Education Reform and Conflict Prevention– Perspectives ...



Education Reform and Conflict Prevention–

Perspectives from Pakistan

At

USIP- Washington D.C

June 8, 2007

Baela Raza Jamil

Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi

Centre for Education & Consciousness (ITA- CEC)

Pakistan

This is to be seen as a draft only. Kindly seek permission for citation.

Education Reform and Conflict Prevention– Perspectives from Pakistan

A cursory glance these days at newspapers in Pakistan, gives us a distinct impression of a society under siege by its own home grown predators. The 10th meeting of the National Security Council (NSC) held on June 4, 2007 agreed to draw up a multi-pronged strategy to deal with terrorism and extremism. The NSC expressed deep concerns about internal security and growing religious extremism with special reference to ‘talibalisation’, and decided to deal ..through a comprehensive strategy.

Be it the managers and students of Lal Masjid, the nurses accused of blasphemy at the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences (PIMS), in the Islamabad Capital Territory, be it violence in Tank district in NWFP, be it the gathering of Talibans 41 kms. from Quetta, or be it the indiscriminate killings of innocent citizens in Karachi Sindh, there is a strong sense of rifts within. Groups of ordinary people, youth and adults, are armed and on the march to assert their political, ‘ideological’ and social positions. Sixty years after independence, Pakistan with 92% of its 160 million strong population classified as Muslims (excluding Ahmedis), still fights precariously for religion, identity and exclusion. Whilst ethnicity and religion are the obvious reasons for conflict on the one hand, gender, provincial hierarchies and deprivation, diverse education systems, a low understanding of the ‘other’ and a high degree of acceptable violence against women and children are sources of conflict which have woven a fragile social fabric. Whilst peace processes across borders (Afghanistan and India) move at a relatively positive pace, the peace within lies in shambles. The war within is not with another religious majority but with ‘interpretors’ and upholders of Islam, in the land of the pure, Pakistan.

This is the current context within which education reform and conflict prevention is to be discussed. The question is, if this is at all seen as a cross cutting issue in the current education reform agenda?

Boasting of strong economic growth rates of 6-7%, projected to grow to 7-8% in a globalized setting, Pakistan’s human resource and peace challenges continue to elude the economic and politico-military managers. Although poverty, according to the recent government estimates has been reduced by 9% in 3 years from 33% to 24% (PSLMs 2005/6), vulnerability still affects 26% of the population thereby making 50% of the 160 million citizens vulnerable or poor (Economic Survey 2005-06).

With measured improvements in social sector indicators including education, Pakistan still lags behind in key indicators of education, be it literacy (53%), gross enrolment rate for primary level (86%) net enrolment rate (52%). Although gender gaps have reduced in urban areas but in rural areas the NER/primary is 42% for girls.

According to the Ministry of Women Development, only 19% of females have attained education up to Matric, 8% up to Intermediate, 5% a Bachelor’s degree and 1.4% achieved a Master’s degree. 60% of the female adult population is illiterate. Of the 3.3 million out of school children, 2.503 million are girls. 73.6% of primary age girls

attend school, compared with 92.1% of boys. ( White Paper p.28)

Gender issues in Pakistan can be contextualized through one critical indicator, viz. sex ratio of men to women which is 108:100 (World Bank 2006). This indicates high gender inequality and poor access to basic services of health, nutrition, education and livelihoods. Behind ‘missing women’ in Pakistan (Amartya Sen, 2000), lie a series of inter-related causes pertaining deeply entrenched patriarchal –feudal traditions and parallel legal systems exacerbated by the black laws under Zia ul Haq further undermining women’s social position. These laws have been modified under the Women’s Protection Bill 2006 but fall short of being repealed. Women’s national political participation has swelled to 20% in an unprecedented decision by the military government, which is indeed an opportunity to influence and create possibilities for change.

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Recent Education Census: The Rise of The Hybrid Private Religious Schools:

The recent National Education Census held for the first time in Pakistan in 2005 to cover all education institutions has provided disaggregated data on non-state education providers. The Ministry of Education initiated this exercise in collaboration the Federal Bureau of Statistics (FBS). Its findings include the rise of hybrid private religious chain of schools such as Al-Khair, READ Foundation, Tameer-e-Millat, Marjan Schools, Raees ul Aharar. It does not include other fast growing chains such as the Minhaj ul Quran and so the numbers recorded are under-represented. Nonetheless it gives a sense of the trend.

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Source: NEC 2005.

Of the total 245,682, education institutions with 33 million enrolled, private sector constitutes 33% and this is a conservative estimate. There is an estimated 12,979 Deeni Madaris reported with enrolment of 1.54 million students (ibid). What is more disconcerting is a growing trend in so called secular elite institutions both, secondary and tertiary level faculty often with the most outstanding academic credentials, propagating to their students, the empowering qualities of Islam, its transnational appeal to seek merger with the greater UMMAH ( body of believers) as the penultimate in reclaiming a glory that any Muslim ought to be seeking. Rituals, clothing, appearance and belief all rolled into one are a distinct phenomenon on the rise on campuses in the form of beards and hijabs (Islamic Veil). This trend is yet another emerging reality which endorses distinct identities, divides the ‘pure and impure’, the chosen ones who belong both to the ‘religion and the world’ (literally Din and Dunya). To many a student this becomes a preferred path. Thus hybrid institutions are increasing, some more obvious with names providing clues eg. Raees ul Ahrar or Minhah Ul Quran, whilst others more discrete and imperceptible.

