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Language Shift and Ethnolinguistic Vitality: a Sociolinguistic Study of Indigenous Minority Language Speakers in KarachiShumaila Shafket AliDepartment of English University of Karachi 2017Language Shift and Ethnolinguistic Vitality: a Sociolinguistic Study of Indigenous Minority Language Speakers in KarachiThesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. in Linguistics Research Scholar: Shumaila Shafket AliResearch Supervisor: Prof Dr M. Kaleem Raza KhanDepartment of English University of Karachi2017-1027430-56261000-781050-29464000ABSTRACTThis research aims to explore the linguistic behaviour of Burushaski speakers (an indigenous minority language group belonging to the Northern-most areas of Pakistan) living in Karachi, and the factors, both social and psychological, that are responsible for their linguistic choices to determine their degree of shift/maintenance and their ethnolinguistic vitality. Being a Mixed Methods case study, the research utilized both quantitative and qualitative data gathered through a SEV questionnaire administered on 120 Burushaski speakers studying at the University of Karachi, followed by in-depth interviews of 30 key informants, who were selected on the basis of the questionnaire analysis. In order to present the scholars’ perspective on the status of Burushaski language, some local scholars working on the indigenous languages were also interviewed followed by a visit to Hunza to cross check the validity of the information provided by the research participants. The research findings indicate clear signs of Burushaski language shift among the Burusho community living in Karachi despite having a positive attitude towards Burushaski language which is indicative of a high sense of ethnolinguistic vitality. Although the findings reveal that the Burushos living in Karachi have mostly confined their language to the home domain, it is heartening to discover that the intergenerational transmission of Burushaski has not completely stopped. All the Burushaski speakers who participated in the study not only claimed to have the ability to speak Burushaski but a majority of them also expressed the desire to transmit it to the next generation which reflects their willingness to maintain their ties with their native language and culture. The results of the study also reveal gender differences with regard to the participants’ language use in different domains and their psychological orientation towards Burushaski language. Gender differences were also observed in the participants’ views regarding the future of Burushaski. The significance of this case study lies in its attempt to promote research on indigenous languages of Pakistan (especially the ones that are declared endangered) and their speakers, particularly those linguistic groups, who move to urban centers for better economic prospects and upward social mobility. As a result of their movement, most of these indigenous language groups either integrate or assimilate in the mainstream society, resulting in language shift and in certain cases language attrition. The findings of this study can lead to the awareness that is needed to make efforts for maintaining linguistic and cultural diversity at both regional and national level in Pakistan and can accelerate the efforts to bring reforms in the existing language and education policy of the country which hardly has any room for the preservation and promotion of minority languages.Table of ContentsDeclaration iAbstractii-iiiTable of Contentsiv-viiiList of Tables ix-xA Note on Transcription xi-xviAcknowledgementxviiCHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION1-71.0 Introduction11.1 Background of the Study 1-21.2 The Genesis of the Study 2-41.3 The Aims of the Study4-51.4 Research Questions 51.5 Practical Implications of the Study5-61.6 Organization of the Thesis 6-7CHAPTER TWO: SOCIAL AND INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT8-202.0 Introduction82.1 Linguistic Diversity in Pakistan 8-9 2.1.1 Pakistan’s Language Policy 9-102.1.2 Pakistan’s Education Policy 10-122.2 Karachi and its Linguistic and Cultural Heterogeneity 12-162.2.1 The University of Karachi 16-172.2.2 Admission Policy of the University of Karachi 17-182.2.3 Linguistic Diversity at the University of Karachi 18-192.2.4 Number of Burushaski Speakers at the University of Karachi 19-202.3 Conclusion 20CHAPTER THREE: BACKGROUND OF BURUSHASKI LANGUAGE AND ITS SPEAKERS21-373.0 Introduction 213.1 Burushaski language, its Dialects and Geographical Distribution21-273.1.1 The Grammar of Burushaski 273.1.1.1 Burushaski Phonology27 3.1.1.2 Burushaski Morphology 27-283.1.1.3 Burushaski Syntax28-293.1.1.4 Burushaski Semantics 293.1.2 The Burushos of Gilgit-Baltistan 30-313.1.3 The nature of Multilingualism found among the Burushos 32-333.1.4 Some prominent Burushaski Scholars and their contributions in the preservation and promotion of Burushaski33-353.1.5 The Burushos in Karachi 36-373.2 Conclusion 37CHAPTER FOUR: LITERATURE REVIEW38-764.0 Introduction 384.1 Key terms defined384.1.1 Indigenous minorities 38-404.1.2 Language shift 40-424.1.3 Language attrition 424.1.3.1 Language shift versus Language attrition42-434.1.4 Language maintenance 43-444.1.5 Language Death 44-454.1.6 Ethnolinguistic vitality 464.2 Review of Previous Research Studies on the Outcomes of Multilingualism464.2.1 Review of the studies on language shift and maintenance46-514.2.2 Review of the studies on language attrition51-534.2.3 Review of the research on endangered languages 53-564.2.4 A brief review of the studies on language attitudes56-584.2.5 Review of research focusing on the models and tools used for determining the ethnolinguistic vitality of a language584.2.5.1 Fishman’s GIDS58-594.2.5.2 Edwards’ typology of language endangerment 594.2.5.3 UNESCO’s Grid59-604.2.5.4 Lewis and Simon’s EGIDS604.2.5.5 Ehala’s V-model and Sustainability Index model 60-614.2.6 Review of studies on the ethnolinguistic vitality of indigenous language groups62-634.2.7 Review of studies on language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality of immigrant minorities63-714.2.8 Review of studies on the outcomes of language contact situations in Pakistan71-744.2.9 An overview of the research on Burushaski74-754.3 Conclusion 75-76CHAPTER FIVE: METHODOLOGY77-965.0 Introduction 775.1 Research Paradigm and Design77-785.1.1 Research site 795.1.2 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques employed for the study 79-805.2 Research Participants 8-825.2.1 Profile of the research participants 82-845.3 Data-collection Instruments Used in the Study 84-895.3.1Experience of field-work and the challenges faced during data-collection89-935.3.2 Rapport established with the participants 945.4 Ethical Considerations 94-965.5 Conclusion 96CHAPTER SIX: ESTABLISHING FOUNDATION FOR THE QUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS 97-1146.0 Introduction 976.1 Objective Ethnolinguistic Vitality of Burushaski976.1.1 Demography986.1.2 Geography 986.1.3 History98-996.1.4 Religion 99-1006.1.5 Media 100-1016.1.6 Politics 101-1026.1.7 Linguistics 1026.1.8 Constitutional Support 102-1036.1.9 Education 1036.1.10 Economics 1036.1.11 Autonomy 1046.1.12 Literary Heritage 104-1056.2 Information Based on the Profile of the Participants 1056.2.1 Ratio of the speakers of the three dialects of Burushaski 105-1076.2.2 Percentage of the Burusho participants with reference to their place of birth107-1086.2.3 Nature of residence of the Burusho community in Karachi108-1096.2.4 Number of months/years spent in Karachi109-1116.2.5 Percentage of the participants who received their early education in Karachi112-1136.2.6 Percentage of Participants who received their pre-university education in different valleys in Gilgit-Baltistan113-1146.3 Conclusion114CHAPTER SEVEN: QUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS115-1777.0 Introduction 1157.1 Revisiting the research questions1157.2 Analysis of Section A of the Questionnaire 1167.2.1 Participants’ ability to speak Burushaski 116-1187.2.2 Participants’ ability to understand other dialects of Burushaski 1187.2.3 Participants’ ability to read and write in Burushaski1197.2.4 Participants’ knowledge of Burushaski proverbs and folktales120-1217.2.5 Participants’ interest in Burushaski poetry and songs121-1237.2.6 Participants’ awareness about local TV channels telecasting programmes in Burushaski in Gilgit-Baltistan 123-1257.2.7 Participants’ ignorance about the existence of the Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi1257.2.8 Participants’ familiarity with other Burushaski speakers on the campus1267.2.9 Participants’ desire to permanently settle in Karachi 126-1277.2.10 Participants’ desire for intergenerational transmission of Burushaski language 127-1287.3 Analysis of Section B of the Questionnaire 1297.3.1 Participants’ claimed oral proficiency in Burushaski and the frequency of code-switching while speaking Burushaski 129-1317.3.2 Participants’ claimed written proficiency in Burushaski132-1337.3.3 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski in the home domain134-1367.3.4 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski at the university canteens and cafeterias 136-1387.3.5 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski at public places in Karachi 138-1407.3.6 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their siblings140-1417.3.7 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho relatives in Karachi141-1437.3.8 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho friends in Karachi 143-1457.3.9 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho classmates145-1477.4 Analysis of Section C of the Questionnaire 1477.4.1 Participants’ frequency of interaction with the family members living in the hometown147-1487.4.2 Participants’ frequency of visits to their hometown148-1497.4.3 Response of the non-Burushos on hearing the Burushos speak Burushaski on the Campus149-1517.4.4 The language the Burushaski speakers like the most152-1537.4.5 Participants’ response regarding the strongest symbol of Burusho identity 153-1557.4.6 The symbols the participants find missing among the Burusho community in Karachi155-1577.4.7 Participants’ response regarding the most effective means of promoting Burushaski language and culture157-1597.4.8 Participants’ response regarding the importance of mother tongue education159-1617.5 Analysis of Section D of the Questionnaire 1617.5.1 Degree of importance of the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi161-1627.5.2 Degree of importance for a Burusho to have knowledge of Burushaski culture 162-1637.5.3 Degree of pride in being called a Burusho 163-1647.5.4 Degree of distinctiveness of the Burusho culture from the culture of other groups in Gilgit-Baltistan164-1667.5.5 Degree of the use of Burushaski as a second language in Gilgit-Baltistan166-1687.5.6 Degree of Intermarriages in the Burusho community169-1707.5.7 Degree of decline in the use and proficiency of Burushaski among the young Burushaski speakers in Karachi171-1727.5.8 Degree of decline in the use and proficiency of Burushaski among the old Burusho community in Karachi172-1737.5.9 Degree of relationship between native language proficiency and the native environment173-1757.5.10 Degree of decline in the participants’ proficiency in Burushaski because of being away from their hometown176-1777.6 Conclusion 177CHAPTER EIGHT: INTERVIEW ANALYSIS178-2428.0 Introduction 1788.1 Techniques employed for eliciting detailed responses from the key-informants during the interview178-1798.2 Profiles of the scholars consulted for the elite interviews 179-180Profiles of the participants selected as key-informants for the interview180-1838.4 Interview Analysis 1848.4.1 Advantage(s) and disadvantages of speaking one’s mother tongue from the key-informants’ perspective184-1908.4.2 Advantage(s) and disadvantages of mother tongue literacy in the key-informants’ point of view190-1948.4.3Key-informants’ reasons for leaving their hometown 194-1978.4.4Key-informants’ knowledge of the native Burusho culture197-2028.4.5 Key-informants’ reasons for (not) taking pride in being called a Burusho202-2068.4.6 The uniqueness of the Burusho community in the eyes of the Key-informants 206-2098.4.7 Key-informants’ reasons behind the fondness for one’s favourite language 209-2148.4.8 Difference between the Burusho community living in Gilgit-Baltistan and the one living in Karachi in the eyes of the key-informants214-2178.4.9 Key-informants’ reasons behind Burushaski/Urdu and Burushaski/English code-switching217-2198.4.10 Relationship between the length of residence in Karachi and mother tongue usage in view of the Key-informants 219-2218.4.11Key informants’ prediction about the future of Burushaski and the reasons behind their prediction221-2268.4.12 Factors responsible for the decline in the use of Burushaski and the loss of proficiency in it among the young generation as seen from the Key-informants’ eyes226-2308.4.13 Key informants’ proposed steps to preserve and promote Burushaski 230-2348.5 Scholars’ Perspective2348.5.1 Scholars’ views on the current state of Burushaski and the reasons behind it234-2388.5.2 What is being done to save Burushaski and other indigenous languages in Pakistan?238-2418.6 Conclusion 241-242CHAPTER NINE: FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS243-2549.0 Introduction 2439.1 Research Questions Revisited2439.1.1 Findings244-2489.1.2 Conclusion 248-2499.2 Recommendations for the preservation and promotion of Burushaski language and culture249-2539.3 Recommendations for Future Research253-254REFERENCES255-284BIBLIOGRAPHY285-320APPENDICES321-398APPENDIX A: Profile of the Research Participants322-326APPENDIX B: SEV Questionnaire SEV Questionnaire327-332APPENDIX C: Interview Questions333APPENDIX D: Transcription of the Key-informants’ Interviews 334-398List of TablesTablesPagesTable 1: Percentage of speakers representing different ethnolinguistic groups in Karachi13Table 2: Linguistic landscape of Karachi University18Table 3: Number of Burushaski speakers according to the faculties and Research Centers & Institutes at the University of Karachi20Table 4: Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) by Lewis & Simons (2010)26Table 5: Number of Burushaski participants representing their Research Centre/Institute82Table 6: Number of Burushaski participants representing their department83Table 7: Numerical strength of the research participants speaking the three dialects of Burushaski106Table 8: Percentage of the Burusho participants with reference to their place of birth108Table 9: Settlement patterns of the Burusho students studying at Karachi University108Table 10: Percentage of participants according to the time spent in Karachi111Table 11: Percentage of the Burusho participants who received their Primary, Secondary and Tertiary education in Karachi112Table 12: Percentage of the participants who received their primary, secondary and tertiary education in different valleys in Gilgit-Baltistan 113Table 13: Degree of oral proficiency in Burushaski reported by the participants130Table 14: Frequency of Burushaski/Urdu code-switching by Burushaski speakers in Karachi130Table 15: Frequency of Burushaski/English code-switching by Burushaski speakers in Karachi131Table 16: Degree of written proficiency in Burushaski reported by the participants 133Table 17: Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski in the home domain135Table 18: Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski in the university canteens137Table 19: Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski at public places in Karachi139Table 20: Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their siblings140Table 21: Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho relatives in Karachi142Table 22: Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho friends in Karachi144Table 23: Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho classmates146Table 24: Participants’ frequency of interaction with their family members living in the hometown147Table 25: Participants’ frequency of visits to their hometown149Table 26: Response of the non-Burusho on hearing the Burushos speaking Burushaski on the campus150Table 27: Percentage of Burushaski speakers with reference to their most favourite language 152Table 28: Participants’ response regarding the strongest symbol of Burusho identity154Table 29: The symbols the participants find missing among the Burusho community in Karachi156Table 30: Participants’ response with reference to the most effective means of promoting Burushaski language and culture 157Table 31: Frequency of the participants’ response regarding the importance of mother tongue education160Table 32: Degree of importance of the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi161Table 33: Degree of importance to have knowledge of Burushaski culture163Table 34: Degree of pride in being called a Burusho164Table 35: Degree of distinctiveness of the Burusho culture from the culture of other groups in Gilgit-Baltistan166Table 36: Degree of the use of Burushaski as a second language in Gilgit-Baltistan 168Table 37: Degree of intermarriages in the Burusho community170Table 38: Degree of decline in the use and proficiency of Burushaski among the young Burushos in Karachi 171Table 39: Degree of decline in the use of Burushaski among the old Burushos in Karachi173Table 40: Degree of relationship between native language proficiency and the native environment174Table 41: The participants’ perception of the degree of decline in their proficiency in Burushaski because of being away from their hometown176Table 42: Profile of the male key-informants selected for an in-depth interview182Table 43: Profile of the male key-informants selected for an in-depth interview183A NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTIONSince I used interview as one of the data-collection tools, the transcription of the interviews required using a certain set of conventions for clarity. Except a few interviewees who used English monolingual discourse to respond to the interview questions, most of the key-informants who were interviewed were more comfortable using Urdu while some of them responded to the interview questions using Urdu/English bilingual discourse. In order to achieve uniformity for transcribing the