The Life and Times of Michael Staines



‘The Life and Times of Michael Staines’Galway Mayo Institute of TechnologyMayo CampusJohn KingB.A. in Heritage Studies (Honours) 2015Name of Supervisor:Ms. Fiona White Submitted on the 27th of March“This dissertation was submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Arts (Honours) Degree in Heritage at Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology, Mayo Campus”.I hereby declare that this dissertation is of my own workX_______________________________________________________Acknowledgments I wish to thank Ms Fiona White for her guidance, perseverance and patience throughout this dissertation. I would also like to thank the staff of Heritage Studies for their contribution to this research. Special thanks to Tom Murtagh of Claremorris Library and Ivor Hamrock of Mayo County Library for being generous with their time and advice on this dissertation. Also thanks to Gerald Delaney of South Mayo Family Research who was of great assistance throughout this research. I would also like to thank my family for their support, understanding and patience while I worked on this dissertation. AbstractFigure 1 Michael Staines in the early 1920s Commissioner CITATION Gar14 \l 2057 (Garda Museum, 2014)The purpose of this study is to present a biographical account of Michael Staines, best known as the first Commissioner of An Garda Siochána the study intends to provide a written account of his life and his contribution to the formation of the new state both as a politician, revolutionary and freedom fighter during the war of independence. He also filled important organisational roles in during Sinn Fein’s election victories in the lead up to the first Dáil, where he was elected himself as a Sinn Fein TD. He fought in the Easter Rising and was interned in Frongoch, where he became leader of the prisoners thereHe also played a vital role in keeping the peace during the truce, and got involved in other important work, such as the National Aid Association, and the re organisation of the Volunteers after the failure of the rising.He got involved in the formation of the new Police Force; his peacekeeping roles during the truce made him the natural choice of becoming the first commissioner of the newly formed Garda Siochána.However his position as commissioner was short lived and he was forced to resign due a mutiny among the new recruits. He had a very inconsistent political career, successful in the early years, but struggled to succeed in politics in the new state as it developed into a modern western democracyTable of Contents TOC \o "1-3" \h \z \u Acknowledgments PAGEREF _Toc414968327 \h iAbstract PAGEREF _Toc414968328 \h iiTable of Contents PAGEREF _Toc414968329 \h iiiTable of Illustrations PAGEREF _Toc414968330 \h vChapter 1: Introduction PAGEREF _Toc414968331 \h 1Chapter 2: Literature Review PAGEREF _Toc414968332 \h 2Chapter 3: Methodology PAGEREF _Toc414968333 \h 5Primary resources PAGEREF _Toc414968334 \h 5Personal papers and interviews PAGEREF _Toc414968335 \h 5Military Archive Interviews PAGEREF _Toc414968336 \h 5The Garda Museum PAGEREF _Toc414968337 \h 5Census and other records PAGEREF _Toc414968338 \h 5Chapter 4: Early Life PAGEREF _Toc414968339 \h 64.1 Michael Joseph Staines 1885-1921 Early life PAGEREF _Toc414968340 \h 64.2 The political Background in Ireland at the Time PAGEREF _Toc414968341 \h 74.3 The 1916 Rising PAGEREF _Toc414968342 \h 74.4 Staines as leader of the prisoners in Frongoch PAGEREF _Toc414968343 \h 94.5 Political life PAGEREF _Toc414968344 \h 104.6 New Ireland Assurance collecting Society PAGEREF _Toc414968345 \h 164.7 National Aid Association. PAGEREF _Toc414968346 \h 164.8 Background to war of independence PAGEREF _Toc414968347 \h 174.9 Reorganising the volunteers PAGEREF _Toc414968348 \h 174.10 On the Sinn Fein executive following The German Plot PAGEREF _Toc414968349 \h 184.11 Michael Staines Political Career PAGEREF _Toc414968350 \h 194.12 The Belfast Boycott PAGEREF _Toc414968351 \h 234.13 Staines arrest PAGEREF _Toc414968352 \h 24Chapter 5: 1921-1955 PAGEREF _Toc414968353 \h 265.1 Liaison Officer in Mayo and Galway (1921) PAGEREF _Toc414968354 \h 265.2 Liaison officer for the jails PAGEREF _Toc414968355 \h 275.3 Staines appointed chairman of the Police organising committee PAGEREF _Toc414968356 \h 285.4 The Kildare Mutiny PAGEREF _Toc414968357 \h 295.5 Inquiry into the Mutiny PAGEREF _Toc414968358 \h 315.6 Staines later life PAGEREF _Toc414968359 \h 32Chapter 6: Conclusion PAGEREF _Toc414968360 \h 34Bibliography PAGEREF _Toc414968361 \h 37Appendix PAGEREF _Toc414968362 \h 42Appendix 1 PAGEREF _Toc414968363 \h 42Appendix 2 PAGEREF _Toc414968364 \h 43Appendix 3 PAGEREF _Toc414968365 \h 44Appendix 4 PAGEREF _Toc414968366 \h 45Appendix 5 PAGEREF _Toc414968367 \h 46Table of Illustrations TOC \h \z \c "Figure" Figure 1 Young Michael Staines: on the left in the early 1920s and on the right he is the first Gárda Commissioner (Garda Museum, 2014) PAGEREF _Toc414897841 \h iiFigure 2 1901 Census of Ireland of the Staines Family PAGEREF _Toc414897842 \h 6Figure 3 1901 Census of Ireland showing Edward Staines ,Father of Micheal RIC man in Ballaghaderien PAGEREF _Toc414897843 \h 7Figure 4 1911 Census of Ireland showing the Staines Family in Dublin PAGEREF _Toc414897844 \h 8Figure 5 Plunkett Election Badge PAGEREF _Toc414897845 \h 14Figure 6 Election Posters from Longford 1917 PAGEREF _Toc414897846 \h 15( Oireachtas Members Database, Longford by Election 1917) Figure 7 Election results for Longford 1917 PAGEREF _Toc414897847 \h 15( Oireachtas Members Database, 1917)Figure 8 Election results for Clare 1917 PAGEREF _Toc414897848 \h 17Figure 9 Election Posters from Clare 1917 PAGEREF _Toc414897849 \h 17Figure 10 First Dail 1918 PAGEREF _Toc414897850 \h 21Figure 11 Staines Election Lapel 1918 PAGEREF _Toc414897851 \h 22 (Mayo County Libary, 2015) Figure 12 Staines Election Posters 1918 PAGEREF _Toc414897852 \h 23Figure 13 Record of Staines election Results PAGEREF _Toc414897853 \h 24(Irish Times, 2010) Figure 14 Photograph of Staines in Later life PAGEREF _Toc414897854 \h 35Figure 15 Staines final resting place PAGEREF _Toc414897855 \h 35Chapter 1: IntroductionThe aims and objective of this study is to examine the contribution of Michael Staines to Irish History. The main aim is to provide a biographical account of the life, times, contribution and legacy of Michael Staines to the formation of the new State. No books have been written directly about Michael Staines and much of the information on him is confined to other books and publications related to that period of Irish history from around 1913 to 1923 when he was an active participant in the struggle for Irish independenceThis study will examine Michael Staines, born in Newport County Mayo before the family moved to Ballaghaderreen, County Roscommon where his father, Edward, an RIC constable was stationed. This study will trace the events that shaped his life, from his early childhood in Mayo to his early interest in revolutionary politics when he moved to Dublin in 1902. This will include his early days in the Gaelic League, and his introduction to political nationalism in 1913 when he joined the Irish Volunteers and became a member of the IRB. He quickly became quarter master to several companies In Dublin and was close to Padraig Pearce in the lead up to the 1916 rising. He was a quarter masters in the GPO during the rising and was later interned in Frongoch prison in Wales where he became was a key leader of the prisoners.On his release he got involved in the National Aid Association, which also acted as a cover in re organising the volunteers and was director of supplies. He also filled important organisational roles during Sinn Fein’s by election victories in Roscommon, Longford, and Clare. He got elected himself in the first Dáil in 1918, and was involved other important work such as , establishing the Dáil courts, and becoming the first director of the Belfast boycott, which was taken in retaliation to Unionist treatment of Catholics in Ulster at the timeIn 1920 he was imprisoned and after his release as a leading member of the IRB. He was active in providing several vital functions to the struggle, including peace keeper and liaison officer in Mayo/Galway during the period of the truce, .In the words of Richard Mulcahy he was the obvious choice as the first commissioner of the Gárda Siochána when it was established in 1923.However he lost control of the force during the Kildare Mutiny and resigned his position. He was involved in politics both as alderman, T.D. and senator, during the early years of the new Free State.Chapter 2: Literature ReviewThe aim of this Literary Review is to identify the relevant secondary sources of information at National level and local level to put the story in context, in his contribution to Irish history. This study will examine the secondary literary sources available on his early life growing up in Newport and follow his revolutionary life as part of the Gaelic league, Volunteers, the 1916 rising, to his imprisonment in Frongoch. It will also examine the period he worked with the National Aid Association his involvement in Sinn Fein politics and local politics. Right up until he was made first commissioner, his relationship with Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy, of the Garda Siochána, and also his political career suffered mixed fortunes in the early years of the new state. The fact that Staines did not write a biography or keep any dairy or personal records means there is limited information that can be gathered, except those on public record and libraries. What he was like as a man? His temperament and character, his strengths and weaknesses can only be judged by a small amount of writings in newspapers and brief mentions in a number of books from the period, and also from people he had dealings with, People like Michael Collins, Eamon Duggan, Eamon De Valera, all comrades he worked alongside during the struggle for independence, Much of the information on his life comes from his own personal Military Archive interview given in 1955 shortly before his death. Other comrades mention