Key Political Movements .com
Brendan Behan’s Raw MaterialBrendan Behan’s Raw MaterialHow Brendan Behan’s playwriting practice effectively exposed and challenged changing facets of nationalism and political thought in the Republic of Ireland and how a Bakhtinian approach to writing perpetuates and enables a multi-vocal narrative.Declan McLaughlin, BA (Hons)Thesis Prepared for the Degree ofMASTER OF ARTSInTHEATRE PRACTICEUNIVERSITY OF EXETERAugust 2018Supervisor:Cariad Astles, MA‘Come all ye young rebels, and list while I singFor the love of one’s country, is a terrible thing.It banishes fear with the speed of a flameAnd it makes us all part of the patriot game.’ – Dominic BehanOn the outskirts of Dublin, in Ballymun, sits Glasnevin Cemetery, the final resting place of Brendan Behan. Behan was known over the Republic of Ireland, and indeed the world, for his literary work. His plays inspired countless theatre artists and his frank autobiographical literary endeavours about revolutionary struggle enlightened many, and gave a frank review of life in the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and it’s affiliates. Key A key themes of Behan’s work was were nationalism and political allegiance, the love for ones country, and the way that in manifested itself in different ways across the broad spectrum of hisa country’s inhabitants. His brother, Dominic Behan, famously wrote the stalwart republican ballad: ‘The Patriot Game’, a lyrical ballad of a young man’s wish to join revolutionary struggle and his own confliction within the system. I am a descendant of the Irish diaspora community of Scotland, where the flames of Irish culture, consistently kept alight by the current generation of the Scots-Irish, are part of the rich tapestry of culture the country has to offer. The work of Irish writers and dramaturgs has always engrossed fascinated me as a researcher. I seek to prove that there is finite link between Behan’s plays and the socio-political climate of Ireland in order and Behan’s plays, to prove that Behan’s writing was a challenge to, and representation of, the nationalistic attitude prevalent in Ireland in during the 1940s and 50s.Though there have many writings onmany scholars have undertaken to write about Behan himself, from his wife Beatrice to , his brother Dominic and many other biographers, there is a lack of academic research a surrounding his work in terms of relating his dramaturgical practice to nationalist theory. Through my research, I aim to expose and interrogate the social and political climates of the Republic of Ireland against Behan’s characters and plays, to assess if Brendan Behan was effectively challenging and representing the Ireland at the time of writing and at the time his works are set. I aim to use nationalist theory to perform textual analysis, in order cross-examine Behan’s plays to see if a Bakhtinian approach to playwriting can enable a multi-vocal narrative. Key Political Movements: Key Political MovementsIn this section of my thesis I am gathering and reviewing relevant literature that focuses on key political moments in Ireland and Behan’s work. I start with a brief introduction to the Army Comrades Association and their formation in the 1930s. I will then move further to assess the formation of the Republic in the 1940s and ?amon de Valera’s reign as Taoiseach. These times and movements are all displayed or paralleled in Behan’s work. I aim to move through history assessing key political mindsets, particularly those regarding literature and playwriting. My researchh seeks to prove that Brendan Behan’s playwriting practice effectively exposed the changing face of Irish nationalism in Ireland. The Hostage came in the late 1950s, along with a plethora of radio plays that were also realised on stage; this collection included The Big House. His last full-length dramatic work, Richard’s Cork’s Leg, left unfinished due to his untimely death, finally beingwas finally produced in 1972. Although it is suspected that the writing of the play took place in the 1950s and 190/60s, his close friend Alan Simpson of the Abbey Theatre, Dublin, finally finished the manuscript and noted that whilst he was directing one of Brendan’s plays in London he began work on Richard’s Cork’s Leg. (Simpson, 1978: 8) Because of the nature of my research it is imperative to discuss Ireland, the country where that informed Behan’s formed his thematic tendencies, and furthermoreas well as the socio-political climate of the country at relevant times. To begin to deal with the fields I have analysed and reviewed some key works to further my understanding of nationalism, Irish history, nationalism, and the works of Brendan Behan., I have analysed and reviewed some key works to further my understanding.Army Comrades Association (The Blueshirts.) Army Comrades Association (The Blueshirts)Due to theGiven the Irish Republican polity’s mindset, heavily setbased on socialism and left wing political movements—, something that will be apparent when we begin to analyse the work of Brendan Behan and the climate of the 1940s and 1950s—, it seems almost surprising that Ireland would have a fascist movements large enough to appear in its historical record. I feel it is important to include some analysing analysis of relevant work regarding the Army Comrades Association (ACA), as there is a gap in academia surrounding them solelyregarding this group, and they feature as one end of an extreme in Richard’s Cork Leg. The Army Comrades Association, or The Blueshirts, as they were colloquially known, were a sub-movement of the Irish political system who have historically have been linked to Fine Gael, . Fine Gael are a centre-right party in the Republic of Ireland. The ACA movement was founded on a fear of communism and wishes wished to re-unify Ireland without outside influence. Maurice Manning noted their founder, General Eoin O’Duffy, as being anwas an admirer of Benito Mussolini. (Manning, 1970: np) The Blueshirts’ historical relevance pertains mainly to the 1930s, mainly the era in which the Spanish Civil War was fought.were They were perhaps most notorious for being a sub-section of Irish soldiers who embarked on a journey to Spain during the Civil War, to fight for Franco’s nationalist troops, whilst left- wing Irish volunteers fought for the Republicans. It is noted, however, in Mike Cronin’s The Blueshirts and Irish Politics, that tThe Blueshirts were predominantly kept on the sidelines, and endured little action in the war. (Cronin, 1997: np) Their historical relevance pertains mainly to the 1930s, mainly the era in which the Spanish Civil War was fought.The Blueshirts make an appearance in Brendan Behan’s Richard’s Cork Leg. Two blind men, Cronin and The Hero, notably socialist in their view of the world, albeit a disparate socialism at times, wait in a graveyard for The Blueshirts to mourn their dead. Upon The Blueshirts arrival they plan to attack them. Their historical relevance pertains mainly to the 1930s, mainly the era in which the Spanish Civil War was fought. Mike Cronin charts the history of the Blueshirt movement in Ireland. He marks that the Blueshirts were often colloquially known as 'Ireland's Fascists.' He addresses the gap of academia, as he and Maurice Manning, a fellow Irish historian, are the only two historians to tackle the Blueshirts head on in their research. Cronin goes onto analyseIn his analysis of some of the key concern’s of O’Duffy’s movement, Cronin writes: 'The principal concern of Fianna Fail, the IRA and the broad republican left was the reduction of the Blueshirt threat. This was done by identifying The Blueshirts as fascist and drawing parallels with events in Europe' i.ei.e., the rise of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party’. (Cronin, 1997: np)Dermot Keogh noted that The the Blueshirts were more clerical fascists than reactionary ones, and that their nationalist ideology displayed admiration for both the Gaelic Language language and the Catholic Church. (Keogh, 2007: 168) Cronin notes that Pope Pius XI's encyclical Quadragesimo Anno , of 1931 formed much of the basis of the ideas that ACA officials adopted, wherein they, this expressed their adherence and admiration for Catholic rhetoric. F, furthermore, the Pope's work refuted both socialism and capitalism. (Cronin, 1997: np) The Blueshirts make an appearance in Behan’s Richard’s Cork Leg. Two blind men, Cronin and The Hero, notably socialist (albeit a disparate socialism at times in their view of the world) wait in a graveyard for the Blueshirts to arrive to mourn their dead. The two men plan to attack the Blueshirts. To understandUnderstanding the movement of Blueshirt politics, as the movement is directly spoken about in Richard’s Cork Leg, is pertinent to studying the piece dramaturgically. Being ableThe ability to parallel the two opposing sides of the Irish political psyche, although we have concluded that it is a broad church, will be critical to my analysing analysis of Behan’s effectiveness at exposing Irish national attitude, particularly in the political debates in Richard’s Cork Leg between the Soviet-minded The Hero and the ACA themselves in Richard’s Cork Leg. Irish nationalism, playwriting and the creation of a Republic.Irish Nationalism, Playwriting, and the Creation of a Republic‘I would be a nationalist in no other country but Ireland.’ - W. B. Yeats A.C Hepburn’s The Conflict of Nationality in Modern Ireland notes a key movement in Irish history regarding literature and playwriting. The Irish government , created a board to deal with literary works they believed to be unfit for the new Republic , in 1926;, however, in by 1946, that board became had become part of a somewhat private sector, and the board members themselves held all power in regards to censorship. ‘In practice the Board from it’s earliest days interpreted it’s brief very widely, banning a large number of works of international repute,…’ (Hepburn, 1980: 143-144) A large amount of the works banned works were written by writers such as John Steinbeck and Ernest Hemingway, who were famed for their frank and honest replications depictions of working class reality. , e.g. John Steinbeck, Ernest Hemingway. Although Behan was not writing during this time, we can perhaps consider the publication of his new work’s publishing and premiere on stage to be a reclamation— or perhaps awakening— of a sleeping Irish literary beast, wishing to be frank and honest with the country’s attitude. Hepburn’s attitude towards nationalist feeling sentiment is an assumption that nationalist attitude adheres and pays attention to government legislation in order to survive. The Republic was a new creation; many of the changes in the country’s new identity came from a new government.Richard English, who is currently a politics Professor at Queen’s University Belfast, wrote Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland and is currently a politics Professor at Queen’s University Belfast. His book charts changing movements of nationalism and . He challenges the notion that revolutionary action in Ireland’s writing was a ‘dual kind of subversion: subverting of the imperialistic British regime against which they had fought: but also the subversion of elements of the Irish Republican myth itself.’ (English, 2006: 323) This theory of embitterment towards political movements in general, will be key in my analysiszing of his characters later in the research, as I believe this will be visible in a number of Behan’s central characters, e.g. Pat in The Hostage, and Cronin in Richard’s Cork Leg.. English addresses an epithet of misguidance in the charting of Brendan Behan’s life and times by historians, claiming that: ‘There has been an understandable tendency for historians to focus more attention on the two periods of Northern Ireland’s ‘Troubles’ – in the early 1920s, and then from the late 1960s onwards’. (English, 356: 2006) English goes on to query as to whether, regarding the 1940s and 1950s as were ‘an era in which nothing much happened, while everyone waited for the unstoppable conflict to emerge again. But is this a justifiable view?’ (English, 356: 2006) One of the key catalysts for this thesis is the fact that, as English states, many disregard this period because of the lack of armed struggle, compared to the years previous and following. This authorI, however, sees Ireland in from the 1930s up to the 1960s as a melting pot of nationalist attitude, with many different standpointsviewpoints, verging on two extremes, during a period of time where the Irish had to play an unbearable waiting game. Mike Cronin, Academic Director of Boston College Ireland, Mike Cronin, wrote A History of Ireland in 2001. Similarly to English, he charts the journey of Irish history, but even more similarly to Hepburn, Cronin's assessing assessment of nationalism in is concerned with legislation. Through By citing legislation and policy, Cronin marks two important events—, or rather, two important policies— that enhanced the feelings of separation between the North and South, and thus affected nationalist attitude in the Republic. Cronin notes that Taoiseach ?amon de Valera used a traditional radio announcement on St. Patrick’s Day: 'to outline his vision of what Eire might become. He argued, perhaps in acceptance of the contemporary immobility of the border issue, that national independence was about building a community with shared goals' (Cronin 2001: 220) From de Valera’s address and Cronin’s assessment of it wWe can gather from de Valera’s address and Cronin’s assessment of it that nationalist attitude could be have been leaning towards the idea of unity in Ireland in the 1950s; h. However de Valera’s future goals for Ireland were debated as Cronin goes on to note: ‘'There have been many interpretations of the 1943 speech, and debate surround whether de Valera was sketching an unobtainable and idealised version of Ireland, or whether this was a statement of future policy' (Cronin, 2001: 220) Cronin claims that Ireland had an inability to modernise itself. He saw de Valera’s speech as a metaphorical step backward to an older form of nationalism, much more in line with Catholic rhetoric. (Cronin, 2001: 197) This is a view shared by Northern Irish historian David G. Boyce, as he claims de Valera's view of Ireland was 'rural, pious and Catholic.' (Boyce, 1982: 352) Boyce continues to summate facets of both religion and nationalism in Ireland when he writes: ‘This growth of a homogeneous state was more important in the every day lives of most of its citizens, to whom to be Irish was, as a matter of common fact, to be Catholic. (Boyce, 1982: 353) The view these historians offer will be critical to my analysing analysis of Behan’s work, as I can then use the nationalist attitude and legislation of Ireland to interrogate the construction and characters of Behan’s plays. Ireland became an official Republic in 1949, before Behan’s first plays were realised on stage. However, Behan lived through the official declaration of the republic. Later in my research, I intend to uncover as to whether this key landmark in the country’s history have any dramaturgical or textual parallel in his work. Taoiseach John Costello was key in deciding that all ties with Britain and the Commonwealth were to be severed and thus the twenty-six counties in Republican control became the Republic of Ireland. This must have felt like a victory for the republicRepublic, though it came with its throes as 'partition was copper-bottomed for the foreseeable future. The sense of separation between the two parts of Ireland appeared wider than ever before.' (Cronin, 2001: 221) It was a time of debate for the Republicans, as they had a majority control of their own land, but still had six counties in the North, under British control. Politics in the Republic of Ireland, edited by John Coakley and Michael Gallagher, summarises events: ‘Although the constitutional issue disappeared as a source of dispute after Ireland had finally severed its ties with crown Crown and Commonwealth in 1949, the territorial issue remained contentious.… The British responded to the Republic of Ireland Act with its own Ireland Act of 1949, which, while continuing to protect the position of Irish immigrants, declared that, ‘in no event will Northern Ireland or any part thereof … cease to be part of the United Kingdom without the consent of the Parliament of Northern Ireland’..’’ (Coakley, 1992: np) Ireland had effectively given up on reclaiming the six counties for the time being, as Coakley states. The Republic of Ireland Act would ensure the partition of Ireland for many years to come. Thee partition, a partition , which still exists to this day. We can discern from the analysing analysis of these keys works that language is an important part of a national identity, and that the building of a new community with a shared ideal was the goal for the Irish citizens. We can gather that the historical view of the nationalist attitude in Ireland in the 1940s relied heavily on government legislation and the Catholic Church. ?amon de Valera’s tenure as Taoiseach was marked with his adherence to Catholic orthodoxy and an inability to enter the modern world, whereas John Costello’s time as leader, often known as reluctant, or forgotten, time as leader will be forever associated with the declaration of the Republic. However, the declaring of the Republic, although a huge event for Ireland, only went onto increase the feelings of separation. There are key themes here that I wish to explore in conjunction with Brendan Behan’s work. Firstly, religion had clearly played a large role in the creation of the Ireland of the 1940s and 50s., I aim to challenge any religious imagery or mention in Behan’s work in connection with de Valera’s ‘pious’ Ireland. The second is a feeling of unity and the idea of community. Taoiseach de Valera aimed to realise unity for the Irish people, chiefly with his address in 1943. However, how unified is the Ireland that is present in Behan’s dramaturgical work and his dialogic exchanges? His characters, some at least, can be considered community-driven within the utopia of agreement that de Valera’s rhetoric would have us believe Ireland was during his time as leader. In contrast, Cronin’s ideas of ‘feelings of separation’ may be more frank and reflective of reality. As I go further into a review of relevant works I aim to find more percussive themes with Irish nationalism that could be replicated or exposed in Behan’s work. Methodologies.MethodologiesNationalist theory:Nationalist Theory‘Nations are not eternal. They have a beginning and they will have an end.’- Ernest Renan In order to analyse Brendan Behan’s work in conjunction with nationalist attitude, it is important to understand the movement of Irish nationalism. Moreover, , but moreover it is fundamental to understand and acknowledge nationalist theory as a separate concept. There are a number of ways in which to uncover nationalism in a playwright’s work;, however, because I am challenging Behan’s work, and seeking answers as to whether it did represents different facets of nationalistic attitude in the socio-political climate of Dublin, it is crucial for me to look at sociological and political theorists, politicians, writers, etc., on the subject of nationalism. I am aiming to pairBy pairing ideals and theories of nationalism with Behan’s characters and dramaturgical construct in relation to the Irish socio-political climate, I aim to disuncover as to whether it could have possibly been Behan’s aim to represent a cross-section of Irish attitude towards the new Republic and Irish unity. Anthony D. Smith was a Professor of Nationalism and Ethnicity at the London School of Economics. His book: Nationalism states in it’s preface that it ‘aims to provide a short introduction to the concept of nationalism. Its purpose is to offer students and readers a critical synthesis of much of the existing scholarship in the field’ (Smith, 2001: Preface) One of his the main theories inside the book is that nationalist identity can unravel and are is subject to progression over time., Aas he says: ‘So each of us has multiple identities, from the most intimate family circle, to the widest circle of humanity and, further, in a free society many of these identities become increasingly symbolic and optional.’ (Smith, 2001: 18) Another theorist who shares this view is James Samuel Coleman, a Purdue University sociologist. Coleman, however, goes further to say that the nationalist experience is multi-layered, summed up by Clifford Geertz here: ‘Operating with an omnibus concept... as displaying five different sorts of nationalism at once.’ (Geertz, 1963: 107) Coleman conceptualizes, using Nigerian nationalism as a case study, that the five types of nationalism would be: Pan-African Nationalism, Nigerian nationalism, Regional, nationalism, Group nationalism, and Cultural Nationalism nationalism or Race consciousnessConsciousness. (Coleman, 1958: 425-26) This theory of multi layered nationalism will be helpful in my analysing analysis of Behan’s characters and the way that they expose attitudes of Irish nationalism. S, some characters may be single-layered in their attitudes, and others may be a more fervent, five- layered nationalist. Behan’s characters are often deciding on a cultural recipe or nationalist checklist, which informs the audience on in regard to their perception of a character’s Irish-ness. T, these exchanges will be better analysed when paralleled with Coleman’s theory. This is and are pertinent in all three of my case studies, particularly in dialogic exchanges in The Hostage. A Joseph Stalin was a prominent theorist, who disagrees disagreed with Coleman’s multilayered theory, was Joseph Stalin. Stalin was a Soviet revolutionary and the Leader leader of the Soviet Union from 1922 until 1952. In a collection of his theories and writings he claims, against counter to the regional and /cultural ingredients aspects of Coleman’s theory, that: ‘A nation is primarily a community, a definite community of people. This community is not racial, nor is it tribal.' (Stalin, 1973: 57) Stalin goes onto cite numerous nations that are made up of countless ethnicities and backgrounds, and which count themselves as one community. He goes on to say: 'Common territory does not by itself create a nation. This requires, in addition, an internal economic bond to weld the various parts of the nation into a single whole.' (Stalin, 1973: 58) I will later use Stalin’s ‘internal economic bond’ theory to discuss the inner catalyst for Behan’s characters in his plays, as well as Stalin’s affect effect on Communism, a subject which is fervently discussed in Richard’s Cork Leg. It also worthy of to note that Communism, of which Stalin was a political practitioner, is discussed fervently in both Richard’s Cork Leg and The Hostage. John Hutchinson is also an academic fromof the London School of Economics., Hhis PhD work was supervised by Anthony Smith. He shares Stalin’s view somewhat but claims that this internal desire to move forward is something ‘forced’. as As he says: 'Because the world is divided into a multiplicity of political communities, they are forced to work within a specific territorial homeland and in order to secure a state that will embody their aspirations.' (Hutchinson, 1994: 122) Hutchinson’s remarks make it seem that nationalism can be used as a political device for self-gain; n, that possibly a true-sense of rousing nationalism might not exist.? This goes back to Stalin’s theory, where we can ask, with Hutchinson’s preposition: ‘What are the nationalist’s ‘aspirations’ (or ‘internal bond’)? Is it dependent on the individual? Max Weber’s work greatly influenced sociological research and Weber is often considered as ‘Arguably the foremost social theorist of the twentieth century’ (Kim, 2007: np) Weber claimed that the idea of a nation came from an element of prestige and privilege. He says that nations: ‘'comprise especially all those who think of themselves as being the specific 'partners' “partners” of a specific “'culture”' diffused among the members of the polity. Under the influence of these circles, the naked prestige of “'power:' is unavoidable transformed into other special forms of prestige and especially into the idea of “'nation”.’ .' (Weber, 1948: 172) He goes onto say that: ‘the concept undoubtedly means, above all, that one may exact, from certain groups of men, a specific sentiment of solidarity in the face of other groups.’ (Weber, 1948: 173) Weber’s views are original, and certainly were original at the time of writing, but his theory is more in line with Hutchinson’s. His use of the words ‘exact from certain groups’ make it sound like as if nationalism like is a tool to be used to harness feeling within citizens for the polity’s gain. It will be of use to inquest inquire as to whether any of Behan’s characters see nationalism in this functional manner, rather than the manner that Ernest Renan describes in his’s Sorbonne lecture: Qu’est-ce qu’une nation? In 1882, Ernest Renan claimed that: ‘The modern nation is therefore the historical result of a number of facts that have converged in the same direction.’ (Renan 1882) Renan takes a more liberal view of what makes a nationality and casts off many features that other theorists would argue to be are key in to the making of a nation. For example, he says that trade and political gain do not do anythingnothing to create a nation: ‘Communities of interest determine commercial treaties. However, sentiment features in the making of nations. A nation is a body and soul at the same time. A Zollverein [customs union], by contrast, is never a fatherland.’ (Renan 1882) Renan continues and saysgoes on to say that Geographygeography, although a part of historyhistory, is not a bookend for national identity: ‘But can one say, as certain parties believe, that the limits of a nation are inscribed on the map and that a given nation has the right to judge what is necessary in rounding its corners or in striving to reach this mountain or that river? I know of no more arbitrary or disastrous doctrine.’ (Renan 1882) We can discern that some of Behan’s characters may adopt Renan’s liberal and romantic views of nationalism. It is also worthy of to note that Renan was a novelist as well as an academic. I aim intend to uncover uncover that his romantic academia surrounding the topic of nationalism survives in the playwriting practice of Brendan Behan. To move away from the romantic view of nationhood we can look at the work of German philosopher, Karl Marx. Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote The Communist Manifesto in 1884, wherein . Marx wrote: ‘The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality.’ (Marx, 1848: np) Ffrom this statement alone, one may be brought to the thought that Irelandthe Irish, so fiercely fighting for their own country, must not be as socialistsocialist as we once thought;, however Marx gocarries on to say:: ‘Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of that nation, must constitute itself the nation.’ (Marx, 1848: np) It is not unlikely that some socialistsocialist dogma exists within the work of Behan, as socialistsocialist ideology still must have existed in Ireland during the 1940s and 50s. I will return to speak about the socialistsocialist policies of Ireland at a later stage in my research. Marx continues: ‘The working men have no country … National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world-market, to uniformity and in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster. ’ (Marx, 1884) It was Marx held the’s view that the working classes of the world would unite; revolt, and socialism would at last replace capitalism. It is worthy of note that the Irish revolutionaries, whose actions led to the Easter Rising, were ardent socialistsocialists. It is not unlikely that some socialistsocialist dogma exists within the work of Behan, as socialistsocialist or perhaps far left ideology still must have existed in Ireland during the 1940s and 50s. This is partially reminisceant of exchanges between Pat and The Officerofficer in The Hostage. Dominique Schnapper is a French sociological scholar and who takes an opposingte view to Marx’s rise to abolishment theory. She claims, in her book Community of Citizens, that the heads of state, or sovereignty of a nation works together with a community of citizens, and in turn legitimize each other’s actions, both internal and external: ‘Like any political unit, the nation is defined by its sovereignty, exercised internally to integrate the populations that it includes and, externally, to assert itself as an historical subject in a global order founded on the existence and relations between politically constituted nations. But its uniqueness is that it integrates populations in a community of citizens, whose existence legitimates the internal and external action of the state.’ (Schnapper, 1994: 16) A similar but erstwhile conflicting view of Schnapper’s community based theory can be derived from Machiavelli’s work. Niccolò Machiavelli was an Italian diplomat and writer. Machiavelli’s views on nationhood and sovereignty were well documented in his 1531 work, Discourses on the First Ten Book of Titus Livy. This was his commentary on Ancient Rome; , he however he used then- modern political philosophy in which to discuss the Rome’s history. He takesThis supports one side of Schnapper’s view that leaders must put national interest first; , however, he doesn’t speak of the citizen’s roles role in this process, as Janice Leung notes in a journal from Glendon College, Canada: ‘According to Machiavelli, states should behave and form decisions with public interest as the first priority in mind, and as such should act in a manner, which will benefit the state. Machiavelli firmly believed that the state had a duty to appeal to civil society and to placate the masses.’ (Leung, 2002: 3) Machiavelli’s concerns of regarding nationalism adhered to a dictatorial ideal; as he states that his ideal centralized government would be led bysomeone: ‘a sagacious legislator of a republic, therefore, whose object is to promote the public good, and not his private interests, and who prefers his country to his own successors, should concentrate all authority in himself.’ He goes on to say:: ‘certainly a country can never be united and happy, except when it obeys wholly one government.’ (Machiavelli, 1531) We can discern, from the literary analysis of prominent nationalist theorists, that nationalist theory is an ever-moving and wideninge spectrum., moving from the romanticised views of Ernest Renan to Karl Marx’s the almost anti-nationalist view. sm of Karl Marx. WeThis author has have seen theories that suggest that nationalist nationalism works in the polity’s favour (WHO?) in conjunction with anti-nationhood and worker’s’ uprisings (Marx.) Later in my research, I plan to use these frameworks and conceptualizations to interrogatequestion the nationalist attitudes in Behan’s work and place them against the Irish socio-political climate of the time. Textual Analysis: Textual AnalysisTextual analysis is described by Alan McKee, an Australian Professor mainly concerned with media research, as a way for researchers to understand the world around them. It , and also describes the form as a data-gathering process (McKee, 2003.) Manfred Frank’s The Subject and the Text has also played a part in my textual analysis, as his postulations on untenable links and author’s’ true meanings will aid me in the deconstruction of Brendan Behan’s work. I will use textual analysis to uncover nationalistic attitude and satire displayed through the dramaturgy and the construction of characters and dialogic exchanges in Behan’s plays. Mikhail Bakhtin: Mikhail Bakhtin‘When dialogue ends, everything ends.’ - Mikhail Bakhtin Simply put, dialogism and heteroglossia, in terms of Bakhtinian literary practice, effectively guarantee thats a text will have a number of different tones, viewpoints, and attitudes that collectively contribute to one common discourse. In literary or dramaturgical terms, Bakhtinian analysis may be applied to texts with a common discourse, most notably a socio-historical epithet or a socio-political one. The analysis examines speech for a rooted significance. From this we can see that a dialogical approach to writing can enable a multi-vocal narrative. It is worthy of to note that Bakhtin’s analysis was primarily concerned with the novel, because as in by the early 20th Century , the novel was, although centuries old, a conceivably more modern form of literature than the poem or the play. PIt is part of my research endeavours to deduce whether Behan’s approach to his playwriting practice was dialogic in its essence, and if he adhered to Bakhtinian ideals of dialogism and heteroglossia in his writing , where authors—, or, in our case, playwrights— can effectively explore a different range of contrasting and conforming attitudes surrounding one discourse. Michael Gardiner describes Bakhtin’s work as being: ‘‘evident that Bakhtin was motivated by a discernible (if largely implicit) political and moral stance. Bakhtin’s politics of culture can be characterized as the desire to understand and indeed encourage what I will call the ‘popular deconstruction’ of official discourses and ideologies.’ (Gardiner, 1992: 2) I will use this method later in my research because Bakhtin’s methods perpetuate and veer towards the analysis of plays where one single discourse (i.ee.g., Irish Republicanism) is presented in a multi-vocal framework (i.e., The Hostage by Brendan Behan.) The study of interpretation is critical to this research, as I will be analysing Behan’s display of nationalistic attitudes alongside his seemingly dialogic approach to playwriting. Michael Gardiner stresses the importance of one’s interpretation, regarding the ‘virginity’ of words, stating that we cannot encounter a text without pre-conceived perceptions as words and statements are imbued with them. (Gardiner, 1992: 3) Michael Gardiner continues to highlight the potential challenges one will face when using dialogic analysis, or at the very least analysing a discourse or text in adherence to Bakhtinian ideas. Gardiner writes:'For both, the disclosure of meaning is a co-creative endeavour, involving a dialogic encounter between the text and the interpreter both already located in a particular historical and cultural environment ... what Bakhtin refers to as the 'historical chain of human communication', there can be no final, authoritative revelation of a single meaning, but only a tentative and provisional one which is subject to continual re-evaluation and re-appraisal. ' (Gardiner, 1993: 113) Gardiner notes that to take dialogism further is to say that the moving interpretation of a text never ceases, because of both the text’s location and the interpreter’s chronological location in time. This theory will be taken into consideration with my current analysis, as I am using Behan's text to expose attitudes surrounding historical events, as well as analysing dialogism in a literary utterance sense. For example, in The Hostage we are witnessing a post-declaration of the Republic Dublin, with the resurgence of IRA activity in the North. In Richard’s Cork Leg, we must take into account that the discourse of some of the text deals with The the Blueshirt movement from 1936, but the play itself is set in a seemingly timeless vacuum, within the space of a graveyard; h. However, we need to remember that Richard’s Cork Leg was finished in 1972, after Behan’s death, and so we . We must, when dialogically analysing these texts, take into account their place in time and their contextual narratives. Gardiner goes on to discuss the consciousness of an effective historical analysis. He notes that Bakhtin would be aligned with Hans-Georg Gadamer,. a German philosopher who reached fame for writing about hermeneutics. Gardiner, and notes that that we,, as researchers and interpreters, have possess a preclusive passivity because of our exposure to a plurality of linguistic and cultural practices. ‘For Gadamer, therefore, what incorporates us into a common tradition is our shared membership in a particular linguistic-cultural community.' (Gardiner, 1993: 113-115) This analysis lends itself to dialogism, as shared membership is a key thematic device in Behan's work, i.e.i.e., the shared space and community is often Ireland and to another extent the spaces in which the characters reside. Bakhtin’s essay Epic and Novel talks fervently about the relationship between time and contemporary reality in the interpretation of text and dialogical analysis. Bakhtin argues that contemporary reality provides the point of view from which we can fully interpret a text. (Bakhtin, 1981: 23) Bakhtin furthers the need for a dialogic approach to analysing discourse in another essay entitled Discourse in the Novel where he summates that each character’s viewss, particularly in the language used by them, holds it’s own belief system and thus it may reflect the author’s intentions, whether romantic or political. (Bakhtin, 1981: 315.)I intend to use Bakhtin’s analysis to further my own when talking about the theme of nationalism within the space of the play. Bakhtin saw characters in texts as disagreeing with each other but often messages and meanings conflict sometimes because the author themselves, either has a particular stance of which he or she isthey are unsure, or they have not reached a consensus on the discourse themselves. (Gray, 2017: 197-198) In my understanding, Bakhtin’s approach to dialogism and dialogic analysis comes from a particular socio-political perspective. It is not unwise of us to assume that Behan’s political representations in his work could be similarly considered to privilege popular opinion through a plurality of voices and through open-ended debate. This area will be of particular interest, in terms of popular opinion, when analysing scenes that portray those who were starkly different in their politics from Behan himself, i.e.,. The the IRA Officer officer in The Hostage or The the Blueshirts in Richard’s Cork Leg. The Hostage: The Hostage‘He gave all his love to Ireland and instead of breaking his heart over a girl, it’s because of the country he’s breaking it.’ – Teresa in The Hostage Behan’s play The Hostage began its life at An Damer, the theatre for Gaelic language organisation Gael Linn, in Dublin on the 16th June, 1958. It was originally dubbed An Giall and performed entirely in Gaelic. It was later produced by Theatre Workshop and directed by renowned practitioner Joan Littlewood in London. Alan Simpson, a close friend of Behan’s, notes that although the plot of the two plays are is very similar, some scenes and songs, written by Behan, were added to the English translation (Simpson, 1978.) The play takes place in an old house, in fact a brothel or ‘knocking shop’ as the characters colloquially know it, in Dublin. A group of Irish people living on the fringes of society inhabit the house, all of them with somewhat differing opinions on the Republican cause. When they hear that a young boy in Belfast is to be executed, the inhabitants of the house are shocked, andthey become even more so when an IRA Officer officer arrives and announces that they will be holding a hostage in their brothel and are intent on murdering him, lest the Northern Irish government see to reason and release their soldier, the boy in Belfast. Colbert Kearney notes that the play is somewhat based on real events, concerning an IRA unit finding themselves with an unwanted hostage by supposed accident (Kearney, 1977: 119.) Séamus de Burca, who wrote a memoir of Behan’s life, claims that the play was based on an incident that took place as part of the Suez Canal invasion, where a British soldier was smothered in a press accidentally, after being held hostage. (De Burca, 1971: 30) The play was performed in Dublin, Paris and London and was reviewed as being a treatment of ‘past and present Anglo-Irish relations with a laughing impartiality that is almost anarchic.’ (London Times, 1958: 89) A key theme regarding nationalism in the text is the idea of religion as a main part of nationalist attitudes. We are introduced to the theme of nationalist identity rather early on in the script, as Pat and Meg—g, Pat’shis long-term partner or ‘nearly wife’ as he calls her—, postulate on the relevancy of the IRA. Pat claims that there is no need for a new IRA whereas Meg hails the boy in the Belfast jail for doing his duty to the IRA. Pat and Meg go onto to discuss religion, whilst discussing the nationality of the old man Monsewer, the actual owner of the building: PAT: [. –Cont.] Monsewer is terrible strict and honest. You see, he’s an Englishman. MEG:. An Englishman, and him going around in a kilt all day playing his big Gaelic pipes. PAT:. He was born an Englishman, remained one for years. His father was a bishop. MEG:. His father was a bishop. [All good Catholics, they start to leave.] Well, I’m not sitting here and listening to that class of immoral talk. His father was a bishop, indeed! PAT:. He was a Protestant bishop. MEG:. Ah well, it’s different for them. [They all come back.] (Behan, 1958: 142) Although Pat seems to have some already- idealised concept of what an ‘Englishman’ is, it appears to not matter because Monsewer is representing cultural facets of being Irish. Behan’s witty stage directions also imply that the Irish residents of the house, couldn’t listen to the ‘immoral’ berating of a Catholic bishop, but they all return when it becomes apparent that the bishop was a Protestant. Behan has cleverly satirized the national feeling of Ireland through both his character’s’ words and his stage directions. Behan’s portrayal of nationalistic tension through stage directions is something I will analyse further later in my research. The This action of respecting the only mentioned Catholic bishop is remnant of the rhetoric and policies of ?amon de Valera, who was the Prime Minister of Ireland for a number of terms over the 1940s and 50s. Historian David Boyce notes that, during de Valera’s time as Taoiseach, to be Irish , was to be Catholic, during de Valera’s time as Taoiseach. (Boyce, 1982 op. cit.) This is not a surprising notion as Fearghal McGarry notes that in the years preceding the 1940s, politicians identified as Catholics first and politicians second. (McGarry, 2000: 64) Mike Cronin goes to further and assimilates that the nationalist struggle for a thirty- two county republic shared a partnership with the Catholic church— which was at the epicenter of Irish life in the post Second World War period. (Cronin, 2001: 222.) In terms of Bakhtinian analysis, this exchange does perpetuate different ideals but then comes toarrives at one common resolution when Meg claims that it’s ‘different’ for the Protestants. However Meg’s previous remarks, however, smack of an attitude that continues later in the play regarding , what makes someone Irish. The dialogue between Meg and Pat is indeed at first a disagreement thatwhich surrounds the one discourse—, that being Monsewer’s identity. It seems that, in Behan’s construction of these characters and indeed this exchange, he has painted Patrick as someone who is accepting of anyone who stands by him, or the country, loyally. The exchange and discussion of Monsewer’s Irishness and indeed his Irish signifiers leans toward dialogicality, as Ivana Markova notes that sign systems and symbols in any work of text, including those with historical facets, are indeed dialogical in their nature (Markova, 2003: 82.) We later find out that Monsewer and Patrick fought for Ireland together. Behan has constructed ideas of nationalism in a dialogic manner, whereas we see the two opinions change from character to character. As we have already established, Pat has already has got some ideas about what makes a person English, but it doesn’t matter because Monsewer fought for Ireland at his side, it doesn’t matter. Meg, however, because of Monsewer’s outward appearance of being Irish, is at first in denial of his Englishness at all. Continuing the previously- cited conversation, Pat and Meg discuss how Monsewer came to be an ‘Irishman.’ In doing such, they list compile a sort of cultural recipe for what constitutes ‘Irish-ness’, with armed struggle as itsa main ingredient. This prevalent theme of sacrifice and a romanticised ideal of nationalistic struggle continues throughout the text, and bares bears similarities to the romantic Renan theories of nationalism. They talk about Monsewer living a life of great privilege, being English, and a Protestant, before ‘becoming’ an Irishman, citing reasons for his Irish-ness, such as playing his aforementioned pipes, wearing a kilt, and playing Gaelic football. Then , beforethe scene turns ing to the fight: PAT:. He had every class of comfort until one day he discovered he was an Irishman.MEG:. Aren’t you after telling me he was an Englishman? PAT:. He was an Anglo-Irishman. MEG:. In the name of God, what’s that? PAT:. A Protestant with a horse. [Continued]. PAT:. He fought for Ireland with me at his side. MEG:. Aye, we’ve heard that part of the story before. (Behan, 1958: 143-144) Now we ha’ve established that even though Monsewer is both ethnically English and a Protestant, it is possible for him to become Irish through social acts and armed struggle. This pertains to Renan’s theory that a nation constitutes of solidarity in the sentimentality of sacrifices that must be made (Renan, 1882.) Another instance where this nationalistic attitude is displayed is contained with a song, titled The Laughing Boy, written by Behan about Michael Collins, a guerilla military leader and government representative who was tasked with signing the Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921., Tthe treaty created the Irish Free State, and Collins’s whose own patriotism is likened to that of the leaders, such as James Connolly, of The Easter Rising, such as James Connolly. (Connery, 1968: 115.) After Pat laments that Collins was made a fool of by the British government by signing the treaty, which ended the fighting with Britain , but effectively started the Irish Civil War, the song begins with the cast joining in. One of the most poignant stanzas smacks heavily of Renan’s idealised nationalist attitudes. It is one point where, seemingly, the characters are united by the common discourse of remorse and regret of over the way that Collins died: ALL: . Oh, had he died by Pearse’s side, or in the G.P.O, Killed by an English bullet from the rifle of the foe, Or forcibly fed while Ashe lay dead in the dungeons of Mountjoy,, I’d have cried with pride at the way he died, my own dear Laughing Boy.(Behan, 1958: 145) The song infers that the characters would have preferred that Collins to havehad died a death fromat the hands of British forces;, and in turn, it would have made their nationalist attitude more proud. In actual fact, Collins was killed in 1922 by Antianti-Treaty forces in his home county of Cork, during the Irish Civil War. This The song also leads us to believe that post- war Ireland was a civic nationalist society, a liberal one that embraced all, but only if those in question in turn embraced the national ideologies of war against the British and an adherence to the doctrine of the Catholic church. In this passage of text Behan has clearly summed up two facets of Irish identity:, the idea that Catholicism in the centre of the Irish national feeling and that the struggleive for freedom—, past, present and future—, is still very much at the forefront of the Irish national thought in the post- Second World WarWWII period. Behan also touches upon the harking back to a revolutionary past as a form of nationalistic tendency, a. A theme that is prevalent throughout the text. . I wish to focus on more exchanges that display a dialogic approach to exposing the attitudes of nationalism. Later in the play, an IRA oOfficer arrives to inform the members of the whorehouse brothel’s inhabitants that the IRAy will be housing their hostage within the its confines of their home, , the IRA believing it will be an unlikely place for anyone to come looking. The IRA o Officer and Pat are both IRA men, albeit from very different times—, with Pat being a member during 1916 and the Officerofficer being currently enlisted. Od. Once Pat dismisses the inhabitants of the house, he and the Officerofficer get down to brass tax, as it were, discussing the plan of action for the holding of the hostage. Once these are discussedthe plans are formed, the disparate views on Irish Republicanism between the two men become distinctly clear. The Officerofficer is agog at the ghastly reputation of the whorehouse and proceeds to quote Padraig Pearse, a leader of the Easter Rising of 1916. He quotes Pearse’s graveside oration at the funeral of Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa, although this has been translated and somewhat paraphrased by Behan himself. ‘To serve a cause that is splendid and holy, the man himself must be splendid and holy.’ (Pearse, 1915) For Behan to give this line to the IRA Officerofficer would lead us to believe that the Officerofficer’s nationalist views lend themselves more to the pre 1916 Irish Republican Brotherhood, of which Rossa and Pearse were a part of, however the disparity between Pat and the Officerofficer becomes even more evident: OFFICER:. In the old days there were nothing but Communists in the I.R.APAT:. There were some. What of that? OFFICER:. Today the movement is purged of the old dross. It has found its spiritual strength. PAT:. Where did it find that? OFFICER:. ‘The man who is most loyal to the faith is the one who is most loyal to the cause.’ PAT:. Haven’t you got your initials mixed up? Are you in the I.R.A or the F.B.I? (Behan, 1958: 160) The insertion of Pat as an interrogator effectively exposes the 1950s IRA’s belief system, with him challenging the Officerofficer’s perception of the old and new IRA contingents. The dialogic approach to includinge two opinions in this exchange with Pat taking the role of interrogator is an example of Behan’s dialogic approach to script and incorporating heteroglossia within the exchange. It isThere is conflicting in how the Officerofficer quotes Pearse, a member of the IRB, IRA and who, if Pat is truthful, fought with Pat in 1916, but then goes on to claim the old ways were ‘dross’ and was a remnant of communismCommunism. Pat later goes on the defensive and talks of old legislation and his part in armed struggle in Kerry in 1925. This is where, we then learn that he was part of a mutiny in the IRA. We have already identified Pat’s nationalistic attitude as civic, but the Officerofficer’s comments would lead us to believe he is a communistcommunist. If we go back to our first steps into reviewing our theorists we can see that Pat’s attitude, in this scene and previous, is somewhat similar to Stalin, in that Pat has displayed a likingening towards for the creation of community rather than looking at ethnicity. Pat, however, is bitter, and iswhich aligns aligned with Richard English’s theory of Republican embitterment (English, 2005: op cit.) An important step in determining a text’s true Bakhtinian nature is to analyse not only exchanges, but also non-dialogic compositions that address the common discourse. The Hostage, in particular, is a play heavily laden with Irish Republicanism, albeit with different characters displaying different facets; , but how does Behan talk about those who don’t conform to the Fenian ideals?. To assess this I have chosen to look at a moment in the second act, where . Behan’s stagecraft and writing of stage directions are just as embued imbued with nationalistic tendency and implication as his character’s words. Miss Gilchrist, who is described in the dramatis personae as a ‘social worker’, comes across a copy of English newspaper The Daily Express, and attempts to read a passage to the Ssolider, being held hostage. S, she believes an article about the Queen will cheer him up. Through the construction of stage directions, Behan has created a pro-English dialogic space in the text. The first example of this is where Mulleady, the civil servant lodging in the house, comes across the article himself in the fracas of the argument: MULLEADY:. [Savouring and drooling over each phrase]. “Because it is completely fresh, probing hitherto unreported aspects of her problems, this intriguing new serial lays before you the true pattern of the Queen’ life with understanding, intimacy and detail” Oh may I keep it, Miss Gilchrist? (Behan, 1958: 181) Behan, again, is satirising the Irish royalists, by having Mulleady seemingly ‘savouring and drooling’ over the particulars of the article, makinge him seem ridiculous. In doing so, he Behan is also exposing exposes another facet of political thought prevalent within the houseamong the house denizens, however it is startlingly different from that of the majority. There is no parallel with Irish rhetoric and a similar response anywhere else in the play, either. The folly- filled language in the stage direction leads us as an audience to experience and interpret Mulleady as foolish. However, this representation of Mulleady can seems one sided, as it is later in the scene that we see Behan’s dialogic process in full swing. He begins the exchange with another stage direction, emphatically emphasizing the dialogic nature of his practice. After Pat throws the newspaper to the floor, claiming that the people in his house shouldn’t be concerned with such nonsense, Behan writes: [The Irish patriots leave the stage. Those remaining in the room and Pro-English, sentimental or both.] (Behan, 1958: 182) Much the same as when he writes exchanges between the Irish patriots, the English sympathisers and the Soldier are similarly different. Whilst Mulleady claims that the newspaper will become his Bible, the sSoldier derisively tells him that he’d rather read the Bible than The Daily Express. The Soldier soldier also previously calls the media pomp and circumstance surrounding the Royal Family ‘mullarkeymalarkey.’. Even though the space comprises containsof two Irish people and an one English serviceman, the ones the most sympathetic to England, and with the cultural ingredients of Englishness, are the two Irish characters. To have the Soldier soldier agree with the Irish patriots and take a stance of indifference to the Royal Family is a shrewd move by Behan, which effectively shows his understanding of not only the Irish socio-political climate, but of the English too, proving his stagecraft to beis dialogical in its nature. Bakhtin argues that an adamant socio-ideological consciousness that becomes creative already surrounds itself with heteroglossia and dialogicality; (Bakhtin, 1981: 295.) tTherefore, we can see that Behan’s review of Irish royalism and his perception of the British, though contrasting and different from character to charactercharacter, is a work of Bakhtinian playwriting. Another instance where Behan uses his stage directions to create a space of multi-vocal nationalistic expression is towards the end of the second act. After a rousing rendition by the Irish patriots of Behan’s own song Who Fears to Speak of Easter Week, a song regarding the Easter Rising of 1916, Behan constructs a self-insertion within the text, where the characters, already so used to debating nationalist issues, begin to debate the author himself. This exchange leads into a stage direction, which would in turn become a work of dialogical stagecraft: MEG:. The author should have sung that one. PAT:. That’s if the thing has an author. SOLDIER:. Brendan Behan, he’s too anti-British. OFFICER:. Too anti-Irish you mean. Bejasus, wait till we get him back home. We’ll give him what-for for making fun of the Movement. SOLDIER:. [to audience]. He doesn’t mind coming over here and taking your money. PAT:. He’d sell his country for a pint. [What happens next is not very clear. There are a number of arguments all going on at once. Free-Staters against Republicans, Irish against English, homosexuals against heterosexuals, and in the confusion all the quarrels get mixed up and it looks as though everyone is fighting everyone. In the centre of the melee MISS GILCRHISTMISS GILCHRIST is standing on the table singing “Land of Hope and Glory”. THE I.R.A OFFICERThe IRA OFFICER has one chair and is waving a Free State flag and singing “The Soldier’s Song”, while the RUSSIAN SAILORRUSSIAN SAILOR has the other and sings the Soviet National Anthem. The NEGRO NEGRO parades through the room carrying a large banner inscribed “KEEP IRELAND BLACK.” Keep Ireland Black”.](Behan, 1958: 203-204) Can we make the assumption that through this piece of stagecraft that Behan was trying to replicate or create a dialogic space in his work that reflected the true nationalistic tendencies of Ireland? We have Irish Republicanism laid present here in the IRA Officerofficer’s singing, but we also have a multitude of things going on at once. Behan’s argument here is that the cause of Irish Republicanism had become too muddled and altogether too confusing. His use of discombobulated language and the constructions of arguments seemingly going awry is his view of the Irish Republican problems of the time. It is congruent with the themes of the piece and with the attitudes held at the time that such arguments should take place. The Irish Civil War was indeed over, but the tensions remained as although the Republicans had now won, with the Republic being declared and reciprocated in 1949, the Free State upper echelons were in power. Alan Simpson notes in his section on Irish Republicanism in The Complete Plays that the process of infighting in Ireland had continued effervescently even after the Civil War. He goes onto note the political divide between the Marxists and the Pprovisional forcesForces. (Simpson, 1978: 27) It seems that here, in terms of nationalistic attitude, Behan is wishingwishes to pursue an avenue that represents Ireland as a nation looking backwards rather than looking forwards, and bringing up old fights that still feel very present to the current generation of Ireland. By placing Miss Gilchrist on a table and the IRA Officerofficer on a chair, both respectively singing patriotic songs, and then in turn having the marginalised and lesser seen characters such as the Negro and the Russian Sailor competing for a voice in the space, could be interpreted as Behan’s critique of those on both sides of the Irish republican debate, as people solely concerned with their own cause. Although the stage directions constructed do not display a level playing field and more resemble a cacophony of opinion, it resulted from an exchange of dialogue and is fervent with Bakhtin’s heteroglossia. As Markova says, all of the symbolic activity we generate as humans is founded on dialogue. This enables us to express ourselves coherently and create multi-vocal spaces. (Markova, 2003: 83) The stage direction and its actions undertaken here are undeniably symbolic. Behan has effectively illustrated before his reader and/or audience the limitations and problems of the Republican cause and nationalistic attitude. Richard’s Cork Leg. ‘I always think patriots and graveyards goes together’ - Bawd II in Richard’s Cork Leg Richard’s Cork Leg was Behan’s last work to be published. Presumably, . It is assumed that he started the play towards the end of the 1950s or the early 1960s, as Alan Simpson claims in his introduction to Behan’s complete worksThe Complete Plays: Brendan Behan. Simpson writes that the play was initially accepted and then rejected by the New York Theatre in America because of Brendan’s inability to give them more than one act of the play. Simpson goes onto note that whilst Behan spent time in California in 1963 he finished the play, however there were several drafts. (Simpson, 1978: 8.) In 1968 Alan Simpson became the Artistic Director of Ireland’s National Theatre, The Abbey, in 1968. He was then approached to direct the first act, received by the American producers, as a stand-alone piece. W, whilst doing this he contacted Behan’s widow and finished the play with Brendan’s drafts. It premiered at The Abbey in Dublin before going on to the The Royal Court in southwest London. The play is set in a graveyard and starts with two , what seem to be , blind men talking to two bawds. Cronin and The Hero are two con men, pretending to be blind. They are waiting in the graveyard for the Blueshirts, a fascist political group in Ireland, to arrive to commemorate their dead. They plan to attack them once they do. The piece was created without a logical or linear storyline and Simpson claims that Behan had adopted an aptitude for this style of writing when working with Joan Littlewood of the Theatre Workshop on The Hostage in 1958 (Simpson, 1978: 10.) What is perhaps most interesting about this case study is the fact that it was posthumously finished posthumously by Simpson. When analysing this play we can see the true legacy that Behan left behind and see if his Bakhtinian approach and representations of Irish national attitude lived on