Vodou Practices: Culture, Misconceptions, and Beliefs



Vodou Practices: Culture, Misconceptions, and Beliefs

Stephanie Vouis

Fullerton College

Cultural Anthropology Friday AM Session

Vodou Practices: Culture, Misconceptions, and Beliefs

Anthropologically speaking, organized religion, and by extension the performance of religious and ritual practices, function in societies on several levels. Nanda, Warms, and Hogan-Garcia (2006) cite three primary functions of religion; they are providing meaning and order to one's life, the reduction of anxiety and feelings of increased control over one's own destiny, and lastly it functions to reinforce or modify social control (pp. 323-24). When considering some of the worlds mainstream religions with which we are more familiar, such as Christianity, Judaism, or even Islam, it might be somewhat easier to understand these ideas in the contexts of their histories. However, for religions outside of the mainstream, such as Vodou, many misconceptions abound, and so it is a safe assumption that little is truly understood about its ritual practices and beliefs. By researching Vodou through the lens of Hogan-Garcia's aspects of culture/ethnicity (mainly history, healing beliefs and practices, religion, art, and diet/foods), it is my hope that I'll be able to gain a better understanding of the cultural aspects of Vodou, and perhaps dispel some of my own fears regarding the religion.

As a student in college of both religion and psychology I was always curious about the reasons behind why a person believes as they do. Through many of my courses in Religious Studies we focused primarily on mainstream religions as well as New Religious Movements, and in each case that we looked at, there seemed to be some underlying reason behind the proliferation of each, usually associated with some change or disruption in the social order of the day. And so in the case of Vodou I found that this was particularly relevant as the spread of Vodou as religion was sparked during the relocation of African peoples during the slave trade, many of whom I can imagine must have clung fiercely to the traditions that they were familiar with as a source of constant comfort during their ordeals.

In the first of Hogan-Garcia's aspects of culture, history is defined as the “written or oral account of a particular group's collective experiences in geographic place and time” (Handout, p. 16). Vodou, (also known as Voodoo, Vodoun, Vudu, or Vudun), although typically mistaken as having originated in Haiti, is more recently believed by anthropologists to have existed for more than ten-thousand years and originating in regions of ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt, East Africa, and India, as well as other parts of the ancient world now known as Turkey and Greece (Zogbé, 2006). Its historical roots in the modern Western world can be traced as far back as the slave trade of the 15th century when Europeans hoping to settle in the New World enslaved large numbers of Africans and transported them to their colonies. With the relocation of African peoples from their homelands to new settlements in Europe and the Americas, African cultures were also uprooted and replanted in their new territories (Wikipedia, 2007). The natural result of this diaspora of culture was a new emergence of ritual practices and beliefs in these newly settled regions.

Vodou has roots among the native peoples of West Africa, the Yoruba of Nigeria, and Ghana; and although the term Vodún is a Dahomean term which translates to spirit in the language of the Fon-Ewe tribe of West Africa (Bourguignon, 1976, p. 16), the word and its numerous alternatives also have linguistic roots in France and Spain. Furthermore, it seems that although the generally accepted spelling of the word Voodoo tends to be the most popular worldwide, it's likely an American phenomenon directly attributable to its common use in New Orleans American Voodoo (Wikipedia, 2007).

Vodou, though commonly referred to as a 'cult' movement is actually classified among scholars as a religion; I believe that it is because of some of Vodou's strange beliefs and ritual practices that this assumption is still made by so many people. One practice within Vodou which people treat with both skepticism and fear is that of zombification; this remains one of most recognized aspects of Vodou culture today, and so I was particularly concerned with discovering what place, if any this belief/practice had in the religion. I think that my primary reasons for this were related to my upbringing in Christianity since the basic premise of my faith is the belief that Christ died and rose again in spirit form, but also that he had the power to “heal” the dead. In fact in many conversations that I have had with others on the topic, parallels between Lazarus and zombies are often made and I have found that the intriguing commonality that they share is that whether you are arguing for one or the other, both issues are a matter of faith; because at the end of the day, both stories are impossible to dismiss beyond a shadow of a doubt, and both are efforts in futility to prove.