interviews, I have used the transcription conventions Khan (2014) used for transcribing the classroom discourse in his research. I have used broad transcription for transcribing the interviews and have also made an effort to provide English translation of the interview data, but only those fragments of the interview are translated which are quoted in the chapter based on interview analysis. It must be mentioned here that for the English translation of the key-informants’ as well as the scholars’ responses in Urdu, I have tried to use literal translation where possible, whereas at places where word for word translation is not possible, I have done semantic and pragmatic rather than literal translation. Transcription conventions used for transcribing the interview dataBold Times New Romanfor the interviewer’s questions and comments in EnglishBold Italic Times New Romanfor the interviewer’s questions and comments in UrduNormal Times New Roman for the key-informants’ responses in EnglishItalic Times New Roman for the key-informants’ responses in Urdu Monotype Corsiva for the English translation of the key-informants’ responsesShort pause …Long pause (…..)Overlapping [ ]Smooth turns Each smooth turn begins in the next line at the point where the previous speaker’s turn ends.Like Khan (2014), I chose Roman script for transcribing Urdu discourse instead of using IPA to make the text more reader-friendly and have used the same symbols for most of the Urdu phonemes that he used for the transcription of Urdu discourse for his research. However, the examples of Urdu words given for each sound are different from those provided in Khan (2014) except a few examples of oral and nasal diphthongs. Most of the Urdu examples given below are examples of minimal pairs except a few. CONSONANTSPlosives:/p/ paal (layers of straw between which raw fruits are placed to ripen) /ph/ phaal (a lump of betel nut; a ploughshare)/b/ bed (a cane; a willow)/bh/ bhed (a secret; a mystery)/t/ taal (rhythm)/th/ thaal(tray)/d/ daar(gallows)/dh/ dhaar (edge of a sword or knife)/T/ TaaT(sack cloth, canvas)/Th/ ThaaT (a frame of bamboo for thatching; arrangement)/D/ Dor(a string, a cord or a thread)/Dh/ Dhor (cattle)/k/ kaaj(a button hole)/kh/ khaaj (cutaneous eruption) /g/ gol(round)/gh/ ghol (dissolve) imperative /q/ qalb (heart)Affricates:/ch/ chup(silent) /chhup/ chhup (hide) imperative /j/ jaag (wake up)/jh/ jhaag (froth; froth)Nasals:/m/ maGhz(brain)/n/ naGhz(beautiful; rare; wonderful)/~/ daa~t (tooth)Laterals:/l/ lafz (a word)Flap:/r/ raat (night)/R/ baaR (a fence; a hedge)/Rh/ gaRh(a castle; a fort)Fricatives:/f/ fikr(concern; worry)/v/ vafd (delegation)/s/ sust(lazy)/z/ ziist(life)/sh/ shaax(branch)/Z/ muZdah(good news)/x/ xauf (fear)/Gh/ Ghul(noise; tumult)/h/ haath(hand) Frictionless Continuants:/y/ yaas (despair) VOWELSLike consonantal sounds, vowel sounds are also represented by Roman letters instead of IPA. Short vowels are represented by single letters while long vowels are represented by double letters. Since there are some vowel phonemes in Urdu that are nasal in nature, a tilde /~/ is used after a vowel for nasalization. It must be mentioned here that because of using broad transcription like Khan (2014), I have not differentiated between strong and weak Urdu sounds. Both are represented using the same letter /a/. Similarly, both /e/ (as in ‘bet’) and /ae/ (as in ‘bat’) phonemes are represented by the same letter /e/ for the transcription of Urdu words. Oral vowels /a/ (as in ‘but’) xat (letter)/a/ (as in ‘ago’) amn (peace) /aa/ (as in ‘draft’) daaGh(stain) /au/ (as in ‘fall’) aur(and)/e/ (longer than e in ‘net’) tel (oil)/e’/ (as in ‘mat’) be’r (hostility)/i/ (as in ‘wish’) ilm (knowledge)/ii/ (as in ‘deed’) jiit (victory)/o/ (no equivalent in English) mol (price, value)/u/ (as in ‘soot’) but (idol) /uu/ (as in ‘root’) jhuuT (a lie)Nasal vowels /a~/ ha~si (laughter)/a~/ ra~g (colour)/aa~/ kaa~ch (glass)/e~/ ge~d (ball)/e’~/ bhe’~s(buffalo)/i~/ pi~jar (a skeleton) /ii~/ sii~g (a horn)/o~/ Dho~g(deceit; trick)/u~/ dhu~d(fog)/uu~/ ghuu~T (sip)DIPHTHONGSOral diphthongs /ae/ nae(new) plural /aae/ gaae (cow)/ai/ nai (new) feminine/aai/ kaai (moss)/aao/ jaao (go) imperative/ia/ kia(did)/io/ jio (live)/oe/ dhoe(washed)/oi/ koi (somebody)/ua/ jua(gamble)/ue/ hue(They) became /ui/ rui (cotton)Nasal Diphthongs /aae~/ khaae~(Please eat)/aai~/ laai~(They) brought (feminine)/aao~/ gaao~(village) /aau~/ jaau~ (May I leave?)/ai~/ gai~ (They) went (feminine)/ia~/ zia~ (loss)/oe~/ boe~ (sow) imperative/oi~/ roi~(They) wept (feminine)/ua~/ dhua~ (smoke)/ue~/ jue~ (lice)/ui~/ hui~ (They) became (feminine)Note: There were a few key-informants who could not use aspirated sounds in those Urdu words that have aspiration, while a few of them articulated /k/ in place of /q/. Their Urdu discourse is transcribed according to their pronunciation for authenticity. ACKNOWLEDGMENTFirst of all I would like to thank Allah for instilling in me the desire for seeking knowledge and providing me the determination to undertake this research. I would also like to avail myself of the opportunity to express my profound gratitude to Prof Dr Kaleem Raza Khan, my research supervisor, for his guidance and continuous support throughout this research. His critical feedback on my work helped me remove the gaps that I may have otherwise overlooked. The patience, with which he guided me especially when I was stuck in any of the phases of this study, motivated me to continue my work. I must admit that he was the real driving force behind the successful completion of this project. I am also thankful to Dr Shahnaz Hunzai, as it was because of her that I managed to visit Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi --- a visit that provided useful information about the work done on Burushaski language. Moreover, I am also grateful to all other research scholars, like Dr Perveen Akhtar, Mr Pervesh Shaheen, and Mr Naseem Haider, who were generous enough to spare their precious time to answer the questions that I had in my mind regarding Burushaski language and its speakers. Last but not the least I am indebted to all the Burushaski speakers who participated in this study. If they had not participated in the data-collection phase, I would not have been able to undertake this research in the first place. CHAPTER ONEINTRODUCTION1.0 IntroductionThis chapter provides the background and the genesis of the study, its aims and the specific research questions, which the study attempts to answer followed by the practical implications of the research. The chapter ends with a brief description of the framework of the thesis in terms of how it is divided into different chapters and what each chapter deals with. 1.1 Background Multilingualism has been the focus of research in sociolinguistics for the last 50 years; research on the effects of living in a multilingual society has drawn the attention of many linguists and anthropologists all over the world, particularly focusing on exploring multilingual situations with reference to the indigenous languages (Cheng, 2003; David & Dealwis, 2011; Dorian, 2006; Edwards, 1992; Gardner-Chloros, 2007; May, 2011). Because of being marginalized in the presence of the politically and socio-economically dominant linguistic groups, many of the indigenous languages have particularly been the center of interest among sociolinguists (Hornberger & Coronel-Molina, 2004; Offiong & Ugot, 2012; Slavik, 2001; Yagmur & Akinci, 2003). Besides this, various reports on endangered languages published by UNESCO (particularly the one published in 2003) have led to a general concern for the loss of the world’s linguistic diversity in many multilingual countries across the globe including Pakistan, a country where according to Khan (2001), 72 languages are spoken. It is this linguistic and cultural diversity in Pakistan which provides rich source of data for conducting research on indigenous languages and their speakers. However, this diversity is at stake because of globalization and linguistic dominance which has threatened the position of many indigenous languages leading to language shift, particularly in urban centers (Ehala & Niglas, 2007; Fishman, 2001; May, 2000; 2011). Language shift is a process in which a language gets reduced in its functions and the place is taken by another language (de Bot, 2001; Fishman, 2001; Ostler, 2011). In other words, the domains previously reserved for one language are occupied by another. In most of the cases, the shift is from the minority to the majority language as reported in different studies (Bosch, & de Klerk, 1998; Fakuade, Gambo, & Bashir, 2003; Gogonas, 2009; Weinreich, 2010). It is observed that many indigenous language speakers who have moved from rural to urban centers for better education or employment have reduced the use of their mother tongue in a variety of domains replacing it with the mainstream language(s), a situation that may lead to attrition (gradual loss of linguistic proficiency in the mother tongue) and in extreme cases language death (eventual extinction of a language) as evident through the findings of various research studies conducted in multilingual societies (Dorian, 1987; 1989; 2006; Edwards, 2007; Fishman, 2002; Gal, 1979; Paulston, 1994a, 1994b; Romaine, 2002). Crystal (2000) in his book titled Language Death mentioned 94% of the world’s languages being spoken by just 4% of the total population of the world. This means that only 6% of the world’s languages are spoken by 96% of the total population, which is alarming. Considering this precarious situation, Romaine and Nettle (2000) predicted that 90% of the world’s languages would be dead by the year 2100. There are 28 languages in Pakistan alone which have been included in the list of endangered languages by UNESCO. If nothing is done to address this issue, it can have serious repercussions disturbing the multilingual fabric of the country. Considering the gravity of the situation, I intend to conduct research on the process of language shift among one of the indigenous minority language groups living in Karachi with a focus on determining their sense of ‘ethnolinguistic vitality’ ---- a term that is used to refer to the sense of distinctiveness that an ethnolinguistic group has which sets them apart from others (Cenoz & Valencia, 1993; Ehala, 2010). 1.2 The Genesis of the StudyDuring my experience of studying and teaching at the University of Karachi, I have had the chance of meeting students from diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds not only from within the country but also from foreign countries, like Afghanistan, China, Iran, Nepal, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Turkey, to mention a few. This linguistic and cultural diversity that exists in the university has always fascinated me as a researcher. In order to explore this linguistic diversity and the result of language contact situation at Karachi University, I conducted a multiple case study focusing on the linguistic journey of four ethno-linguistic groups (Balti, Burushaski, Khowar and Shina) studying at the University of Karachi (Ali, 2015). This small scale research based on the data gathered through the sociolinguistic profile form and detailed interactions in the form of informal interviews with the four ethnolinguistic groups based on Balti, Burushaski, Khowar, and Shina speakers further enhanced my interest in this field and became one of the major reasons to conduct research on one of the indigenous minority language groups, the Burushos (Burushaski speakers), studying at the University of Karachi. I decided to focus my research on the indigenous language speakers not only because of the linguistic heterogeneity observed at the University of Karachi but also because of my interest in Sociolinguistics, the subject I have taught at Master’s level in the Department of English, University of Karachi since 2002. Teaching Sociolinguistics for more than a decade has not only enhanced my interest in this field but has also raised my curiosity to explore it further, particularly, in Pakistan, which is both linguistically and culturally heterogeneous. Moreover, my own linguistic background is another reason for exploring the fate of the indigenous languages in Pakistan. Being a native speaker of Punjabi, one of the major indigenous languages of Pakistan, I have always observed the discrimination against the indigenous language speakers through the stereotypes attached with their identity. My M. Phil research (Ali, 2010) mainly dealt with measuring the language attitudes of educated Pakistanis and Punjabi was one of the languages, along with Urdu and English, that I chose for my study. Although the indigenous language group I belong to is the one that is numerically in majority, i.e., 48%, according to the 1998 census data, it does not enjoy constitutional support even in the Punjab province. If Punjabi despite being the language of the majority of the population does not enjoy official status at provincial level, the status of other indigenous languages can easily be inferred. The sense of being relegated to a low status on linguistic grounds often leads to the desire to break one’s ties with the native language and it is this desire along with other factors that has resulted in language shift from minority to majority languages all over the world and Pakistan is no exception. 1.3 The Aims of the StudyOne of the aims of the current study is to explore the linguistic behavior of Burushaski speakers (an indigenous minority language group) living in Karachi, and the factors responsible for their linguistic choices to determine their degree of ethnolinguistic vitality. I have restricted my research to only one indigenous language group because of the trend found in research on language shift all over the world. A vast majority of the studies conducted on language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality in different contexts focus exclusively on one language (Bosch & de Klerk, 1998; Gal, 1979; Imtiaz-Asif, 2005; Kijai, Lampadan, & Loo, 2012; Lenk, 2007; Mann, 2000; van Aswegen, 2008; Yagmur, & Akinci, 2003; Zaidi, 2011). As far as the choice of Burushaski is concerned, there are strong reasons for selecting it for the proposed research. One major reason for choosing Burushaski is that it is among the 28 languages of Pakistan that have been declared endangered by UNESCO. Another reason for choosing Burushaski is that it is the only language of Pakistan that is considered an isolate, in the sense that it does not belong to any language family of the world. Yet another reason for choosing Burushaski is that it was proposed to be given national status along with 12 other indigenous languages by the Standing Committee of the National Assembly in a Special Report on National Language Commission presented in 2014. Moreover, Burushaski is chosen because there are hundreds of Burushaski speakers studying at the University of Karachi. Owing to the presence of a considerable number of Burushos in the university, it was not very difficult to access them for data collection. The primary aim of the study is to investigate whether Burushaski language shift is in process in Karachi or not. The study attempts to determine the degree of shift or maintenance by measuring the ethnolinguistic vitality of this ethnolinguistic group studying at the University of Karachi. The term ethnolinguistic vitality refers to the sense of identity that makes the speakers of any language feel distinct from other linguistic groups. It is generally observed that the greater the sense of ethnolinguistic vitality, the greater the chances of language maintenance and the lesser the degree of language shift. By exploring the sense of ethnolinguistic vitality of Burushaski speakers studying in Karachi University, the study also aims to examine if it holds true for Burushaski speakers. Details regarding language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality measures are provided in the chapter on Literature review. 1.4 Research QuestionsWhat are the linguistic choices of Burushaski speakers in different domains in Karachi? What factors are responsible for the linguistic choices of this indigenous minority group? What is the degree of language shift/maintenance and ethnolinguistic vitality of Burushaski speakers in Karachi?Are there any gender differences in their language choice and ethnolinguistic vitality? 1.5 Practical Implications of the StudyOne of the practical implications of this study is its direct link with language and education policy of Pakistan. The findings of the research can draw the attention of the policy makers to revise the past language planning practices of the country based on the Assimilationist rather than the Integrationist language policy (Nahir, 2003; Schimmel, 2005; Spolsky, 2004). The Assimilationist model of language planning, as the term suggests, aims at eradicating native languages and their culture by discouraging the native speakers to use their language in public domains. Policies based on such a model either explicitly or implicitly deprive people of their linguistic rights by denying their language any space in the domains of power. The current research is undertaken to raise awareness among the speakers of indigenous languages and encourage the local researcher scholars to work for the preservation and promotion of these languages. This can promote linguistic and cultural tolerance which in turn can lead to the emergence of a plurilingual society, where people can live in harmony without feeling threatened of each others’ linguistic and cultural identity. Since peaceful coexistence of different ethnolinguistic and religious groups is only possible in a plurilingual society, the study can also be successful in directing the policy makers’ attention towards striving for plurilingualism in Pakistan. 