THE POLITICS OF ISOLATIONISM - mtsd.k12.nj.us
THE POLITICS OF ISOLATIONISM
FDR vs. the Isolationists
This assignment will help to illustrate the difficulty the U.S. had in remaining neutral as the world fell deeper and deeper into crisis and eventual world war along with the great difficulty President Roosevelt had in dealing with an isolationist America during these years.
1. Recall and note with bullet points why the majority of the American public was isolationist in sentiment during the 1920s and 1930s:
2. Consider what you read in Ch 27.2 in textbook as you read the documents.
FDR’s Quarantine Speech – October 5, 1937
What does the speech reveal about FDR and his view of public opinion?
3. Charles Lindbergh and the America First Committee – April 23, 1941
What is Lindbergh’s assessment of what America should do? Do you think Lindbergh was qualified to make such an assessment?
4. Consider the course of events between FDR’s speech of Oct. 1937 and Lindbergh’s of April 1941 (27.2-27.3 in textbook) Do you believe Lindbergh was being shortsighted here or do you believe his points were valid?
5. Read the 2 speeches given by President FDR within one week (Dec 29 1940, January 6 1941). These speeches were given almost a full year before the attack at Pearl Harbor when this country was a NEUTRAL power. Highlight and annotate any comments made by the President that may have served to provoke the Axis Powers. Did FDR have to right to make these statements at that time? Why or why not?
Quarantine Speech (October 5, 1937) - Excerpts
Franklin Delano Roosevelt
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The political situation in the world, which of late has been growing progressively worse, is such as to cause grave concern and anxiety to all the peoples and nations who wish to live in peace and amity with their neighbors.
Some fifteen years ago the hopes of mankind for a continuing era of international peace were raised to great heights when more than sixty nations solemnly pledged themselves not to resort to arms in furtherance of their national aims and policies. The high aspirations expressed in the Briand-Kellogg Peace Pact and the hopes for peace thus raised have of late given way to a haunting fear of calamity. The present reign of terror and international lawlessness began a few years ago.
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Without a declaration of war and without warning or justification of any kind, civilians, including vast numbers of women and children, are being ruthlessly murdered with bombs from the air. In times of so-called peace, ships are being attacked and sunk by submarines without cause or notice. Nations are fomenting and taking sides in civil warfare in nations that have never done them any harm. Nations claiming freedom for themselves deny it to others.
Innocent peoples, innocent nations, are being cruelly sacrificed to a greed for power and supremacy which is devoid of all sense of justice and humane considerations.
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If those things come to pass in other parts of the world, let no one imagine that America will escape, that America may expect mercy, that this Western Hemisphere will not be attacked and that it will continue tranquilly and peacefully to carry on the ethics and the arts of civilization.
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The peace-loving nations must make a concerted effort in opposition to those violations of treaties and those ignorings of humane instincts which today are creating a state of international anarchy and instability from which there is no escape through mere isolation or neutrality.
Those who cherish their freedom and recognize and respect the equal right of their neighbors to be free and live in peace, must work together for the triumph of law and moral principles in order that peace, justice and confidence may prevail in the world. There must be a return to a belief in the pledged word, in the value of a signed treaty. There must be recognition of the fact that national morality is as vital as private morality.
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There is a solidarity and interdependence about the modern world, both technically and morally, which makes it impossible for any nation completely to isolate itself from economic and political upheavals in the rest of the world, especially when such upheavals appear to be spreading and not declining. There can be no stability or peace either within nations or between nations except under laws and moral standards adhered to by all International anarchy destroys every foundation for peace. It jeopardizes either the immediate or the future security of every nation, large or small. It is, therefore, a matter of vital interest and concern to the people of the United States that the sanctity of international treaties and the maintenance of international morality be restored.
The overwhelming majority of the peoples and nations of the world today want to live in peace. They seek the removal of barriers against trade. They want to exert themselves in industry, in agriculture and in business, that they may increase their wealth through the production of wealth-producing goods rather than striving to produce military planes and bombs and machine guns and cannon for the destruction of human lives and useful property.
In those nations of the world which seem to be piling armament on armament for purposes of aggression, and those other nations which fear acts of aggression against them and their security, a very high proportion of their national income is being spent directly for armaments. It runs from thirty to as high as fifty percent. We are fortunate. The proportion that we in the United States spend is far less- eleven or twelve percent.
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I am compelled and you are compelled, nevertheless, to look ahead. The peace, the freedom and the security of ninety percent of the population of the world is being jeopardized by the remaining ten percent. who are threatening a breakdown of all international order and law. Surely the ninety percent who want to live in peace under law and in accordance with moral standards that have received almost universal acceptance through the centuries, can and must find some way to make their will prevail.