And so in the seventh of Hogan-Garcia's aspects of culture, healing beliefs and practices “refer to the assumptions, attitudes, beliefs, and practices people possess regarding health, their bodies, determinants of disease, pain, death, and health practitioners” (Handout, p. 16). As I have already indicated, one of the most widely recognized aspects of Vodou is the apparent belief by practitioners in the power of the supernatural. While it is true that many believers within Vodou conjure potions with the expectation that they can heal physical ailments and disease, one of the most interesting of Haitian Vodou practice is zombification. Now at this point it's prudent to point out that the practice of magic and sorcery is “peripheral to Haitian Vodou” (Olmos & Paravisini-Gebert, p. 126), and so the assumption among believers should be that it is a rather rare phenomenon that is only beheld by a select few. Practically speaking however, as Olmos and Paravisini-Gebert point out, “the phenomenon of zombification, long believed to be solely the result of sorcery and black magic, was demystified through anthropologist Wade Davis's research”, wherein it was determined that zombification was the result of drugs being administered which have the effect of making an individual appear clinically dead (p. 128). In any case, the insinuation is not only intriguing, but apparently effective as stories persist both within Haitian Vodou as well as within the mainstream regarding the existence of zombies.

As hinted previously, notions of sorcery and black magic have long thought to be aligned with Vodou, and so this persists as one of the major misconceptions about the religion. This was another topic within Vodou that I found of particular interest; these ideas of religion being associated with good versus black magic was intriguing simply because my upbringing has taught me that Christianity distinguishes plainly between good and evil in the sense that a person either is or isn't. Yet somehow, ethnic traditions can be considered exempt from this. For instance, in the Greek Orthodox tradition the only magic allowed is that performed by the priest during the “mysteries” or transformation of the Eucharist. However, ancient Greek tradition is littered with mythical and even magical references, and these are held very dear to even Orthodox Christians who value these stories for their lessons. In my readings I learned that a Houngan, while a practitioner of good “white” magic, can on occasion dabble in “black” magic without altering his status as a healer or good-doer. There seems to be no stigma associated with these wavering allegiances, whereas as an Orthodox Christian I've always been taught that to overcome the “stigma” of sin I must always align myself with Christ and beg his forgiveness in the event that I subject myself to further sinful behavior.

Again, a Houngan (priest) or Mambo (priestess) typically restricts their activities to “white magic” which includes acts such as healing, bringing about good fortune, and worship. However there does exist within Haitian Vodou a realm of “black magic” practiced only by so-called evil sorcerers otherwise known as bokors. Olmos and Paravisini-Gebert note that bokors are believed to practice evil sorcery designed to create destruction and imbalance; they are also usually the practitioners credited with raising the dead, creating zombies, and practicing Satanism (pp.126-27). It is from this sect of Vodou that many of the misconceptions about the religion are likely perpetuated as well as distorted.

This brings us to the eighth of Hogan-Garcia's aspects of culture: religion. Vodou or Voodoo is a religion most commonly practiced among cultures of African descent; in the United States it has survived most predominantly in Southeastern portions of the country (i.e., Louisiana and Georgia), though it also continues to thrive throughout Haiti, the Caribbean, Cuba, Trinidad, Brazil and Benin, where it was declared the official religion in 1996 (Encarta, 2007). Interestingly Vodou combines elements of Roman Catholicism with the primitive tribal religions of West Africa to create distinctly different rituals. Elements of Roman Catholicism are prevalent primarily through the integration of Roman saints and ritual props such as bells, candles, crosses, prayers, and even the rite of baptism; though traditionally the practice of Vodou combines two ancient traditions, obeah or folk magic and Loa, a form of ancient African worship.