1.6 Organization of the ThesisThe thesis is divided into nine chapters. Chapter one, which is an introduction is followed by a chapter based on the background of Burushaski language and its speakers. Chapter three deals with the social and institutional context of the study, while chapter four presents definition of the key terms used in the thesis along with an exhaustive review of relevant literature on language shift/maintenance and ethnolinguistic vitality. In chapter five, which deals with methodology, details related to the research paradigm, the research design, the tools employed for gathering the data, and the sampling techniques used for the selection of the participants are discussed with complete justification. The chapter ends with a note on ethics. Chapter six prepares the ground for data analysis by providing some useful information about the research participants whereas chapter seven and eight deal with data analysis. Chapter seven presents a detailed analysis of the data gathered through the Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality (SEV) questionnaire conducted on Burushaski speakers studying in different departments of the University of Karachi, while chapter eight deals with the in-depth analysis of the interviews taken from the key informants of the study. Chapter nine, which is the last chapter of the thesis, is based on the findings that emerged through the questionnaire and interview analysis, along with the conclusion and recommendations for future research. After the last chapter, a complete list of references and bibliography is provided, which is followed by Appendices. The appendices carry a complete profile of the research participants which is provided in the form of grids, a copy of the SEV questionnaire and the interview questions asked to the key informants. The transcription of the key informants’ interviews is also attached in the appendices. CHAPTER TWOSOCIAL AND INSTITUIONAL CONTEXT2.0 IntroductionThis chapter begins with a brief discussion on the linguistic diversity of Pakistan followed by a critical evaluation of the language and education policy of the country. The next section of the chapter encapsulates the details regarding the broader context of the study and the research site chosen for conducting this research. Since the study is conducted in the University of Karachi, which is situated in Karachi, the chapter also provides a glimpse of the linguistic heterogeneity of the city. The last section of the chapter presents details of multilingualism observed at the University of Karachi.2.1Linguistic Diversity in Pakistan Pakistan is a multilingual as well as a multicultural country where one finds rich linguistic and cultural diversity. The ethnolinguistic groups present in the country are not just restricted to their specific localities but, as a result of the ease in mobility and the desire to improve their standard of living, are spread in different parts of the country. For instance, Punjabi speakers are not just present in the province of Punjab; many Punjabis are also settled in Sindh and other provinces. In fact, according to the Government of Pakistan, Census report 1998, 13.94% Punjabis are living in Karachi alone. Similarly, Balochis, Saraikis, Pakhtuns, Sindhis and other groups are not restricted to their respective provinces. The diversity related to languages and the cultures associated with these languages can also be witnessed with reference to the varieties many indigenous languages have. These regional varieties or the regional dialects to be more precise, multiply the degree of diversity in the country. However, the linguistic and cultural diversity of Pakistan not only owes its existence to the indigenous languages and their speakers but also to a number of foreign languages. Commenting on the presence of foreign languages in the country, Khan (2014) states:There are one million speakers of Farsi in all Pakistani major cities. Marwari, Turkmen, Uyghur, Uzbek and Bengali are notable among other foreign languages used in Pakistan with hundreds of thousands speakers each. These languages are not recognized as Pakistani languages but brought to Pakistan by refugees and immigrants. However, they are spoken in Pakistan and their presence in the community contributes to multilingualism in the country. (p. 13). Considering the linguistically and culturally diverse situation in Pakistan, I will now turn to the language policy of the country to determine the extent to which the policy harmonizes with the linguistic and cultural fabric of the country. 2.1.1 Pakistan’s Language PolicyThe language policy of any multilingual country should be a manifestation of its linguistic heterogeneity so that the linguistic groups living in that multilingual country feel a sense of attachment and develop a strong bond with the country. Unfortunately, the language policy of Pakistan does not reflect the true spirit of multilingualism. Despite being a linguistically diverse country with 72 languages, the language policy provides no space to the indigenous minority languages to grow. In other words, the rich linguistic and cultural diversity of the country has never been utilized through its language policy in the real sense. The Standing Committee of the National Assembly in a Special Report on National Language Commission presented in 2014, proposed 13 indigenous languages to be given national status, but the government has not yet taken any decision in this regard. Urdu is still the only national language of the country along with English enjoying official status. Although the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan declares Urdu the national language of the country, with the promise to make efforts to promote it, no serious effort has been made so far to promote Urdu at any level. Urdu enjoys the national status, but English being the language of the colonizers, is given official recognition and is used in all the domains of power. The result is that it is “considered more prestigious than Urdu or other regional languages” (Khan, 2014, p. 15). A critical examination of the language policy of Pakistan reveals that the policy is based on the Assimilationist model of language planning which hardly leaves any room for the indigenous languages to flourish. Sindh is the only province where Sindhi being a major regional language is given official recognition and is taught as a compulsory subject in schools. Ironically, the country despite being rich in linguistic diversity has remained poor with regard to its language planning policy. Rahman (2010) has made an apt comment: …the language policies of Pakistan, both declared and undeclared, have increased both ethnic and class conflict in the country. Moreover, our Westernized elites, in their own interests, are threatening cultural and linguistic diversity. As a result they are impoverishing the already poor and creating much resentment against the oppression and injustice of the system. (p. 32)Even Urdu, which is the national language, is not promoted the way it should be. Although an order was issued by the Supreme Court on September 8, 2015, according to which all the government officials will be required to use Urdu in their meetings and other official platforms, the order has not yet been taken seriously. It was quite ironical to see the Prime Minister of Pakistan violating the order of the Supreme Court by delivering his speech in English at the 70th United Nations General Assembly session held on September 15, 2015. Although the heads of other states addressed the session in their national language, the Prime Minister of Pakistan did not (Iqbal, 2015). Looking at the maltreatment of the national language in the country, it is not difficult to imagine the fate of the indigenous languages which are marginalized to such an extent that a vast majority of Pakistanis, especially those in urban centres, are not even familiar with the names of many local languages which form a rich linguistic heritage of the country. 2.1.2 Pakistan’s Education PolicyThe education policy of any country is a mirror image of its language policy. Just as the indigenous languages are ignored in the language policy of Pakistan, there is no provision for mother tongue education in the education policy of the country. The National Education Policy (2009) which carries plan for improving the quality of education at primary, secondary and tertiary level by the year 2015 does not even refer to the importance of mother tongue education. The issue of mother tongue education is completely ignored in the education policy which is in accordance with the language policy of the country that does not offer any measures to maintain and promote the linguistic diversity. After the approval of mother tongue education as one of the basic linguistic rights of every child by the United Nations, many countries, including the developing countries like Bangladesh, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Philippines, etc started working on textbooks and reading materials in their indigenous languages to provide mother tongue education to children in the early years of schooling, but the policy makers of Pakistan did not pay heed to it. Not only did they neglect it in the past, no practical steps have been taken to make mother tongue education possible up till now. Even when any government plans to introduce mother tongue education, it fails to implement the plan. Ashfaq (2017) has reported that despite the decision of the government of KPK under the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Promotion of Regional Languages Act 2012, according to which it was decided to make mother tongue education in five of the indigenous languages spoken in the province compulsory in all the schools, the private institutions in KPK have ignored the decision. Although the private schools have blatantly violated the order, no action has been taken against them, which not only shows lack of seriousness on the part of the private school authorities but also on the part of the decision makers. Unless the government makes serious efforts to implement the rules, mother tongue education will remain neglected. Besides neglecting mother tongue education in Pakistan, the policy makers are unable to resolve the medium of instruction controversy. The question regarding what language is to be made the medium of instruction still remains unanswered as a result of which there is no uniformity in the education system of Pakistan. The result is that even in those schools and colleges that claim to have only Urdu or English medium of instruction the teachers actually use both the languages in the classroom discourse. The major reason behind the absence of any uniformity regarding the language of education in the language policy of Pakistan is the absence of consultation with language experts or linguists in the policy making decisions. Since politicians are the sole decision makers, the preliminary work that is needed, before making decisions regarding the education policy, including the medium of instruction, is found missing. Since the policy makers are oblivious of the importance of needs analysis or surveys, whatever local research studies based on needs analysis and linguistic surveys are available, are ignored. Hence the controversy regarding the medium of instruction remains unresolved. After discussing the medium of instruction controversy, I now turn to Karachi, as it is the broader context of my study and being the most linguistically and culturally diverse city of the country is very much relevant to the current research. 2.2Karachi and its Linguistic and Cultural HeterogeneityAs mentioned earlier, the broader context of this study is Karachi, which is the largest city of Pakistan. Once called ‘the city of lights’, because of its night time activities and peaceful environment, Karachi is the most densely populated city of Pakistan with an estimated population of 13 million in 2004 which is now estimated to have reached 20 million. The city embraces people from different parts of the country, including rural and urban centers, who come to Karachi for better job prospects with the desire to improve their socio-economic status. According to Qureshi (2014), twenty percent (20%) of the urban population of Pakistan lives in Karachi. According to the city government’s final draft report on the Karachi Strategic Master Plan (KSMP) 2020, Karachi’s population is estimated to reach 27.5 million in 2020 and 32 million by 2025. Table (1) based on the 1998 census presents the linguistic landscape of the city. Since the 2017 census report has not been issued yet, the table is based on the 1998 census. Table (1): Percentage of speakers representing different ethnolinguistic groups in KarachiEthno-linguistic Groups in KarachiPercentage of Native Speakers representing each ethnolinguistic groupUrdu48.52%Punjabi13.94%Pashto11.43%Sindhi7.22%Balochi4.34%Seraiki2.11%Others12.44%Source: Census Report 1998, Government of PakistanOthers in the table include: Arabic, Balti, Bengali, Brahvi, Brushaski, Dari, DawoodiBohra, Gujrati, Gojri, Hindko, Kashmiri, Kachchhi, Khowar, Memon, Marwari, Persian, and Shina. Although the census data mentioned in the given table cannot be considered hundred percent reliable after 18 years, it does provide a rough estimate of the degree of multilingualism found in Karachi. It is obvious that the percentage of mother tongue speakers in Karachi has changed in the last 18 years, particularly because of the influx of IDPs (Internally Displaced People) from Khyber Pakhtun Khwa as a result of the military operation. In addition to its rich linguistic diversity, the city is unique from many other perspectives, including historical, socio-cultural, religious, economic, and political. The history of Karachi is much older than it is believed to be. Paracha (2016) believes that Karachi’s history precedes both the Talpurs and the British. In one of his articles published in Dawn, Paracha writes that Karachi’s “natural harbor was first mentioned by a passing army of Greek King and warrior, Alexander the Great, in 325 B.C” (2016, p.4). It is also reported that one of Alexander’s commander, Nearchus and his army while approaching the Makran coast arrived at a place which is the Karachi port today. In the eighteenth century, the city was called ‘Kolachi jo Goth’ (a village of Kolachi). Before 1935, Karachi was a part of Bombay and was one of those British cities that were on the Imperial trade routes. When Sindh attained provincial autonomy after its separation from the Bombay Presidency in 1935, Karachi became its capital. As a result of this change in Karachi’s status, the city became politically and economically powerful. When Pakistan gained independence in 1947, Karachi became its first capital. Mooraj (2015) reminiscing about the city’s religious, cultural and linguistic diversity in the initial years of independence writes: Karachi in December 1947 was a relatively quiet and peaceful place in which people of various religions had been living in harmony for years and years. A number of educated and more affluent Muslims from the United provinces, Delhi and Hyderabad Deccan had already decided to move to the new country and brought with them the Urdu language, while the business community that had migrated from Maharashtra, Gujarat, Kathiawar and Cutch conversed with one another mainly in Gujrati, Memoni or Cutchi which became the private language of commerce. (p. 3)Karachi remained the country’s capital for more than a decade. However, it ceased to be the capital in 1962 when General Ayub Khan’s government made Islamabad the country’s capital. Although Karachi is no more the capital of Pakistan, it is still considered the economic hub of the country. The city is the backbone of the country’s economy because of the presence of Karachi Port and Karachi Stock Exchange. Zaidi (2014) reports that almost ninety-six percent of the taxes and revenue collection in Sindh is contributed by Karachi, which is the largest share contributed by any city in Pakistan. Besides this, it also provides thirty-five percent of total sales tax that is collected in the country. Karachi not only generates major part of the country’s revenue but also provides shelter to people from other parts of the country irrespective of their ethnolinguistic or religious background. Although the city has been the victim of sheer discrimination to the point of complete negligence at the government level for the last few decades, it still attracts people from different areas of the country, who come to this metropolitan city for better economic and education prospects with the hope to bring a sea change in their life. The fact that it has the second highest literacy rate (72.2%) in the country as reported in the 1998 census data, bears testimony to the large number of educational institutions in the city. The city is mostly inhabited by immigrants not only from within the country but also from across the country. There are almost a million illegal migrants from Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka, residing in Karachi. Besides this, there are Afghan refugees who are permanently settled in this metropolitan city. One can also find Chinese and Iranians in Karachi who migrated to this city as a result of the revolution in their country. Although many of them went back to their country, some of them stayed back. Burki (2004) attributes Karachi’s growth to migration of people from long distance, a point that is supported not only by the examples of Afghan, Bengali, Chinese, and Iranian immigrants from across the border but also by the examples of people migrating from the Northern most areas of Pakistan. Since the city borders the Arabian Sea, it seems to have absorbed the vastness of the sea. This is the reason that it has always welcomed people of every cast and creed. According to Sardar Bhola Singh, the head of the organizing committee of Gurdwara Sri Granth Sahib situated in old Karachi, nearly 6000 Sikhs reside in different areas in Karachi (cited in Abbas, 2015). Moreover, a considerable size of Parsee community also lives in this city. Although the linguistic and cultural diversity found in Karachi has led to a clash of interests among different ethnic groups leading to the struggle for power in the last few decades, the same diversity has also made the city unique. Besides the cultural and linguistic heterogeneity, one can also explore the culinary diversity in the city that ranges from local eating outlets offering ‘bun kebaab’, ‘tikka paraaTha’, ‘haliim’, ‘nihaari’ to international food chains offering ‘burgers’ and ‘pizzas’. The expression ‘melting pot’ that is often used for the United States of America because of a large number of immigrants from all over the world can be applied to Karachi as well because of the migration of a large number of people with different linguistic backgrounds from within the country. Karachi’s population is not just based on Urdu speaking mohajirs, there are several other ethno-linguistic groups in the city, as mentioned earlier. It is estimated that by the year 2025, the non-Urdu speakers would constitute more than 60% of the population of Karachi. While discussing Karachi’s diversity, Paracha (2011) shares the views of western scholars, according to who Karachi has the potential to become ‘Asian New York’, if the ethnolinguistic, cultural, religious, and sectarian diversity in the city begins to be accepted and if the groups representing different languages, cultures and sects work together to resolve conflicts. After discussing the linguistic and cultural heterogeneity of Karachi, I now turn to the University of Karachi, which is the research site for the present study. 