AMERICAN EMBASSY, TOKYO



AMERICAN EMBASSY, TOKYO

PUBLIC AFFAIRS SECTION

OFFICE OF TRANSLATION AND MEDIA ANALYSIS

INQUIRIES: 03-3224-5360

INTERNET E-MAIL ADDRESS: tokyoots@

DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS

October 1, 2001

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INDEX:

(1) Bush Administration expects Japan to fulfill a "military role"; In preparing for anti-terrorist campaign, cannot spare the time to visit Japan

(2) Anti-terrorist measurers to heavily burden state coffers; Tapping extra budget is option; Full-fledged coordination to start on the 30-trillion-yen national bond framework

(3) Ruling parties in unusual move make critical remarks about Prime Minister's policy speech; References to terrorism and the economy deemed insufficient

(4) Anti-terrorist war and Japan—Trauma from Gulf war (Series 1-5): Premier sets out with all-out economic diplomacy, with emphasis on "visible contributions"; Special envoys off to Middle East for assistance

(5) Simultaneous terrorist attacks -- Crisis and Japan: Gap between Defense Agency and MSDF, Foreign Ministry; Disgruntled view: "Then, why don't you go instead?"

(6) Aftermath of terrorist attacks in U.S. still impacts Okinawa; Concern about effect on tourism; Successive cancellations of school excursions and international conferences

(7) Editorial: Koizumi speech insufficient, unconvincing

ARTICLES:

(1) Bush Administration expects Japan to fulfill a "military role"; In preparing for anti-terrorist campaign, cannot spare the time to visit Japan

SANKEI (Page 4) (Full)

September 28, 2001

(Washington, September 27, Yoshihisa Komori)

It was learned on September 26 that although U.S. President Bush in his campaign against terror following the attacks on key targets in the United States does not include a combat role for Japan in the cooperation expected of it, the plan is to bring Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi through close contacts over to a stance that accepts a military role. Based on the Bush Administration's perception that an unusual rapport has grown between President Bush and Prime Minister Koizumi, gaiatsu or the usual "foreign pressure" will be avoided, but the intention reportedly of broadening terrorist policy measures is to strengthen the Japan-U.S. alliance relationship.

A senior U.S. official made it clear yesterday that President Bush, even before his summit meeting with Prime Minister Koizumi on the 25th, showed "an unusual enthusiasm, the President saying that he was looking forward to his meeting with Japan's prime minister." Even regarding the meeting itself, the two gave the impression that, similar to the encounters they had previously, they got along smoothly and were exactly on the same wave length.

Even after the terrorist attacks, President Bush had still planned to visit Japan and appeal for cooperation from Japan within the framework of strengthening the alliance, but on the 24th, the day before his meeting with Prime Minister Koizumi in Washington, the President decided to postpone the trip, and he told the Prime Minister on the 25th after their meeting, "that he was the first Asian leader to be informed about the postponement," according to the same high-level official.

It was not just Japan; the President postponed visits to the Republic of Korea and China, as well. The decision stemmed from the difficult situation of needing to project a strategic image to a domestic audience by giving the impression that his attending only the APEC meeting in mid-October and his shaving off the "friendship" portion would allow preparations for the anti-terrorist campaign to move full speed ahead. According to the same senior official, President Bush gives much weight to Japan's cooperation in the anti-terrorist campaign. He also reportedly has strong expectations that the amendment to the SDF Law and the bill to render assistance to the U.S., which would make it possible for such measures as rear support for U.S. troops by the SDF, would pass the Diet by mid-October.

Theological debates always pop up on the Japanese side about the exercising of collective self-defense being denied Japan and as an extension of that argument, "becoming one with the use of armed force" also being prohibited. But such debate is never found on the U.S. side. Instead, the desired approach is "not to expect Japan to play a combat role but there are cases where Japan could play a military role." The U.S. seems to maintain a position such support for the U.S. forces as transport, supply, and medical services has elements that include military action.

President Bush on this point has a different expectation of Japan's response than the U.S. did during the Gulf war. Since Japan has displayed a positive stance toward cooperation with the U.S. and the international community, he has decided to avoid anything that smacks of gaiatsu (foreign pressure), and even in their bilateral summit meeting at the upcoming APEC leaders' meeting in Shanghai, he would like Japan to handle cooperation on its own initiative within the framework of strengthening the bilateral alliance.