him in their own military interviews, people like Liam Tobin who was director of intelligence for Collins, and worked with him in Henshaws in the lead up to the rising. Also Frank Thornton, who with Staines, was involved in setting up the New Ireland Assurance Collecting Society. He had a successful political career in the early years, first as an Alderman in Dublin Corporation and then as a Sinn Fein TD on two occasions, and as a Fine Gael TD on two more occasions in the early years of the new state. However he failed to regain his seat in three attempts’ getting less than 6% of the vote, was made a senator in 1930, but had little impact on Irish political life from the 20’s onwards.Some writers such as Padraig yates have a more critical view of Staines, he says he was promoted at an early stage in the lead up to the 1916 rising “not on ability alone” but on the important position he held in Henshaws” others like W.J. Brennan-Whitmore have a different view of Staines, describing him as: “a highly efficient officer who earned the respect of every individual prisoner. In his book “the Irish in Frongoch.Some of the secondary sources include information from the Collins 22 Society; this society examines the life of Michael Collins and Irish history in general from that time. Michael Staines was a close associate of Collins. The books used to cover this period of time include, the Guardians of the peace published in 1974 gives a good insight into the political developments that took place before and during the establishing of the Garda Siochána, in which Staines was involved, as well as a brief history of the Republican police which was used to enforce the rulings of the Sinn Féin courts during the brief period immediately after the truce. It also gives a brief history of the old RIC and some of its members that went on to join the new Garda Siochána. A History of the Garda Siochána a book by Liam McNiffe covers a wide range including the social history of the new police force, its transition from old RIC to the new Garda force and how many ex RIC members brought into the new force to continue the line of professional policing caused resentment and led to the Kildare muting which brought about the early resignation of Michael Staines. This book investigates the reasons why the earliest recruits of the Civic Guard took up arms against their own masters and brought about a significant security risk that had direct implications for both the civil war and the future structure of its successor, An Garda Síochána.The Civic Guard Mutiny by Brian McCarthy goes into great detail about the Kildare mutiny which brought about the resignation of Micheal Staines as commissioner after only a period of a few months. The events surrounding the Civic Guard Mutiny of 1922 have remained relatively unknown. Despite the presence of the relevant files in the National Archives of Ireland, the mutiny has largely been overlooked or briefly summarised in publications devoted to the history of Irish policing, even though senior political figures of the time were involved. Up until the 60’s, only one of the veterans of the mutiny wrote a series of short articles called smothered silence. This book investigates the reasons why the earliest recruits of the Civic Guard took up arms against their own masters and brought about a significant security risk that had direct implications for both the civil war and the future structure of its successor, An Garda Síochána.The decision of the Government to establish a new police force modelled on the disbanded and Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), which has been the target of republican attacks in the War of Independence between 1919 and 1921. The transition of police power from the RIC to the Civic Guard is identified as the moment Staines and the Government failed to take decisive action to avert an imminent mutiny. This book examines the actual events of the mutiny, but also the fallout from the inquiry which helped mould the future of Irish policing that evolved into the present day Garda Siochána.The Royal Irish Constabulary by Jim Herlihy is a comprehensive history of the RIC and its members in Ireland Books at local level include the East Mayo Brigade by Tom Redditch which covers this period of the troubles in Mayo and also “wrap the green flag around me “covers the Mayo/Roscommon area during this time period.The local history sections of the Libraries of Mayo, Galway and Roscommon have much information, such a sold photographs and copies of election posters and old newspaper cuttings from this period.The Garda Museum in Dublin Castle has a large amount of information and articles of Garda and RIC interest from the period. The study will also examine primary sources such as newspapers of the time and military interviews, one in which Michael Staines gave to the Military archives in 1955 shortly before his death. There are many books that portray this period of Irish history at national level and can put the study in context to what was going on in the background.Chapter 3: MethodologyPrimary resourcesMuch of the primary information was sourced from local and National Newspapers of the time. The literature at local level in the Mayo and Galway County libraries is about the war of independence and the bitter civil war that followed. Some of the participations of this area made contact in some way with Michael Staines and Joe Ring in their role as liaison officers during the truce and in this way this information and their stories are relevant. This is also the case in the Roscommon area where he lived as a child and returned later to organise the successful Sinn Fein campaign for the bye elections of 1917 in North Roscommon, Longford and later Clare where De Valera was easily elected.Personal papers and interviewsMany visits were made to the local history section of Castlebar County Library where some primary material was found. This included photographs and old election posters used by Michael Staines when he stood for election for Sinn Fein in Dublin for the first Dáil in 1918.A visit was also made to the Galway and Roscommon local library to find local information on the important organisational role he played during the Sinn Fein bye election victories of North Roscommon, Longford and Clare, and also the important role he played as liaison officer with his deputy Joe Ring between the British in Galway/Mayo and the IRA immediately after the truce.Military Archive InterviewsMost of the interviews are from the Military Archives which includes Staines interview as well as many of his colleagues at the time: including Tom Tobin head of intelligence for Michael Collins, and Frank Thornton, who was involved with Staines in establishing the New Ireland Assurance Collecting Society. The Garda MuseumThe Garda museum is another important source of both primary and secondary resources including old photographs, newspaper Cuttings and many artefacts and documents from there collection in relation to Staines. This involved a day trip to Dublin to visit the museum. Census and other recordsThis involved a visit to Gerald Delaney in the South West Mayo Family Resource centre in Ballinrobe to check the census and get background information on the Staines Family Chapter 4: Early Life 4.1 Michael Joseph Staines 1885-1921 Early lifeMichael Joseph Staines Revolutionary, freedom fighter and politician is best known as the first Garda commissioner; however his contribution is much greater in the period of the troubles between 1913 and 1923, during the struggle for Irish Independence. He was born in Newport County Mayo, the son of an RIC man. His father Edward was a farmer’s son ,and native of County Carlow, he was stationed in Newport at the time, but was transferred to Ballaghaderreen shortly afterwards, the family moved to County Roscommon after Michael was born, The 1901 Census picks up the family in Newport, his mother Margaret is from Newport, Michael is 13 years old at this point, his brother Humphrey is Eight years old, and his father (head of Household) is interred in form H, which is specific for RIC personnel , he is entered as E.S. initials only in Ballaghaderreen station, which was normal practice for RIC census form H. Michael is entered as born in Mayo; the next sibling is born in Roscommon, one year later as is all the rest of the family, suggesting they moved within a year of Michaels birth The 1911 census picks up the family living in Murtagh Road Arron Quay in Dublin. At this point Michael is entered as working as an Iron Monger (Henshaws) his Figure 2 1901 Census of Ireland of the Staines Family1901 census form showing the Staines family in Newport, Michael is 15years old and born in MayoFigure 3 1901 Census of Ireland showing Edward Staines, Father of Micheal RIC man in Ballaghaderreen (1901 Census showing Edward Staines E.D. interred in form H (RIC) Ballinagare Ballaghaderreen Barracks)Figure 4 1911 Census showing the Staines Family living at Murtagh Road Arron Quay Dublin, Michael Staines is 25 , occupation Iron Mongers assistant (Henshaws of Dublin)Staines in his military interview briefly mentions his childhood in Roscommon he saysI went to Ballaghaderreen to endeavour to contact Michael Judge. At the railway station I met Fr. Gildea who greeted me. He remembered me from the time I lived in the district and had not returned there since I left it thirteen years beforeCITATION Col15 \l 2057 (Staines,M, 1955).4.2 The political Background in Ireland at the TimeThe beginning of the 20th century had seen the growth of a new kind of nationalism that appealed to young Irish men and women. This nationalism appeared in the form of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) founded in 1884, the Gaelic League, founded in 1893, and Sinn Fein founded in 1905. At first there appeared little threat to the established order. The Irish Parliamentary Party under John Redmond had recovered from the split caused by Charles Stuart Parnell’s involvement in a divorce scandal in 1880. Redmond had allied the Irish Parliamentary party with the British liberal party in an attempt to achieve Home rule for Ireland. Although control of finance