2.2.1 The University of Karachi The University of Karachi is considered to be one of the prestigious public sector universities in Pakistan, particularly in the province of Sindh. Like Karachi, the University of Karachi is also unique, particularly from historical point of view. Commenting on the historical significance of the university, Khan (2014) writes: The university was founded by educators and scholars who had come mainly from two historical institutions with their own characteristic backgrounds, namely, the Muslim University of Aligarh (India) and the Osmania University Hyderabad (India) when Pakistan emerged as a separate independent state. (p. 19)Not only does the University of Karachi hold historical significance, it also holds importance in the contemporary era for imparting quality education to the students. Despite the emergence of a large number of public and private sector universities in the country, the University of Karachi has not lost its popularity. It is still among the top ten public sector universities of Pakistan, according to the HEC ranking. Since the University of Karachi is in the largest city of the country, not only students from Sindh, but also from all over the country apply for admission in this university. Besides being situated in Karachi, which is its major attraction, its affordable fee structure is also one of the reasons which attract people to this university for attaining higher education. It is one of the few public sector universities in Pakistan that offers admissions in eight faculties (Faculty of Social Sciences, Faculty of Education, Faculty of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Law, Faculty of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences, Faculty of management and Administrative Sciences, Faculty of engineering and Faculty of Science) offering 255 programmes that are running successfully in the 54 departments and the17 research centers and institutes for several years. The university offers admission in Honours, Masters, B.S., M.S., M. Phil., and Ph. D. programmes. Apart from offering degree programmes in the 54 departments of the eight faculties, the university also offers diploma and certificate courses in several departments in both the morning and the evening programmes. According to the information provided in the 2016 Prospectus of the University of Karachi, more than 35000 students are currently enrolled in the university.2.2.2 Admission Policy of the University of KarachiThe admission policy of the University of Karachi is based on merit. In order to make the admission process smooth and transparent, the applicants are grouped into three categories: K., S., and P. Category ‘K’ includes candidates who have had their previous education in Karachi, category ‘S’ refers to those from parts of Sindh outside Karachi, while ‘P’ category includes those applicants who are from other provinces of Pakistan. According to the admission policy mentioned in the 2016 Prospectus of the University of Karachi, preference is given to ‘K’ category applicants, followed by ‘S’ category. Applicants who fall under the ‘P’ category are considered only if the seats are available. The university also offers admissions on seats which are reserved for Karachi University employees’ children, Sports, Special Persons, Armed Forces Personnel, Balochistan, FATA, Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Northern Areas. However, the applicants from FATA, Kashmir and Northern areas are nominated through the Kashmir Affairs and Northern areas division, Government of Pakistan. The same holds true for Armed Forces Personnel who are nominated through General Head Quarters (GHQ). The admission in many departments depends on the marks obtained in the last examination. Nevertheless, for obtaining admission in some of the departments of the university, the applicants have to appear in an entry test. The admission in these departments is based on the success in the test rather than the marks obtained in the last exam. (For further details see 2016 Prospectus of the University of Karachi).2.2.3 Linguistic Diversity at the University of Karachi Although majority of the students and teachers in the University of Karachi are native Urdu speakers, there are many who belong to other ethnolinguistic groups. It was only after doing some spadework before beginning to conduct the actual research on Burushaski speakers that I learned about the rich linguistic fabric of the University of Karachi. The information regarding the linguistic background elicited from the students, teachers (both permanent and visiting faculty members), non-teaching staff members, shopkeepers and the ones working in all the eating outlets within the premises of the University of Karachi, is enough to understand the linguistic heterogeneity of the university. Table (2) is an attempt to provide a glimpse of the linguistic richness of the University of Karachi. It contains the list of indigenous and non-indigenous language speakers at the University of Karachi. The list in this table is not exhaustive in the sense that many people in the university were found reluctant to share their ethno-linguistic identity. The list is based on the information the people provided regarding their ethno-linguistic background. Table (2): Linguistic ecology of Karachi UniversityS. No:Indigenous LanguagesS. No:Indigenous LanguagesS. No:Non-indigenous LanguagesBalochi13.Kohistani1.ArabicBalti14.Memoni2.BengaliBurushaski15.Mewati3.ChineseBhojpuri16.Pashto4.JapaneseBrahvi17.Potohari5.KiswahiliGhanchi18.Punjabi6.KoreanGojri19.Shina7.NepaliGujrati20.Sindhi8.PersianHindko21.Saraiki9.SinhalaKachchhi22.Torwali10. SomaliKashmiri23.Urdu11.SwahiliKhowar (commonly called Chitrali)24.Wakhi12.TurkishWhile providing a brief description of indigenous language users at the University of Karachi, Khan (2014) wrote: Speakers of almost all the major languages of Pakistan study or work in the University of Karachi and they use their own language whenever at least two of them are together. In the classrooms and other places, they use English or Urdu but when they talk to the members of their own community they naturally prefer their own language. (p. 21). Since there is no official language policy in the university, in oral discourse both teachers and students use either Urdu or English in the class depending on their individual preferences and the ease of communication. In most of the cases there is Urdu/English code-switching. In case of non-teaching faculty members working in different departments and the administration, mostly Urdu is used. 2.2.4 Number of Burushaski speakers at the University of KarachiAlthough the University of Karachi has a rich linguistic landscape, the focus of the present study is only on the Burushaski speakers studying in different departments and Research Centers of the University of Karachi. Since there is no data available on the percentage of different linguistic groups studying in the university, before beginning the actual study, I did some preliminary research in order to find out the number of Burushaski speakers in the university. According to the information provided by Jaamai and Hashmi (2004) in an article published in Jariidah, research journal published by the Bureau of Compilation, Composition & Translation, the University of Karachi, there are 400 to 500 Burushaski speakers, both males and females, studying at Karachi University. In order to check the reliability of this information I visited different departments and Research Centers to find out the exact number of Burushaski speakers studying and/or working at the University of Karachi. This spadework before the actual research was undertaken with the aim to access the research participants for gathering the data for my study. After visiting all the departments and Research Centers, as well as the Girls’ Hostel on the campus I was able to locate two hundred and twenty (220) Burushaski speakers from both the morning and the evening programmes in all. Table (3) provides the number of Burushaski speakers studying in different faculties and Research Centers and Institutes of the University of Karachi. Table (3): Number of Burushaski speakers according to the faculties and Research Centers & Institutes at the University of KarachiFaculty of EducationFaculty of Islamic StudiesFaculty of Management & Administrative SciencesFaculty of ScienceFaculty of Social SciencesFaculty of LawResearch Centers& Institutes050403601170229The profile of Burushaski speakers who participated in the study is given in chapter five based on methodology. 2.3 ConclusionIn this chapter I have made an attempt to provide a brief survey of the linguistic landscape of Pakistan with a specific focus on Karachi, which is the broader context of my study followed by multilingualism at Karachi University. The chapter ends with the information about the number of Burushaski speakers in different departments of the University of Karachi. In the next chapter, I have provided a detailed background of Burushaski language, its dialects and the Burushos (Burushaski speakers) living in Pakistan, as they are the major focus of my research and therefore the background information about Burushaski language speakers will prove to be useful for studying language shift and/or maintenance among the Burusho community. CHAPTER THREEBACKGROUND OF BURUSHASKI LANGUAGE AND ITS SPEAKERS3.0 Introduction This chapter begins by tracing the origin of Burushaski language, followed by the details about its different varieties and their geographical distribution. The chapter also deals with some of the basic features of Burushaski grammar, the socio-historical background of the language and its speakers focusing, particularly, on their culture and their socio-economic and political status in Gilgit-Baltistan. The next section focuses on some prominent Burushaski scholars and their efforts to preserve and promote Burushaski language and culture, while the final section presents information about the Burushaski speakers living in Karachi. Since the study aims to explore Burushaski language shift/or maintenance among the Burusho community in Karachi by focusing on their ethnolinguistic vitality as a group, it is pertinent to present background information about the Burusho community living in Karachi in the last section of this chapter. 3.1 Burushaski language, its Dialects and Geographical DistributionBurushaski is a language that has attracted linguists because of its unique linguistic features on the basis of which it has been declared an isolate, showing no genetic relation with any language family of the world. It is among the 129 isolate languages that are spoken in different parts of the world and is among the 9 isolates of Asia (Campbell, 2010). What is more unique about this language is that it is the only isolate language spoken in Pakistan, which is the broader context of this study. Although Burushaski exhibits traces of Urdu, Turkish, Sanskrit, Persian as well as Hebrew to some extent, these influences do not carry sufficient evidence of its being genetically connected to any of these languages (Weinreich, 2015). There has been no unanimous agreement among linguists regarding its relation with any language family although attempts have been made to trace similarities between Burushaski and Shina---an indigenous language spoken in the North of Pakistan (Berger, 1985; Buddruss, 1985; Lorimer, 1935-38). Attempts have also been made to draw similarities between Burushaski and some non-indigenous languages, like French and Japanese. Berger (1985) also drew similarities between Burushaski and Basque. Jaamai and Hashmi (2004) while discussing the mystery surrounding the origin of Burushaski, draw similarity between the counting system of Burushaski and French. With reference to the counting system, they also refer to the similarities between Burushaski and Japanese in the use of diacritics in counting, which can change the sense. Casule (2003) presented the Burushaski-Indo-European Hypothesis according to which there are close affinities between Burushaski and the Indo-European languages, especially at the phonological level. However, Bengtson and Blazek (2011) have presented enough evidence against the Burushaski-Indo-European Hypothesis. According to Bengtson and Blazek (2011), the examples Casule (2003) cited for comparison between Burushaski and Indo-European languages are actually instances of loan words from the Indo-European languages. The unique features of Burushaski phonology are completely overlooked by Casule (2003) in his comparative analysis. The same holds true as far as the morphological comparison is concerned. Burushaski is an agglutinative language displaying agglutinating morphology along with fusional morphological features, while most of the Indo-European languages have inflected morphology. Moreover, there is no similarity between the Burushaski and the Indo-European numeral system, which further weakens the possibility of Burushaski’s association with the Indo-European languages presented in the Burushaski-Indo-European hypothesis. In contrast to the Burushaski-Indo-European hypothesis, Bengtson and Blazek (2011) favour the Dene-Caucasian hypothesis, according to which Burushaski language has linguistic features that resemble Na-Dene, Sino-Tibetan, North Caucasian, Basque, and Yeniseian languages (p. 25).Nevertheless, the differences between Burushaski and other languages outnumber the similarities that have been identified through comparative analyses. Despite all the similarities that have been identified, linguists in general and etymologists in particular, do not relate Burushaski with any language family as its unique linguistic properties and highly complex grammar overrides all such similarities. Weinreich (2015) has put an end to the debate by making a very strong comment with reference to the etymological status of Burushaski language:Beyond any doubt Burushaski is an isolated language, quite unrelated in origin to its Indo-Aryan, Iranian, and Tibetan neighbours. Moreover, there is still no conclusive evidence relating it to any other known language family. Various theories have been put forward in this regard, but none of them have been generally accepted. Historical connections have been suggested with Yenisseian spoken in eastern Siberia, as well as with Munda, Nubian, Northern Caucasian languages and even Proto-Macedonian (Phrygian). Although some striking structural similarities with Basque exist, truly convincing etymological equations are still missing. (p.462).The language is mainly spoken in the three valleys, Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin in the North of Pakistan. The alternate name for the Hunza variety of Burushaski is Hunzakut, for the Nagar variety the alternate term used is Khajuna, while the Yasin variety of Burushaski is called Werchikwar (Backstrom, 1992, 2000). The Burushaski spoken in each of these valleys is different from the other displaying regional variation. Despite the presence of lexical and phonological variation among the three varieties, there is a certain degree of mutual intelligibility among them. However, the varieties of Burushaski spoken in Hunza and Nagar enjoy more prestige than the variety spoken in Yasin. Backstrom (1992), while comparing the dialects of Burushaski in terms of their socio-economic status writes: Hunza-Nagar’s greater population and more accessible location, at least since the construction of the Karakoram Highway, together with its popularity as a tourist attraction, have combined to give the area, and consequently its language, greater prestige and exposure than that of Yasin. (p. 45)Although a majority of Burushos live in Hunza, Nagar and Yasin, Burushaski is not just confined to these three valleys but is also spoken in some other areas surrounding Gilgit, including Ghizer and Gojal. It is also the mother tongue of around 300 to 350 speakers in Srinagar in the Indian Occupied Kashmir, where yet another variety of Burushaski is spoken (Ahmed, 2016; Munshi, 2006) Besides this, because of the movement of people in search of better job opportunities and for seeking higher education in order to improve their standard of living, many indigenous language speakers from the North, particularly Burushaski speakers, have moved to the urban centers, especially in Karachi, where a considerable number of Burushaski speakers have also settled on permanent basis. This movement from rural to urban centers is a never-ending movement as the remote rural areas of our country lack the basic infra-structure and the education opportunities that could lead to economic prosperity in their native towns. Just as the genetic origin of Burushaski language is unknown, the exact number of Burushos in Pakistan is a matter of debate because of the presence of conflicting records of the number of Burushaski speakers in the country. The figure provided by the Burushaski Research Academy, which is two hundred thousand (200,000), does not match with the figures mentioned in some other sources; for instance, according to the 1981 census of the Government of Pakistan, the total number of Burushaski speakers ranged between 55,000 and 60, 000, while Baig, Sharif, & Khan (2007) report the existence of 150,000 Burushaski speakers speaking three different dialects: Meshaski in Hunza, Khajona in Nagar and Werchikwar in Yasin in the Karakurum region, Northern part of Pakistan. The number of Burushaski speakers reported by Anderson (2009) is 80, 000, out of which 15,000-20,000 are reported to be speaking the Yasin