?The ability to answer to this question is unfortunately outside the remit of the current thesis. However given the emphasis placed on gender in the definition, structure, roles and experiences of female gang members, the researcher believes it is important to consider when theorising about female gang membership. As a result the research supports the notion of applying a ‘gendered approach’ to explaining gang membership. In line with Steffensmeier and Allan (1996), the researcher recommends that any theory aimed at explaining gang membership should take into account both gender and sex differences as well as similarities and dynamics in order to better explain the complex interactions that makeup gangs. Given the flexibility and lack of boundaries that appear to surround gender roles in gangs, a theoretical approach that appreciates the delicate balance of gender versus sex would be more appropriate. In addition, the research advocates taking into account discrepancies in self-classification and the media on perceptions and definitions of female gang membership ConclusionEvidence documented in this chapter confirms that gangs represented in the current sample share many of the same characteristics documented by previous researchers investigating mixed gender gangs (Moore, 1991; Chesney-Lind, 1997; Joe Laidler and Hunt, 2001; Miller, 2001), auxiliary (Campbell, 1984), and all-female gangs (Taylor, 1993). However these previous definitions have attempted to encompass gangs as a social entity and explain their existence within the social context of the streets, thus little attention has been paid to individual members. Campbell (1990) stated that it is not the presence of females in gangs that is under dispute, but the form of their participation that is problematic. The current research has made significant developments in clarifying this issue. In summary a typology of female gang membership was proposed to explain female gang involvement in mixed gender gangs. The typology outlines three distinct categories of female that frame the structure of mixed gender gangs namely: (i) the tomboy, (ii) the wifey and (iii) the chick. Each ‘type’ of female had specific social and behavioural roles within the gang which were integral to the continued survival of the gang. Whilst previous research has downplayed the involvement of females in gangs to an ‘auxiliary’ capacity (Miller, 1975; Esbensen and Tusinski, 2007; Laidler and Hunt, 1997), stating the categorisation of female gang members was restrictive (Whyte, 1943; Spergel, 1964; Campbell, 1984; Short and Strodtbeck, 1965; Hanson, 1964; Rice, 1963), the current research promotes the importance of female gang member roles. The gender composition of gangs has a significant influence on group dynamics. Female gang members performed roles that were founded in their relations to male members. Whilst this role is subordinate it is in no way secondary, but equally as important as roles performed by male members. Previous research suggests that females in a dominantly male gang are more likely to conform to group norms (Blalock, 1967; Kanter, 1977), even if they do not internalise them but simply comply (Baron and Kerr, 2003). The fact that female gang members in the current sample felt under obligation to complete certain activities (usually criminal in nature) and their ability to show remorse for their actions suggests that this may be the case. Although the current research does not directly investigate the effects of conformity on female gang members, results do suggest that female gang members may simply comply to the demands of male gang members as opposed to internalising them. The typology also illustrates that female gang members, whilst existing in a hyper-masculine, patriarchal social structure, negotiate their own distinct form of urban femininity. In line with previous research (Messerschmidt, 1997; Laidler and Hunt, 1997) females in the current study were able to embrace culturally and socially traditional gender-roles under certain conditions and adopt more masculine tendencies under alternative circumstances. The means to which females negotiated this context specific form of femininity was dependent upon where they fitted in the typology, in essence whether they were identified as a tomboy, wifey or chick. Given the flexible nature of gender roles witnessed in the current research, it is possible to explain the concept of patriarchal dominance as a sex-difference as opposed to a gender-difference. It is therefore possible that in the hyper masculine world of gangs, sex supersedes gender in the social hierarchy.Whilst no all-female gangs were uncovered during the current investigation, intense scrutiny and focus by the UK print media is proposed to contribute towards the ‘myth of the female gang’ (Batchelor, 2001). Discrepancies between findings of the UK print media search and semi-structured interviews suggest that all-female gangs are typically associated with larger [male dominated] gangs. However it was hypothesised that