and defence would remain with Parliament, Home Rule would give a significant amount of freedom to Ireland within the greater British Empire CITATION Pri13 \l 6153 (Price, 2013)Home Rule divided the Ulster Unionists and the rest of the country. Conflict between the UVF and the Irish Volunteers seemed likely with both sides importing guns. Then on the 4th of August 1914 the outbreak of the First World War put Home rule on hold until the war was over. As Britain got more imbedded in the war, the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) emerged. This organisation was committed to establishing an Independent Irish republic. By 1914 this group had infiltrated most nationalist organisations, like the GAA, Gaelic League and the Volunteer’s which split over Redmond’s decision to support the war, on the promise of Home rule which might never be delivered. A minority of Volunteers, who rejected Redmond’s policy, became the nucleus of the new group hoping to achieve Irish independence CITATION Pri13 \l 2057 (Price, 2013).4.3 The 1916 RisingOn Easter Monday 1916, the IRB, having secretly organised the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizens army, seized key buildings around Dublin. A proclamation declaring an Irish republic was read from the steps of the GPO by Padraig Pearce the commander of the rebels. The rising continued for week destroying the centre of Dublin. However it failed to take off nationally because of stand down orders from Eoin McNeil due to misunderstanding in the planning of the rising and the capture of the Aud, a German ship supplying arms of the coast of Kerry CITATION Pri13 \l 6153 (Price, 2013).In the aftermath of the rising, the British ordered the execution of the leaders, and this was the catalyst that transformed Irish public opinion from being content with Home Rule to demanding a complete Irish republic. Sinn Fein was wrongly blamed for the rising and over 3,000 people were imprisoned, this gave the younger members of the IRB and the Irish Volunteer’s time to analyse the military failure of the rising, men like Collins and Mulcahy planned to continue the fight, but on different terms. This time using guerrilla tactics, based on intelligence and hit and run raids that were to characterise the war of Independence CITATION Pri13 \l 2057 (Price, 2013)It was against this background that Michael Staines got involved in Nationalist politics when he moved to Dublin in1902. He became treasurer of the Colmcille branch of the Gaelic League, but did not get involved in political nationalism until 1913, when he attended the inaugural meeting of the Irish Volunteer’s. He became quartermaster to many of the companies that drilled at Colmcille Hall, and in 1915 became quartermaster to the Dublin Brigade He worked for Henshaws , the Ironmongers, and was ideally placed to reroute arms and ammunition from Henshaws to his comrades CITATION Fos14 \l 2057 (Foster, 2014).The following gives an idea of what it was like for the organisers in the planning of the rising. The following is from the Military Archive interview WS 1753 of Liam Tobin Director of intelligence for the IRA under Michael Collins , who also worked in Henshaws with Staines in the months leading up to the rising“I got employment in the hardware firm of Smiths of Capel Street. Later I went to Brooks Thomas's, and just before Easter Week I had gone to Henshaws in Christchurch Place.“Michael Staines, who was at that time connected with the Q.M.G.'s department of the Irish Volunteers, was also employed in Henshaws. Frank Harding was also there. Staines was terminating his employment some weeks before Easter Week, and he told me to ascertain what shotguns, small arms, and, as far as I can remember, pike handles and stuff like that might be in Henshaws.. He also gave me the first hint that the coming Easter might be the time that we were going to fight. "Well, I'll see you on Easter Sunday", or some such thing. I could not understand at the time why he did not say where. As events turned out, it was the Easter Rising he had been referring to. As well as I can remember I did succeed in bringing away, or having some stuff removed from Henshaws, such as - shotguns, shotgun cartridges and things like thatCITATION Ton15 \l 2057 (Tobin, 1954)According to Padraig Yates, Staines had little time for politics or politicians and he joined the volunteer’s because it was a non-sectarian and non-political organisation, He owed his rapid rise to quartermaster of the Dublin Brigade not only to ability, but to the fact that he worked in Henshaws And was able to buy guns from gunsmiths in the city, and his brother Humphrey, a seaman who smuggled guns in through Liverpool port.CITATION Yat11 \l 2057 (Yates, 2011)According to stains himself in his own interview “every man in the company had a rifle, I obtained them from the IRB, revolvers and shotguns from Henshaws where I worked, shotguns and revolvers from Garnetts and Keegans gunsmiths, others was bought from British soldiers. My brother Humphrey who worked on the liner the’ Baltic’ used to bring in revolvers from America, twenty at a time through LiverpoolCITATION McG11 \l 2057 (McGarry, 2011)Staines was also on the general counsel of the Irish Volunteer’s and a member of the IRB; this brought him close to Padraig Pearce in the months leading up to the rising where he became national quartermaster.According to Dominic Price, during the rising he fought in the GPO and was one of the stretcher bearers for James Connolly as he was taken wounded from the building. After the rising he was interned at Wakefield and Frongoch in North Wales where he became a key leader of the prisoners in South camp, running the camp along military lines CITATION Pri13 \l 2057 (Price, 2013).4.4 Staines as leader of the prisoners in FrongochFollowing the Easter Rising over 1,800 Irish rebels were imprisoned in Frongoch including Staines, the site was a former whiskey distillery in North Wales. It soon became a centre of Revolution and among its prisoners were Michael Collins & Richard Mulcahy. Staines was first sent to Wakefield and later Frongoch. Frongoch had initially held German prisoners of war. Most of the Irish were interned without trial and many had not been supportive of the rebel cause initially but were converted during their time there. The experience of the prisoners was an important part of the propaganda to win support for the nationalist cause in the lead up to the War of Independence CITATION Tow05 \l 6153 (Townshend, 2005).The total numbers deported to England after the Rising amounted to 2,519. These men were held in various prisons for a few weeks and 650 were released early, leaving 1,863 which were interned in Frongoch. These men were held under the Defence of the Realm Act, 1914, which stated that they were 'suspected of having honoured, promoted or assisted an armed insurrection against His Majesty. Staines was elected Commandant of the prisoners after the former Commandant J.J. O'Connell was sent to Reading jail on 30 June.Attempts to conscript into the British army in Frongoch proved to be contentious between the prisoners and the guards. The prisoners did not want to fight for Britain, and in addition they were concerned that acceptance of conscription in Frongoch would lead to the introduction of conscription in Ireland. Roughly sixty men in Frongoch had lived in Britain before the Rising and were deemed liable for conscription CITATION Tow05 \l 6153 (Townshend, 2005).W.J. Brennan-Whitmore describes Staines as maintaining “a very difficult position with remarkable efficiency and tact”, throughout the troubles in Frongoch. By December 1916 all the Irish prisoners had been repatriated and the camp was closed down.CITATION Sea15 \l 2057 (Anon., 2015). W. J. Brennan-Whitmore was a Wexford journalist and British Army veteran who joined Sinn Fein in 1910. Because of his?military knowledge he was appointed to the Volunteers general staff in the lead-up to the Easter Rising. He commanded a position in North Earl Street during the Rising, and was interned in Frongoch. He later worked for?Michael Collins during the War of Independence and supported the Treaty. He retired from the Irish Army in 1926, and became an?active member of Clann Na Póblachta. CITATION Bre14 \l 2057 (Brennan, 2014).4.5 Political lifeStaines and the other Prisoners arrived back in Dublin on Christmas Eve, 1916, to a great welcome. Although the Rising had been a military failure, the executions had made them national heroes. On his arrival home Staines took up employment with the prisoner support group, the Irish National Aid Association and Volunteer dependants Fund, of which Collins was general secretary. Staines used this job as a front to resume activity on behalf of the IRB and to begin reviving the Irish Volunteer’s. He was on the executive of the reorganised Volunteers and was director of supplies. He also filled the important organisational role during Sinn Fein’s by election victories in Roscommon North, Longford and Clare. CITATION Don15 \l 6153 (Donnelly, 2015)“When the vacancy in the representation of North Roscommon in the British Parliament arose I went down to Roscommon at the suggestion of the O'Dohertys and P.T. Keohane to organise the constituency for Count Plunkett.”