dialect, while 20,000-30,000 are reported to be using Hunza and Nagar dialects of Burushaski. Jaamai and Hashmi (2004) mention the same discrepancy in the numerical data while discussing the estimated number of Burushaski speakers in Pakistan which according to them is reported to range from 30,000 to 200, 000 whereas according to Gordon (2005) there are 87, 049 native speakers of Burushaski. This huge discrepancy in the number of Burushaski speakers can either be attributed to the unsystematic data collection, lack of reliability and authenticity in the census data, or the controversy regarding the difference between a language and a dialect. Irrespective of the availability of conflicting figures regarding the number of Burushaski speakers in Pakistan, the fact that Burushaski is one of the unique languages cannot be denied. Unfortunately, this unique language, which is the only language isolate in Pakistan, is not given the treatment it deserves which is evident from the data presented in the United Nation Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Atlas of the World Languages in Danger (2010), according to which Burushaski is an endangered language. As reported in the Atlas of the World Languages in Danger (2010), there are 2500 languages in danger, which include 28 languages of Pakistan and Burushaski is among the 28 indigenous languages of Pakistan that have been declared endangered as there are only 870000 Burushaski speakers left in the country. Even if these figures are taken as valid and reliable data, these figures do not guarantee that all the people identified as Burushos can speak Burushaski and even if they do so, there is hardly any data available on their literacy in their mother tongue (The information about mother tongue literacy was extracted from the Burushaski speakers I collected the data from. This information is presented in the chapter on questionnaire analysis). Just as there are conflicting details about the number of Burushaski speakers, there are also conflicts regarding its status as an endangered language. According to Holst (2014), “There are different opinions on whether Burushaski is an endangered language or not.” (p. 12). Anderson (2009), for instance, considers it a vital language. However, despite Anderson’s (2009) belief that Burushaski is a vital language and cannot be considered endangered as it is spoken by all generations, it is declared as one of the endangered languages of Pakistan by the UNESCO’s Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger (2010). Although Burushaski is included in UNESCO’s Atlas of the World Languages in Danger (2010), according to the information provided in the Ethnologue: Languages of the World (2015) Burushaski has a vigorous status and is placed under category number 6a of the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) proposed by Lewis and Simons (2010) who adapted the Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) proposed by Fishman (1991). The details related to EGIIDS are given in table (4): Table (4): Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) by Lewis & Simons (2010)LevelLabelDescriptionUNESCO0InternationalThe language is used internationally for a broad range of functions.Safe1NationalThe language is used in education, work, mass media, and government at the nationwide level.Safe2RegionalThe language is used for local and regional mass media and governmental services.Safe3TradeThe language is used for local and regional work by both insiders and outsiders.Safe4EducationalLiteracy in the language is being transmitted through a system of public education.Safe5WrittenThe language is used orally by all generations and is effectively used in written form in parts of the community.Safe6aVigorousThe language is used orally by all generations and is being learned by children as their first language.Safe6bThreatenedThe language is used orally by all generations but only some of the child-bearing generations are transmitting it to their children.Vulnerable7ShiftingThe child-bearing generation knows the language well enough to use it among themselves but none are transmitting it to their childrenDefinitelyEndangered8aMoribundThe only remaining active speakers of the language are members of the grandparent generation.SeverelyEndangered8bNearly ExtinctThe only remaining speakers of the language are members of the grandparent generation or older who have little opportunity to use the language.CriticallyEndangered9DormantThe language serves as a reminder of heritage identity for an ethnic community. No one has more than symbolic proficiency.Extinct10ExtinctNo one retains a sense of ethnic identity associated with the language, even for symbolic purposes.ExtinctDespite the fact that Burushaski is placed in category 6a by the Ethnologue (2015) implying that it is vigorous and safe, its status in Karachi, which is the broader context of the study, has to be assessed to measure its degree of vitality/endangerment in order to determine the degree of shift or maintenance of Burushaski in this urban centre of the country. 3.1.1 The grammar of Burushaski Since Burushaski has not yet been proved to be associated with any language family of the world, its grammar has unique features and has been the centre of attention among linguists all over the world. Burushaski grammar has been studied and explored extensively with a focus on all aspects of grammar including its phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics (Anderson, 1997; 2002; 2007; Anderson & Eggert, 2001; Bashir, 1985; Karim, 2011; 2013; Morin & Toffou, 1988; Munshi, 2006; 2012; Smith, 2012; Tikkanen, 1995; Wilson, 1990; 1996). 3.1.1.1 Burushaski phonology Beginning with the phonological features of the language, it is pertinent to mention that Burushaski has 38 consonants and the consonantal inventory of the language is marked by a ‘large number of coronal stops and affricates’ (Karim, 2013). Moreover, it has the largest number of nonsonorant retroflex sounds of all the languages spoken in the region (Anderson, 1997). Yet another unique phonological feature of Burushaski is the presence of 29 obstruents (Munshi, 2012). Burushaski has five short and five long vowels. Both nasalized and non-nasalized vowels exist in the language (Wilson, 1996). However, there are certain sounds that are specific to the Hunza and Nagar dialects of Burushaski but are not found in the Yasin dialect. 3.1.1.2 Burushaski morphology The morphology of Burushaski is equally unique as it is “somewhere between agglutinating and fusional” (Holst, 2014, p. 12). The inflectional morphology of Burushaski includes both prefixes and suffixes. The language has four noun classes with a range of plural markers. According to Anderson (2009) “There are literally dozens of plural markers in the language, each often found with only a small number of nouns” (p. 176). The morphological complexity of Burushaski can also be determined through its verbal system which is distinct from other South Asian languages. For instance, ergative marking in Burushaski occurs on the agent while agreement occurs on the verb (Smith, 2012). Besides this, some of the Burushaski verb forms have no stem, which is a distinct typological feature of this language. Yet another unique feature of the verbal system of Burushaski is “the grammaticalized use of double argument indexing with intransitive verbs” (Anderson, 2009, p. 178). However, what makes Burushaski different from other South Asian languages besides these distinctive features is the use of prefixes instead of suffixes for forming causatives (Masica, 1976 cited in Wilson, 1996, p. 57). 3.1.1.3 Burushaski syntax As far as the syntax of Burushaski is concerned, it has an agglutinative structure and is postpositional rather than prepositional in nature (Munshi, 2012). Being a head-final language, modifiers (adjectives, numerals, and demonstrative pronouns) are always placed before the head noun and verb mostly occurs in sentence-final position in Burushaski following the basic SOV word-order (Karim, 2013; Munshi, 2012). However, the syntax of Burushaski is distinct from Urdu and other languages, despite following the same SOV word order, because of the extensive use of case forms in the language which indicates a variety of subordinate clause functions (Anderson, 2002). Having a highly developed case system, Burushaski is marked by different types of cases including absolutive, ergative, genitive, dative, locative, superessive, instrumental, ablative, and comitative (Karim, 2013, p. 14). Moreover, Burushaski follows vigesimal instead of decimal numeral system making it stand apart from other languages spoken in the region and like other modifiers, the numerals are placed before the head nouns (Munshi, 2012). One of the most distinctive syntactic features of Burushaski is the presence of a middle voice with ‘two-form non-cognate system’ as according to Karim (2013), “In Burushaski, the reflective marker and the middle marker are distinct both morphologically and historically” (p. 38). Besides active, passive and middle voice, the language also has an antipassive construction. Multi-predicate constructions in the form of causatives and inversions also abound in Burushaski (Wilson, 1996).3.1.1.4 Burushaski semantics The study of the grammar of any language is incomplete without the study of its semantics as meaning forms the central part of grammar. Like the phonology, morphology, and syntax of Burushaski, the semantics of Burushaski is also unique and has also been explored with great interest by researchers (Bashir, 1985). Although Burushaski stands apart from other languages of the world and is considered an isolate, because of the Burushaski speakers’ contact with speakers of other languages, there are quite a few instances of borrowed and loan items found in the language. The language has lexical borrowings and loans from Balti, Khowar, Shina, and Urdu. In fact, Berger (1966) reports a large number of loan items from Shina. Casule (1998) also talks about the lexical borrowings from Northeast Caucasian languages, while Berger (1985) reports the presence of loan affixes as well in the language. Moreover, Burushaski kinship terms carry loan items from Tibet-Burman and Indo-European languages (Parkin, 1987). Although Burushaski grammar is not the focus of my study, I consider it important to provide a brief overview of its grammatical features to see if the grammatical complexity of a minority language can affect the use of that language by the native speakers in a non-native environment where the dominant languages are grammatically less complex than their own. I will now turn to the Burusho community of Gilgit-Baltistan as the focus of my study is on the Burushaski speakers’ linguistic choices in different domains and their ethno-linguistic vitality. It is only through a closer analysis of their linguistic behaviour that the vitality of their language can be determined. 3.1.2 The Burushos of Gilgit-Baltistan The Burushos (Burushaski speakers) are unique not only because of their language which is considered an isolate, showing no scientific proof of its relation with any language family of the world, they are also unique because their origin is still unknown. Different researchers have tried to trace their origin but there is no unanimous agreement. According to Baig et al., (2007, p. 643): “Gilgit was the capital of Burusho Kingdom called Burushal. Due to foreign invasions from Tibet and Indus valleys, Burusho scattered into three valleys, Hunza, Yasin and Nager.” Parekh (2010) writing about the origin of Burushos and their language mentions two possible sources of their origin. One of the possibilities that he mentions is that the Burushos are the offspring of the three soldiers of Alexander, the Great. According to a legend, the soldiers fell ill and settled in the area which is now part of Pakistan. Another possible source of their origin is believed to be their association with the ‘Hoon’ tribe living in the northern and western regions of China. It is believed that some of the Burushos migrated to Hungary while others moved to the mountain ranges of Himalayan and Karakoram in Pakistan. Apart from the enigma that shrouds their origin, the uniqueness of the Burusho people is also manifested through the richness of the culture they represent. The festivals they celebrate (the most popular among these festivals is the Ginaani festival), the customs they practice, and the clothes they wear make them stand apart from the other groups living in the north of Pakistan. Another striking feature of the Burushos is the diversity in their religious faith, as the Burushaski speakers in each of the three regions: Nagar, Hunza, and Yasin differ from each other in terms of their religious beliefs and practices. The Burushos of Nagar are orthodox Shia, while a vast majority of the Burushos of Hunza belongs to the Ismaili sect. As far as the Burushos of Yasin valley are concerned, majority of them also follow the Ismaili sect. Nevertheless, because of the geographical distance there are differences in their religious beliefs and customs. There is also a small group of Sunni Burushos living in Hunza and Yasin. Although the Burushaski speakers live in the remote areas of the country, which are basically agricultural areas, they have access to the basic education which is evident from a number of public and private schools and colleges in their locality. The Agha Khan Foundation has particularly sponsored many private schools in Gilgit-Baltistan, including Golden Jubilee schools, to provide education facilities to the children living in remote areas. Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) has funded many educational projects in that region to cater to the needs of the people there. With regard to the importance given to education in Hunza, Backstrom (1992, p. 37) reports: “Hunza has one of the best school-attendance records of any rural area in northern Pakistan, with reportedly ninety percent of children, both boys and girls, attending school, at least at the primary level.” The importance given to education can also be judged from the literacy rate in Hunza. The current literacy rate of Hunza has crossed 95% which is the highest in Pakistan. While tracing the history of education and its progress in Hunza, Siddiqui (2009) reports the establishment of the first primary schools in Hunza in 1913, which was established by the British. This means that the children of Hunza were exposed to school education more than hundred years ago. Siddiqui (2009) appreciates the efforts of Prince Karim Agha Khan for making a meaningful contribution in spreading education in this region by opening education academies and community schools as a result of which children’s interest in education has become very high in that area. The interest in education is not limited to the children of Hunza alone; this desire to get educated is found in every linguistic group including the Burushos in almost all the areas of Gilgit-Baltistan. The presence of a large number of students, both boys and girls, who travel from their native towns to the urban centers to attain higher education, bears testimony to the importance education has in the lives of the people of Gilgit-Baltistan. Many of them also succeed in getting scholarships to study abroad. According to one of the key informants selected for the present study, there are around 170 Burushaski students who have received scholarship and are currently studying abroad in countries like Canada, England, Germany, USA, etc. 3.1.3 The nature of multilingualism found among the Burushos A large majority of Burushos living in Gilgit-Baltistan are multilingual as they are not only proficient in Burushaski but can also speak Khowar, Shina, Wakhi, and Urdu. The Burushos living in Yasin, are particularly proficient in Khowar as it is considered a prestigious language in that area. According to Backstrom (1992, p. 35): “Even though Burushaski is the more common mother tongue in Yasin proper, it is reported that all Burushaski speakers there can also speak Khowar, whereas not all Khowar speakers can speak Burushaski.” Besides their proficiency in Khowar, because of their frequent contact with Shina speakers, most of the Burushaski speakers can also understand as well as speak Shina with considerable ease, while their ability to use Urdu can be attributed to the use of Urdu in schools and colleges and also the exposure to Urdu through print and electronic media. It is interesting to note that most of the daily newspapers of Gilgit-Baltistan, which include: Ausaaf, Baad-e-Shimaal, Baang-e-Saher, Be’daar, Himaalaya, K2, Mahaasib, Rehbar, Sada-e-Gilgit, Salaam, as well as the weekly newspapers which include, Naqaara, Parbat News, Waadi, Ittala’aat Shumaali Ilaaqajaat, etc. are published in Urdu language, except Dardistan Times, which is published in English. Urdu being the lingua franca of Pakistan, the Burushos can not only comprehend it but can also communicate in it. The educated Burushos can also read and write in Urdu. Because of the financial assistance provided by Prince Karim Agha Khan, the spiritual leader of the Ismailis, the Agha Khan Foundation working in Gilgit-Baltistan has improved the quality of education in the region to a great extent with a focus on providing exposure to English language in the last couple of years, as a result of which the young Burushaski speakers can also use English along with Urdu. Nevertheless, their proficiency in English is limited as compared to their proficiency in Urdu in general because of the limited exposure to English language in their region. Backstrom (1992) in the Sociolinguistic Survey of the Northern Pakistan conducted research on some indigenous languages including Burushaski. According to the results of his sociolinguistic survey, the Burushos living in Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin have a very positive attitude towards Burushaski. “No one foresaw their language dying out, even in Yasin where Khowar is very strong. Nearly everyone thought that their children would use Burushaski more than any other language when they grew up, at least in their own village” (Backstrom, 1992, p. 48-49). This highly positive attitude of the Burusho community living in the three regions of Gilgit-Baltistan can be attributed to the use of Burushaski in a variety of domains, particularly in Hunza and Nagar where Domaaki and Wakhi speakers have acquired Burushaski language because of its dominance. Although the Burushos of Hunza and Nagar are reported to have a strong sense of ethnolinguistic vitality, the Burushaski speakers’ positive attitudinal evaluation of their own language may not necessarily match with the attitude of the Burushos who are living away from their native towns in urban centers where Urdu, English or one of the major regional languages dominate. 