The content of the cooperation that is expected of Japan is not just basic military affairs, but has expanded to include political and diplomatic efforts, intelligence gathering, and rear-area support. On the other hand, however, as the U.S. gets closer to launching a military operation, the worst nightmare for the Bush Administration vis-à-vis Japan reportedly would be to see Japan unable to take defense steps for the cooperative effort and to withdraw its bill supporting the U.S. and other legislative measures.

(01092802bb)

(2) Anti-terrorist measurers to heavily burden state coffers; Tapping extra budget is option; Full-fledged coordination to start on the 30-trillion-yen national bond framework

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)

September 28, 2001

The outlook is that anti-terrorist measures being planned will place a heavy load on government coffers. It will require a huge amount of money to dispatch the Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) for logistical support for the U.S. military, in addition to extending economic assistance to countries surrounding Afghanistan, against which U.S. armed forces are expected to launch a retaliatory attack. The Government is likely to find itself pressed to earmark funds for such operations in the fiscal 2001 supplementary budget. Chances are that Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi will have no choice but to adjust the 30-trillion-yen national bond issue framework, which he himself laid down.

Expectations on economic assistance

A request for further economic assistance awaited Senior Foreign Vice Minster Seiken Sugiura in Pakistan, where he arrived bearing a "souvenir" of 40 million dollars in economic assistance. During a meeting with Sugiura on the 26th, Foreign Minister Sattar hinted at expectations of even more assistance. He noted, "The refugee problem is likely to escalate. We would appreciate Japan's continued assistance." If U.S. forces start attacks on Afghanistan, Pakistan will be flooded with a large number of refugees from that country. If that happens, the possibility is high that Pakistan will ask for additional aid from Japan. A certain senior MOFA official revealed, "The U.S. Government also has high expectations of Japan rendering generous economic assistance."

The Government is also considering extending economic assistance to Iran, which holds the key in building an Afghan encirclement. It plans to extend cooperation to that country in the form of grant aid under the precondition of its cooperating with the U.S. It is also likely that Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, which are bordered by Afghanistan, will also ask for Japan's economic assistance.

Dispatch of SDF cost stupendous sum of money

A Foreign Ministry (MOFA) source stated:

"The destinations of official development assistance (ODA) for this fiscal year have already been fixed. There are hardly any budgetary funds left for additional disbursements for anti-terrorist measures."

The source then went on to say that various measures, including an extra budget, would be needed in order to render full-fledged assistance to countries neighboring Afghanistan.

After obtaining a Diet approval regarding new anti-terrorist legislation, Japan will send Self-Defense Forces (SDF) personnel for rear-area support for U.S. forces and to aid refugees. Such activities are estimated to entail considerably sizable expenditures. A Defense Agency (JDA) source revealed that even the dispatch of SDF personnel in 1992 for monitoring the cease-fire in Cambodia cost 6 to 7 billion yen.

The costs of the dispatch of the SDF are determined largely by what military operations U.S. forces will carry out. However, the duties this time are an event without precedent. Some in JDA wondered, "At the present stage, it is not possible to estimate how much such operations will cost." The costs are, however, bound to reach hundreds of billions of yen. It might be impossible to procure such a colossal amount of funds in the current budget. If that happens, the supplementary budget may have to be recompiled.

No budgetary limitation to be set

" We will take bold and flexible measures should an unexpected incident occur. The terrorist incident this time around is such a case." The Prime Minister thus indicated a stance of not sticking to his policy line of constraining the amount of new national bond issues to no more than 30 trillion yen a year, if it is necessary to overturn that policy line to stave off an economic turmoil stemming from the recent terrorist attacks and to render assistance.

In the state budget for this fiscal year 350 billion yen is the sum earmarked as reserves. It is possible to use those funds for the emergency situation. However, if the U.S. military's expenditures keep expanding, the U.S. might ask Japan to shoulder a certain share of those costs. In 1991, Japan contributed a total of 13 billion yen.