. CITATION Sta55 \l 2057 (Staines, 1955)One important event that took place on the 20th January 1917, which did not seem important at the time, was the expulsion of Count Plunkett from the membership of the Royal Dublin Society. Count Plunkett was the father of Joseph Plunkett who had been executed as one of the leaders of the Easter Rising, his other two sons were serving jail sentences for taking part in the rising; and this was the only reason for his expulsion. The Royal Dublin Society was seen as a British institution dominated by Loyalists and its action was seen as an insult to the Plunkett family. CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955)Soon however an opportunity came to test public opinion. The parliamentary seat of North Roscommon fell vacant when the sitting MP James Joseph O’Kelly, the Irish Parliamentary representative died and Count Plunkett was nominated in opposition to Mr. Devine, of the Irish Parliamentary PartyCITATION Col15 \l 6153 (Staines,M, 1955)All the nationalist movement’s supported Plunkett. The constituency was flooded with election literature and young Plunkett supporters. Collins is credited with writing the following piece of election propaganda. …“Because he would not associate with the Irishmen who cheered when his son was shot against a wall for loving Ireland, will you insult him in North Roscommon, as the Royal Dublin Society did and tell the British Government that he is not the man you want? No. There are Irishmen in North Roscommon yet”….CITATION Col15 \l 6153 (Staines,M, 1955).In his Military archive interview Staines says;“The word "Sinn Féin" was not mentioned in any of the speeches. The party was practicality non-existent at this time, and the terms "Sinn Féiners" were first used by the 'British to describe the Volunteers and the Rising. No one at this time could give any reasonable estimate as to the number of the electors who sympathised with the Volunteers who took part in the Rising. The appeal was made to vote for Count Plunkett, the father of three sons who had taken part in the Rising and one of whom had been executed” CITATION Sta55 \l 2057 (Staines, 1955). The election result was a mortal blow to the Irish Parliamentary Party. Count Plunkett secured 3,022 votes against Mr. Devine’s 1,708. Immediately after the election Count Plunkett announced that he would not be attending the British Parliament. At the same time Arthur Griffith announced that Sinn Fein would adopt the same policy CITATION Col15 \l 2057 (Staines,M, 1955).Count Plunket’s victory was proof that Sinn Fein was now a major political force, and had the potential to replicate this result all over the country. In reality Plunkett was a political maverick even within Sinn Fein. The Freemans Journal described him as “remains a mystery”. He reluctantly decided to abstain from Parliament and this was the start of the abstention policy. His only political credibility came from being the father of three sons, one of whom was executed for his part in the 1916 rebellion CITATION Tow05 \l 2057 (Townshend, 2005).Staines says “The first time I saw Michael Co11ins during the election was in Frenchpark on the actual day of the election. He had charge of one of the booths and I had charge of the other, there were only two in the town. Count Plunkett, if elected. Was quite prepared to do anything we wanted him to do and he told us so. I was not present at the declaration of the poll and I did not hear the Count's speech declaring his future. I remember being present at the Mansion House, Dublin, on 19th April 1917 when a number of delegates from organisations met under the Presidency of Count Plunkett to discuss future policy. I distinctly remember Griffith stating that any future organisation should be based on "Sinn Fein". A committee, which included Michael Collins, was set up to compose the differences of views expressed CITATION Sta55 \l 2057 (Staines, 1955).Figure 5 Plunkett Election Badge CITATION Placeholder1 \l 6153 (Plunkett, 1917)The Longford by election of the 10th May 1917, came about due to the death of the??MP John Philips,? Collins proposed to put up Joe McGuiness, who was still in Lewes Jail. De Valera the leader of the prisoners was not keen on the idea, or was McGuinness himself. Tomas Ashe, president of the IRB supreme council with the support of Collins argued that the new conditions of standing for parliament was not recognising the British Government, but giving the people an opportunity to support Irish freedom. This showed a new kind of adaptability, and the slogan “put him in to get him out” became the main slogan and mantra of the new Sinn Fein election strategy. And though McGuinness’s narrow victory did not secure his release it rocked the Irish party after the shock of North Roscommon where the party underestimated Plunket as a joke candidate. Dillon took charge of the Longford campaign and reported back to Redmond. “We have the Bishop, the great majority of the priests and the mob, and four fifths of the traders of Longford. “If we are beaten", I do not see how you can hope to keep the party in existence. CITATION Tow05 \l 2057 (Townshend, 2005).Staines played an important part in organising the McGuinness campaign in Longford, he says in his interview;“Before the Longford Election in May 1917 I was sent down to Longford to interview Frank McGuinness, brother of Joe. There was a fear that Frank being a supporter of the Parliamentary Party might oppose his brother. I obtained Frank's consent to the nomination of his brother as a candidate. The, election was fought on the "Sinn Féin” ticket. I still have the banner used during the election with the words: "Put him in to get him out". We had a. good deal of opposition in Longford town as it was a military station. McGuinness won the election by thirty seven votes. His opponent was first declared elected, but on a recount it was discovered that a bundle of fifty votes had been credited to McGuinness's opponent. On the day of the polling I was in charge of the Volunteers in Longford town and District Inspector Walsh, who later became Assistant Commissioner of the Gárda Siochána, was in charge of the R.I.C. and we worked well together and kept order in the town”. Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 6 Election Posters from Longford 1917CITATION Lon15 \l 2057 (McGuinness, 1917)By-election 9 May 1917: Longford SouthPartyCandidateVotes%±%Sinn FéinJoseph McGuinness149350.5Irish NationalistPatrick McKenna146149.5Majority321.0Turnout385276.7Sinn Féin?gain?from?Irish NationalistSwingCITATION 1720 \l 2057 ( Oireachtas Members Database, Longford by Election 1917) Figure 7 Election results for Longford 1917The East Clare By election of 1917 was held in the 10 July due to the sitting MP Willie Redmond, (Brother of john) being Killed in action during the First World War. As a result of this, De Valera emerged as a serious political figure. He had a great understanding and awareness of all the complications involved in conducting a revolutionary movement without alienating important figures, especially the clergy CITATION Tow05 \l 6153 (Townshend, 2005).At a Sinn Fein meeting at the Clare Hotel, possible candidates were discussed. The majority of the party initially voted for Peadar Clancy from Cranny, who had taken part in the Easter Rising. It was then decided to hold a convention at the Old Ground Hotel on Thursday, 14th July. At the convention over 200 delegates discussed the option of Eamon de Valera, who had recently been released from prison. Fr. William O’ Kennedy was one of his first supporters. At the convention Peadar Clancy and three other candidates withdrew leaving the way clear for de Valera. On 23 June, de Valera arrived at Ennis with Eoin Mac Neill who was to canvass with him throughout the campaign. His election posters were proposing a vote for de Valera was ‘a vote for Ireland a Nation, a vote against Conscription, a vote against partition, a vote for Ireland’s language, and for Ireland’s ideals and civilisation.At this time a by-election in Kilkenny was pre-occupying the Irish Party and it was there that they focussed their energies. They had considered Patrick Lynch a safe bet in Clare, all, his predecessor had been very popular but they had misread the support for De Valera. None of the party leaders canvassed for Lynch. , their leader John Redmond, was in poor health at the time, after the shock of his brother’s death and he passed away himself the following year’CITATION McD03 \l 6153 (Mc Donnel, 2003). Staines in his interview says. “In connection with the Clare Election I remember attending Convention in Fleming's Hotel, to select a candidate. We got de Valera's consent to stand. There was some opposition expressed to Eoin McNeill going to Clare to address meetings but de Valera insisted he should go and the opposition subsided. I went to Clare on several occasions to address meetings. I did not take part in the Kilkenny Election as by that time we had a number of good organisers, led by Dan McCarthy, CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).PartyCandidateVotes%±%Sinn FéinEamon de Valera501071.1Irish NationalistPatrick Lynch, K.C.203528.9Majority297542.2Turnout9130CITATION eas15 \l 6153 ( Oireachtas Members Database, 1917)Figure 8 Election results for Clare 1917Figure 9 Election Posters from Clare 1917CITATION lea15 \t \l 6153 (Leaflets from Clare By Electiion, 1917)4.6 New Ireland Assurance collecting SocietyMicheal Staines was one of the founders of the New Ireland Assurance Collecting Society to help Sinn Fein to promote investment of natural resources at home in Ireland, Frank Thornton who along with Staines was one of the founders of the association says in his interview ,“I think it is only right at this stage to refer to something which happened around Whit. In 1917 and which resulted in the formation of the New Ireland Assurance Collecting Society. During an earlier period, before 1916, in preparation for things to come, Arthur Griffith had in his papers frequently urged that something should be done to stop the flow of insurance premiums out of this country as part of a campaign to deal with the economic situation. It always was the first plank of Sinn Fein that everything Irish should be Supported; Liam Tobin, Eamon de Valera, the late Dick Coleman, Michael Staines and myself became the prime movers in bringing this idea to fruition. The position of Treasurer to the Society was filled by Michael J. Staines, CITATION Fra55 \l 6153 (Thornton, 1955).4.7 National Aid Association. On his release from prison Michael Staines also got involved in the National Aid Association, which also acted as a cover in re organising the volunteer after returning home he took up employment with the Association traveling the length and breadth of the country, administering the aid to families and dependants that had suffered during the rebellion. Immediately after the 1916 executions, two national organisations came into being to provide for the dependants of those killed or imprisoned. The two organisations amalgamated