3.1.4 Some prominent Burushaski scholars and their contributions in the preservation and promotion of Burushaski Although Burushaski is basically an oral language, it has a rich literary tradition which is recorded in writing using the Persian-Arabic script. Despite the fact that it is not taught at any level in Gilgit-Baltistan, there are quite a few Burushaski speakers who are literate in the language and read the literature available in it. One of the most prominent Burushaski scholars, who was given the title of Baba-e-Burushaski (father of Burushaski), Allamah Nasir al-Din Nasir Hunzai’s efforts to promote Burushaski language deserve appreciation. There were quite a few Burushos I had interaction with during my fieldwork, who had not heard the name of Nasir Hunzai. Among those who claimed to know him, most of them were anti-Nasir Hunzai because of the ideological differences which they themselves were not sure of and which I considered unethical to probe into as the issue was not related to my research. However, it is clear that just because of the ideological differences, Allama Nasir Hunzai’s contribution in preserving Burushaski language is not acknowledged by a majority of the Burushos. Despite the hostility that exists among the Burusho community for Allama Nasir Hunzai, his efforts for preserving and promoting Burushaski language and literature cannot and should not be forgotten. One example of Allama Nasir Hunzai’s contribution for the preservation of Burushaski language is the collection 60,000 Burushaski words for the first Burushaski-German bilingual dictionary with Prof Hermann Berger of Heidelberg University (Germany). Because of his work on Burushaski-German bilingual dictionary, Allama Nasir Hunzai was given an honourary Ph. D. degree by Heidelberg University (Germany). Besides this, in order to pay tribute to his scholarly work, the government of Pakistan conferred upon him Sitara-e-Imtiaz in 2001. It is pertinent to mention that Allama Nasir Hunzai was the first to use Perso-Arabic script for writing Burushaski language along with Roman alphabets (Baig et al., 2007). He also invented some alphabets for the sounds unique to Burushaski language. Allama Nasir Hunzai not only contributed in writing and compiling the first Burushaski-German bilingual dictionary in collaboration with Prof Hermann Berger but was also the founder of the Burushaski Research Academy. This academy which was established in 1982, started its work in Gilgit, but now the academy has spread its wings in Islamabad as well as in Karachi. The establishment of the Burushaski Research Academy in Islamabad and Karachi proves that the academy is not only working for the promotion of Burushaski in Gilgit-Baltistan but is also making sincere efforts to promote the language in other parts of the country. One example of this promotion is the publication of a bilingual Burushaski-Urdu dictionary, which the academy published under the guidance of Allama Nasir Hunzai. This dictionary which is produced with the joint efforts of the University of Karachi’s Bureau of Compilation, Composition & Translation and Urdu Dictionary board is based on three volumes and can be bought from the office of the Bureau of Compilation, Composition & Translation at the University of Karachi. In order to see the nature of work that is being done on Burushaski language under the Burushaski Research Academy, I visited the academy in Karachi with the help of Shahnaz Hunzai who is currently in charge of the work in the academy. Shahnaz Hunzai is not only actively engaged in preserving and promoting Burushaski by publishing Allama Nasir Hunzai’s works along with her team but is also engaged in writing books on Burushaski. One of her books titled: Burushaski Language and Alphabets was published in 2010. Besides working as a research scholar, she is also working with Shahzad Roy’s Foundation in Fatima Jinnah Government School and Girls Degree College in Ranchor Line. It was with her help that I managed to visit Burushaski Research Academy. The academy is located in the narrow lanes of Garden West and cannot be easily accessed as there is no signboard for direction. It is established in an apartment. Although the building itself is very old and is in a dilapidated condition, the apartment in which the academy is established is very well-maintained from inside. I not only visited the academy but also interviewed Shahnaz Hunzai who provided details regarding the work of the academy and the social gathering they have every evening in the academy to recite sufi kalaam in Burushaski. I also interviewed Dr Perveen Ashraf, working for the Burushaski Research Academy in Islamabad (The details of their interview are shared in the chapter based on interview analysis). The academy, though not supported by the government, made efforts to publish books in Burushaski under the patronage of Allama Naseer Hunzai; however, the continuation of the work for the preservation and promotion of Burushaski language and literature seems to be a major challenge after the demise of Allama Nasir Hunzai who died on January 2017 at the age of 100. Irrespective of his religious beliefs, Nasir Hunzai will always be remembered for his divine poetry and his efforts for the preservation and promotion of Burushaski language. Besides Allama Nasir Hunzai, there is another scholar, Alwaiz Ghulamuddin Ghulam Hunzai, whose contributions in preserving and promoting Burushaski language cannot be ignored. Ghulam Hunzai is regarded as one of the founding fathers of Burushaski because he was the first scholar to work on Burushaski script and has written twenty books in Burushaski. His biggest achievement is the translation of the Holy Quran in Burushaski language in 2002. For making tremendous contributions for the promotion of Burushaski language, particularly for translating the Holy Quran in Burushaski, he is addressed as Aalijah (a title bestowed on those who command great respect) by his community members. Unlike Allama Nasir Hunzai, who was considered a controversial figure by a vast majority of Burushos, Ghulam Hunzai is greatly admired and is considered the Jewel of Gilgit-Baltistan. 3.1.5 The Burushos in Karachi A considerable number of Burushaski speakers, as mentioned in section 3.1, are also settled in urban centers like Islamabad, Lahore, Abbottabad, and Karachi. Many of them have particularly moved to Karachi for uplifting their socio-economic status. The exact number of Burushaski speakers who are currently living in Karachi is difficult to ascertain as there is no such record available, but it cannot be denied that there are many Burushaski students who are studying as well as working in Karachi. Some of them have lived in Karachi for more than 20 years, which I discovered through the information gathered through the questionnaire. There are a few Burusho students who reported that they were born in Karachi and that their families have permanently settled here; they visit their native town once in several years. The Burushos who are living in Karachi either temporarily or on permanent basis try to live in close-knit communities. Some of the localities where most of the Burushaski speakers reside in Karachi include: Garden East, Garden West, Gulistan-e-Jauhar, Lines Area, Malir Halt, Nazimabad, Ayesha Manzil, Karimabad, Sindhi Muslim Society, and Soldier Bazaar. A number of Burusho families also live in colonies near Super Highway. The Burusho people believe in egalitarianism and work for promoting equality. One of the most striking aspects of the Burusho community, particularly the Burushos from Hunza, is the equal treatment of both the genders with reference to the opportunities for higher education. An evidence of their equal treatment of both the genders with regard to the opportunities for higher education is the presence of a considerable number of female students studying in different universities of the city, particularly in Karachi University, where the number of female students from Gilgit-Baltistan exceeds the number of female students from other parts of the country. Majority of the students residing in the Girls’ hostel on the campus of the University of Karachi are from Hunza and Chitral. Currently, there are thirty female Burushaski students residing in the Girls’ hostel on the university campus. I extracted this information through a sociolinguistic profile form that I circulated in the hostel with the help of one of my students residing there. It must be mentioned here that the students from the northern areas, irrespective of their gender, are far more hard-working than the students from other areas. Like the female students, the male students from these areas also make sincere efforts to achieve their goals. Majority of the male students who are studying in different departments of the University of Karachi are also engaged in doing part-time jobs in order to meet their expenses. The profile of those Burushaski speakers who participated in this study is given in chapter 5 which is based on methodology, while a detailed profile of the key informants selected for the in-depth interview is provided in the introductory section of the chapter based on interview analysis. 3.2 Conclusion In this chapter I have tried to provide the background information on Burushaski language, its dialects and its grammatical features with the intention to familiarize the readers with this language isolate. I have also made an attempt to present a picture of the socio-economic status and the educational background of Burushaski speakers and the contributions made by Burushaski scholars which will be helpful in analyzing the data in the chapters based on data analysis. In the next chapter, a detailed review of the literature on language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality along with a review of the research on Burushaski language is presented. CHAPTER FOURLITERATURE REVIEW4.0 IntroductionThe current chapter is divided into two sections. In the first section I have shared definition of the key terms used in the thesis, while in the second section I have presented a review of the existing literature on the outcomes of language contact situations worldwide. In order to contextualize the undertaken study, this section provides a review of both historical and contemporary research undertaken on language shift and its related phenomena, including research on ethnolinguistic vitality, followed by a snapshot of the research on Burushaski language with the aim to fill in the gap through the present study.4.1 Key terms definedThe key terms used in the study include: indigenous minorities, language shift, language attrition, language maintenance, language death, and ethnolinguistic vitality. 4.1.1 Indigenous minorities ‘Indigenous minorities’ refer to those groups of regional language speakers whose language does not enjoy socio-economic or political prestige. The major reason for the low status of their language is the low status of the speakers in the community where the language is spoken. It cannot be denied that the socio-economic position of the speakers decides the status of their language. If the socio-economic status of an ethnolinguistic group is weak, it has an impact on the status of their language. Another possibility of defining an indigenous minority is the small number of speakers using the indigenous language. Thus, an indigenous minority language may be the one spoken by the marginalized group or the one spoken by a very small number of speakers native to a particular community. Often these languages are ignored in language policies of those multilingual countries, which aim to obliterate the native languages and the culture associated with them. The result of such policies is that the minority language groups remain deprived of the opportunity to get any constitutional support. It cannot be denied that the linguistic heterogeneity of any multilingual society is not only marked by the presence of indigenous minorities but also the non-indigenous minorities. In the recent research literature on minority languages, the terms ‘allochthonous’ and ‘autochthonous’ are frequently employed. Those minority groups whose language is not used as an indigenous language are referred to as allochthonous minorities or immigrant or non-indigenous minorities, while those whose language is used as an indigenous language are called autochthonous or indigenous minorities. For instance, Chinese and Turkish speakers living in Karachi, Pakistan can be considered as examples of allochthonous or immigrant or non-indigenous minorities, whereas the indigenous language speakers of Pakistan, like Brahvi, Burushaski, Gojri, etc. can be seen as examples of autochthonous minorities. Gardner-Chloros (2007), commenting on the fate of autochthonous minorities, states: “autochthonous minorities have sometimes the double grievance of being marginalized by a richer/more powerful majority in economic, educational etc. terms, and at the same time of having their longer-standing historical status in their country of origin disregarded” (p.478).Whether it is autochthonous or allochthonous minorities, the vitality of their language depends on the awareness of the linguistic rights coupled with a series of efforts on the part of these minority groups to save their language from becoming endangered. Nevertheless, immigrant minority groups despite being aware of their linguistic rights are often compelled to abandon their language especially in those host communities where the environment is hostile to their language. The result is that the children of these immigrants born in the host community either desert their mother tongue through language shift from L1 to L2 or are deprived of the intergenerational transmission because of the lack of awareness about the importance of the heritage language on the part of their parents. Both the cases result in language endangerment that may lead to the disappearance of their language from the host language environment.Since the term ‘minority language’ carries negative connotations, many researchers prefer to use the expression ‘heritage language’ to avoid shattering the self-esteem of the indigenous language groups. Similarly instead of using the term ‘majority language’ the expression ‘mainstream language’ is employed in various studies. 4.1.2 Language shift This is the most important key term used in the thesis as the present research particularly focuses on this sociolinguistic phenomenon. According to Fasold (1984) language shift occurs when "a community gives up a language completely in favour of another one.” (p. 213). In other words, language shift can be defined as the gradual reduction in the number of domains earlier reserved for a language. The same explanation is provided by Lewis and Simon (2010) while commenting on the process of shift, which according to them begins when “the language loses domains in which it is found to be useful and in which its use is expected.” (p. 105). Nettle and Romaine (2000) mention two types of language shift: forced and voluntary. In case of forced shift, the dominant language is imposed on the minority language groups whereas the voluntary shift implies absence of any coercive measures or external threats. In case of voluntary shift, there is a willingness on the part of the speakers and this willingness to shift from the minority to the majority language, often from the mother tongue to the other tongue, may be the result of attitudinal and identity shift which may spring from the desire to assimilate in the majority language culture. In other words, it may be indicative of a community’s preference to acquire a new identity that it achieves through language shift. Although majority of the cases of language shift include a shift from the mother tongue or the heritage language, which is mostly the minority language, to the other tongue, which is the majority or the mainstream language, there is a possibility of shift in the opposite direction as well. Other than the direction of the shift, it is the degree of the shift as well that may vary from one group to the other. Based on its degree, language shift can be partial or complete. Fasold’s (1984) and Lewis and Simon’s (2010) definitions of language shift mentioned in the earlier part of the chapter do not include partial shift and are therefore incomprehensive. Dwyer (2011) provides a more comprehensive definition of language shift. According to Dwyer (2011, p. 1), “Language shift refers to the process in which a group of speakers of a language (a “speech community”) comes to use another language; this shift may result in the partial or total abandonment of the first language.” Fishman (1991), who has done extensive work on language shift and has even designed a framework for studying the process of shift defines it as a “process whereby intergenerational continuity of the heritage language is proceeding negatively, with fewer ‘speakers, readers, writers, and even understanders’ in every generation” (p.1).This definition implies shift in process which means ‘partial shift’. However, complete language shift has also been witnessed in some multilingual contexts; it occurs when parents stop transmitting the language to their children. Language shift does not occur as a result of just one factor. It is often the result of a host of factors ranging from negative evaluation towards the language undergoing shift to the perceived benefit attached to the language the speakers shift to. Grenoble (2011) while discussing the causes of language shift mentions urbanization, globalization, social, and cultural dislocation as the most common factors leading to language shift, although in each speech community there may be other specific factors along with these, that hasten the process. Grenoble (2011) therefore believes: The dynamics of language shift are dependent on a complex set of factors stemming