since gang membership is in relative infancy in the UK compared to America, it is plausible that the existence of all-female gangs is an inevitable part of this development. Implications for these findings on future research, policy and practice will be addressed in the following chapter.Chapter 13: Conclusions and Implications Fundamentally, the current research aimed to investigate the nature of female involvement in mixed gender gangs across the UK through a gendered lens. Specific emphasis was placed on situating females in the structure of mixed gender gangs, discovering whether females consider themselves ‘members’ of gangs, identifying the roles females adopt in gangs and exploring how gender affects females’ gang experiences. In addition the research hoped to shed some light on how and why females join and leave gangs as well as exploring whether existing definitions of gangs, that have typically been written by male researchers about male gang members existing in a masculine social environment (Young, 2009), are suitable for gangs containing mixed gender dynamics. Evidence from interviews with current and former female gang members and leading experts proposed a typology of female gang membership similar to those previously documented by Campbell (1984) and Pearce and Pitts (2011). Three distinct categories of female gang member were outlined by the typology each of which displayed specific social and behavioural roles within the gang. Roles adopted by female gang members were embedded in their relationships to male gang members often displaying supportive and protective behaviours. It was argued that in contrast to previous research (Miller, 1975; Laidler and Hunt, 1997; Esbensen and Tusinski, 2007) the role of the female in the current study was integral to the success of the gang. Although females were subordinate to male members their roles were not considered secondary. Female gang members engaged in crime and violence on a regular basis, concealing stolen goods, drugs and weapons, acting as lookouts and distractions, and providing alibis and safe houses for the use of the gang. Although female gang members conformed to gang norms and values, they did not appear to internalise them simply displaying compliant behaviours as a result of respect and fear for their male counterparts (Baron and Kerr, 2003).The diversity of female gang members sampled, combined with evidence gathered from leading experts, suggested that simply explaining female gang membership as a by-product of socioeconomic status is restrictive. The current research proposes that the process of joining and leaving gangs for females is a developmental procedure as opposed to a rational choice (Cornish and Clarke, 1986). Joining gangs takes place through an intricate system of frequent interactions with delinquent peers whilst exiting gangs involves removing and distancing females from these negative associations. In line with previous research association with delinquent peers and lack of social control mechanisms resulted in females being able to drift in and out of gang membership (Sutherland and Cressey, 1960; Matza, 1964). Associations were subsequently reinforced through labelling (Tannenbaum, 1938). Similarly in support of previous research, evidence from the present study suggests that the primary motivation for females to exit gangs was maturation (Hastings et al., 2011). In addition, there was some suggestion that motherhood (Fleisher and Krienert, 2004) and experience of a traumatic incident (Baskin and Sommers, 1998; Decker and Lauritsen, 2002) had a bearing on females’ decisions to exit gangs. Whilst no all-female gangs were uncovered during the current investigation, it is proposed that intense focus and scrutiny by the UK media contributed towards sensationalising the image of the female gangster (Batchelor, 2001; Young, 2009). However it was clear that perceptions of female gang membership were not as clear cut as first anticipated. Many of the females interviewed throughout the current investigation failed to view themselves as gang members despite their frequent and intense involvement in gang related activities. This presents a problem for services designed to help combat the involvement of females in gangs across the UK. If females do not recognise themselves as gang members then identifying them as ‘at risk’ may be problematic. As a result of the conclusions of this research several implications can be drawn for areas of further research and political policy. Although findings from the current research have made a significant contribution to the understanding of the roles of females in mixed gender gangs across the UK, this is very much the start of the exploratory journey and not the finishing line. Until recently, female gang involvement has been either stereotyped or largely ignored particularly by British researchers (Miller, 2001; Bennett and Holloway, 2004). For a long time, females have been ‘present but invisible’ in gang culture (McRobbie and Garber, 1975). In order for