into the National Aid Association.The aims of this association was to compensate the families of the men who were executed, who fell in action, and these who were imprisoned in connection with the 1916 rising, and to compensate others who suffered in various ways due to the insurrection.The association administered ?138,000, in payments in a business-like manner. It also allowed Staines who worked for the organisation, to make contact with all those active in the nationalist cause and helped to re-organise the I.R.B CITATION Col15 \l 6153 (Staines,M, 1955). Staines does not have much to say about his time working with the Association he recalls in his interview;“After the election I was kept busy with the National Aid Association. I remember being present at a Volunteer Convention in Barry's Hotel in March 1917, but I did not take much interest in the proceedings and do not remember decisions reached CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).4.8 Background to war of independenceThe IRA campaign during the War of Independence can be divided into three phases. The first, which lasted for most of 1919, was a reorganisation of the IRA fighting unit On paper the IRA had over 100,000 men of which 15,000 of these participated in the struggle, with no more than 3,000 active at any one time. These units conducted raids on RIC barracks. Collins also created an assassination unit based in Dublin which killed police involved in intelligence work. The second phase, from January-June 1920 involved more concentrated raids on fortified RIC barracks in town and cities. During this period 16 of these were destroyed and 29 badly damaged. In reaction to this escalation, the British government declared martial law throughout much of Ireland. They introduced two additional units into Ireland: the Black and Tans and the Auxiliaries. It was these units that carried out many of the atrocities of the War.The third phase of the campaign, from June 1920 to July 1921, was largely in response to these units. The IRA was again reorganised into flying columns, small units of approximately 20 men who carried out ambush attacks on the Black and Tan and Auxiliary forces CITATION 19114 \l 6153 (Word Press, 2014).4.9 Reorganising the volunteersMicheal Staines was elected Treasurer of the Executive and director of supply for Sinn Fein. A convention took place in Dublin on 27 October 1917 to coincide with the Sinn Féin party conference Eamon De Valera, the newly elected President of Sinn Fein called for the reorganisation of the Volunteers. A national executive was elected, with De Valera as president. ?In addition, a number of directors were elected to head the various IRA departments CITATION 19114 \l 6153 (Word Press, 2014).He recalls in his interview “I attended the Convention in Croke Park in October, 1917. I was elected Treasurer of the Executive on that day. They appointed me Q.M.G. at the first meeting of the Executive. After the Convention we set to work to organise, all the Companies in Dublin. The organisation was extended to the country. Companies, Battalions and Brigades were formed where circumstances and numbers permitted. There was no hard and fast rule laid down in regard to organisation. We continued where we left off. We started getting arms as we had done in 1916. We got them from America and England, and we bought rifles from individual soldiers. We raided private houses and military outposts for arms. Regarding buying arms from abroad, we had Neil Kerr in Liverpool and Johnny: O'Connor and my brother in New York. Our principal, line of supply was really New York and Liverpool. At this time it was impossible to buy stuff from the gunsmiths in Dublin as we had done in 1916. In regard to the distribution of arms, it was decided to send them to where there was 'a good Commandant who would fight. And good men naturally got more guns than the man we could not depend on. Cork. Clare, Mayo and places where the fighting was done afterward: Was where we sent the arms.t CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955). 4.10 On the Sinn Fein executive following The German PlotMichael Staines became a member of the replacement executive of Sinn Fein when many of the members were arrested following the German plot. The "plot" originated on 12 April 1918 when the British arrested Joseph Dowling after he came ashore off County Clare of a German U-Boat. Dowling had been associated with Roger Casement to get German assistance for the 1916 rising, he now claimed that the German’s were planning to land in Ireland. British Naval intelligence believed him and convinced the authorities to intern the Sinn Fein leaders. This caused the arrest of Eamon de Valera, and 70 others, including old Count Plunkett. The British tried to convince the Americans of the seriousness of this Plot and to connect American Irish sympathisers like Devoy to it. They had no proof. Wilson however even though pro-British kept his distance from the smear fearing a backlash from the well-established Irish Americans. On the 18thJune 1918 Arthur Griffith a prisoner in the German Plot was elected to Parliament from Cavan by disgusted Irish voters. At the end of the war, November 1918, the Sinn Fein leaders were still in interned without trial for the crime of treasonCITATION iri07 \l 6153 (McMAHON, 2007).At the time of the alleged German Plot in May 1918 a lot of members of the Executive of Sinn Féin were arrested and a substitute Executive was elected. I was a member of the new Executive; I cannot remember the others CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).4.11 Michael Staines Political CareerHe was also elected as a Sinn Fein MP for St, Michans and Dublin constituency on 14th December 1918 at the general election He attended Dial Eireann, working closely with the Government, as well as becoming an alderman on Dublin Corporation. He was re-elected in 1921 and 1922 for the Dublin North West constituency He later served in the Seanad. In the new Free State as a Fine Gael candidate he failed to get elected on three occasions, getting less than 6% of the vote on each occasionCITATION StM15 \l 6153 (Elections , 2014). He was elected to the Seanad CITATION Diras \l 2057 (House of the Oireachtas, 2007) at a by-election on 12 December 1930 to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Bryan McMahon the death of Sir Bryan Mahon CITATION iri07 \l 6153 (McMAHON, 2007). Figure 10 First Dáil 1918CITATION Mic152 \l 6153 (Mayo County Libary, 2015)Figure 11 Staines Election Lapel 1918 CITATION Mic152 \l 6153 (Mayo County Libary, 2015)CITATION Mic152 \l 6153 (Mayo County Libary, 2015) Figure 12 Staines Election Posters 1918Micheal Staines Election Record?Date???Election???Party???Status???Constituency???Seat???Count???Votes???Share???Quota??1918??? 1st Dáil ??????Elected? ??Dublin St Michans???1??? 1 ? ??7,553??? 65.40%??? 1.31??1921??? 2nd Dáil ??????Elected? ??Dublin North East???4??? 1 ? ??Unopposed? ??1922??? 3rd Dáil ??????Elected? ??Dublin North West???3??? 2 ? ??4,987??? 17.95%??? 0.90??1937??? 9th Dáil ??????Not Elected? ??Dublin North West?????? ? ??1,638??? 3.48%?????1938??? 10th Dáil ??????Not Elected? ??Dublin North West?????? ? ??2,466??? 5.31%?????1943??? 11th Dáil ??????Not Elected? ??Dublin North West?????? ? ??725??? 1.55%?CITATION Mic15 \l 6153 (Elections , 2014)Figure 13 Record of Staines election Results4.12 The Belfast BoycottStaines was made the first director of the Belfast Boycott. This Boycott was originally ordered by the Dáil cabinet in August 1920 as a boycott of Belfast‐based banks and insurance companies, in reprisal for the pogroms in Belfast, this rapidly expanded into a wider campaign to exclude all Northern Irish goods Here Staines describes the purpose for the Boycott, and his experience and contribution to the Belfast Boycott itself. As consequences of his involvement, his family was harassed and his father imprisoned for a period CITATION bel14 \l 6153 (Anon., 2014). The conflict began in Belfast in July 1920. On 21 July 1920, rioting broke out in the city, starting in the shipyards and later spreading to residential areas. The violence was partly in response to the IRA killing of a northern RIC police officer Gerald Smyth, in Cork, and partly because of competition over jobs due to the high unemployment Unionists marched on the shipyards in Belfast and forced over 7,000 Catholic workers from their jobs. In his interview Staines gives an account of what the situation was like for the people in the ground at that time CITATION Par04 \l 6153 (Parkinson, 2004);“I was the first Director appointed for the carrying out of the Belfast Boycott, which I had to organise all over Ireland. This was originally started as a form of reprisal following the Pogroms in Belfast. I had many complaints from Catholics in Belfast who would not be allowed by their fellow-workers to work in the factories. In all these cases I approached the employers, whom I found always reasonable, but they pointed out that it was not their fault, that it was between the two sections of workers, the Catholics and the Orange crowd. In one case a girl who had been employed in the V.C.L. Hosiery Factory in Limestone Road wrote and complained to me about the loss of her employment. I called at her house to her and the first thing I noticed was an R.I.C. man's cap hanging on the hail-stand, but after a few minutes the girl introduced, me to the R.I.C. man who happened to be her brother-in-law. He was a Catholic and was just as much opposed to the Pogroms as I was. One of the Directors of the V.C.L. Hosiery Company, Mr. Craig, told me that they were quite willing to take this girl back, just as in other similar cases, but that they could not guarantee her safety. We had an organisation all through the country watching goods at all the railway stations and we found that there was very little traffic in Belfast goods. We found that in any case where they did get through that a reprimand was sufficient to stop the business. CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).4.13 Staines arrest On December the 6th 1920 Staines was arrested with several others, while attending a meeting of Dublin Corporation. He was held in Mount Joy until the 30th of June 1921, he keep in constant contact with Collins during this time. He was released as part of the process leading up to the truce, and on the insistence of Griffith and McNeill who refused a British offer of release unless accompanied by Staines and Duggan .Staines gives his recollection of the eventCITATION Fee15 \l 6153 (Feeney, 2010);“I was arrested in the Corporation on the 6th December 1920. Alderman Beatty had a Notice of Motion in; it was in effect, a vote of loyalty to the British Government. I was an Alderman at the time and I was instructed by Mick Collins to go and oppose it. What happened then was that Captain King, British Intelligence Officer, and his party came into the Corporation and asked for me, but I did not answer really how, they found out was when they started to call the roll and as my name was first on the roll it was called out first. I did not answer, but everybody looked at me so Captain. King came over, to me. He had two good photographs of me, a front view and a side view. I do not know where they came from but I suppose they had been snapped on the street.” CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).