Given the above scenario of escalation of conflict within, contestations of religion and identity, poverty and vulnerability, gender inequity and violence against children, growth and low social indicators, the agenda for education reform faces multiple challenges. It is thus important to understand how these issues are framed in a country where the fate of democracy still lies fundamentally with the praetorian managers of the state and economy[1], alongwith their chosen alliances. It is in such a context that citizens must seek space for asserting their rights for entitlements and possibilities of conversations that break divisive hierarchies of province/land, race, religion, gender, culture, education and identities.

Whilst it was important to provide a backdrop of the national context , today’s talk will focus on the recent National Education Policy Review process ( NEPR) and the emerging discourse within policy making to gauge if there is sufficient space in the emerging education reform for conflict prevention. A critical concern will be to ascertain, if in fact conflict prevention is a centre piece or of any thematic significance within the current education reform process? If not, should it be reclaimed to be integrated as a key objective of education reforms in Pakistan? .

Part I will focus on the revised ..White Paper and conflict prevention,

Part II will deliberate on what the citizen’s views have been on the subject as a response to the White Paper.

Part III will propose areas of possible accommodation

Part I

The Ministry of Education began the National Education Policy Review (NEPR) process soon after the newly ‘elected’ national government was installed by the military managers in 2004. This initiative is consistent with traditions of policy making in education where shifts occur as often as the new managers and particularly military managers step in (Jamil 1999). Important milestone years are : 1959, 1970, 1979, 2001-2 and 2005-7 (in progress). The chronology of policy documents corroborates with the military rule of Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia ul Haq, Musharraf phase I, and Musharraf phase II. Exceptions are 1947, 1972, 1992 and 1998-2010 education policies that were triggered by newly installed civilian governments. The National Education Policy 1998-2010 has survived the longest for 9 years. The Education Sector Reforms (ESR) Action Plan 2001/2-2005/6 under phase I of General Musharraf’s government was to operationalize the 1998 policy. The ESR Action Plan not withstanding, the Minister Education (ex ISI Chief) was determined to design a New Education Policy and a new curriculum. A legitimizing national consultative and phased process was adopted. It resulted in thematic round tables (10), Green Papers ( 23) and White Paper (2 versions) as a pre-policy document. Currently the Ministry is busy finalizing the policy document and has officially termed the, “White Paper as not the final policy but an intellectual exercise”[2]. The New Education Policy is to be shortly finalized followed by strategy and implementation plans. However, the pre policy exercise is on yet another fast track national consultative journey (May –June 2007) to accommodate child labor that had been left out as an important part of achieving the EFA and MDG targets.

Education policies and reform documents since 1979 have been more a focus on access through multiple providers and somewhat on quality, deeply underpinned by ideology. Barring the ESR Action Plan document, the framing of ideological positions has an exclusionary stance, neither conflict nor its prevention have never been acknowledged or given space in the discourse or documents. As suggested by Deane ( 2005) that the 1998 ‘ policy defines citizenship in exclusionary terms’ . Obsessed by ideology and creation of a perfect Islamic citizen it has led to a complete undermining of diversity, in culture, ethnicity, language and religion.

The pre policy revised White Paper ‘s layout covers Governance and Management; Quality; Equity; Access; Relevance; Islamic Education; Linkages with Principal Social Issues; Education in Emergencies. At the outset the Paper predictably states that :

“Education Policy of every State has an ideological basis.. that provides social norms expected of a society. While in the West, this ideological basis may be liberal, conservative or Marxist … in the context of Pakistan, …it is essentially and historically provided by Islam ..a source of values .. and an essential pre-condition for social development … ‘the ideological base provided by Islam permits individuals of all faiths and beliefs to coexist in a largely Islamic polity, with respect and tolerance for each other’ (p.3) .

It argues that Islam must not continue as ‘a static religious dogma’. The Vision & Purpose are then stated as follows:

“Recognizing education as a right of the citizen, it is the aim of the State of Pakistan to provide equal and ample opportunity to all its citizens to realize their full potential as individuals and citizens through an education that enriches the individual with values/skills preparing him/her for life, livelihood and nation building.” (p.4)

Vision for ALL finds more concrete expression under the section entitled Equity (pp. 28 – 35)

7.1 Definition, Scope and Context

The concept of equity goes beyond equality of opportunity, where everyone is treated the same, to fostering a bias-free environment where individuals benefit equally. It recognizes that some people require additional and specialized support in order to achieve equal benefits. Equity in education, therefore, would take into consideration not only equal access to education of a particular standard, but the contents of curriculum, instructional and evaluation materials and practices, different ways of learning and views of knowledge, and everyone having the opportunity to achieve.(ibid.p.28)

….. Poor children, girl students, students from rural areas and students from minorities are particularly affected by inequalities and inequities in the education system.

Equity is further disaggregated to address Gender, Geographical, Economic dimensions branching out into the parallel delivery systems of education with a focus on private sector primarily and medium of instruction. The entire discussion and recommendations focus on access, somewhat touching on quality and does not substantively address, content, customs, entitlements, the political economy of equity or otherwise. The contested question of medium of instruction is classified as an equity issue advocating for mother tongue teaching up to grade V and allowing local/provincial governments to call the shots according to local decisions. English is to be introduced from grade 3, and maths and science are to be taught in English. No where is there an attempt to connect the multi-lingual capabilities of civilizations dated to 8,000 B.C (Mehargarh/Balochistan) to establish the purpose of language, its critical constructs and social articulation for cognitive development, citizenship, democracy, tolerance and progress.