In the primary worship practice of Vodou, possession by the Loas or ancestors is key; during the ritual the Loas are enticed to inhabit the bodies of worshipers. The religion is comprised of a rank-like system wherein followers work their way through three levels of initiation. The lowest level, called kanzo is that of the worshiper. The second level is that of the Sur Point; here one is considered a priest or priestess, also known as a Houngan or Mambo; these figures are responsible for leading ritual practices such as the rite of possession. Lastly, the third and final level is that of the Asogwe or supreme human authority (Emick, 2007).

Within the religion of Vodou there also exists a hierarchy of divinity; this hierarchy is demonstrated in three levels: the Gran Met, the Loas or Lwas, and the Dead. The Gran Met or “grand master” is also known by the French name Bondye, meaning “good God”, and apparently represents a deity whose responsibility it is to preside over the spirit world; he/she is not directly worshiped. In the second level, the Loas or Lwas are the “Mysteries”; these powerful ancestral spirits are essential to worship practices and the rite of possession wherein they are called upon to inhabit the bodies of worshipers. In the third and final level, the Dead represent collective ancestral spirits as well as the spirits of saints; it is said that the Dead are always with the Vodou practitioner, and are even with them prior to their initiation into Vodou (Emick, 2007).

Now, because I firmly believe art expression is fundamental to any culture, and because we so often hear of art and art form as culture, I was particularly interested in finding out whether Vodou was an expressible medium, and if so how. One especially helpful source that I was able to peruse was the website of the American Museum of Natural History; this website highlighted an exhibit from several years ago wherein many of the tools used by practitioners in Vodou worship were showcased. This leads us to the ninth aspect of culture, art and expressive forms, which “involves the creative use of imaginations in interpreting, understanding, and enjoying life” (Handout, p. 18). In Haitian Vodou rites, the use of Vodou flags or drapo are common; as Anne Wexler so vividly describes:

Haitian Vodou flags, often richly ornamented with sequins and beads, are unfurled and danced about during ceremonies to signal the spirits represented by the vèvè (ritual designs) or the images of corresponding Catholic saints sewn on them. Known as the drapo Vodou, their reflective brilliance is said to attract the spirits into the human gathering, mediating between the worlds. (p. 59)

Now although elaborately decorated flags provide Vodou worshipers with aesthetically pleasing visual stimulation during the performance of religious rites, it is important to note that these ornate decorations also serve a symbolic function during ceremonies; they act as points of entry for the Loa (ancestral spirits) and thus direct the spirits' energies into the ceremonies being performed (p. 59).

In addition to flag artistry, the topic of Haitian Vodou art can be expanded to include the various tools of worship utilized in the performance of religious rites. Ritual drums represent the most sacred of Vodou tools of worship; their music is believed by worshipers to speak with divinity and they are used during the possession rite; drums are also usually decorated. Kongo packets, govi (jars), wanga (charms), and po tet (pots) are all considered to be spirit-infused objects through which spirits can be housed or contained. Other artistic props utilized during worship or used to decorate the altar might include ornate sequined bottles, kwi (painted calabashes used for food offerings), libation bottles, and cloth dolls believed to be imbued with the power to carry messages to the spirit world. These cloth dolls, commonly known to non-believers of Vodou as Voodoo dolls, represent another common misconception regarding Vodou religion. Contrary to popular belief, they are not used with malicious intent and are not disfigured with pins for harmful purposes (American Museum of Natural History, 2007).

In the tenth tier of Hogan-Garcia's aspects of culture, diet/foods are “the preferred foods that are eaten by groups and their members” (Handout, p. 18). For the purposes of my research I chose to limit my exploration of Vodou diet to foods used in the operation of rituals or magic, since my chosen avenue of reference in the Greek Orthodox tradition was again the Eucharist. In the case of practitioners of Vodou, the category of foods can be expanded to include such concoctions as potions designed for healing of physical ailments and diseases as well as for spell-casting. In her work, Zora Neale Hurston (1935) instructs her readers how to properly conjure Vodou potions that will rid the human body of a myriad of symptoms ranging from swelling and bladder trouble, to more serious illnesses such as gonorrhea and syphilis (pp. 188-89). Spell-casting potions are also listed for uses from how to cause bodily harm, to how to summon a man back home, and even how to break up a love affair (pp. 282-83).