“In prison Griffith, MacNell, Duggan and I were keeping up with every move that was made outside. We were kept informed by Collins through the underground post. Arising out of the peace negotiations which were then proceeding, the order came for the release of Griffith and MacNell on the 30th June. A warder came in and said they were wanted in the Governor's office and they went down there. The Governor told them that they were being released. When they came back Griffith told us that he objected and that he had refused to leave the prison unless Duggan and I were released with him. A few hours later Duggan and I were released. CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).”Chapter 5: 1921-1955(1921- 55) IRA Liaison officer protecting the truce and the Treaty5.1 Liaison Officer in Mayo and Galway (1921)In August 1921 Staines was appointed liaison officer for Counties Mayo and Galway, with Joe Ring as his second in command. They worked together to keep the peace with Commissioner Richard Cruise who was over the British forces in both Mayo and Galway. Galway and. Ballinasloe were the only two towns with a population of over 15,000 in which the R.I.C. were allowed to carry arms, this being the agreed policy. For this reason, plus the layout of the land meant Galway was one area where the truce might break, because the British who were armed in these two towns were free to move about the population at will. Staines explains the situation in his interview CITATION Sta55 \l 2057 (Staines, 1955):“There were forty murders committed by the British forces in County Galway during the period of the fighting but there was none in Mayo. Cruise was responsible for both counties, “How is it that there were forty murders in Galway and none in Mayo", and he answered, "We were afraid of the Mayo Lads". In Mayo when the Auxiliaries, went out, like in the Carrowkennedy ambush, a lot of them never came back, but Galway being a flat county did not lend itself to active guerrilla warfare of the type which was carried out in Mayo. For that reason the British forces in Galway had more or less a free hand, the population being more or less defenceless CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).On my second day in Galway a report came in that trees had been felled across the road at Kilmaine. Mr. Cruise took a very serious view of this, as about a week previously some of his men from Ballinrobe had been disarmed at Kilmaine. I agreed to investigate the matter with him and we drove to Kilmaine where we found that two trees had been blown down by the storm. Both of us agreed that it was an act of God and not an act of war CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955)”.Staines used his close ties to Collins well in how he dealt with Cruise, he allowed Crouse to think that all his reports on the truce were being monitored by the British Government at the very highest level, he says in his interview;“Cruise worked with me all right because he was afraid I had influence with Lloyd George. He was really afraid of me. The arrangement was that I would report to Collins and that the British representative would report to Lloyd George, and if either of us asked to see the other's report he would have to be shown it. It was agreed that Collins would show my report to Lloyd George and Lloyd George would show the British report to Collins CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).The raiding of mails went on during the Truce and we got a private report belonging to the British representative and discovered that he was sending in an official report and also a private report despite the arrangement that private reports would not be furnished They were playing a double game CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955)”.5.2 Liaison officer for the jailsIn September Staines was asked by de Valera to become liaison officer for the prisoners. He left Joe Ring in charge of Galway, and travelled to Dublin to meet De Valera to protest about the appointment, but was told someone had to do it, he says;“I said that the prisoners had been kept in all the time since the beginning of the Truce, and that they would think it impertinence on my part to go visiting them with a representative of the British Government. Some of them did object and I was not too favourably received. The fact was that our people wanted to keep the lads in jail quiet while the peace negotiations were proceeding and that was the object of my visit. I impressed on them that there was nothing to prevent them escaping and, in fact, there were several escapes during that time... CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955)”.When the treaty was signed on the 6th December 1921, Collins and his team returned from London and it became clear that there would be problems ahead. Staines made contact with de Valera to try and broker a deal, he describes his meeting with De Valera;“Brugha and Stack, wanted to stop me but de Valera said I must be heard. I asked him was there any hope of coming to an agreement about the Treaty and he said "Absolutely none", so I had to go back and tell Griffith and Collins that there' was no hope. Griffith had told me that he did not think there was much use in my going to see Dev, but I did what I could. Big numbers of people were delighted about the Treaty, but some of them turned the other way overnight; somebody must have got after them. The acceptance of the idea of a Truce was influenced by the fact that the position of the fighting men was very serious in view of the grave shortage of ammunition. This fact very definitely influenced Collins in his negotiations with the British. I was positive that the fighting would soon start again, De Valera always asked everybody else's opinion and then made up his own mind. CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955)”.5.3 Staines appointed chairman of the Police organising committee Following Dáil ?ireann’s acceptance of the Anglo – Irish Treaty in January 1921 a Provisional Government was created for the new Irish Free State with Michael Collins as chairman.? In February 1922 the Minister for Home Affairs, ?amonn Duggan (the son of an RIC man), began arrangements for the formation of a new policing service to replace the RIC. In January 1922 Staines was appointed chairman of the police organising committee, established to plan the formation a new police forceCITATION McC13 \l 6153 (McCarthy, 2013). The committee held their first meeting in the Gresham Hotel on Thursday, 9 February 1921, with Staines as acting chairman. On 21 February the first candidates, recommended by their Volunteer officers, were received by Staines at a temporary depot in the R.D.S. The name the civic guard was decided on 27 FebruaryCITATION Gar14 \l 6153 (Garda Museum, 2014) .On the 10th of May 1921 Staines was appointed commissioner of police. He quickly began laying the foundations of the new force. Officers and men were recruited, a new badge and name chosen. However his appointment of several ex RIC men to senior positions led to mutiny, especially, Patrick Walsh as deputy commissioner CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974)There is evidence that Collins from an early stage decided that the new force would be a replica of the old RIC whom he admired greatly, and sense all his close advisers had little police experience except Staines who liaised with the RIC, it was natural that the construction of the new force would represent this model. The organising committee had nine senior ex RIC officers, including three District inspectors and a head constable offering professional advice based on the British policing model. Their influence with Collins was so great that at a later stage, he threatened to disband the whole force rather than remove officers that had been appointed to senior rank CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974). However a major difference between the RIC and the new force was the new commissioner was to be a direct political appointee to the government of the day and not to a police authority as was the case with other British police forces CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974). The organising committee sent its report to the provisional government in February which was accepted, it proposed an unarmed civil police force of 4,300 men, led by a commissioner answerable to the Government. The basic rank would be equivalent to the British constable, and was to be non-political, and named the civic guard.Recruitment began with no public announcement or advertising in the press, Collins and Staines relied on the recommendations of trusted IRA officer contacts This decision proved good, as very few of the new recruits went over to the republicans in the oncoming civil war.The following month, Staines transferred his headquarters from Ballsbridge to the Artillery Barracks, Kildare. On 15 May, a faction of the men demanded the removal from high rank of former