The revised White Paper picks up the ideological thread head on in the document under section 10 entitled Religious Education (pp. 56-58). Sections are reproduced below:

‘ Religious Education should be easily available to the citizens and there should be no compulsion for believers in one faith (minorities) to pursue religious education of another one. Therefore, civil society organizations like Madrassahs should be facilitated and encouraged to provide prejudice-free religious education to their followers. This right is also provided by the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which guarantees freedom of practice of any faith without coercion from any quarter.

Policy Recommendations

1. The quality and access of publicly funded schools should be raised to the level that there is no compulsion for parents and pupils to be driven to parallel streams of education; be it private tuition, English medium schools or Madrassahs.

2. Similarly individuals desiring to pursue higher education in Islamic Studies should be encouraged till such time that these seminaries are providers of education and not as indoctrination grounds for any divisive or destructive activities.

3. Islamic education in public schools must be seriously overhauled, particularly in the manner that it is phased through the first 10 years of a child’s education..

4. Between Classes II to V, it should be the purpose of education to inculcate in the Muslim child the Muslim value system.. This could be done through stories from Quran.. From Class--VII,, more formal instructions in Islamic practices,, which are common to all Muslim beliefs,, should form the basis of the content in the courses of Islamic Studies.. For Non--Muslims courses in values//morals drawn from recognized sources should substitute Islamic Studies..

5. Without undermining the need for learning some Quran by rote by Muslims for the purpose off fulfilling ritualistic obligations,, it must be recognized that the duty of society and State is to help the individual in acquiring the attitudes and views of life that the injunctions of Islam require from all Muslims..

6. Courses should not emphasize on procedural details if they are known to be divisive in character.. This function must be considered an obligation of the family.

7. Courses in religious education should specifically inculcate in the pupils respect and tolerance for all faiths..’

Issues of conflict and tolerance are picked up again in the section on Sectarianism.

‘The over blown conflict is diagnosed as a result of indoctrination due to political agendas. That the conflicts were allowed to fester is solely due to lack of public education preparing a mindset free of friction and fallacies…. School education must now be designed to smoothen the turbulences of sectarian differences and develop a rational character and outlook of inclusion and tolerance.(p.58)

Linkage to Democracy in the White Paper rhetorically elaborates that :

‘…Authoritarianism, whether dogma driven or ambition forced, is the normal public face of any exponent of power. The State of Pakistan has suffered, the lack of continuity in its political dispensations and the general immaturity of the political will, stem from the lack of commitment of the citizen to the cause of democracy. The education system over the last half a century, has not contributed to a social psyche … to create a tolerant society, respectful of the beliefs, needs, ambitions, hopes and fears of all. Education has the capacity to change mindsets and cultivate a democratic attitude.’

Policy recommendations thus include the following:

1. Curricula and textbooks must not foster,, or lead to,, sectarianism.. All divisive material be weeded out from tithe national curriculum and textbooks.

2. The State must not be partial to one politico--religious interpretation or the other. Ethics derived from the Quran and Sunnah should essentially form the basis of religious education and procedures must not overtake substance as the focus of sensitization.

3. Democracy,, as a way of life, be a conscious part of the education as provided particularly in schools.. It will enable citizens to have an inclusionary outlook to life, with tolerance for difference of opinion. Thus we will be able to produce citizens with democratic ideas and beliefs, ensuring its practice..

The revised White Paper does attribute religious conflict and ideological fetish to Islamisation, but the problematique is not adequately framed in terms of conflict prevention and respect to diversity.

The language of the White Paper created euphoria amongst the media and some educators, who soon realized that this too was a veneer at best to appease certain opinion makers in society.

The expression of what is recommended in the White Paper must logically find articulation in the National Curriculum which has been a parallel and isolated exercise, preceding and overtaking the finalization of the policy. An example is the curriculum for Pakistan Studies Grades IX-X. It is worth mentioning that the Ministry has split the program for social studies, geography, history, Pakistan Studies three ways. At the primary level (up to grade V), the subject social studies is on offer, at the middle level (VI-VIII) history has been finally restored as a subject as well as geography, whilst for grades IX –X, it is back to Pakistan Studies again. A spokesman for the Ministry added that since students by grade VIII have done history up to 1947, then logically they do not need history any more but Pakistan Studies must be the centre of focus afterwards to remain in touch with what happened in Pakistan since its creation in 1947.

“ The National Curriculum Pakistan Studies Grades IX-X

This course of Pakistan Studies — which is a multi-disciplinary subject…for the students of Grades IX and X, ..to enable them not only to understand the factors leading to the creation of their homeland, but also to appreciate various aspects of its ideology, history, culture, geography, politics, economy and strategic position in regional and international affairs. .pk

OBJECTIVES:

Broadly speaking, the Curriculum of Pakistan Studies is designed to:

1. inculcate a sense of gratitude to Almighty Allah for blessing us with an independent and sovereign state.

2. underscore the importance of national integration, cohesion and patriotism.

3. encourage traits of observation, creativity, analysis and reflection in students.

4. promote an understanding of the ideology of Pakistan, the Muslim struggle for independence and endeavours for establishing a modern welfare Islamic state.