from local language ecologies and factors at regional, national and global levels. These vary considerably from group to group. Some speakers and communities are quicker to give up their languages than others. Some robustly maintain their languages despite apparent pressures not to. It is therefore difficult, if not impossible, to predict the exact rate of language shift globally. (p. 33)Whatever factors precipitate language shift, the process has extremely serious repercussions as it paves the way for language endangerment and can lead to attrition, resulting in the gradual loss of proficiency in the language that undergoes shift as its usage becomes extremely limited.4.1.3 Language attrition‘Language attrition’ being a psycholinguistic concept refers to the gradual decline in the linguistic proficiency of any of the languages that a bilingual or a multilingual speaker knows. Schmid (2011) defines language attrition as “the (total or partial) forgetting of a language by a healthy speaker. This process of forgetting takes place in a setting where that language is used only rarely” (pp. 3-4). Language attrition can either take place in case of L1 or L2. However, in case of the indigenous and non-indigenous minorities, it is mostly the speakers’ L1 that atrophies. While discussing the factors that can prevent L1 attrition, Kopke (2007) highlights the importance of literacy as through reading and writing one can establish strong connections with one’s language. Through the continuous interaction with the orthographic symbols, one is not only able to attain proficiency in the language but is also able to maintain that proficiency which may be difficult if the language is merely restricted to spoken form. 4.1.3.1 Language shift versus language attritionThere is a very clear distinction between language shift and attrition although both can be seen as examples of ‘language loss’ a term which Schmid (2011) believes can be equally applied to language shift, language attrition, as well as language death. It is pertinent to mention that language loss can also be caused by brain injury. Nevertheless, if it is the result of brain injury or aphasia, it cannot be considered an example of attrition. Based on the classification provided by different Sociolinguists (Clyne, 2003; Hamers & Blanc, 2003; Pauwels, 2016; Schmid, 2011), language shift occurs at societal level, whereas language attrition occurs at individual level. To be more precise, language shift is intergenerational while language attrition is intragenerational in nature. Complete shift and attrition together can lead to the death of a language but before things move to such extremes efforts can be made to maintain it. 4.1.4 Language maintenanceThe term ‘language maintenance’ is defined as “a situation in which a speaker, a group of speakers, or a speech community continue to use their language in some or all spheres of life despite the pressure from the dominant or majority language” (Pauwels, 2004, p. 719). Indigenous as well as non-indigenous minority groups need to use their language in a variety of domains to keep it alive, which is an essential prerequisite for language maintenance. Fasold (1984) believes that language maintenance occurs when "the community collectively decides to continue using the language or languages it has traditionally used" (p. 213). In other words, the process of language maintenance involves an effort on the part of the native speakers to keep their language alive even under unfavourable conditions. While discussing language maintenance in her new book, Pauwels (2016) also mentions its extreme version which “can occur only in settings where the ‘migrated’ community or group is self-sufficient and needs only minimal contact with the wider community for its survival.” (p.21). Since there are few communities that live in the form of linguistic enclaves in today’s globalized world where language contact situations are difficult to resist, Pauwels (2016) also applies the term language maintenance to “situations where an L1 continues to be used in some but not all contexts by various generations of speakers.” (p. 21). The process of language maintenance can be compared to Darwin’s idea of the survival of the fittest. Those languages that do not enjoy prestige because of the low socio-economic status of their speakers are relegated to the status of minority languages irrespective of the size of the population as a result of which the speakers of these languages in majority of the cases yield under the pressure of a dominant language. In the presence of certain stereotypes against their ethno-linguistic groups, the minority language groups tend to develop negative attitude towards their own language and cease to take pride in using the language, which may result in negative self-image leading to the desertion of their own language. The prerequisites for language maintenance are a positive self-image and group solidarity, in the absence of which speakers do not feel any emotional attachment with their language. Without this emotional attachment, it is difficult to experience language loyalty. It would not be an exaggeration to state that language maintenance accelerates mainly in the presence of language loyalty. Absence of language loyalty along with other internal and external factors can lead to language shift, which if moved to extremes can also result in the death of a language. It must be mentioned here that language maintenance is not possible in case of dead languages. Languages can be maintained only if they are alive. 4.1.5 Language death‘Language death’ refers to the eventual extinction of a language. “A language dies when nobody speaks it anymore.” (Crystal, 2000, p. 1). Although death is a kind of loss, it differs from both shift and attrition. A language that has undergone shift in one community may continue to be spoken as a dominant language in another community, whereas a language that has died ceases to exist anywhere. Aitchison (1993) believes that language death can either be the result of language suicide or language murder. ‘Language suicide’ implies self-obliteration on the part of the native language speakers as they start using the dominant language of the community and stop intergenerational transmission of the language, which is an essential condition for the sustainability of any language, whereas in case of ‘language murder’ the dominant or the prestigious language acts as an invader occupying most or all of the domains of language use, through the language and education policies, leaving no space for the minority language(s) to breathe freely. In other words, the language ecology or the linguistic environment becomes unfavourable for a minority language group to such an extent that their language is exterminated. Other than Aitchison (1993), Nettle and Romaine (2000) have also explored the forms language death can take. While exploring this process, Nettle and Romaine (2000) have drawn a distinction between sudden and gradual death, the former occurring as a result of natural calamities in the form of floods, earthquakes, tornadoes, volcanic eruptions, and tsunamis, etc., while the latter can be the result of attitudinal shift culminating with low ethnolinguistic vitality, the desire or the need for cultural assimilation, or the linguistic suppression of the minority groups through both explicit and implicit language and education policies in multilingual countries. Besides sudden and gradual death, Nettle and Romaine (2000) also present another dichotomy related to language death: top down and bottom up. This dichotomy is useful in exploring the route language death can follow. In top down death, a language has no access to the domains of power like politics, education, business, religion, etc., as it lacks official recognition and is mostly reduced to the home domain. In bottom up death, a language has disappeared from everyday usage including the home domain and is just confined to the ceremonial use in religious or cultural institutions. Whether language death is sudden or gradual, whether it is the result of suicide or murder, or follows the top down or bottom up path, it is a serious threat to the world’s linguistic diversity as languages are dying at a rapid rate. In Kenya alone, according to Nettle and Romaine (2000), eight languages have died and many are ‘endangered’ or ‘moribund’, which means they are severely endangered and are on the verge of extinction. In some countries, the situation is extremely precarious. In Indonesia, for instance, out of 706 living languages, according to Hirsh (2013), 301 have been declared endangered. It is only through language revitalization efforts and revival that endangered and dead languages can be given a new life. There are quite a few examples of once dead languages that have been revived. Hebrew, Latin, and Manx are just a few examples. 4.1.6 Ethnolinguistic vitalityThe term ethnolinguistic vitality (EV) was first used by Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor (1977) who define it as “‘that which makes a group likely to behave as a distinctive and active collective entity in inter-group situations”. (p. 308). In other words, the term EV refers to the sense of belonging individuals feel with their group which manifests their group solidarity. Ehala (2009) defines ethnolinguistic vitality as “the group’s will to act collectively, deriving from its members’ emotional attachment to this particular group membership.” (p. 38). Both objective and subjective ethnolinguistic vitality play a crucial role in deciding the fate of a language. It is hypothesized that high group vitality may result in maintenance of the group’s language and culture, whereas low group vitality may lead to loss of linguistic and cultural ties with the in-group resulting in shift and attrition. Since in this study the primary focus is on language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality these terms will be referred to more frequently than attrition or death. Now I turn to the critical review of research on language contact situations. 4.2 Review of Previous Research Studies on the Outcomes of MultilingualismThis section includes a review of the research studies on the outcomes of bilingualism and multilingualism that include language shift, language attrition, language attitudes, language endangerment, and ethnolinguistic vitality. 4.2.1 Review of the studies on language shift and maintenanceThere is no unanimously agreed upon framework for studying language shift and maintenance, which makes the study of these sociolinguistic phenomena all the more challenging. From 1960s till present different models have been designed and employed to study the process of shift. Research on language shift, according to Knooihuizen (2006), can be divided into different types: the one initiated by Kloss (1966) focusing on determining the correlation between language choice and social factors; the one presented by Fishman (1972) dealing with changes in the patterns of language use; the one proposed by Haugen (1972), termed as the language ecology model, which looks at language in interaction with its speakers and their environment; and the one presented by Giles et al. (1977) focusing on the objective ethnolinguistic vitality based on status, demography, and institutional support.With the growing awareness about the importance of linguistic diversity and the concern about its rapid loss, interest in studying the process of language shift and maintenance can be witnessed among Sociolinguists in a variety of multilingual settings across the globe (Bills, Hudson, & Hernández-Chávez, 2000; McEwan-Fujita, 2010; Messing, 2005; 2007; Messing & Rockwell, 2006; Morita, 2003; Naji & David, 2000; Wei & Milroy, 2003). One of the earlier benchmark studies on language shift conducted by Gal (1978) in Oberwart, a village in Austria focused on studying the shift from Hungarian to German. Gal (1978) observed that the Hungarian speakers who had the desire to uplift their socio-economic position reduced and in some cases abandoned the use of their language (Hungarian) as it began to be associated with peasant life. She also observed women to be displaying greater tendency to shift from Hungarian to German because of the use of German in the status-stressing spheres. It proved to be a ground breaking study in different multilingual communities where a somewhat similar situation prevails. Following Gal (1978), Borbely (2000) studied language shift among Romanians in Hungary. However, in Gal’s study, the focus was on studying the shift from Hungarian to German while Borbely (2000) investigated the factors responsible for the shift from Romanian to Hungarian. The data for the study were gathered through the language use questionnaire aimed at gathering information about the domains of language use followed by in-depth interviews of forty (40) key informants which were recorded and transcribed for a detailed analysis. Some of the factors identified behind the shift in Borbely’s study included: language proficiency, language preference, age and sex of the community members. The study also reported socio-economic status of the participants to play a crucial role in their linguistic choices. Although Europe is less linguistically diverse than Africa and Asia, there is enough research literature available on language shift and maintenance in the European context (Jagodic, 2011; Kandler, Unger, & Steele, 2010; Mac Caluim, 2002; Priestly, 2003; Reynaldo, 2008; Tandefelt, 1992). Nevertheless, African continent, being rich in linguistic diversity, is also a major attraction for Sociolinguists exploring language shift. Kedrebeogo (1998), for instance, conducted a large scale survey using a questionnaire in 17 Koromba villages in Burkina Faso (West Africa) followed by interviews of five hundred and thirty-seven (537) individuals from these villages. In order to cross check the validity of the responses through the questionnaire that consisted of three parts, the researcher also observed interactions of the Koromba in different situations. The results of the study showed socio-political system playing a decisive role in the linguistic fabric of the Koromba community. It was discovered that communities with a centralized socio-political system showed tendency towards language shift from Koronfe to Moore, whereas communities with decentralized system showed a greater tendency towards maintenance of their language. The study also revealed some of the internal factors leading to language shift, particularly, the low esteem of the Koromba people towards their language.Following the same tradition, Michieka (2012) conducted a survey to examine the patterns of language use among Kenyan University students. The questionnaire designed for the survey was based on four sections to examine in detail the domains in which the Kenyan students use their indigenous languages. The results of the study showed that although Kenyan youths use their indigenous languages, their usage is limited to a very few domains. The major drawback of the study is that the sample size of the survey is not mentioned as a result of which the results cannot be considered reliable. Survey design is employed in various other studies on language shift in African context. In a mixed methods survey conducted in Grahamstown in Eastern Cape, South Africa, for instance, de Klerk (2000) identified the factors contributing towards language shift from Xhosa to English. In order to gather data for the study, a postal questionnaire was sent to Xhosa parents who had sent their children to English medium schools. On the basis of the responses elicited through the questionnaire, twenty-six (26) parents were selected for a follow-up interview. The results of the study indicate the parents’ strong desire to expose their children to English, reflecting their highly positive attitude towards English as opposed to their own mother tongue, Xhosa which has begun to be associated with the language of the backward community. It was observed that despite being aware of the significance of the indigenous languages, the parents were not interested in sending their children to Xhosa schools because of the low quality of education offered in such schools. The significance of the study lies in its solution-oriented approach as it emphasizes the need to improve the quality of education in Xhosa schools by inducting trained teachers and providing adequate resources to reverse the process of shift. Besides using questionnaires, research on language shift and maintenance also utilizes participant observation to present an emic picture. One example of such a study is by van Aswegen (2008) who conducted reserach on language maintenance and shift in Maale, a minority language spoken in Ethiopia. By becoming a participant-observer, the researcher managed to utilize multiple sources of data including formal and informal interviews from eight key informants. Based on Paulston’s theory of social mobilization (1994a; 1994b), the researcher focused on exploring the factors responsible for the viability of Male language amid the socio-political turmoil in Ethiopia. The findings indicate Male language maintenance which can be attributed to the mother-tongue literacy programme in the country.Like van Aswegen (2008), Ravindranath (2009) also utilized participant observation to investigate the process of shift in Garifuna community in Belize, Central America with the aim to explore both the causes and the effects of shift from Garifuna to English and Belizean Creole. Using apparent time frame, the researcher collected data not only through interviews of fifty-two (52) Garifuna speakers aged five (5) to eighty-one (81), but also through interactions based on participant-observation to record and analyze linguistic changes, particularly phonological, occurring in Garifuna across generations. Since the study also aimed to examine the relationship between linguistic and social factors, it also focused on locating differences in the attitude of Garifuna speakers towards Garifuna and Belizean Creole. The results of the study show a gradual shift in progress from Garifuna to English and Belizean Creole ---- a shift that is attributed to the change in language ideologies along with other external and internal factors. Although the study is significant in terms of highlighting the differences among young