At the day's meeting of the LDP General Council, former Home Affairs Minister Mitsuhiro Uesugi asked a question on funds needed for anti-terrorist measures: "What is the government's funding plan in relation to the 30 trillion yen framework?" Policy Affairs Research Council Chairman Taro Aso replied, "Funding should not be constrained by the budget." The simultaneous terrorist attacks are beginning to work as a major factor disrupting the Koizumi Administration's fiscal reconstruction line.

(01092803yk)

(3) Ruling parties in unusual move make critical remarks about Prime Minister's policy speech; References to terrorism and the economy deemed insufficient

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)

September 28, 2001

In yesterday's policy speech before a plenary session of both chambers of the Diet, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi announced his resolve to do his utmost to bring about economic recovery and to implement anti-terrorist measures, while firmly maintaining a structural reform line. Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Taku Yamasaki heaped stock praise on his speech, giving it full marks. However, not only opposition parties but also a number of ruling party members complained about the way the Prime Minister referred to the packages of anti-terrorist and economic stimulus measures.

After the speech, the Prime Minister told reporters in a gratified tone, " It was strange but I felt much calmer than last time in May when I first delivered a policy speech." His remarks generally received a good response in the LDP, too, with one member saying, "It touched on specific policies from a broad perspective."

New Komeito head Takenori Kanzaki commented, "The Prime Minister demonstrated his policy line with simple and lucid language," but he then added, "Since the public is highly interested in what measures Japan will take in countering terrorism, I wanted him to make more substantive statements." Regarding economic issues, he said, "I wanted him to send a powerful message on how Japan is going to tide over a potential global recession."

Regarding reform of the Lower House election system, an issue in which New Komeito has a strong interest, Kanzaki spoke about the atmosphere of discontent permeating his party, "His policy speech did not take up themes that are likely to evoke heated discussion during the current session. I would like to question his basic stance during interpellations.

New Conservative Party (Hoshuto) nead Tsuyoshi Noda gave high marks to the Prime Minister's positive stance toward the recent terrorist incident. But he then complained, "There is growing concern about a recessions across the world in the wake of the terrorist attacks. We wanted him to bring up the notion of economic crisis management a little more."

From the opposition parties' side, Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) head Yukio Hatoyama bitterly commented, "Those were not Prime Minister Koizumi's own words. He should not make dull policy speeches that lack principles." Japan Communist Party (JCP) Chairman Kazuo Shii slammed Prime Minister Koizumi's anti-terrorist measures, "His speech failed to account for his seven-item assistance measures. It is an irresponsible speech."

Social Democratic Party Head Takako Doi also was critical: "He did not give any accounting for the seven-item assistance measures, which touch on the roots of this state. His speech absolutely makes light of the Diet." Jiyuto (Liberal Party) Secretary General Hirohisa Fujii dented the Prime Minister's enthusiasm, "It was utterly abstract and lacked specifics. There is a strong possibility of anti-terrorist measures dragging on and on as they did in the prewar period."

(01092804yk)

(4) Anti-terrorist war and Japan—Trauma from Gulf war (Series 1-5): Premier sets out with all-out economic diplomacy, with emphasis on "visible contributions"; Special envoys off to Middle East for assistance

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)

September 27, 2001

On the night of September 26, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi summoned ruling coalition leaders to his official residence immediately after returning home from Washington. The prime minister pledged himself to engage the Self-Defense Forces in rear support for U.S. forces [over the recent simultaneous occurrence of terrorist attacks in the U.S.] The Diet opens an extraordinary session from September 27. The government now must have relevant legislative measures pass the Diet as soon as possible, or its base will be rocked.

In the prime minister's absence from Japan, the government went on with diplomatic schedules at the working level. That morning, Senior Vice Foreign Minister Seiken Sugiura arrived in Pakistan. Furthermore, the government decided to send former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto to Egypt and former Foreign Minister Masahiko Komura to Saudi Arabia as the prime minister's special envoys.

There is just so much Japan can do with the Middle East. Japan just last year resumed an additional yen loan program for Iran after a lapse of five years. The Japanese government is now planning a new package of economic assistance for that country, including grant aid. What Japan can consider for Egypt, which has a great influence on the Arab nations, is also only economic assistance. In an effort to give luster to Japan's economic cards, the government has taken the pathetic diplomatic approach of appointing big-name envoys.