6. inculcate awareness about the multi-cultural heritage of Pakistan so as to enable the students to better appreciate the socio- cultural diversity of Pakistani society and get used to the idea of unity in diversity in our national context.

10. lay emphasis on the rights and obligations of the citizens of an independent and sovereign state.

To operationalize the above, contents and learning outcomes are provided. Chapters I and Chapter VIII below highlight the disconnect between the White Paper, and the curriculum objectives vis a vis conflict prevention strategies, textbook production/teacher training and assessment guidelines in education reforms.

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Note the peripheral ‘role of minorities’ as part of contents and the static learning objectives on what the Quaid said in August 14, 1947 speech about defining their status.

Comments on the NEPR

The country context as shared at the outset, is highly de-stabilised due to protracted exclusions, ideological fetishism, bias and deeply engrained conflicts. This is somehow not seen as central to the education reforms/policy enterprise. Some issues are highlighted rather fashionably as rhetoric with no serious follow through. The document moves towards pragmatic mechanical recommendations for quality, equity access ,and governance. Issues with respect to non-state providers including private sector, madaris and language are simply lumped under equity and left in the cold without properly guided recommendations which link to access, quality, governance, sectarianism and democracy.

Part II

Response from Civil Society

As suggested earlier the education reform this time around has been extraordinarily consultative, eclectic and process based. At the risk of cynicism, the praetorian guardians have become wiser to consult and appear to be process based and then do what they must. It secured legtimisation for a fabricated pseudo democracy, managed by military managers, seeking to simultaneously include and exclude many groups, where parliament/assemblies/senate and agencies such as MI (military intelligence) and ISI (inter-services intelligence) run parallel agendas, sometimes in collusion, and other times at odds, for their political and economic survival?

The civil society has not been an innocent bystander or participant in the process of democratic articulations. Its protests against authoritarianism and assertion of civil rights are well documented. It is also important to set the record straight chronologically speaking that the civil society has been on the march well before 9/11. It is generally assumed as a clichéd framework, that the backdrop for this discourse is 9/11, fundamentalism, rise of Islamic militancy and its aftermath. The citizens of Pakistan have been raising the flag for undermining democratic processes, exploitation by unbridled privatization and withdrawal of state responsibility, rise of religious bigotry and indiscriminate conflict since 1960s from various platforms. These have included, the teachers unions, trade unions, the Women’s Action Forum (WAF) against the Islamization of laws that totally undermine women’s space in society and education with critique of the curriculum by multiple agencies/experts ( Aurat Foundation, AGHS, HRCP, SAHE, DCHD, Simorgh, Shirkatgah, ASR, HRCP, Liberal Forum, SDPI, TRC, Minority groups Etc). A critical consciousness had already been well established in Pakistan vis a vis human rights violations, gender discrimination, sectarian divides, blasphemy laws as an overdose of Islam and its narrow interpretations in national policies, undermining diversity, citizens and gender rights. The 9/11 incident has added other complex elements in a global setting of violence without borders. .

Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi’s (ITA) Responses to the White Paper

The recent responses to education reform with due acknowledgement were invited by the Ministry of Education upon releasing the first version of the White Paper in December 2006. They selected reviewers including ITA Public Trust, already engaged in public policy work at multiple levels. ITA sent its substantive section by section response requesting that this needs wider consultation as a document and is not acceptable in its present shape . The same response was quickly circulated through e-groups to wider audiences and networks. It is also noteworthy that the space to influence was also left wide open. ITA had earlier sent a (draft) Green Paper on Education in Emergencies which was completely accepted and included in the official list of Green Papers hosted on the Ministry’s website. .pk without even ITA’s knowledge! This was a pleasant surprise indeed.

In a short space of time Jan-Feb 2007 civil society organizations responded separately and jointly through coalitions and also as comrades, pushing the Ministry to hold a round of sessions in provinces and Islamabad with experts, media, and private sector on the white paper and its shortfalls. It was an intensive series of consultations where many areas were contested for contradictory statements, simplistic approaches, exclusion of minorities and overemphasis on Islam and religion. ITA’s first systematic 12 page response to a 80 page document (annex) was registered in the Ministry during the given time period prior to January 15, 2007 . Selected comments are reproduced below:

1. Vision and Purpose ( p. 4) : Vision and Purpose statements as they are stated provide a narrow repetitive shopping list. They are not focused long term position statements (ideals) which address the challenges of 21st century learning, character development and inclusive attitudes amidst rich national /cultural diversity, local contexts and globalisation.

A rights based non-discriminatory, forward looking focus in vision is the need of the hour.

2. How do we handle the taken for granted assumption that education needs to be organized on an ideological basis? Is this a fair assumption? As urged in the White Paper that we want to get away from dogma, then it requires a more secular humanistic approach and an integration of human values across the learning processes. If you then interface with grade IX proposed Pakistan Studies National Curriculum it begins with objectives which are contrary yet again to what the White Paper proposes. How do we reconcile these operational contradictions between two vital documents of the Ministry of Education?

3. Linkages with Principal Social Issues (pp. 53-55)

Too little of everything and not inclusive ..