this long standing neglect to be rectified much attention needs to be paid by academics and policy makers alike. Little is still known about the prevalence of female gang membership and its impact on gang-involved females. What is known thus far has been based on recommendations from American research or small scale research studies here in the UK (including the present study) that struggle with the issue of generalizability. Although research is beginning to address the issues surrounding female gang involvement such as behavioural and social roles, given the in-depth body of research gathered on male members, female research is still in its infancy here in the UK. On reflection should the current research be repeated or extended in some way, it may be beneficial to conduct follow-up interviews with identified female gang members. This would firstly allow the researcher to explore issues that may not have presented at the original time of interview and enable a stronger rapport to develop between interviewer and interviewee. Additionally given the emphasis placed on gender imbalance uncovered, the researcher intended to conduct a focus group with gang-involved young men which unfortunately failed to occur due to organisational restraints. Therefore this would be a potential area of extension for future research.In terms of policy recommendations, it is advised that any policies aimed at tackling the female gang problem in the UK centres on educating school-aged young women about healthy relationships. Evidence from the ROTA report (2010) suggests gang membership can have a negative impact on involved and affiliated females and advises that all gang policy be gender-proofed. The current research would advocate that recommendation and reinforce that gangs are a ‘violence against women’ issue. In closing, it is crucial within the complex social environment in which gangs exist, not to lose sight of the context by which information is generated. Through the course of this research young women have been identified that have been exposed to extreme crime and violence, sexual exploitation and domestic abuse through their gang membership. 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ZAGER, M. A. (2000) Gender and Crime. IN RAFTER, N. H. (Ed.) Encyclopaedia of Women and Crime. Arizona, The Oryx Press.ZATZ, M. S., PORTILLOS, E.L. (2000) Voices from the Barrio: Chicano/a gangs, families, and communities. Criminology, 38, 369.ZIMBARDO, P. G., (1969). The human choice: Individuation, reason, and order versus deindividuation, impulse, and chaos. Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 17, 237-307.ZIMMERMAN, M. A., MORREL-SAMUELS, S., WONG, N., TARVER, D., RABIAH, D., WHITE, S. (2004) Guns, Gangs, and Gossip: An Analysis of Student Essays on Youth Violence. Journal of Early Adolescence, 24, 385-411.Appendices179705777875Statement of Informed Consent ‘Female Gang Members in the UK’00Statement of Informed Consent ‘Female Gang Members in the UK’Appendix One: Consent FormsI understand that taking part in this project will involve me being interviewed about my experiences with and understanding of female involvement in gangs and gang-related violence. I understand that the criminologist interviewing me has no connections with the Criminal Justice System and that the information that I provide will not be passed on to third parties and will be used solely for the purposes of criminological research. I understand that the interview will take approximately one hour of my time. I understand that taking part in this research is entirely voluntary and I can ask questions at any time and withdraw from the study at any time for any reason. I understand that non-participation will have no negative consequences for myself. I understand that the information provided by me will be held totally anonymously, so that it is impossible to trace this information back to me individually. I understand that, in accordance with the Data Protection Act 1998, this information may be held indefinitely.I understand that the responses that I give are completely confidential. I also understand that confidentiality will not apply in the following circumstances:?If I mention something that shows a significant and previously undetected risk to myself or others;?If I mention identifying details that can link me to a serious offence that has not previously been disclosed.The consequences of giving detailed information about crimes for which you have not been convicted are that the interview will be terminated and the information may be passed to relevant criminal justice agencies.I, ……………………………………………………. (PRINT NAME) consent to take part in the study on Female Gang Members in the UK being conducted by Sarah J. Elliott, PhD student, Centre for Criminology, University of Glamorgan, South Wales.Signed:DatePseudonym: 49363-74963Statement of Informed Consent (Prison) ‘Female Gang Members in the UK’00Statement of Informed Consent (Prison) ‘Female Gang Members in the UK’I understand that taking part in this project