Throughout my investigation of Vodou I've learned a great deal of information about this widely misunderstood religion that I doubt I would have had the opportunity to learn otherwise. Through Hogan-Garcia's aspects of culture I've acquired information about Vodou's history, ritual practices, art forms, healing practices, and integration of foods. I've also come to realize that much of what is commonly “known” about Vodou and its methods of worship is either incorrect or at the very least uninformed. The mysterious practice of Voodoo as religion has long been a topic of interest for me personally, though not because I've ever conducted any research, extensive or otherwise on the topic. But rather because of the fact that at a very early age I was encouraged to believe that worshipers of magic and believers in the supernatural were not only incorrect in their beliefs but also aligned with evil. These negative attitudes about magic further functioned to perpetuate my own fear over and general lack of understanding about religions that incorporated it into its rituals. Reared as a Christian in the Greek Orthodox tradition I was taught that spirituality though essential, was only a stepping stone to salvation; to be a truly devout Christian meant strictly adhering to the practices of my Orthodox faith. To this day I can still recall the response my Grandmother gave me when I posed the question, “What does Orthodox mean?” She sat me down beside her and in her thick Greek accent simply explained that, “Orthodoxy is a Greek word; it means that we [Greeks] are right in what we practice and everyone else is wrong”. Of course at the time, and to a twelve-year-old girl, the firm words of a beloved matriarch were easily accepted as truth. It would not be until many years later that I would learn for myself that the word, when interpreted correctly, does not actually imply anything so absolute. Another disadvantage I was faced with was the inability to recognize the ethnocentric viewpoint my grandmother used while counseling me, not that it was her fault.

Now that I am older, I know that subscription to any religion presupposes a certain amount of faith in the supernatural or unseen, so I am left to ask myself why Vodou should be any different? And furthermore, why should its practices be dismissed simply because the ideologies behind them aren't shared in quite the same way by the general public? Whereas before I might have been able to dismiss Vodou outright as sheer heresy, now that I am equipped with what knowledge I have gained about the religion I recognize the ignorance inherent in taking such a viewpoint. Is the notion of possession for instance any more unbelievable than that of transubstantiation? If I am to believe as I was taught since childhood that by partaking in the Eucharist I am consuming the body and blood of Christ and thus overcome by the Holy Spirit, how then can I question another's beliefs that in the throes of worship they too are possessed by communing spiritual entities? The truth is that I simply can't; and what's more I am finding that the subject matter has only piqued my curiosity where such topics as cultural diversity are concerned.

References

American Museum of Natural History Online Exhibit 2007 “Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou.”



Bourguignon, E. (1976). Possession. San Francisco: Chandler & Sharp Publishers, Inc.

Emick, Jennifer. (2007). The real voodoo. Retrieved March 31, 2007, from



Hurston, Z. N. (1935). Mules and men. London: Indiana University Press.

Nanda, S., Warms, R. L., & Hogan-Garcia, M. (2006). Cultural Anthropology. United States: Wadsworth.

Olmos, M. F., & Paravisini-Gebert, L. (2003). Creole religions of the caribbean: An introduction from vodou and santeria to obeah and espiritismo. New York: New York University Press.

“Vodoun,” Microsoft® Encarta® Online Encyclopedia 2007 ©

“Voodoo,” Wikipedia® Online Encyclopedia 2007 ©

Wexler, A. (1999). “I am going to see where my oungan is”: The artistry of a haitian vodou flagmaker. In M. F. Olmos, & L. Paravisini-Gebert (Eds.), Sacred possessions: Vodou, santeria, obeah, and the caribbean (pp. 59-78). New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.

Zogbé, Mama. (2006). Voodoo: A brief history of vodoun. March 30, 2007, from

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