On the other hand, Foreign Minister Makiko Tanaka, in her meeting with the press on September 25, recounted that she had been ready to visit Pakistan but her ministry's officials decided to send Sugiura instead. The foreign minister explained, "The vice minister (Yoshiji Nogami) frequently told me, 'I'm sorry to say it's difficult for women (to meet with officials) in some Middle East countries." She went on, "I thought there was a female president in Pakistan, too. But I suppose officials thought (Senior Vice Foreign Minister Sugiura's) would be better at getting around."

Her account, however, seems to be different from true situation. Several senior officials at the Foreign Ministry testified that they "suggested the need for the foreign minister to go to Pakistan but she was reluctant."

Responding to his visit to the U.S.

Though Prime Minister Koizumi went to the United States uninvited, he felt a positive response from the U.S. side. President Bush, at the offset of his meeting with Prime Minister Koizumi, presented him with a poster of "High Noon," an American movie.

The prime minister said, "Gary Cooper, the sheriff in that movie, was all alone in his fight against the bad guys. In the end, Grace Kelly (his fiancée) helped him. But this time around, the whole world is with America."

America is like the "sheriff" who is mustering courage to eradicate terrorists with high spirits in the face of crisis… The prime minister remarked, "There are constraints on SDF activities." But the prime minister then laid out specific cooperation, ranging from medical support to transportation, refugee assistance, intelligence activities, and diplomacy.

What can Japan do? Showing beforehand what's possible is better than doing something only when asked… This is one of the lessons Japan learned from the 1990 Gulf crisis. The prime minister was bearing that lesson in mind, according to his aide. One senior Foreign Ministry official, who was once assigned to the Japanese embassy in Washington during the Gulf war, points out the significance of translating will into action. "Japanese hesitate to boast of their contributions. But clearly displaying action is as important as the contents of that action," the official says.

Toshiki Kaifu, who was in office as prime minister during the Gulf war, recalled that time in a party held in Tokyo on September 26 to commemorate his 40 years of service as a Dietmember. Kaifu said, "In those days, we had no guidelines to rely on. We really had a hard time of it. Now, there's something to go for, while referring back to the Gulf crisis." This remark can be taken as a sigh about his misfortune, or can be otherwise taken to mean that Prime Minister Koizumi is lucky.

Prime Minister Koizumi, during his U.S. visit, must have felt the seriousness of international terrorism. On September 24, he was in New York City. After meeting with New York Mayor Giuliani, the prime minister visited the press center nearby. An American reporter there suddenly asked, "We hear Japan is being targeted for attack by biochemical weapons. Is that true?"

The question halted the prime minister when he was leaving there. "I haven't heard anything about that," he said, then adding, "but we would like to prepare ourselves for that."

America was attacked by terrorists, and Americans no doubt see Japan as one of those directly affected by the attacks, too.

[This is the last of five installations in Series 1.]

(01092705im)

(5) Simultaneous terrorist attacks -- Crisis and Japan: Gap between Defense Agency and MSDF, Foreign Ministry; Disgruntled view: "Then, why don't you go instead?"

ASAHI (Page 2) (Full)

September 28, 2001

"This time, Japan has gone too far!" a former Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) secretary general said angrily on the morning of September 21.

His eyes were riveted to a television program showing the USS Kitty Hawk leaving Yokosuka Navy Base accompanied by a Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) escort ship.

The Defense Agency opened the door to "escorting," an act that might lead to exercise of the right to collective self-defense, in the name of "surveillance and study" activities. Who made such an absurd decision?

In a press briefing yesterday, Chief Cabinet Secretary Fukuda was asked about how the Government had decided to allow the MSDF vessel to "escort" [the Kitty Hawk]. In response, Fukuda said, "At least, I was not informed of such a decision." In other words, the prime minister's official residence [Kantei] did not issue such an order.

Maritime Staff Office's idea adopted

From early on, the Maritime Staff Office had the idea of dispatching an MSDF vessel on the pretext of gathering intelligence in accordance with Article 5 " surveillance and study" in the Defense Agency Establishment Law.