will involve me being interviewed about my experiences with and understanding of female involvement in gangs and gang-related violence. I understand that the criminologist interviewing me has no connections with the Criminal Justice System and that the information that I provide will not be passed on to third parties and will be used solely for the purposes of criminological research. I understand that the interview will take approximately 45 minutes of my time. I understand that taking part in this research is entirely voluntary and I can ask questions at any time and withdraw from the study at any time for any reason. I understand that non-participation will have no negative consequences whatsoever on my time in custody. I understand that the information provided by me will be held totally anonymously, so that it is not possible to trace this information back to me individually. I understand that, in accordance with the Data Protection Act 1998, this information may be held indefinitely.I understand that the responses that I give are completely confidential. I also understand that confidentiality will not apply in the following circumstances:?If I mention something that shows a significant and previously undetected risk to myself or others;?If I mention identifying details that can link me to a serious offence that has not previously been disclosed.The consequences of giving detailed information about crimes for which you have not been convicted are that the interview will be terminated and the information may be passed to relevant criminal justice agencies.I, ……………………………………………………. (PRINT NAME) consent to take part in the study on Female Gang Members in the UK being conducted by Sarah J. Elliott, PhD student, Centre for Criminology, University of Glamorgan, South Wales.Signed:DatePseudonym: Appendix Two: Females Interview Schedule-263525278765Interview Schedule‘Female Gang Members in the UK’00Interview Schedule‘Female Gang Members in the UK’IntroductionHello my name is Sarah. As you know I have come here today to talk to you about females and gangs.First of all I would like to thank you for agreeing to meet with me and to remind you of the information contained on the consent form that you have already seen (run through and check that the interviewee is still happy and fully informed, etc). If you do not wish to answer a particular question then just say so and we will move on. Also, if you decide that you have had enough and want to stop then that is fine too. All of the information you provide in this interview will be completely anonymous. You will be assigned a pseudonym (false name) and ultimately a code. Please avoid disclosing to me any specific details, such as locations that might reveal your identity or anyone else that you may tell me about (previously stated in consent form). Would you mind if I tape recorded the interview? (If the interviewee refuses, say, ‘OK, I’ll take hand written notes’). Is there anything you would like to ask me before we start? Pseudonym………………………………….Interviewed by Sarah Elliott ……………………………………….…….. (Date)Part One: Gang AffiliationI would first like to ask you a few general questions about your experience of gangs in your area. Please answer these questions as honestly and accurately as possible. How would you define a gang?Ok if we agree then that a gang could be considered as:Any group of people who you mix with who meet up mainly on the streets, they might have a name, and might have their own territory, they may commit crimesHave you ever been a member of a gang? Are you currently still affiliated with them? Y/NIf no, ask them (for the purpose of the interview) to answer questions with their most recent gang membership in mindCan you describe this gang to me?(What does it look like)PROMPTSSize Gender RatioEthnicityAgeTurfTell me about how you identify with your gang and/or its members? PROMPTSNameTurfColours / ClothesTattoosCan you tell me more about how the gang operates(ed)? How does it work (in practice)?PROMPTSSub-gangs?LeadersHierarchyRoles (GENDER/AGE)Responsibilities (who)Ok, so what about the girls in the gang then, what do they do?PROMPTSWhat do girls do?Particular roleDifferent from men?Responsible for anythingHow does this work?What would you say is the main function/purpose of your gang? PROMPTSSecurity / protectionSocial / recreationCrimeFamilyAnti-social behaviourTell me about when you first joined the gang. What were the main reasons you joined? PROMPTSHow long memberHow much time spentHow often see other membersHow went about itLead into it?Family tiesPostcode / turfFriends / peersLifestyleMoneyCan you describe to me what being part of the gang means to you (what does it feel like?) PROMPTSDo you like itHow does it make you feel (about yourself)FamilySecurityPart of somethingHave you ever thought about leaving the gang? OR What made you leave your previous gang?