No mention of:

• inter-faith harmony ..valuing diversity

• inter provincial harmony;

• youth linkages and inter-cultural dialogues across the country;

• possibility of learning provincial local languages in high schools

• environmental education as part of primary health care, science or simply as a separate subject…? Not clear

• Inclusive education or special education

4. Equity (pp.25 -32)

Equity definition needs to be reworked. Equity is rightly beyond equality but it is about transferring capabilities and entitlements to citizens in absolute terms.

5. Minorities : Pakistan has almost 13 million of its population including “Ahmadis”, Christians, and Hindus who are officially categorized as ‘minorities’. Their contributions to this country continue to be significant as is their citizenship, but their concerns are not systematically addressed in all sections ( quality; equity; access; relevance, linkages to principal social issues, sectarianism ). They have not been included in the NEPR process and their voices not heard. Moreover, 3-4 million Hindus that live in Pakistan as a silenced and hushed minority need to be integrated as do the Kailash, Zikrees and Bahais. We need to ensure that the Minorities who are solid citizens are given, due dignity, basic enabling services including education and social space as their fundamental right. This is a sober omission if we are claiming a‘moderate enlightened Pakistan’.

ITA’s organized response was simultaneoulsy forwarded to advocacy networks of civil society organizations, the provincial departments of education, human rights groups, the minority groups (mostly Christian) and the development partners etc. The Ministry conceded by mid January 2007, that there is need to revise the document for which Feb. 15, 2007 would be the last date.

Response by the Christian Community

ITA’s role as an advocate was further mobilized when it was invited to the Bishops Conference in January 2007 to speak about curriculum reform. The audience was provided access to and insights into how to critically evaluate emerging policy narratives that are bound to influence future generations. Soon after a meeting was organized at the Ministry’s NEPR section with a formal delegation of the Christian Minority groups, who challenged the Ministry for their exclusion from the consultative process. They mounted a campaign registering their protest on many sections of the White Paper and the National Curriculum that went to the highest national authorities as well as human rights committees in Geneva. The government responded by saying that the White Paper is only an ‘intellectual exercise’ the real stuff is yet to come (Feb. 22, 2007) and in that due consideration will be given to their recommendations.

1. The letter by Lawrence John Saldanha Chairperson, Archbishop of Lahore , President, Pakistan Catholic Bishops’ Conference addressed to the Federal Minister on January 22, 200 7 highlighted the following concerns … (annex)

“ Honorable Mr. Qazi

a) It is a matter of deep concern for us that according to the White Paper, Islamic studies with Arabic as essential part will be taught from classes 3 to 12.

b) The Church based and civil society organizations, having vast experience in education, were ignored in review of the curriculum and policies. A structured participation of educationists could incorporate the input from the religious minorities.

After deliberations on all important aspects concerning education, we the Church leadership, would like to invite the attention of the government through the following recommendations:

1. Prejudices and biases on the account of religion, sect and gender in the curriculum have to be removed for quality education as well as quality citizenry. In a multi-religious society (Pakistan) curriculum should focus on Universal human values and the religious education can be the responsibility of the family and the respective religious community institutions.

2. We understand that it is also difficult for the government to arrange for religious education of student each minority community according to their respective faiths, which is otherwise their right under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child signed by Pakistan (1990). Practically, the scheme of Islamic Studies as a compulsory subject and the choice of Ethics for non-Muslim students, isolates and enhances discrimination against the minorities. Technically speaking, the subject of Ethics is no choice for religious minorities because of non availability of text books and teachers. Moreover, other religions in this subject are taught from Islamic point of view.

Therefore we recommend in strongest terms that religious studies should be only given at College and University levels as optional subject but not as a compulsory subject. Moreover the lessons must show equal respect to all religions, or, a reference to one religion should be avoided in all subjects.

…

We hope that the education ministry would take the above-mentioned concerns into consideration in framing the Education and Curriculum policies, in the larger interest of better Pakistan” .

2. Letter by the National Commission on Justice and Peace (NCJP) on April 25, 2007 to the UN Special Repporteur on Right to Education,Geneva recommended that :

This policy is objectionable because; it isolates students from religious minorities and enhanced discrimination against them on the basis of religions. The inclusion of the religion as compulsory part of the curriculum in past 30 years has enhanced religious intolerance and fanaticisms. We urge that the government should be persuaded to:

• Make religious studies an optional subject for the Degree classes only because the faith teaching is primarily the responsibility of the family and respective religious community,

• The subject of Ethics for non-Muslim students is no option as it is based on Islamic point of view of other religions. We recommend value education based on universal human rights and one human family according to UDHR,

• Make the curriculum free of religious biases

We request you to make use of your office and intervene in the situation by writing and urging the authorities in Pakistan to consider the above mentioned recommendations.

…

Peter Jacob, Executive Secretary, National Commission for Justice and Peace

The pressure continued to mount from other organizations and consortiums.

National Coalition for Education (NCE) ..A consortium approach

The National Coalition for Education (NCE) in Pakistan and its provincial partners mounted their campaigns against the lacunaes as did other experts and CSOs. The combined critique was then presented to the Ministry of Education’s Policy and Planning Wing for consideration.

SDPI:

Organizations such as SDPI were commissioned to do a shadow report on the performance of the 1998-2010 policy called ‘A Citizen’s Review of the National Education Policy 1998-2010 ‘ to influence the NEPR and White Paper. This document is primarily focused on access and quality, leaving little room for addressing issues of diversity, tolerance and conflict prevention. Out of the 13 chapters, it is only in chapters 3 & 4 on “ A Vision for Education in Pakistan: Aims , Objectives” and “ A Critical Evaluation of the National l Education Policy” , that some of these concerns are addressed and not raised again in the ensuing chapters except fleetingly in chapter 5 under Equity.