Aircraft carriers are most vulnerable to attacks until they are out of ports. In the wake of the Aegis ship explosion incident in Yemen last October, the U.S. Navy, highly alarmed against terrorist attacks, had asked [the MSDF] for cooperation. During its regular contacts with the U.S. Navy, the MSDF gave this answer: "There is the approach of guarding and monitoring, although protection is now allowed in peacetime."

Consequently, a series of discussions between uniformed officers of the two sides produced a U.S. military support menu. The field conclusion pointing to high feasibility of the menu under existing legislation was strong enough to convince the administrative staff as well. Eventually, this led to the "escort" of a U.S. aircraft carrier by an MSDF vessel without being checked by the Kantei, an unprecedented situation.

Foreign Ministry officials responsible for U.S. policy were also proactive. As soon as it became certain a new law would need to be established, the Foreign Ministry drafted a seven-item U.S. assistance plan on September 17. On the top of the list were medical activities by the SDF.

"Let's hoist a Japanese flag in a battlefield"

Surprisingly, one of the seven items was designed to allow SDF personnel to carry out medical activities in combat zones. "It is not proper for the SDF to carry out medical activities in combat zones" was the position of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau (CLB). The CLB deems such activities would be linked to the use of force.

The Foreign Ministry's honest feeling was:

"How could the medical services be directly linked to the use of force? We want to put an end to the rhetorical argument with the Cabinet Legislation Bureau in order to fly a Japanese flag in a battlefield."

In the end, the Foreign Ministry removed combat-zone medical activities from its support plan in compliance with advice by Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Teijiro Furukawa and others. "For now, passing a new law is our top priority." The Foreign Ministry argued the impulse away.

The Foreign Ministry also took the leadership in convincing the Government to disburse 10 million dollars (1.2 billion yen) for the victims of terrorist attacks in New York and other places in the United States. However, there are no signs of coordination with executives of the ruling coalition.

"Japan needs to impress the United States." "We need to take measures speedily so as not to disappoint the United States." The Foreign Ministry seemed obsessed with the idea of wowing the United States.

Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo informed LDP Secretary General Taku Yamasaki about the Government's plan to disburse 10 million dollars shortly before the decision became public on the evening of September 19. When Yamasaki was receiving an explanation from Abe in the Diet building, television reported the Government's decision to disburse [10 million dollars]. "This is it, isn't it?" Yamasaki said. Abe responded with a wry smile.

Troubled SDF personnel

As the subject of overseas dispatch is moving closer to reality, discontent and anxiety are growing among Defense Agency and SDF personnel who would be exposed to danger.

A Defense Agency division director commented:

"The Foreign Ministry is dying to dispatch SDF personnel. They don't care about the destination or the amount of danger involved. I want to say to them, 'Then why don't you go instead?'"

With the Government and LDP increasingly leaning toward SDF dispatch, a senior SDF officer confided to Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President Yukio Hatoyama:

"They are urging us to go without exhibiting any clear legal ground. But it is going to be us who will have to face the danger. SDF personnel are perplexed."

(01092804st)

(6) Aftermath of terrorist attacks in U.S. still impacts Okinawa; Concern about effect on tourism; Successive cancellations of school excursions and international conferences

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 43) (Full)

September 28, 2001

The aftermath of the September 11 simultaneous multiple terrorist attacks in the United States is now spreading to Okinawa where U.S. military bases are concentrated. An elaborate security setup is being enforced in the island prefecture. Given the circumstances, the prefecture is worried about a negative impact on its tourist business as school excursions and international conferences are being cancelled in succession. Since a curfew has been imposed on U.S. military personnel, restaurants around the bases are losing customers. The terrorist attacks in the U.S. have affected the livelihood of the Okinawan people.

Fifty schools had planned to use the Pacific Hotel Okinawa (with 375 rooms) for their school excursions in this fall. However, four schools -- totaling 1,000 students-- reportedly have already cancelled their reservations as of September 27.

The Okinawa Prefecture sent the deputy director of its tourist and resort bureau and other officials to the Tokyo Board of Education to ask it to carry out school excursions as planned. The Okinawan officials are expected to visit as of the 28th such prefectures as Kanagawa, Osaka and Fukuoka to ask them not to cancel their reservations.