It is true that the moral consciousness of the world must recognize the importance of removing injustices and well-founded grievances; but at the same time it must be aroused to the cardinal necessity of honoring sanctity of treaties, of respecting the rights and liberties of others and of putting an end to acts of international aggression.
It seems to be unfortunately true that the epidemic of world lawlessness is spreading.
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When an epidemic of physical disease starts to spread, the community approves and joins in a quarantine of the patients in order to protect the health of the community against the spread of the disease.
It is my determination to pursue a policy of peace. It is my determination to adopt every practicable measure to avoid involvement in war. It ought to be inconceivable that in this modern era, and in the face of experience, any nation could be so foolish and ruthless as to run the risk of plunging the whole world into war by invading and violating, in contravention of solemn treaties, the territory of other nations that have done them no real harm and are too weak to protect themselves adequately. Yet the peace of the world and the welfare and security of every nation, including our own, is today being threatened by that very thing.
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War is a contagion, whether it be declared or undeclared. It can engulf states and peoples remote from the original scene of hostilities. We are determined to keep out of war, yet we cannot insure ourselves against the disastrous effects of war and the dangers of involvement. We are adopting such measures as will minimize our risk of involvement, but we cannot have complete protection in a world of disorder in which confidence and security have broken down.
If civilization is to survive the principles of the Prince of Peace must be restored. Trust between nations must be revived.
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America hates war. America hopes for peace. Therefore, America actively engages in the search for peace.
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Charles Lindbergh: America First Committee Speech - EXCERPTS
Madison Square Garden – New York City
April 23, 1941
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|I know I will be severely criticized by the interventionists in America when I say we should not enter a war unless we have a reasonable chance of winning.|
|That, they will claim, is far too materialistic a viewpoint. They will advance again the same arguments that were used to persuade France to declare war |
|against Germany in 1939. But I do not believe that our American ideals, and our way of life, will gain through an unsuccessful war. And I know that the |
|United States is not prepared to wage war in Europe successfully at this time. We are no better prepared today than France was when the interventionists in|
|Europe persuaded her to attack the Siegfried Line. |
| |
|I have said before, and I will say again, that I believe it will be a tragedy to the entire world if the British Empire collapses. That is one of the main |
|reasons why I opposed this war before it was declared, and why I have constantly advocated a negotiated peace. I did not feel that England and France had a|
|reasonable chance of winning. France has now been defeated; and, despite the propaganda and confusion of recent months, it is now obvious that England is |
|losing the war. I believe this is realized even by the British government. But they have one last desperate plan remaining. They hope that they may be able|
|to persuade us to send another American Expeditionary Force to Europe, and to share with England militarily, as well as financially, the fiasco of this |
|war. |
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|I do not blame England for this hope, or for asking for our assistance. But we now know that she declared a war under circumstances led to the defeat of |
|every nation that sided with her from Poland to Greece. We know that in the desperation of war England promised to all these nations armed assistance that |
|she could not send. We know that she misinformed them, as she has misinformed us, concerning her state of preparation, her military strength, and the |
|progress of the war. |
| |
|………………………………………………………… |
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|It is not only our right, but it is our obligation as American citizens to look at this war objectively, and to weigh our chances for success if we should |
|enter it. I have attempted to do this, especially from the standpoint of aviation; and I have been forced to the conclusion that we cannot win this war for|
|England, regardless of how much assistance we extend. |
| |
|I ask you to look at the map of Europe today and see if you can suggest any way in which we could win this war if we entered it. Suppose we had a large |
|army in America, trained and equipped. Where would we send it to fight? The campaigns of the war show only too clearly how difficult it is to force a |
|landing, or to maintain an army, on a hostile coast. Suppose we took our navy from the Pacific, and used it to convoy British shipping. That would not win |
|the war for England. It would, at best, permit her to exist under the constant bombing of the German air fleet. Suppose we had an air force that we could |
|send to Europe. Where could it operate? Some of our squadrons might be based in the British Isles; but it is physically impossible to base enough aircraft |
|in the British Isles alone to equal in strength the aircraft that can be based on the continent of Europe. |
| |
|I have asked these questions on the supposition that we had in existence an army and an air force large enough and well enough equipped to send to Europe; |
|and that we would dare to remove our navy from the Pacific. Even on this basis, I do not see how we could invade the continent of Europe successfully as |
|long as all of that continent and most of Asia is under Axis domination. But the fact is that none of these suppositions are correct. We have only a |
|one-ocean navy. Our army is still untrained and inadequately equipped for foreign war. Our air force is deplorably lacking in modern fighting planes. |
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|I say it is the interventionist in America, as it was in England and in France, who gives comfort to the enemy. I say it is they who are undermining the |
|principles of Democracy when they demand that we take a course to which more than eighty percent of our citizens are opposed. I charge them with being the |
|real defeatists, for their policy has led to the defeat of every country that followed their advice since this war began. There is no better way to give |