(What factors influenced your decision to leave the gang / want to leave the gang?) PROMPTSLifestyle (exit)Family (commitments)Previous/other gangsOther membersGrew apart from itUnhappyPart Two: Recent Events Ok, now I would like you to tell me about a typical day in the gang. Please start at the beginning: As I said earlier, I don’t want to know about dates, names or places or any other identifying information. But I would like to know roughly what happens on a typical day.PROMPTSWhere do you go?What do you doHow does stuff happenWho is there / how manyIs this always how it works/how things happenIf mentioned crime in Q9 – explore the issue further in Q10 Now I’d like you to focus on a particular day that you can remember when the gang (and you) took part in some form of criminal activity. REMEMBER NO IDENTIFIABLE DATA.Can you tell me what happened? Exploratory pointsKind of offence Was it committed on behalf of a the gangWho’s idea was it to do this/go there?Where was it? (setting)When was is?Who was presentWhy this particular type of offenceWhat lead up to this event happening? If taxed, ask about the start of the day and lead on from there.RivalryRetaliation Was it plannedCan you talk me through EXACTLY what happened?How was event approached / did it transpireWas anything saidWere there others present (witnesses)WeaponsViolenceWhat about yourself? What were you doing?Where were you?Why did you decide to get involved? (main factor)What was your role?If any, what were the other girls doingWhat were the boys doing (if any)Did everybody have jobs to do?What were you thinking about at the time?What happened afterwards?Did you get what you wanted?What did you want?What happened afterwards? Did you leave the area?Where did you go immediately after the event?Were you worried about retaliation/consequences Is this normally how these things go down/happen? Do these type of things happen a lotThat’s great thank you very much. If I could just take a few details from you before we finish.PERSONAL DETAILS1. How old are you? ............................................2. How would you describe your race? .............................................3. How would you describe your relationship status? .........................................4. Do you have any children? …………………………… If so, how many?.............5. Can you describe your current employment status? ……………………………..If not applicable please describe your previous employment status................................................................................................................6. How old were you when you left full-time education? …………7. How would you describe your sexual orientation?3333750-317500Heterosexual (straight)3333750-381000Homosexual (gay or lesbian)3333750508000Bisexual33337501397000Other33337503238500Do not wish to respondThank you very much for taking the time to participate in the current study, your input is greatly appreciated. 0813435‘Expert’ Interview‘Female Gang Members in the UK’00‘Expert’ Interview‘Female Gang Members in the UK’Appendix Three: Experts Interview ScheduleIntroductionFirst of all, I would like to thank you for agreeing to meet with me. As you know my research focuses on the involvement of females in UK gangs. This is an under researched area particularly within the UK. I am hoping through my research to develop a greater knowledge and understanding of the factors that influence female gang membership. As part of the research I am hoping to interview some former and current female gang members. I would also like to gather information from ‘experts’ (such as yourself) who work with these girls on the frontline.The main aims of the research are to uncover the physical structure of females in gangs in terms of organisation, hierarchy and leadership; what being part of a gang means to these girls including their motivations for membership and beliefs about gang activities, the roles and responsibilities they undertake within the gang; and information regarding the extent and nature of females’ involvement in crime and violence. At this point I would just like to assure you that the information I collect from you today is for the purpose of the current research study only, your name and occupation will be kept confidential and will not be printed in the final documentation. If you prefer not to answer any question please just say and we will move on. Would you mind if I recorded the interview please? Y/N – if no take hand written notesName of interviewee: _________________________________________Interviewed by:Sarah ElliottDate of Interview: ___________________Location of interview: _________________________________________Length of interview: ___________________________________________I would like to start by asking you a few general questions about your experience of working with gang members, particularly females within your area of expertise. 