members of the old RIC. From April onwards discontent began to build in the ranks, Brennan was dissatisfied with his own rank, passed on the men’s views to Staines. However Staines supported by Collins considered that these RIC men had served the cause well from within the RIC during the war, and were entitled to their reward. However many of the recruits did not see it this way CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).Figure 15 Michael Staines as First Garda Commissioner CITATION Gar14 \l 6153 (Garda Museum, 2014)5.4 The Kildare MutinyThe first serious confrontation was when the Kerry recruits recognised Deputy Commissioner Kearney, the man who was in charge of Tralee barracks when Robert Casement was arrested in April 1916. A demand for the removal of Kearney and all former RIC men was sent to Staines through Brennan, Staines refused to move and there was talk of revolt. After this life became difficult for Kearney in the force, he resigned and left for England CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).According to Conor Brady, Whether Staines consulted the government, or depended entirely on Collins support is not clear, Collins was adamant that the Guards should accept the leadership of the men whom he had used in his intelligence network. On the other hand it was asking a lot from men who had fought in the hills to accept without question the authority of RIC men they had fought a short time earlier CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).Things came to a head on 11th may 1922 when superintendent Brennan and superintendent Leddy made a last appeal to Staines, for a couple of days they controlled the situation, but on the 15th May when parade was called, Staines and Walsh appeared, flanked by five newly promoted ex RIC men, this was the last straw, a group of guards appointed as spokesmen for the ranks stepped forward and words were exchanged. Commandant Joe Ring immediately called the men to attention, there was a hush as Staines spoke to the men. He spent three minutes defending, but not explaining the decision to promote the RIC men, and warned of the seriousness of mutiny. Heckling began and there was a surge forward. Staines stood back and asked all who backed him to move to his right. Joe Ring and about sixty Mayo men stood still, another sixty moved to the right, but the vast majority of the 15,000 men moved to the left: after a few minutes of tense silence, Staines and his aides backed away and locked themselves in their offices with guns drawn CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).Staines was forced to slip out of the barracks and head back to Dublin where he informed the government and offered his resignation. “I beg to tender my resignation as Commissioner of the Civic Guard. I do so with regret, but in the circumstances which have arisen I can see no other honourable course open”, it was refused. Collins, Duggan, and Staines, spent that night deciding what to do next. They decided that the Kildare camp would be split up and occupied by the Army. The next day Staines sent an Army force to the base to collect the arms stored there as he believed they would fall into the hands of the anti-treaty forces, at this point the IRA had split CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974). A potential dangerous situation arose at the front gate of the barracks with both sides heavily armed. Superintendent Leddy approached Captain Dunne, of the army and managed to explain that the recruits in the base were loyal to the Government and this was not what the mutiny was about, Dunne accepted this and returned to Dublin, avoiding a bloodbath. CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).A few days later Commandant Joe Ring and the Mayo men followed Staines to Dublin. During the summer of 1922 the unusual situation of two rival depots existed with new recruits presenting themselves to both Kildare, and to Joe Ring in Henry Street.In Kildare the men’s committee handed over complete control to Superintendent Brennan on the 23th of May 1922, he continued as if nothing had happened. But as the weeks passed the pressure of boredom and no pay took its toll, and many left CITATION McN99 \l 6153 (McNiffe, 1999).Things came to a head on the 17th June 1922, when Tom Daly of the men’s committee , left for Dublin with a number of well-armed men, on the pretext of collecting men that was on guard duty at Government buildings. He met with anti-treaty leaders Rory O’Conner, Ernie O’Malley, and Tom Barry. O’Conner told the guards that if they joined him they would be paid very soon. A few joined and the others were kept prisoner. These who joined returned with O’Conner to Kildare, using the password given by Daly, they gained entry and cleared out the armoury and headed back to the four courts. Three members of the men’s committee O’Brian, Daly, and Ryan were with them. This incident spurred the government into action, Griffith and Duggan visited Kildare the next day and offered a settlement. The men to be paid all money due, an inquiry set up, in the meantime all men suspended. The proposals were accepted and the mutiny was over CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).On the 27th of June 1922, Staines resumed charge of Kildare only visiting on occasion, making the necessary arrangements to pay the men. Shortly afterwards Joe Ring took command and discipline was tightened, with all arms and ammunition returned to storage CITATION McN99 \l 6153 (McNiffe, 1999).5.5 Inquiry into the MutinyThe inquiry took place on the 13th of July and was carried out by Kevin O’Sheil and Michael McAuliffe. It had three main aims, to discover the origin of the mutiny, to suggest disciplinary action if necessary, and to make recommendations for the future management of the force. Witnesses were heard from both sides and by August the commission had reached its conclusion. It concluded that a small group of anti-treaty sympathisers had manipulated the men and used the discontent already there to further their own cause. It was pointed out that the president of the men’s committee and five of its members out of fourteen had joined the Four Courts garrison CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).The government itself had miscalculated especially Staines and Collins. It armed a new force of young IRA men whose only experience of solving disputes was with a gun. Collins was satisfied with his choice of RIC men but failed to understand the full extent of the backlash that followed from the new recruits CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).Staines himself was not in touch with the new recruits, and this allowed Superintendent Brennan who was fully aware of the situation to manipulate the situation and eventually side with the men. The commission recommended that the Civic guard be disbanded and reformed with selective re –enrolment, that the vast majority be unarmed, in future politicians not to serve in the force. Consequently on the 18th August Staines resigned and the post was offered to Sean ? Muirthile who declined, and general Eoin O’ Duffy became the new commissioner. After the mutiny Staines never recovered effective authority of the force, and resigned to comply with the inquiry’s commissions recommendation’s that all police personal should be divorced from politics, managing to save some face in doing so CITATION McN99 \l 6153 (McNiffe, 1999).What was the thinking that led Collins and Staines to hold firm against a group of men they knew were loyal to the treaty and whose only quarrel was with ex RIC men. Staines believed that the mutineers were being manipulated by small anti-treaty elements deliberately planted in the ranks, and Collins accepted this. Later the inquiry into the mutiny concluded that such a plot was real and did exist. CITATION McN99 \l 2057 (McNiffe, 1999).?Michael Joseph Staines remained in office, completing the ground work in the organisation of the new police force.?? On the day he left office, September 9th, he issued instructions to the Civic Guard defining its role as a moral force in Irish Society CITATION Bra74 \l 6153 (Brady, 1974).“The Civic Guard unlike other Police Forces will necessarily depend for the successful performance of their duties not on arms or numbers but on the moral force they exercise as servants, representatives of a civic authority which is dependent for its existence on the free will of the people” CITATION McN99 \l 6153 (McNiffe, 1999).5.6 Staines later lifeAfter successfully contesting elections for Sinn Fein he found it very difficult to get elected with Fine Gael in the new Free State Government. He saved his Dáil seat in 1922 In Dublin North West despite a bitter poster campaign launched against him by Republicans. He did not contest the 1923 election, but remained on Dublin Corporation and acted as chairman of the committee of Grange Gorman Hospital. He became a senator in 1930 and tried without success for a Dáil seat with Fine Gael in Dublin North West in 1937, 1938, and 1943CITATION Fee15 \l 6153 (Feeney, 2010).It is difficult to understand why Staines was so unsuccessful in his later, both in work and in politics. Perhaps he was a man suited to the unusual war time situation he found himself in. Others like Ernie O'Malley also ended up in difficult circumstances. Within weeks of his resignation as Garda Commissioner, his two greatest allies, Collins, and Ring, were killed in the civil war, As time went on the new Government and public began distance themselves more and more from people like Staines and other hard men from the free state army who were now becoming a liability and seen as divisive figures in a country moving nearer and nearer to a proper western style democracy.These factors and the difficulty’s that faced him in the more left wing working class, Dublin North West constituency that he stood for election in made it very difficult for him. He stood in 1937, 1938 and 1943 in all cases he was heavily defeated, getting less than 6% of the vote.His qualities may have suited the more turbulent times of the troubles, more so than in a calm democracy, some of his critics says he was an idealist