|comfort to an enemy than to divide the people of a nation over the issue of foreign war. There is no shorter road to defeat than by entering a war with |
|inadequate preparation. Every nation that has adopted the interventionist policy of depending on some one else for its own defense has met with nothing but|
|defeat and failure. |
| |
|……………………………………………………….. |
|There are many such interventionists in America, but there are more people among us of a different type. That is why you and I are assembled here tonight. |
|There is a policy open to this nation that will lead to success--a policy that leaves us free to follow our own way of life, and to develop our own |
|civilization. It is not a new and untried idea. It was advocated by Washington. It was incorporated in the Monroe Doctrine. Under its guidance, the United |
|States became the greatest nation in the world. It is based upon the belief that the security of a nation lies in the strength and character of its own |
|people. It recommends the maintenance of armed forces sufficient to defend this hemisphere from attack by any combination of foreign powers. It demands |
|faith in an independent American destiny. This is the policy of the America First Committee today. It is a policy not of isolation, but of independence; |
|not of defeat, but of courage. It is a policy that led this nation to success during the most trying years of our history, and it is a policy that will |
|lead us to success again. |
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|The United States is better situated from a military standpoint than any other nation in the world. Even in our present condition of unpreparedness, no |
|foreign power is in a position to invade us today. If we concentrate on our own and build the strength that this nation should maintain, no foreign army |
|will ever attempt to land on American shores. |
| |
|War is not inevitable for this country. Such a claim is defeatism in the true sense. No one can make us fight abroad unless we ourselves are willing to do |
|so. No one will attempt to fight us here if we arm ourselves as a great nation should be armed. Over a hundred million people in this nation are opposed to|
|entering the war. If the principles of Democracy mean anything at all, that is reason enough for us to stay out. If we are forced into a war against the |
|wishes of an overwhelming majority of our people, we will have proved Democracy such a failure at home that there will be little use fighting for it |
|abroad. |
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|The time has come when those of us who believe in an independent American destiny must band together, and organize for strength. We have been led toward |
|war by a minority of our people. This minority has power. It has influence. It has a loud voice. But it does not represent the American people. During the |
|last several years, I have travelled over this country, from one end to the other. I have talked to many hundreds of men and women, and I have had letters |
|from tens of thousands more, who feel the same way as you and I. Most of these people have no influence or power. Most of them have no means of expressing |
|their convictions, except by their vote which has always been against this war. They are the citizens who have had to work too hard at their daily jobs to |
|organize political meetings. Hitherto, they have relied upon their vote to express their feelings; but now they find that it is hardly remembered except in|
|the oratory of a political campaign. These people--the majority of hard-working American citizens are with us. They are the true strength of our country. |
|And they are beginning to realize, as you and I, that there are times when we must sacrifice our normal interests in life in order to insure the safety and|
|the welfare of our nation. |
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|Such a time has come. Such a crisis is here. That is why the America First Committee has been formed--to give voice to the people who have no newspaper, or|
|news reel, or radio station at their command; to the people who must do the paying, and the fighting, and the dying, if this country enters the war. |
| |
|Whether or not we do enter the war, rests upon the shoulders of you in this audience, upon us here on this platform, upon meetings of this kind that are |
|being held by Americans in every section of the United States today. It depends upon the action we take, and the courage we show at this time. If you |
|believe in an independent destiny for America, if you believe that this country should not enter the war in Europe, we ask you to join the America First |
|Committee in its stand. We ask you to share our faith in the ability of this nation to defend itself, to develop its own civilization, and to contribute to|
|the progress of mankind in a more constructive and intelligent way than has yet been found by the warring nations of Europe. We need your support, and we |
|need it now. The time to act is here. |
|(3) |
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FDR – “The Great Arsenal of Democracy”
Excerpt - Radio Address - December 29, 1940
We must be the great arsenal of democracy.
For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.
We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.
I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.
We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.
As President of the United States, I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this nation which we love and honor and which we are privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common cause will greatly succeed.
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Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Four freedoms speech” Annual Message to Congress on the State of the Union: 01/06/1941 - Excerpts
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress:
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
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Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the Union," I find it, unhappily, necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
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Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the conquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations and their resources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-many times over.
In times like these it is immature—and incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -or even good business.
Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety."
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We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
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