Under the chapter titled : A Critical Review of the National Education Policy 1998-2010 it says that the two most troubling elements are isolated ..

1. The NEP promotes the Islamization of Education, society and state

a. Section 1.7 of NEP declares goal of the policy to be “ Placing the entire system of education on a sound Islamic Foundation’.

b. 2.1 first objective of education as ‘ to help build a sound Islamic society’.

c. 3.4.7 the Policy declares: “teachers shall be considered focal pontes of dissemination of information on fundamental principles of Islam

d. 3.3.9 proposes ‘expunging material repugnant to Islamic Teachings and values ’

e. 3.1.7 articulates..that in an Islamic state there should be no difference between deen and dunya and tha tall disciplines would become Islamiyat (Islamic Studies)

f. 3.3.7 & 3.3. 10 mention the term Ideology of Pakistan ..to be taught to trainee teachers

This is in sharp contrast to Quaid-e-Azam’s vision for education in Dec. 1947

2) The conceptual framework of the NEP undermines the possibility of an enlightened education. For example it asserts that “ the only justification for our existence is our total commitment to Islam as our sole identity” .

(SDPI, 2007 pp. 23-25)

SDPI had previously undertaken the critique of the intolerant biased curriculum The Subtle Subversion in 2002/3, which provided yet another reason to undertake a thorough curriculum review which had already been initiated by the Ministry of Education.

AKU-IED

As part of its ongoing work on influencing policy through research the Department of Citizenship Rights and Education has been undertaking research and analysing past policies. For the 1998-2010 policy it clearly states that :

Jinnah envisaged Pakistan as a democracy in which all citizens are equal members of the state and the purpose of education, the development of all citizens of Pakistan. This policy (1998) views Pakistan as an Islamic state and defines citizenship in exclusionary terms. Moreover, while both view the purpose of education as the creation of productive and useful worker citizens, Jinnah also emphasizes character education to prepare responsible and service-oriented citizens. .. If Pakistan wants to create a democratic society, she must develop a sense of belonging among her citizens by emphasizing unity in diversity and treating all equitably as Jinnah envisioned. She will then be able to demand and receive contributions to development and prosperity from all her citizens ( Deane, 2005 ©2005 citizED)

There is a great deal of ground work as well as integration of concept of citizenship, conflict and human rights education that has been undertaken in the textbooks of Sindh which was officially commissioned to AKU-IED by the Sindh Textbook Board.

Part III

Recommendations and Way Forward

1. Conflict is not a phenomenon restricted to the underdeveloped or developing countries The recent Global Peace Index (GPI) puts US on 96 and Pakistan on 116, with the latter is number 8th from the bottom. Pakistan, a country not at war officially is clearly without peace and a cause for concern to all of us as citizens. “ This is a wake up call for leaders around the world’.. What is even more worrying that US is just 20 rankings behind whilst Srilanka is 115th and India 109th. The study commissioned by the Economist Intelligence Unit. Peace, reminds the readers that peace is not “ just the absence of war; it's the absence of violence…Countries need to become more peaceful to solve the major challenges that the world faces - from climate change to overpopulation and sustainability,".. Mr. McConaghy. The Dawn Thursday May 31, 2007 p. 16

It is important to mobilize positive experiences on conceptual frameworks and practical tools for conflict prevention, from other countries suffering from discrete and obvious conflicts. This needs to be explored for adaptation to the Pakistan context. Currently Pakistan is not confronting the complex issue with an ostrich like mentality, thinking it is only the creation of a duty bound Islamic Man that is a problem!

2. Pakistan has witnessed an iterative reform process at the macro and sector level since 1999. The reform program has been initiated on account of a genuine prolonged need for social and economic changes as well as for legitimacy of the praetorian rule and its various versions of citizenship alliances at local and national levels. Democratic processes and institution building continue to be undermined in Pakistan. This has become a norm since the first decade of independence. Education in many ways is the centre piece of reversing the efforts to work towards a democratic learning environment. However, there is currently no real focus on these issues and themes in any practical area of education reforms and earlier policies. This realization has to spread and appropriate actions taken to make the challenge of democracy, its norms and attitudes a part of policy and curriculum reforms, classroom practice to help , change the culture of schools, departments and ministry of education.

2.i A section needs to be added both in the Policy and in the National Curriculum guidelines for each subject on Diversity, Democracy, Citizenship and Conflict management /resolution as a cross cutting theme that runs powerfully across Governance, Management, Quality, Equity and Access.

3. The National Education Census 2005, has already established that there is 33-35 % provision by non-state providers including madaris and the share of non-state providers is a rising statistic urging government to review its own position as a provider, financier and facilitator of education as a public good. The NEC provides an insight and direction as to how the issue of provision and diversity needs to be tackled through ensuring standards and principles of operation, rather than by adversarial stance on who is the provider? A total of 245,682 institutions were surveyed out of which 164,579 are in public sector and 81,103 are in private sector. Of the total 1.5 million teachers almost 700,000 are in the private sector.