to further productions of his work that were compiled and finished by other artists and writers. Behan’s construction of character seemingly has common themes throughout his work, with many of his characters representing different facets of Irish nationalism and Irish attitude at the times in which his plays were set. However, though all of his characters are supposedly political, not all of them are fervent nationalists and have complicated and complex views. Cronin in Richard’s Cork Leg is a very politically minded and charged character and represents an not only a n political or Irish identity that is optional and symbolic, but also a religious identity, which worksing as a tool to be used to one’s own advantage. As we have already witnessed, much of Behan’s characters’ politics come from various epithets of left-wing politics from socialism to communism. Cronin in Richard’s Cork Leg is another character, constructed similarlyly to Pat in The Hostage, who harbours bitterness and anti-authoritariany rhetoric. An example of this comes in the play’s first act as . Cronin and The Hero begin to talk about unemployment and the right to work. Cronin claims that he disagrees with the idea of work and has turned down trade union wages a number of times. This discussion leads The Hero to ask if Cronin is a communistcommunist: THE HERO:. Are you a communistcommunist? CRONIN:. I detest the bastards personally, but I like their party, because it’s the only one that all the big shorts are terrified of. All the big-bellied bastards that I hate, hate the Reds. The only thing that Catholic, Protestant, Green, Trinity College, Ulster Racing Board, Civil Liberties, ex RIC, Conservative, New Statesmen, freemasonsFreemasons, the Orange Order and The the Ancient Order of Hibernians, all hate the Reds, so there must be good in their party somewhere. Anyway, why can we not be let walk around and have a drink and a sit down and a feed and a bit of the other … (Behan, 1972: 252) We cannot deny that Communism had become popular in Ireland, particularly among young Marxists enrolled at Trinity College with societies such as the young Prometheans arising and Matthew Treacy notes that members of many societies were actively encouraged to join the Irish Soviet Friendship Society (Treacy, 2012: 190.) However Cronin’s attitude is not communistcommunist, as he says;, he despises them. However I wish to put forward an idea that Cronin was not crafted as an effective representation of the Irish working class opinion, Irish polity, or any other Irish epithet, but is a self-insertion by the author, representing Behan’s views at large. Kearney notes that Cronin is a critic of the left, right, and centre, but however seems happy even in contrast to his despising of participation in society. (Kearney, 1977: 141.) Behan’s style of constructing stagecraft seemed to continue as a theme after his death, as did the recurring notion of Behan’s stage work being just as political as his dialogue. In Richard’s Cork Leg , a production performed for the first time after Behan’s death, lead by his friend Alan Simpson exemplifies some of the key Behanian stagecraft signifiers. . The stage directions toward the end of the second act mark a transitional period for the piece and are a proof of Behan creating a lasting legacy of heteroglossia in his playwriting whilst exploring themes of nationalism. After an altercation concerning the Blueshirts against Cronin and The Hero, the stage directions read thus: During song, the set changes to MRS MALLARKEY’s room. To reinforce certain lines of the song, various symbolic props are carried across the stage during the change: 1798 rebellion pikes. A British crown and a representation of King William of Orange Fire effectA British soldier in riot gear and a barbed wire representing Long Kesh Internment Camp A coffin, carried shoulder high. It is draped with Irish Tricolour and Union Jack and covered with wreaths, etc. A muffled drum beats. (Behan, 1972: 294) Behan effectively tells a story of Irish nationalism moving through history through this piece of stagecraft. Moreover this heteroglossian stage direction parallels Irish imagery and struggle with that of British military action. Starting with the 1798 rebellion, in which pikes were an iconic piece of imagery as it was the most readily used weapon by the rebels as James Gordon, an Irish Historian who summated the events of the rebellion in 1801 claims: ‘But as pikes were not forbidden, all the smiths and carpenters were presently set to work at making them, and every thief was busy in supplying materials for them.’ (Gordon, 1813: 311.) Behan then parallels this with a representation of William of Orange, a key Protestant commander from the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, in which it is believed that there were over two thousand casualties and losses. William of Orange’s triumph in Ireland ensured that the six counties that make up UlsterUlster would remain a Protestant and English- speaking region of Ireland for years to come . (Sabur, 2018: np) Six counties of Ulster remained under British rule and wouldand would become known as Northern Ireland. As for Behan creating a legacy of heteroglossian performance, we can see Simpson’s influence on the piece, as in the fourth stage direction, where; we see an image of British military personnel contrasted ing with the Long Kesh internment camp. Long Kesh, located in Lisburn, is considered by many to be one of the most infamous and iconic sites related to that concern The Troubles in Northern Ireland. Long Kesh was a site in Lisburn that originally. It is infamous for holding Irishmen held those suspected of paramilitary action without trial from 1971. (McAtackney, 2014: 1) It is worthy of note that Long Kesh gained infamy in 1971 as McAtackney states, some seven years after Behan’s death, it is therefore impossible that Behan included this note in his original drafts. We can further this claim by reading Alan Simpson’s writing to determine whether Behan’s legacy of multi-vocal theatre work lived on. He writes,: ‘I think I can properly claim that the cutting and editing that I carried out on the very wordy and rambling drafts of Richard’s Cork Leg which Brendan had painfully typed out during his last years has produced the same result as would have been arrived at had the author lived to see it staged.’ (Simpson, 1978: 9) So it seems that Simpson, wishing to stay true to Behanian drama, constructed at least one, if not all, of these stage directions in order to present the audience with multi-faceted imagery concerning Irish nationalistic struggle. The final stage direction also perpetuates the multi- vocal framework of Behan’s work:, having a shared coffin with both the Irish and British flags adorned atop, echoing a multi-faceted image of loss on both sides of the conflict, which also echoes Pat’s sentiment The Hostage. Sue Vice of the University of Sheffield claims that Bakhtin’s theories surrounding heteroglossia rely on two or more conflicting stances of a discourse (Vice, 1997: 18.) Vice’s comments come from analysing Bakhtin’s essays and she summates that two conflicting ideologies or stances come together to connote a heteroglossian epithet in a text. We can see here that if adhering to Vice’s ideas whilst analysing the socio-political connotations of Behan/Simpson’s stagecraft that they prove to be Bakhtinian in nature whilst exposing attitudes and imagery concerning Irish nationalism. Another example of a dialogic exchange with surrounding heteroglossia from Behan’s work comes from the second act of Richard’s Cork Leg. Once the Blueshirts arrive in the graveyard, naturally, chaos ensues. The exchange exposes a multitude of the characterr’s’ political stances regarding nationalism in the climax of the second act, thus becoming a multi-vocal space. Furthermore, the exchange is a dialogic and heretoglossian exploration of both the far right and far left of the Irish political system:. BAWD 1. : Lovely brave men that fought the Communists. Down with Communism. DEIRDRE. : Death to Fascism. BAWD 2:. Down with rheumatism. CRONIN. I’m a supporter of a Gaelic-speaking Ireland. DEIRDRE:. You are a Fascist reactionary. CRONIN:. Well, I think I might work up to be. DEIRDRE:. And how would you get on in a Gaelic-speaking Ireland?. Nil focal Ghaeilig agat. Nil focal.CRONIN. (holds up his hands.) Language! Language! DEIRDRE. What would you do in a Gaelic-speaking Ireland? Well? … THE HERO: [(Speaks from his chair platform]). Amid the thunder of guns and the crash of bombs, the brave soldiers of the proletariat stood shoulder to shoulder against the Fascist hyenas. A Blueshiirt rushes on the stage and clutches Bawd 2 by the arm. BLUESHIRT:. Don’t be listening to that aetheist (sic.) Come away with me. (Behan, 1972: 291.) In this exchange Behan wishes for his reader to understand the multiplicity of voices in Ireland by exemplifying the two extremes of the political spectrum. We can see that Bawd 1 is clearly in awe of the Blueshirts, hailing them as lovely men fighting communismCommunism, whilst Deirdre, although not proclaiming herself a Communist, supports the death of fascism, leading an audience to believe that she exists of the left side of the political spectrum. Cronin, although we have summated that he is an anti-authority figure, is in favour of a Gaelic- speaking Ireland, although Deirdre seemingly thinks that he wouldn’t fare well in such a country due to his fundamental lack of knowledge of the Irish language. A.C Hepburn reminds us that the legislation to bring Gaelic further into daily Irish life had surfaced by the time of de Valera’s reign (Hepburn, 1980: op. cit.). It’s worthy of note that Behan thinks it pertinent to include this argument, as it seems the writer still believes it a relevant argument in the Ireland of the 1960s. Bawd 2’s response shows Behan, once again, satirising the debate from within. Her response: ‘Down with rheumatism’’ connotes both her lack of knowledge of the argument at hand but also displays her willingness to join the debate, whilst knowing nothing. We can consider this a comment on either the people’s lack of understanding surrounding political debate in Ireland or, more concurrent with Behan’s previous satire, a comment on the argument itself. As Dustin Griffin of New York University notes, that if satire is an active provocation, then it plays with our moral beliefs (Griffin, 1995: 133.) The movements of Communism and Fascism, are much more than political leanings, but are often ideologies that inhabit every part of one’s life. With Behan’s apparent mocking of the debate at hand, he wishes to tug at the morality of his audience and present the argument as nonsensical, thus making Bawd 2’s exclamation, a satirical response. The Hero, having been exposed as a Bolshevik by the Blueshirts previously in the scene, stands aloft and exclaims anti-fascist rhetoric. The Hero’s Bolshevik politics come as no surprise as the introduction of Communism communism and far left politics in Behan’s work is a common theme, as we have seen, however there is more to the relation between Irish and Russian politics. Russian historian Pavel Miliukov suggests that the Bolsheviks tried to prove that there was no difference between their practice and policies and that those of Sinn Fein in Ireland (Miliukov, 1920: 107) Behan presents an appropriative character in The Hero whilst being an advocate for Irish unity throughout the play, as well as being a Bolshevik. This is Behan effectively signifying that the politics the Irish displayed was were not a singularly Irish commodity. Bakhtin once defined a body of text as a ‘diversity of social speech types and even a diversity of individual voices, artistically organized.’ (Bakhtin, 19??: 262.) As we can see in the cited passage from the play, the views expressed are a mixture of Communist and Fascist ideology, anti-authority rhetoric and a lack of knowledge surrounding the debate. Not only is this a created multi vocal space within the play but the through political rhetoric, satire and opposition, Behan has organised his voices to replicate and expose the multi vocal nature of the Irish political debate. The Big House: The Big House‘Up the Republic and to hell with the rest.’ - Granny Growl in The Big HouseOne of Behan’s lesser-known works, The Big House, takes place at the height of a period of armed struggle in Dublin, however the time is not unstated in the play. The piece was originally written for Radio radio and the British Broadcasting Corporation commissioned Behan in 1957;, however, the play did come to life on stage in a performance at the Pike Theatre Club, Dublin, in 1958. A particularly short play, the piece focuses on the life of The Big House, a bar in central Dublin, opened by an Englishman three hundred years ago. Similarly to The Hostage it focuses on the inhabitants of the house, particularly The Baldcock family. The family’s ancestors built the public house in the Cromwellian era of Ireland and are being forced out of their home by the Rrepublican’s. The play’s Its thematic tendencies are similar to that those of Behan’s other works;, for example the discussions regarding the cultural make up of what makes a person Irish. It also discusses nationalism, not just from an Irish perspective but also includes the British perception of Irish people and their cause both in Ireland and abroad. There is a considerable lack of analysis available on all of Behan’s radio plays dDue to their play’s short nature, there is a considerable lack of analysis available on all of Behan’s radio plays in comparison to his plays that would be considered ‘full-length.’ One of the first instances of a discussion of nationalism in The Big House is a discussion of the recipe for Irish identity. The exchange comes after a bomb goes off. Mrs. Baldcock and Ananias Baldcock wake to the sounds of gunfire and explosions outside. The exchange is a conversation between two standpoints, that one of optimism and one of pessimism. Mrs. Baldcock is keen to believe that the explosions are happening right outside the house and that the pair are in immediate danger, whilst Ananias logically explains that the explosions are clearly happening on the other side of the town. Mrs. Baldcock is English and identities as such, and in turn finds the violence in Ireland abhorrent. The exchange is evidently multi-vocal in terms of discussion of socio-political tendency: MRS BALDCOCK:. At this risk of seeming bloody-minded, I’d say it’s just as well to keep the Irish occupied in killing each other rather than in killing us. ANANIAS:. You forgot, Boadicea, that I am Irish. Like my ancestors before, I was born here. MRS BALDCOCK:. If an ass is born in a stable, does that make it a horse? (Behan, 1958: 362) From this simple exchange Wwe can garner a great deal of understanding about the text, Anglo-Irish relation, and the writer’s ambitions themselvesfrom this simple exchange. Similar to Pat and Meg in The Hostage, Mrs. Baldcock and Ananias they both have a pre-conceived ideas of what make a person Irish, however they do this without discussing it, preferring rather resorting to claimingto claim that where you areone is born does not result in your one’s cultural make up. Many nationalist theorists share this view, such as Stalin, Marx and Schnapper. However the theorist’s rhetoric is more idealistic and positive, whereas Marx says that workers have no country and have no need of the idea of a nation (Marx, 1884.) However Mrs. Baldcock who makes the remark, does not appear to be a Marxist, as the exchange continues: ANANIAS. You forget, too, that most of the new Civic Guard are merely the old Royal Irish Constabulary with their cap badges changed. Men who served their King and Country faithfully; and collaborated openly and defiantly in the North East, and discreetly but efficiently in the South and Westt. MRS BALDCOCK. Well, serve them right for joining the rebels in the end and working for the Free State. ANANIAS. You don’t understand, Boadicea, that the Free State is the surest and best way of beating the rebels. (Behan, 1958: 362)An adherence to the rules of the Irish Civic Guard, and indeed the government, at this time, was to denounce the IRA, as Peter B. Ellis, historian and novelist notes in Politics and the Irish Working Class. Furthermore, was a difficult and tentative move by Irish citizens, as it could be seen as surrendering the six counties in the north to the British. (Ellis, 1972: 297) Though Behan had, in The Hostage, effectively represented those sympathetic to or for the English cause, he does so here with an abundance of negative language, especially within the character of Mrs. Baldcock. Her animal- based metaphors and selfish rhetoric regarding the civil war could be interpreted as Behan’s view of modern Unionist’s living in Ireland at the time. This could also be construed as his view of people unwilling to take a side. Behan himself was a rebel as he recounts in his book Confessions of an Irish Rebel, was a member of the IRA until 1942 or thereabouts, and in death was given a funeral with full IRA honours and decoration. This slanted and negative view of the rebels is the way that Behan saw the movement later in life whilst privileging popular opinion, as Ellis wrote about. Although this exchange represents different ideals to some that Brendan Behan himself held and represented in his text, the text can still be dialogically analysed and considered. Communication, Bakhtin would argue, does not begin with a single utterance but only when an utterance is received and either agreed with or combatted against. (Clark, 1990: 76) The two different opinions here, although not massively contrasting and seemingly on the same side, adhere to Bakhtin’s theories of communication and heteroglossia. The common discourse is the problem of defeating the rebel forces, with the two opinions being pro-Free State and anti-Free State. But how were the rebel forces portrayed in Behan’s work? We have Pat, an erstwhile rebel, in The Hostage along with Monsewer, but whom do we have in The Big House? An example of a dialogic exchange with heteroglossia surrounding Ireland’s occupation comes later in the play. The exchange takes place between Angel, an Englishman and Charles Genockey, an Irishman whose motives within the play are to steal ownership of the pub. The exchange displays Irish perceptions of left wing politics and nationalism as well as a perception from Britain, making the exchange multi-vocal. CHUCKLES. : It’s in the books in the library and the Baldcock’s boast about it that Cromwell’s soldiers croaked about two villagefuls of people to get that land. And old Baldcock got the land off Cromwell’s soldiers by using his loaf… The same as I’m using mine. ANGEL:. Well, you can ‘ardly blame the old man for what happened years ago. CHUCKLES:. I’m not blaming anyone. I don’t go in for this lark ‘on our side was Erin and virtue, on their side the Saxon and guilt.’ I just don’t see why old Baldcock should have a lot of lolly and live in a big house while I go out to graft every morning and come home to a rat trap. ANGEL:. Well, you’re a CommunistCommunist, that’s what you are. CHUCKLES. I’m not a CommunistCommunist. I’m too humble and modest. The CommunistCommunists want to free all the workers for the world. I’m content to make a start and free one member of it at a time … myself. ANGEL. You’re just a tea leaf, then. (Behan, 1958: 374) Angel’s readiness to label Chuckles as a CommunistCommunist is a clear representation of the latent fear of communism in Ireland during the Irish Civil War. Emmet O’Connor, of the University of Ulster, notes that Communist Communist action during the civil war in Ireland had been pervasive but not cohesive and had not been able to form a strong alliance. He goes onto note that Cumann na nGaedheal, a society of conservatives who would go on to become the fascist reactionary fascist reactionary group The Blueshirts, were instrumental in rounding up those opposed to Communismcommunism. (O’Connor, 2014: 62.) However, Chuckles’s stance on Communismm, lays Angels assumptions to rest. This attitude from Chuckles is strikingly similar to that of Pat in The Hostage, in terms of embitterment and indifference towards the struggle and looking out for oneself. I believe that Behan was trying to represent and expose a true image of the Irish working class nationalism of the time, proud of Ireland’s cause, but indifferent to the changes around them. Kelly notes that Behan’s had a ‘faultless ear’ for placing the working class lexicon of Dublin onto the stage, and marked The Big House as a key weapon in his arsenal when doing so (Kelly, 1983: 68.) Behan’s construction of character does much to represent republican and nationalist Dubliners in The Big House. His representation of the working classes of Dublin, though being credited as accurate, connotes a visceral quality of readiness. For example, this exchange in The Big House, both through the dialogic matter of the text and the stagecraft suggests that the nationalist view is more guttural and unafraid. GRANNY GROWL:. Up the Republic and to hell with the rest. Give us a rebel song, Mrs Grunt, ma’, a real Fenian one, the one you got the six months for. Up Stallion! GRANNY GRUNT:. I will, Aallana, if you’ll hand me that tumbler. [She swallows a drink.] (Behan, 1958: 377) Granny Growl’s lack of non-repentance for her Fenian ways and claiming that the ‘rest’ belong to hell is an aggressive but passionate view from the Republican side. Also the naming of the two central characters in this scene as Granny Growl and Granny Grunt hint at a more rooted and zealous approach to their display of nationalistic tendency. This passion for the cause is also exemplified through stagecraft, for example in the stage directions. After the Grannies sing a song mocking the British Army the stage direction read thus: [Shouting, male and female, likewise screeches and roars. ]SHOUT:. Granny Grunt, your blood’s worth bottling..ROAR. : Me life on you, Granny Grunt. SCREECH:. A noble call, now, you have ma’m. (Behan, 1958: 377-378) The loud displays of passion and the naming of the three factions of the scene as ‘Shout’, ‘Roar’, and ‘Screech’ display the guttural response of Irish nationalism that Behan wanted to present on the stage. To go further, we can assimilate the grouping of responses as a representation of the Irish Republican psyche to follow a leader, whether that leader be James Connolly, Michael Collins, ?amon de Valera or, in this case, Granny Grunt. The leader in the many Irish nationalist movements seems to be an important role, as Tim Healy, an Irish politician, when talking about the cult status of Parnell, summated that the Irish do not merely follow a leader but a leader who represents ‘their own proper interests, the gratification of their national pride, the humiliation of their oppressors and the achievement of the full measure of their rights. (Healy, 1883.) It is clear that Behan wants his audience to understand that once a leader expresses and connotes all of these qualities, the unrepentant Fenian attitude, and the damning of opponents, will they be met with the raucous cacophony of appreciation that Granny Grunt is met with. Behan is clearly communicating that the movement of Irish nationalism is a passionate and vigorous at its grassroots through his own playwriting practice. Conclusion: ConclusionBehan’s work effectively exposed, satirisedsatirized, and challenged nationalist attitudes in the Republic of Ireland. Through his construction of character we can see that Coleman’s theory of multi-layered nationalism is applicable, as many of the characters have a pre-idealised version of a cultural recipe for what makes a person Irish. It is a common trait that Behan’s male leads are embittered by the Republican cause such as Cronin in Richard’s Cork Leg, and Pat in The Hostage. Moreover, Behan is adept at satirising the Irish Republican movement, and the perception that Ireland is a country that fails to modernise or look forward. Behan has replicated that national tug-of-war that surrounded hard left politics such as Communism, through dialogic exchanges from The OfficerOfficer and Pat in The Hostage. Behan’s crafting of stage directions amplifies the multi vocal nature of his dramaturgy, grouping characters together, such as the ‘Irish Patriots’ in The Hostage. His stagecraft seeks to replicate the heteroglossian nature of his dialogue through