1) Gang Knowledge and ExperienceCould you clarify for me please, in what capacity do you work with gangs?In what context do you work with themWhat do you do with themWhat are your aims (motivation/direction)Response/Success rate of the work/initiativeHow long have you been working with gangs in your area? 2) Gang Characteristics I’d like to ask you now a little bit about the gangs in your area? How many gangs would you say operate in your area?Where do they operate-neighbourhoods/boundariesAre there rival gangs/turfSub gangs/cliquesSizeIdentifying features – clothes/tattoos/coloursLength of existenceAny disbanded3) Gang Member CharacteristicsCan you now tell me a little more about the gang members in these gangs?Background (social/economic)Ethnicity/nationalityAge rangeLength of serviceGender ratio4) Gang Purpose/FunctionIn your experience what would you say is the main function/purpose of these gangs?Crime / violenceIf so, what types of crime/violenceMotivations for participatingNumber and frequency of incidentsAnti-social behaviourIf so, what types behaviours and reasons for doing soNumber and frequency of incidentsDrugs/alcohol If so, what types and motivationsNumber and frequency of usageSocial support/friendshipFinancial gainProtection/securityIf more than one (gang) ask about each individually5) Gang Structure and OperationsI would like to explore now how do the gangs work? How do they operate / how are they set upDo all the gangs operate in the same/similar fashionDo they have a certain structure/organisationHow does this work?HierarchyLeadership / Middle men / Foot soldiersAre different (types) members responsible for certain activities (i.e. drugs/weapons)Can one rise up the ranks? If so, how?What are the main reasons for this?Length of serviceAgeGender6) Gender RatioI would just like to explore the gender ratio in gangs a bit furtherHave you come across many female gang members through your experiences with these gangs?How many Clarify: Autonomous female / mixed genderHow do they fit into the gangsWhat do they do?RolesResponsibilitiesActivitiesHow do you think they are seen/treated by their fellow members (males and females)7) Gang Membership Motivation / InitiationKeeping these female gang members/associates in mind, in your experience:Why do you think these they get involved in the gangs in the first place?EnvironmentMoneyFamily tiesPostcodeHow do they become members Initiation8) Exiting the GangI assume through your line of work, you may have come across young people (females) that wanted to leave the gang. I’d like to explore this issue a little further:In your experience what would make these young girls want to leave?Are you aware of how they would go about exiting the gangs?Could you tell me about itInitiation9) Tackling the Gang ProblemCan you tell me a little more about what is being done to tackle the female gang problem in your area?Is it seen as a big problem How do the gang members respond to authorities (e.g. Police)How do gangs and individual members respond to interventionsHow is the local area (community) responding to itResources respondingOfficialPublic10) Is there any information/details about gangs in your area that we have not touched upon in this interview that you believe would be beneficial to the current research? 11) Are you aware of any other informed individuals in this area you believe it would be beneficial for us to speak to?If so, could you please provide their contact details12) As stated at the onset of this interview, one of the main aims of the research is to conduct interviews with gang involved females (former and current). Would you be able to facilitate this request on behalf of the current study and if so, would you be prepared to do so?______________________ (NAME) I’d like to thank you again for your time, it is very much appreciated.Appendix Four: Media Sources Used128 national and regional newspapers were accessed in total, identifying over 3,000 articles over a period of nine years. Relevant articles were discovered in the following 57 publications: The Daily Express/The Express on SundayThe Daily Mirror/The Sunday MirrorFinancial Times Scotland on Sunday Scotsman Sunday BusinessThe Sunday PeopleThe Bath ChronicleBristol Evening PostBurnley ExpressDewsbury ReporterEvening Gazette Evening Standard Evening Telegraph The Gazette Harrogate Advertiser Lancaster Guardian Lincolnshire Echo Mail/Sunday MercuryNorthampton Chronicle and EchoNorthern Echo Peterborough Evening TelegraphThe Plymouth Evening Herald The Portsmouth Evening NewsThe StarThis is Hampshire ??The Times (London) ??Times Educational Supplement ?The VisitorWestern Daily PressWigan Observer Birmingham Evening Mail??Birmingham Post Daily Mail and Mail on Sunday?Daily Post (Liverpool) Daily Record and Sunday Mail??The Daily Telegraph (London) ??Evening News (Edinburgh) ??The Evening Standard (London) ?Evening Times (Glasgow) The Guardian (London) ??The Herald (Glasgow) ??The Independent (London) ?Johnston Press PlcLiverpool Echo ?Manchester Evening News ??Midland Independent Newspapers ??The Observer ?The People ??Regional Independent Media ?The Scotsman and Scotland on Sunday??South Wales Echo ?The Sunday Express ??Sunday Mercury UK NewsQuest Regional Press?The Western Mail??Yorkshire Post ................
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