and not a natural politician, not suited to the mundane day to day work that a politician has to doCITATION Yat11 \l 6153 (Yates, 2011).Evidence of this is when he recalls his time in a similar situation, representing volunteers for compensation from the National Aid Association, he recalls:“After the election I was kept busy with the National Aid Association. I remember being present at a number of Volunteer Conventions in Barry's Hotel in 1917, but I did not take much interest in the proceedings and do not remember decisions reached” CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).He was also the owner of the Central Wholesale Warehouse, Dublin. But this business failed. He was out of regular employment for a period of time. According to a Garda report of 1938 he was described as “A man who lives above his means". In 1939 his old friends in Fine Gael organised a collection to assist him, and in 1941 he got employment as a clerk with the Great Southern Railway. He died at his home, 8 Castle road Clontarf Dublin on 27thOctober 1955.He married Sheila Cullen in 1922 and they had nine childrenCITATION Fee15 \l 6153 (Feeney, 2010).Chapter 6: Conclusion Michael Staines is best known for his role as the First Garda commissioner. However his contribution to the founding of the new state is much greater than that including the role he played in politics from before the 1916 rising, as well as all the other important function’s he performed in his role with Sinn Fein in the formation of the new state, and also with the Fine Gael party in the 20’s and 30’s when the first green shoots of democracy were struggling to survive.He was an idealist with strong nationalistic views born into a country at a time of rapid change. His early involvement in the Gaelic League soon developed into a militant role. While the majority of the people of his generation compromised and sided with Redmond in the lead up to the First World War, Staines sided with the minority when the volunteers split. He became part of a small nucleus of idealist’s and revolutionaries that wanted break the link with Britain.Apart from giving full commitment to the cause he was also a capable leader and organiser and quickly became quarter master. He fought in the GPO and was part of the first wave of freedom fighters, where he met and made strong friendships with people like Collins and De Valera who would become important allies later on. CITATION Mic151 \l 6153 (Irish Times, 2010) Figure 16 Photograph of Staines in Later lifeNo doubt he had great organisation and leader ship skills and as leader of the prisoners at Frongoch, W.J. Brennan-Whitmore described Staines as: “a highly efficient officer who earned the respect of every individual prisoner. No doubt Staines was well capable of leading the ordinary men who was willing to accept his authority like in Frongoch, these prisoners were described by Charles Townsend in his book as mostly harmless men, who looked up to people like Staines.Some contemporises of Staines might suggest that he was promoted very quickly and not on ability alone, but mainly from his connections with important people like Pearce, and the important position he held in Henshaws, Ironmongers, where he was able to order and organise arms in the lead up to the rising.Later on during the war of independence as GPO veteran with close links with Collins, and De Valera, would have elevated his position: particularly to a new generation of young Sinn Fein members down the country, who he worked alongside. He was also fortunate to have a very capable associate in Joe Ring who was in charge of the Carrowkennedy ambush in Mayo. Joe was well respected by both republicans and British alike and was of immense help to Staines especially during his period as liaison officer in Galway, and during the Kildare mutiny. Staines used his contacts and alliances well, during his time as liaison officer in Galway in his dealings with Cruise the leader of the British forces he says "cruise was afraid of me; he believed that I had direct contact with Lloyd George through Collins, I let him believe this” CITATION Sta55 \l 6153 (Staines, 1955).When he was appointed as the First commissioner of the Garda Mulcahy described him as “the natural choice” However his leadership of the new recruits proved more difficult than in Frongoch. The appointments of RIC District Inspectors Patrick Walsh and John Kearney by Staines with the approval of Collins were to prove hugely controversial and sow the seeds for the mutiny. But as commissioner it happened under his watch, he lost control of the situation and ultimately was held responsible, the recommendations of the inquiry allowed him to resign saving some face.Another notable difference between Staines and other politician/business men is that the vast majority are not idealists by nature, and succeed in business first and then enter politics later, usually being able to give time and funding to the campaign. Staines was the opposite first gaining success as an idealist and politician in wartime, and then attempting to build up a business and to succeed as a politician in difficult circumstances. This would prove a very difficult task, to match the success of his early life .In the end he worked as a clerk with the Great Southern Railway CITATION Fee15 \l 6153 (Feeney, 2010).27813034798000Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 17 Staines final resting place CITATION Fin15 \l 6153 (Final Journey, 2007)Bibliography BIBLIOGRAPHY Oireachtas Members Database, 1917. [Online] Available at: [Accessed March 2 2015].Oireachtas Members Database, Longford by Election 1917. Longford by Election 1917. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 20 March 2015].Anon., 1955. Military Archives [Interview] (n/d n/m 1955).Anon., 2014. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 2 March 2015].Anon., 2015. Elections Ireland. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 4 March 2015].Anon., 2015. Senad Eireann. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 28 February 2015].Anon., East Clare by election 10 July 1917. [Online] Available at: (UK_Parliament_constituency[Accessed 2 March 3015].Anon., n.d. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 2 March 2015].Anon., n.d. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 16 March 2015].Anon., n.d. Directeory of members. [Online] Available at: ., n.d. South Longford by-election, 1917. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 1 March 2015].Brady, C., 1974. Guardians of the Peace. Dublin: prenderville Publishings Ltd.Brennan, W. W., 2014. With the Irish In Frongoch. Dublin: Mercier press.Collins, 2010. General Micheal Collins. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 20 March 2015].Delaney, G., 2015. Census Records. ballinrobe: South West Mayo Family Research Centre.Donnelly, S., 2015. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 4 March 2015].Elections , 2014. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 20 March 2015].Elections , 2014. Micheall Staines Election Record. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 20 March 2015].Feeney, T., 2010. Staines,Micheal.Joseph. [Online] Available at: quicksearch[Accessed 20 March 2015].Final Journey, 2007. Final Journey. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 28 February 2015].Foster, R., 2014. Vivid Faces of the revolution 2014 History. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 28 February 2015].Garda Museum, 2014. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 3 March 2015].House of the Oireachtas, 2007. Directery of Members. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 21 March 2015].House of the Oireachtas, 2010. Centeary Mayo. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 4 March 2015].Irish Times, 2010. Irish times. [Online] Available at: [Accessed March 20 2015].Leaflets from Clare By Electiion, 1917. Leaflets From East Clare by Election 1917. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 20 March 2015].Mayo County Libary, 2015. Micheal Staines First Dail. Castlebar: Mayo County Library.Mc Donnel, F., 2003. Riches of Clare: 1917 Rising of an Irish Political Colossu. Clare champion, 26 September. McCarthy, B., 2013. the Civic Guard Mutiny. Dublin: Mercier Press.McGarry, F., 2011. Rebels Voices from the Easter Rising. Dublin: , 1917. McGuinness Election Badges. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 20 March 2015].McMAHON, P., 2007. British Spies and Irish Rebels. London: Boydell Press.McNiffe, L., 1999. A History of the Garda Siochána. Cornwall: Wolfhound Press.Parkinson, A., 2004. Belfast's unholy War. Belfast: Four Courts Press.Plunkett, 1917. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 16 March 2015].Price, D., 2013. The Flame and the Candle. Dublin: The Collins Press.Staines,M, 1955. Collins 22 Society. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 28 February 2015].Staines, M., 1955. BUREAU OF MILITARY HISTORY, 1913-21. WS 944 [Interview] 1955.Thornton, F., 1955. Military Archive WS 510 [Interview] 1955.Tobin, L., 1954. Bureou of military history 1913-1921. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 28 February 2015].Townshend, C., 2005. Easter 1916 the Irish Rebellion. London: Penguin Books.Word Press, 2014. Hallamor Irish Republican Army. [Online] Available at: [Accessed 2 March 2015].Yates, P., 2011. Dublin a City in Wartime, Easter Rising. Dublin: 1 Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 2 1901 Census of Ireland of the Staines FamilyAppendix 2Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 3 1901 Census of Ireland showing Edward Staines, Father of Micheal RIC man in BallaghaderreenAppendix 3Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 4 1911 Census of Ireland showing the Staines Family in DublinAppendix 4CITATION Mic152 \l 6153 (Mayo County Libary, 2015) Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 12 Staines Election Posters 1918Appendix 5First Dáil 1918Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 10 First Dáil 1918 CITATION Mic152 \l 6153 (Mayo County Libary, 2015) ................
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