the construction of multi-vocal space, such as the large and dubbed unclear stage direction towards the end of the second act of The Hostage. We have learned in Behan’s work that military action in aide of one’s nation is seen as a seemingly admirable trait by the masses, as we have the inhabitants of the brothel’s gathering to sing about Michael Collins and also the treatment of Monsewer as a gallant and elderly soldier. Behan is keen to include religion as a branch of nationalism to reflect de Valera’s pious tenure as Taoiseach of Ireland, as we see through both his stagecraft and dialogic exchanges. In Richard’s Cork Leg we have seen frank discussions and interventions regarding the Irish political spectrum, from the fascist Blueshirt presence to Cronin’s postulations on Communism. Behanian stagecraft is seen to create a lasting legacy in Richard’s Cork Leg, as Alan Simpson’s finished version of Behan’s manuscript contains stage directions that are directly remnant of Behan’s play’s journeys through political struggle and represent the multi vocal nature of Ireland as a country. One of the key experiences readers have is Behan’s aptitude for representing the Irish working class;, however in this work he goes further to seemingly self-insert his own views into the central male lead, Cronin. Through dialogic exchanges Behan argues and discussed discusses a multiplicity of Irish issues, such as religion, language, and struggle, and one’s individual qualities that summate to Irishness, through dialogic exchanges. His dialogue in his playwriting practice also touches lightly upon the English perception and attitude surrounding Ireland and Irish issues in The Big House. We see a reiteration of layered nationalism through the Baldcock family’s conversation and experience a more starkly- contrasted multi- vocal space, as Behan permits English voices into his dramaturgy. The character of Chuckles Genockey is yet another central male character who is seemingly communistCommunist, or hard-left, in his political views but is too self-centered to call for action or provide action himself. Behan’s construction of character names connotes the guttural and visceral nature of the surge of Irish Republicanism in the Irish working class. Behan’s adherence to Bakhtinian literary theories have aided him in not only creating a multi-vocal space within his plays but have also lead to him representing Ireland as a multi-vocal space, directly paralleling the decade in which he wrote, which was, a time of uncertainty for the Irish Republic. His characters’’s viewpoints align with many nationalist theorists such as Coleman, whose theory perpetuates the idea of a cultural recipe for Irishness. Dominique Schnapper’s community-based theories align with ?amon de Valera’s address in 1943, and resound through Behan’s dramaturgy. It is clear that Ireland had a broad political spectrum, which Behan duly represents within his work. Behan’s accurate representations of Ireland provide a window into history for those searching for working class voices from revolutionary days gone by. This thesis’s aimThe aim of this thesis was to provide a link between the changing face of nationalism in Ireland and the plays of Brendan Behan. I feel that this thesis, although ably proving this, is onlyonly scratching scratches the surface. Behan’s work deserves more academic, both theoretical and practical, attention. Close readings of both his dialogic exchanges and characters, I believe, would provide even stronger links between Irish Republicanism, Communism, Fascism, the Irish polity and his work. This thesis, due to the guidelines I have been given, shows limitations in terms of close reading and I feel I would have been able to provide more certain links between the moving themes of nationalism and his work, had these not applied. I also feel that the study of gender, sexuality, and Behan’s contextual life itself are ripe topics for study, that I sadly did not have space to touch upon. I also believe that Bakhtin’s analysis of literature can be more readily applied to theatre, and thus deserves more academic attention, particularly to Irish theatre. The use of Bakhtin’s theories from his original four essays to analyse the work of Irish playwrights is a model that I intend to take further into postgraduate endeavours and perhaps propose for doctoral study. Due toBecause much of Mikhail Bakhtin’s work being has been lost, we cannot say for sure what his other musings would have told us, though if his work had carried on in a similar vein, I feel that his workit would be applicable to the analysis of a wide range of theatrical works. Brendan Behan left Ireland and took up residences in both New York and Paris. With his work touring all over Europe, the unsteady hand of fame eventually took hold of him, and seemingly his love for his homeland dwindled. As, as we can gather from his self insertions through the acerbic and bitter characters in his work, he found embitterment with the Republican cause. After being diagnosed with diabetes and a fervent period of alcoholism, he collapsed in Dublin in 1964 and passed away shortly after, leaving behind his wife Beatrice and daughter Blanaid. He was 41. Though Behan’s love for Ireland and his dedication to the Republican cause seemingly came and went, the IRA gave him a full military funeral in central Dublin. Brendan Behan’s passion—, albeit disparate—, for Ireland shines through in his work, showing his true knowledge of the country he lived in. He claimed he did not care if the Irish were his audience: ‘The Irish are not my audience. They are my raw material.’ Bibliography: Bibliography:Behan, B. Brendan Behan Sings Irish Folksongs and Ballads. Spoken Arts 760, 195AD.———. The Complete Plays. The Master Playwrights. London: Eyre Methuen, 1978.———. The Letters of Brendan Behan. Montreal, Que: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992.Biagini, E. British Democracy and Irish Nationalism 1876–1906. Cambridge University Press, 2007. Bolloten, B. The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991.Boyce, G. Nationalism in Ireland. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 1995.Boyle, T. Brendan Behan. Twayne’s English Authors Series 91. New York: Twayne, 1969.Búrca, Séamus De. Brendan Behan: A Memoir. Proscenium Press, 1971.Casanova, Julian. A Short History of the Spanish Civil War. I.B. Tauris Short Histories. London: I.B. Tauris, 2013. Clark, Gregory, and Conference on College Composition and Communication (U.S.). Dialogue, Dialectic and Conversation: A Social Perspective on the Function of Writing. SIU Press, 1990.Coakley, John, and Michael Gallagher. Politics in the Republic of Ireland. Routledge, 2017.Coleman, James Smoot, and James Samuel Coleman. Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. University of California Press, 1958.Connery, Donald Stuart. The Irish. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1968.Cronin, Mike. A History of Ireland. Palgrave Essential Histories. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001.———. The Blueshirts and Irish Politics. Dublin?; Portland, OR: Four Courts Press, 1997.Eatwell, Roger. Fascism: A History. London: Vintage, 1996.Ellis, Peter Berresford. A History of the Irish Working Class. London: Gollancz, 1972.English, Richard. Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland. Pan Macmillan, 2007.Gardiner, Michael Edward. Dialogics of Critique: M.M.Bakhtin and the Theory of Ideology. Routledge, 1992.Gellner, Ernest. Nations and Nationalism. 2nd ed. New Perspectives on the Past. Malden, Mass.?; Oxford: Blackwell, 2006.Gordon, James. The History of the Irish Rebellion: In the Year 1798, &c., Containing an Impartial Narrative of the Proceedings of the Irish Revolutionists, from the Year 1782, Til the Total Suppression of the Insurrection; with a Review of the History of Ireland, from Its First Invasion by the English, Til the Commencement of the Rebellion. Dublin: John Clarke, & co. Griggs & Dickinson, Printers, 1813.Griffin, Dustin. Satire: A Critical Reintroduction. University Press of Kentucky, 2015.Grosby, Steven Elliott. Nationalism: A Very Short Introduction. Very Short Introductions 134. Oxford?; New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.Hepburn, A. C., ed. The Conflict of Nationality in Modern Ireland. Documents of Modern History. London: Edward Arnold, 1980.Hutchinson, John, and Anthony D. Smith, eds. Nationalism. Oxford Readers. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.Kearney, Colbert. The Writings of Brendan Behan. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1977.Kim, Sung Ho. “Max Weber.” In The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, edited by Edward N. Zalta, Winter 2017. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University, 2017. Kohn, Hans. Nationalism, Its Meaning and History. Rev. ed. Ideas, Ideals and Ideologies 8. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co, 1965.Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. The Communist Manifesto (Diversion Classics). Diversion Books, 2016.Mary C. King, author. “The Theatre of Nation: Irish Drama and Cultural Nationalism 1890-1916 Ben Levitas.” The Yearbook of English Studies, 2005, 325.McAtackney, Laura. An Archaeology of the Troubles: The Dark Heritage of Long Kesh/Maze Prison. OUP Oxford, 2014.McCourt, John. “Who’s Afraid of Brendan Behan?” In Studies: An Irish Quarterly, 104:16–24. Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 2015.McGarry, Fearghal. “‘Catholics First and Politicians Afterwards’: The Labour Party and the Workers’ Republic, 1936-39.” Saothar 25 (2000): 57–65.McKee, Alan. Textual Analysis: A Beginner’s Guide. London: SAGE, 2003.Miliukov, Paul. Bolshevism (Routledge Revivals): An International Danger. Routledge, 2010.Morrison, John F. The Origins and Rise of Dissident Irish Republicanism: The Role and Impact of Organizational Splits. New Directions in Terrorism Studies. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. Schnapper, Dominique. Community of Citizens: On the Modern Idea of Nationality. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 1998.Smith, Anthony D. Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History. 2nd ed. Key Concepts Series. Cambridge, UK?; Malden, MA: Polity, 2010. Stalin, Joseph. The Essential Stalin: Major Theoretical Writings, 1905-52. Anchor Books, 1972.Vice, Sue. Introducing Bakhtin. Manchester University Press, 1997.Related Reading: Related ReadingBolloten, Burnett. The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991.Bose, Sugata. The Nation as Mother and Other Visions of Nationhood. Gurgaon: Viking, 2017.Casanova, Julian. A Short History of the Spanish Civil War. I.B. Tauris Short Histories. London: I.B. Tauris, 2013.Eatwell, Roger. Fascism: A History. London: Vintage, 1996.Edwards, Owen Dudley, ed. Celtic Nationalism. London: Routledge & K.Paul, 1968.Geoghegan, Peter. “Multiculturalism and Sectarianism in Post-Agreement Northern Ireland.” Scottish Geographical Journal 124, no. 2/3 (June 2008): 185–91. Grene, Nicholas, and Chris Morash, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Modern Irish Theatre. Oxford Handbooks Online. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.Mary C. King, author. “The Theatre of Nation: Irish Drama and Cultural Nationalism 1890-1916 Ben Levitas.” The Yearbook of English Studies, 2005, 325.McCourt, John. “Who’s Afraid of Brendan Behan?” In Studies: An Irish Quarterly, 104:16–24. Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 2015.Michael Moffatt. “Why the Man Is Too Big to Be Playing in a Son’s Boots.” Mail on Sunday, October 16, 2011, 69.Nations, University of Chicago Committee for the Comparative Study of New. Old Societies and New States: The Quest for Modernity in Asia and Africa. Free Press of Glencoe, 1963.Nelis, Jan, Anne Morelli, and Danny Praet. Catholicism and Fascism in Europe 1918 - 1945: Edited by Jan Nelis, Anne Morelli and Danny Praet. Georg Olms Verlag, 2015.Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto, and Simon Stow, eds. A Political Companion to John Steinbeck. Political Companions to Great American Authors. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2013. ................
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