Deeni Madaris : It is the first time that Deeni Madaris have been individually enumerated through a census. Out of 12,979 Deeni Madaris, 12,153 Madaris provided the information and the enrolment is recorded as 1,549,242. ( NEC 2005, Executive Summary)

It is important to remind ourselves the context and scale and to look beyond the obvious to other sources of ‘talibanisation in mainstream education systems.. at all levels of the spectrum. That is infact more dangerous.. and committed.

Given the context of scale and size and multiplicity of provision a strategy needs to be defined which is far more balanced in terms of support so that non-elite private sector is not ignored.

Why must madrassahs be mainstreamed and modernized only. Why not other institutions around the country that are in shambles and encourage dissent and disaffection in the first place when parents make choices to remove a child from a regular school and send to a madrassah instead. There needs to be a uniform policy for minimum standards across the country as suggested by the White Paper to provide government and non-government schools alike with incentives for deserving institutions and households.

There is a need for a disaggregated view of school systems including madaris to see what is being taught and how it is being taught. How can the principles of citizenship, diversity, tolerance and creative engagement be fostered in diverse delivery systems?

A strategy needs to be in place to access not just govt. schools but also private sector schools/colleges and teachers as well who make a critical difference. The diverse provision is an opportunity to influence many more groups rather than focus only on the government or only on the madaris.

4. How can techniques of conversations about conflict and peace, and conflict prevention initiatives at the school and local levels be disseminated to mobilize the little histories and experiences instead of grand but distant narratives? This will create multiple and proactive spaces for appreciating and respecting diversity or the resources within?

This is yet another technique of building bridges and healing, highlighted in Ashghar and Chabra’s technique illustrated by this beautiful couplet in emerging narratives (2002)

“There was a person, who made a circle to keep me out,

So I made a circle to include us both.”

(quoted in Asghar and Chabra, 2002)

Many of us completely agree with the advocates that there is a need to shift from being adversaries to complementing partners, whereby ‘peace and development and human happiness (my addition) are intertwined. This is mutually ..reinforcing each other at multiple levels’. (Ashgar & Chabra , 2002). We need to have this grounded in clear conceptual and practical steps. Many materials have been generated that need to be mobilized towards these efforfs.

4.i. It is time to recruit teachers, students and social activists as social entrepreneurs in the business of conflict prevention. They can act as strong catalysts towards this endeavour by integrating skills of listening, appreciating diverse backgrounds, histories and providing space to ‘difference’.

4.ii. The Govt. of Pakistan has encouraged participation of non-state providers/CSOs in helping it meet its targets and programs. ITA is working with over 7000 teachers /educators including those that are being trained at the Plymoth State University (80 educators) and it is important to see them as agents of change in this area. Many other organizations are also undertaking similar work.

5. We need to design tools for a peace and conflict audit in our national curriculum, its objectives, textbooks, pedagogy and assessment systems.

6. Tariq Rehman in his opinion piece on the language policy in the Dawn (June 5, 2007) aptly says that “ Maybe, we can start a new language policy of providing justice to all, by writing new texts in Urdu and other national languages — texts which promote peace rather than war, tolerance rather than intolerance and the idea of rights rather than the views of male and class superiority. Then perhaps we can take the risk of promoting a more just policy on the medium of instruction” .(Rahman, Dawn June 5, 2007). Writing many and appropriate texts is most critical to effect lasting change.

Conflict Prevention through holistic education strategies is central to the challenge of survival, evolution and well being of our society and our global community. I strongly believe that we have the will, the tools and we can do it collaboratively. We need to band together for a global agenda and action towards human security !

Bibliography

Asghar, A & M. Chabra (2002) Development As Peace: A Vision Of Hope In The India-Pakistan Conflict, Paper Published In The Journal Of Peacebuilding And Development, 2002.

Asghar, A & M. Chabra (2002) Emerging Narratives On The Indo-Pak Conflict: A Women’s Intiative In The Direction Of Peace, Paper Published In The Journal Of Peacebuilding And Development, 2002.

Candland, C. (2007) Pakistan’s Recent Experience in Reforming Islamic Education

Dean B. (2005) Citizenship Education In Pakistani Schools: Problems And Possibilities, e. journal, Correspondence: BERNADETTE L. DEAN, Aga Khan University, Institute for Educational Development, IED-PDC, 1-5/B-VII, F.B. Area, Karimabad, P.O. Box

13688, Karachi-75950, Pakistan

Fair, C. Christine (2006) Islamic Education in Pakistan, USIP.

Jacob, P (2007) Press Release, June 1, 2007. National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP), Pakistan.

Jalal, A ( 1991 ) State of Martial Rule, Lahore: Vanguard Books, Pakistan edition

Jalal, A (1995) Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia: A comparative historical perspective, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Jamil. B. (2007) Unpublished M.phil Thesis on Privatization and Equity : A case study of Pakistan Urban Secondary Schools. Institute of Education, University of London.

Jamil B.Raza (2006), Decentralization & Devolution in Pakistan: Educational Implications of the Praetorian Interpretation. Published in: Education Decentralization: Asian Experiences and Conceptual Contributions, (Ed. Bjork. C), Springer, USA.

Ministry of Education, (2007) A White Paper – revised : Document to Debate & Finalize the National Education Policy

Ministry of Education, (2006) The National Education Census. In collaboration with the Federal Bureau Of Statistics (FBS)

Ministry of Education (1998) The National Education Policy 1998-2010

Ministry of Education (2003) Education Sector Reforms Action Plan 2001/2-2005/6

Nayyar A.H & Ahmad Salim (2007) A Citizens Review of the National Education Policy 1998-2010, Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), Pakistan.