The drop in the average number of tourists is conspicuous. The number of passengers flying from the mainland Japan for early September remained the same as that of the previous year. But that in the middle of September after the terrorist attacks dropped 1.6 percent. An international business conference that was supposed to be the largest scale since last year's Group of Eight Summit meeting (Okinawa Summit) has been cancelled. Okinawa was pressed to declare that it would fail to achieve its goal of increasing tourists to 5 million in 2001.

Since the terrorist attacks on U.S. soil, large transport planes are continuously flying in to Kadena Air Base. "Fujiyama," a bar, located on the street near the gate of the base gate, used to be crowed with dozens of U.S. military personnel until late at night. Since the Air Force has clamped a 10:00 p.m. curfew, no airmen can be found in the bar.

Marines, who have less rigid restrictions, appear on the streets. Still, sales have fallen off sharply. Yoshio Kuba, chairman of the airport shopping street association, said with a perplexed look: "We cannot ask the U.S. side to relax its restrictions, but …"

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(7) Editorial: Koizumi speech insufficient, unconvincing

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 4) (Full)

September 28, 2001

The question of dispatching Japanese troops abroad under the present Constitution – the supreme rule that has been applied to Japan after the end of World War II – is a vital issue requiring close scrutiny. But the policy speech Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi delivered yesterday was far from convincing in this connection.

Before meeting with President Bush of the United States, Prime Minister Koizumi reiterated: "It is absurd to say that the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) should not be dispatched to dangerous zones."

Immediately after returning home from his U.S. visit, the Prime Minister instructed his staff to consider dispatching SDF planes to Pakistan for aid to refugees.

In his resolve to fight terrorism as a member in the international community, the Prime Minister intends to boldly step into a military sphere Japan has never experienced since the end of the war. All the more since he is such a prime minister, he should be held accountable for what Japan is now about to do.

At the outset of his speech, after telling the Dietmembers that the fight against terrorism is Japan's own problem, too, the Prime Minister touched on his intention to swiftly translate into action a set of anti-terrorist measures, including dispatch of vessels in the name of surveillance and study, which he announced on the 19th. In concluding his speech, he quoted the preamble to the Constitution, stressing in simple terms the importance of the spirit of international cooperation. He then ended his speech.

The conventional interpretation of the Constitution, which has prohibited Japan from exercising the right to collective self-defense, is now wavering. Will Japan alter the past interpretation? Or will it keep it? How will Japan square SDF troops' activities in dangerous zones – where it is extremely difficult to say armed force will not be used – to Article 9 of the Constitution? The Prime Minister should have recounted these matters in his own words.

He gave as the reason why he did not touch on new legislation for assistance to U.S. troops and other forces or the amendment to the SDF Law this explanation: These bills would be shortly put on the table of discussion in the Diet.

If that is true, why is the Prime Minister urging his staff to shorten deliberation hours for these bills, insisting, "Quickly get them approved."

At the time of the Gulf war a decade ago, Dietmember Koizumi, attending a meeting of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) General Council, insisted on dispatching SDF aircrafts to a battle zone. He then argued: "It is for the sake of peace. We ought to discuss the issue squarely at the Diet to obtain a national understanding." Should he stick to his convictions, we urge him to unfold debate squarely now in line with what he said.

Prime Minister Koizumi's style of debating is unique. Referring to it, Kaoru Takamura, a novelist, proclaims: "With very simple logic and judgment, he tends to reject a variety of arguments" (August issue of Bungei Shunju). We agree.

A half-baked law should not be enacted. Gaps of views must first be thrashed out. We urge the Prime Minister to keep this firmly in mind.

Full-fledged discussion is to start early next week. Facing a crossroads in the history of Japan, the Cabinet must realize their grave responsibility. Particularly in the case of Foreign Minister Makiko Tanaka, who is in a key position in dealing with foreign and security policy debates, we strongly urge her to realize fully that responsibility.

A hasty approach could lead to choosing a wrong course, but we also should not allow a conclusion to be postponed, either. While correctly observing the ever-changing situation, Japan needs to consider public opinion at home and abroad for cautious views regarding a possible retaliatory operation are still prevalent. The Diet that has just opened its session must have such a sense of balance.

(01092805ku)

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