Nayyar A.H & Ahmad Salim (2003) The Subtle Subversion: The State of Curricula and Textbooks in Pakistan – Urdu, English, Social Studies and Civics. Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), Islamabad.

Rahman, T (2003), Pluralism and Intolerance in Pakistani Society Attitudes of Pakistani Students towards the Religious Other, Presented at the conference on pluralism at the Aga Khan University – Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilization. October 25, 2003.

Siddiqa A. (2007) Military Inc. Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy. Oxford University Press. Pakistan

Syed A. Farooq Akbar (2007) Connecting the dots… Integration of Teachers Perspectives in Policy Development and Implementation. ABES with the collaboration of the Commonwealth Education Fund (CEF) .

The Daily Times (2007)

USIP, Religion and Peacekeeping Developing a Peace Education Curriculum with Pakistan Madassas. April 9-13, Islamabad , Pakistan.

Annex

Curriculum Framework-NCERT

The National System of Education will be based on a national curricular framework, which contains a common core along with other components that are flexible. The common core will include the history of India’s freedom movement, the constitutional obligations and other content essential to nurture national identity. These elements will cut across subject areas and will be designed to promote values such as India’s common cultural heritage, egalitarianism, democracy and secularism, equality of sexes, protection of environment, removal of social barriers, observance of small family norm and inculcation of scientific temper. All educational programmes will be carried on in strict conformity with secular values. India has always worked for peace and understanding between nations, treating the whole world as one family. True to this hoary tradition, education has to strengthen this world-view and motivate the younger generations for international cooperation and peaceful co-existence. This aspect cannot be neglected. To promote equality, it will be necessary to provide for equal opportunity for all, not only in access but also in the conditions of success. Besides, awareness of the inherent equality of all will be created through the core curriculum. The purpose is to remove prejudices and complexes transmitted through the social environment and the accident of birth.

National Policy on Education, 1986

Living in harmony within oneself and with one’s natural and social environment is a basic human need. Sound development of an individual’s personality can take place only in an ethos marked by peace. A disturbed natural and psycho-social environment often leads to stress in human relations, triggering intolerance and

conflict. We live in an age of unprecedented violence— local, national, regional and global. Education often plays a passive, or even insidious role, allowing young

minds to be indoctrinated into a culture of intolerance, which denies the fundamental importance of human sentiments and the noble truths discovered by different civilisations. Building a culture of peace is an incontestable goal of education. Education to be meaningful should empower individuals to choose peace as a way of life and enable them to become managers rather than passive spectators of conflict. Peace as an integrative perspective of the school curriculum has the potential of becoming an enterprise for healing and revitalising the nation. As a nation we have been able to sustain a robust democratic polity. The vision of democracy articulated by the Secondary Education Commission

(1952) is worth recalling:

Citizenship in a democracy involves many intellectual, social and moral qualities…a democratic citizen should have the understanding and the intellectual integrity to sift truth from falsehood, facts from propaganda and to reject the dangerous

appeal of fanaticism and prejudice … should neither reject the old because it is old nor accept the new because it is new, but dispassionately examine both and courageously reject what arrests the forces of justice and progress…..

For us to foster democracy as a way of life rather than only a system of governance, the values enshrined in the Constitution assume paramount significance.

• The Constitution of India guarantees equality of status and opportunity to all citizens. Continued exclusion of vast numbers of children from education and the disparities caused through private and public school systems challenge the efforts towards achieving equality. Education should function as an instrument of social transformation and an egalitarian social order.

• Justice—social, economic and political—to all citizens is integral to strengthening democracy.

• Liberty of thought and action is a fundamental value embedded in our Constitution. Democracy requires as well as creates a kind of citizen who pursues her own autonomously chosen ends and respects others’ right to do so as well.

• A citizen needs to internalise the principles of equality, justice and liberty to promote fraternity among all.

• India is a secular democratic state, which means that all faiths are respected, but at the same time the Indian state has no preference for any particular faith. The felt need, today, is to inculcate among children a respect for all people regardless of their religious beliefs.

India is a multicultural society made up of numerous regional and local cultures. People’s religious beliefs, ways of life and their understanding of social relationships

are quite distinct from one another. All the groups have equal rights to co-exist and flourish, and the education system needs to respond to the cultural pluralism inherent in our society. To strengthen our cultural heritage and national identity, the curriculum should enable the younger generation to reinterpret and re-evaluate the past with reference to new priorities and emerging outlooks of a changing societal context. Understanding human evolution should make it clear that the existence of distinctness in our country is a tribute to the special spirit of our country, which allowed it to flourish. The cultural diversity of this land should continue to be treasured as our special attribute. This should not be considered a result of mere tolerance. Creation of a citizenry conscious of their rights and duties, and commitment to the principles embodied in our Constitution is a prerequisite in this context.

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[1] Ayesha Siddiqa’s publication, Military Inc. highlights this aspect of the political economy of Pakistan, managed by the Military since the 1950s with core concepts of Milbus, …. Endorsed by constitutional and legal amendments …

[2] Official response by the Ministry of Education to the Archbishop of Lahore, President Pakistan Catholic Bishop’s Conference, on Feb. 26th, 2007 with respect to compulsory Arabic teaching and Islamiyat etc. ..

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