and old Garifuna speakers’ degree of shift from Garifuna to English and Belizean Creole, the collection of data from five year old speakers is odd as they are too young to develop language attitudes. Messing (2007) carried out an ethnographic study using discourse analysis for exploring language shift among the Mexicano (Nahuatl) -speaking communities in Central Mexico. The researcher attributes the shift in linguistic choices of the indigenous language communities to the internal and external changes that occur in such communities at both individual and societal level. What makes this study on language shift unconventional is its utilization of ethnographic research design, which has now become a popular design among researchers working on language shift. Anthonissen (2009), for instance, employed ethnographic design by gathering data through focused family group discussions and structured interviews of three generations of Afrikaan speakers to study the shift from Afrikaan to English in South Africa. This study which spanned over a period of 6 years from 2003 to 2008 not only aimed to investigate the process and the nature of shift from L1 to L2, in this case from Afikaan to English, but also the factors responsible for the shift. The results of the study indicate clear signs of shift in all three generations exhibiting hybrid Afrikaan-English bilingual identity. However, there is a decisive shift in the perceived identity of the young generation Afrikaans as they prefer to use English more often than Afrikaan in most of the domains and as a result of the high frequency of usage of English they are more proficient in it as compared to their proficiency in L1. The findings of the study corroborate the findings of the previous research studies on language shift. Research on language shift and maintenance is not just confined to European, African and American continents. South Asia and Southeast Asia, being linguistically rich, have also proved to be fertile grounds for research on language contact situations (Chakshuraksha, 2003; Chamberlain, 2010; Decker, 1992; Imtiaz, 2005; Iyengar, 2013; Kumar, 2001; Morey, 2014; Mukherjee, 1996; Pandharipande, 2002; Puthuval, 2017; Rassool, 2013; Rehman, 2011). With the aim to study the effect of exogamous marriages on language shift and maintenance, David and Dealwis (2011) carried out a research on Sindhi Hindus settled in Kuching, Malaysia. This case study focused on observation and unstructured interviews with four second generation male Sindhi speakers, their wives and children. It was observed that the non-Sindhi wives use Malay and English with their husbands and children, while in case of endogamous marriage, the Sindhi wives used a mixture of Sindhi and English with their husband and children. The results of the study indicate a significant shift from Sindhi to English and Malay in case of those families where the wives are not Sindhi speakers. Although the results of the study indicate that exogamous marriages can play a major role in accelerating the process of language shift, the study also indicates that endogamous marriages do not always guarantee language maintenance. Besides, David and Dealwis (2011), there are other researchers as well who have explored the relationship between exogamous marriages and language shift in other multilingual contexts (Cheng, 2003; David & Nambiar, 2003; Martin, 2005; Martin & Yen, 1992; Offiong & Mensah, 2012; Pauwels, 1980; 1995).4.2.2 Review of the studies on language attritionLanguage attrition, which is often the result of language shift, has also been extensively explored in the last three decades (Gabsi, 2011; Isurin, 2000; K?pke & Schmid, 2004; Kouritzin, 1999; Montrul, 2002; Nicoladis, & Grabois, 2002; Polinsky, 1994; Seliger, 1991; Sorace, 2000; Vago, 1991). In most of the research studies on language attrition, case study design is employed. Allen, Crago and Pesco (2006), for instance, conducted a case study on Inuktitut speakers in Quebec, Canada to study the process of attrition. Allen et al. (2006) studied the effects of majority language exposure on minority language skills---in this case, Inuktitut, which is one of the aboriginal languages of North America. The data for the study were gathered from eighteen (18) native speakers of Inuktitut, including children and adults, who were equally divided into two groups based on the degree of exposure to the major language, English. The data collection instrument used for the study was based on narrating a story based on picture cues. Each participant was asked to narrate a 24-page wordless picture book (Frog Story) in Inuktitut. The narrations were recorded and analyzed for story length, lexical diversity, grammatical complexity and narrative structure to determine the effect of English on Inuktitut. Although the study examines language attrition by providing insights into the reasons behind attrition, it also highlights the crucial role that language shift plays in the decline of heritage languages. There is a considerable body of research focusing on language attrition, particularly among the immigrants (Cavanaugh, 2004; de Bot, 1996; 2001; de Bot, Gommans, & Rossing, 1997; de Bot & Stoessel, 2000; Nonaka, 2004; Schmitt, 2001; Soesman, 1997; Wong-Fillmore, 1991; Yagmur, de Bot & Korzilius, 1999). One such example which is worth reviewing here is a study carried out on three generations of Dutch immigrants in New Zealand by Hulsen, de Bot, & Weltens (2002). Using social network theory proposed by Milroy (1987) as the base, the data for the study were gathered through sociolinguistic and social-network questionnaires, and two experimental tasks, which included picture naming and picture matching. The results of the data gathered through the sociolinguistic questionnaire indicated an obvious shift from Dutch to English as eighty percent (80%) of the first-generation informants claimed to use English with their children most of the time. The second-generation of Dutch immigrants also reported using very little Dutch in intergenerational communication. Most of them reported using a mixture of Dutch and English. Hulsen et al. (2002) also reported extremely limited knowledge and use of Dutch by the third-generation Dutch immigrants, as evident from their extremely poor performance in the two experimental tasks as compared to the performance by the first and second-generation Dutch immigrants. Some of the major reasons of the first-generation immigrants’ limited knowledge of L1, according to the results of the study, are their limited use of Dutch in intergenerational interactions, use of only English in intragenerational interactions, and above all a certain degree of negative attitude towards their native language. This study is different from other studies on language contact situations as it combines both sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic processing.4.2.3 Review of the research on endangered languages Research on language loss, which includes language shift, attrition, endangerment and death, has gained momentum in the last two decades. The current decade has been particularly very significant as far as research on endangered languages is concerned and one reason, of course, is the rapid decline in the number of languages of the world. This is the reason that language endangerment has been the focus of research in almost every multilingual country across the world. Since the publication of Crystal’s book titled Language Death (2000) and Nettle and Romaine’s book Vanishing Voices (2002), sociolinguists have directed their attention towards studying endangered languages. After the publication of Encyclopedia of the World’s Endangered Languages by Christopher (2007), The Vanishing Languages of the Pacific Rim edited by Miyaoka, Sakiyama, and Krauss (2007), and The Cambridge Handbook of Endangered Languages edited by Austin and Sallabank (2011), there has been a genuine concern among linguists regarding the linguistic ecology of the world. Besides the theoretical literature on language endangerment, there is a wealth of empirical research on endangered languages spoken in different parts of the world. Quechua, which is spoken in six South American countries, is among one of those endangered languages that have attracted linguists. The number of Quechua speakers is reported to be declining because Quechua speakers belong to the lower socio-economic group and are therefore victims of malnutrition resulting in high mortality rate. It is because of this unique position of Quechua that it has attracted researchers working on endangered languages in South America. Hornberger & Coronel-Molina (2004) for instance, conducted a study to explore the sociolinguistic status of Quechua with reference to language shift, maintenance and language revitalization. The study was undertaken with the aim to highlight the importance of language planning to improve Quechua’s position in the Andes. Quechua, despite being a major indigenous language in this region is stigmatized and the native Quechua speakers themselves negatively evaluate their own language --- an evaluation which is in sharp contrast to their attitudinal evaluation of Spanish, which is accorded high prestige. Many Quechua speakers have minimized the use of Quechua to remove traces of Quechua accent in their use of Spanish. Nevertheless, despite the stigmatization of Quechua, certain varieties of Quechua are still perceived to be prestigious by the Quechua speakers. By using Fishman’s (1991) model of dislocations, which are physical/demographic, social, and cultural, Hornberger and Coronel-Molina (2004) found all three forms of dislocation in case of Quechua speakers who wish to improve their socio-economic position as a result of which migration of Quechua speakers from rural to urban settings has considerably increased leading to rapid language shift. The researchers recommend a strong need for deliberate intervention and language planning on the part of the policy makers to prevent language loss in case of Quechua. With reference to Michif, one of the aboriginal languages spoken in Canada and North United States, Iseke (2013) conducted a study to explore the negotiation of Michif identity through language. By sharing the statistics from the census report of Canada (2006), according to which only 18% of the Aboriginal children are able to speak one of the aboriginal languages, Iseke (2013) draws attention towards the alarming situation that prevails in Canada with regard to its linguistic heterogeneity, particularly with reference to Michif which according to the Ethnologue (2009), is now spoken by only 600 speakers in Canada and some parts of the North United States and is therefore declared endangered. The data for the study were gathered through interviews and discussions with 7 elder members of Michif and Cree (another aboriginal language) communities in Canada. The researcher uses the expression “cultural knowledge keeper” for these elder key informants. The discussions and interviews were video and audio-recorded with the participants’ consent for descriptive analysis. The data were also gathered through story-telling by the ‘cultural knowledge keepers’ who shared their perspective on the importance of linguistic identity. By engaging in a series of dialogues with the older aboriginal members of Michif and Cree speakers, an attempt is made to highlight the importance of language revitalization efforts to prevent heritage language loss. The study also highlights the impact of globalization and colonialism on the linguistic map of the world by tracing the history of aboriginal languages and comparing their current position with the past. However, the study fails to capture the young aboriginal people’s perspective on negotiation of their identity through language. Some other endangered languages that have been the focus of research include: Scottish Gaelic spoken in Scotland (Dorian, 1981); Dyirbal, spoken in Australia (Schmidt, 1985); Warlpiri, another endangered Australian language (Bavin, 1989); Cayuga, spoken in Oklahoma (Mithun, 1989); Kabiye spoken in Togo (Essizewa, 2006); Guernesiais, spoken in Channel Islands (Sallabank 2010); !Xoon, an endangered language spoken in Southern Omaheke, Namibia (Boden, 2011), and Mongolian in China (Puthuval, 2017). Research on endangered languages is not just confined to surveys and ethnographies, researchers have also started working on the documentation of some of the endangered languages with the aim to revitalize them. Field linguists working under the Summer School of Linguistics are actively engaged in the documentation of the endangered languages in different parts of the world and have proposed a variety of measures that can be taken to reverse the current linguistic situation related to language shift and endangerment so that the linguistic diversity of the world can be saved (Comrie, 2007; Harrison, 2010; Krauss, 2007; McLellan & Jones, 2015; Mooney, 2015; Soria, 2015). Harrison has, particularly, made remarkable contributions in this regard by making many documentaries on endangered languages that are broadcast on National Geographic to raise awareness among the masses for saving the indigenous languages and cultures. Different approaches have also been proposed (resilience approach, ecological approach, ethnopoetic approach, etc) to better understand the complex linguistic situations in a variety of multilingual settings (Bernard, 1997; Bourhis, 2001; Bradley, 2010; Counceller, 2010; Dobrin, 2012; Griffiths & Robson, 2010). Besides this, there has been a special interest on solution-oriented rather than merely problem-oriented research on endangered languages in the last few years by making an attempt to use technology to revitalize endangered languages (Beermann, 2015; Bell & Gasquet-Cyrus, 2015; Eisenlohr, 2004; Galla, 2009; Good, 2011; Hugo, 2015; Ward & Genabith, 2003). In a recent research article, Fang (2017) emphasizes the role that mother tongue education can play in maintaining minority languages so that they can be saved from becoming endangered. 4.2.4 A brief review of the studies on language attitudesSince language attitudes are strongly linked with language shift, maintenance and endangerment, it is pertinent to present a review of some major studies on language attitudes in this chapter. Commenting on the link between language attitudes and language shift, Maitz (2011) comments: “social psychological notions such as ‘language attitude,’ ‘identity,’ ‘prestige,’ ‘stigma,’ or ‘ideology’ all form an integral part of the analytical arsenal of language shift research.” (p. 156).A benchmark study on language attitudes was conducted by Lambert, Hodgson, Gardener, & Fillenbaum (1960) in Montreal, Canada. The study aimed to measure language attitudes of Anglophones and Francophones using matched-guise technique. It was for the first time that attitudes were measured using matched-guise experiment. The results of the study revealed interesting insights. Not only did the Anglophones show positive attitude towards English, but the Francophones also displayed highly positive attitude towards English, as the same person was judged to be more intelligent, more educated and more refined while speaking English but less intelligent, less educated, and less refined while using French in the matched-guise experiment. It was only on the group solidarity dimension that the Francophones gave a favourable response to the speakers while speaking French. Following Lambert et al. (1960), research on measuring language attitudes to study how and to what extent they affect the process of language shift has been carried out in a variety of multilingual settings across the world (Adegbija, 1994; Ali, 2010; Bentahila, 1983; Coluzzi, 2010; Duan, 2004; Kijai, Lampadan, & Loo, 2012; Kuncha & Bathula, 2004; Ladegaard, 1998; Martinez-Roldan & Malave, 2004; Tuwakham, 2005). Research on language attitudes has also been conducted with reference to the immigrants’ attitude towards their mother tongue and the mainstream language (Benjamin, 1990; Dailey, Giles, & Jansma, 2005; Zhang & Slaughter-Defoe, 2009). One of the benchmark studies conducted by Lawson and Sachdev (2004) in the United Kingdom, aimed to assess attitudes of second generation adolescents of Sylheti-Bengali origin towards Sylheti, Bengali, and English. The participants were asked to maintain language diaries for a few days to describe how they used Sylheti, Bengali, and English in their conversation in different domains. The data were also collected through questionnaire based on assessing self-reported language proficiency, language use and attitudes. The questionnaire was filled by twenty-two male and twenty-three female Sylheti-Bengladeshi participants. It was discovered through the study that the participants considered English and Bengali more important to their group identity than Sylheti, which being a low variety was evaluated less positively than Bengali and English. Moreover, the participants claimed to use English in majority of the domains as compared to Bengali and Sylheti, showing signs of language shift in progress. The study is significant in the sense that it shows a strong link between language attitudes and shift. Studies on language attitudes are not just limited to adult language users but children’s attitudes are also made the focus of investigation in certain cases. Some research studies particularly focus on exploring children’s attitudes towards language shift and maintenance (Day, 1982; Hoffman & Cais, 1984; Koch & Gross, 1997; Pease-Alvarez & Hakuta, 1993). Moreover, a sufficient body of research on language attitudes also focuses on parents’ attitude towards native language maintenance for their children as parents are not only responsible for intergenerational transmission of the heritage language but also play a major role in helping their children maintain their mother tongue (Becker, 2013; Farruggio, 2010; Lao, 2004; Martin, 2009; Park & Sarkar, 2007; Pérez-Leroux, Cuza, & Thomas, 2011; Wu, 2005).4.2.5 Review of research focusing on the models and tools used for determining the ethnolinguistic vitality of a language Besides measuring language attitudes to study their relationship with shift and maintenance, researchers have also focused on vitality measures to explore the outcomes of language contact situations. In the past, researchers focused only on the objective ethnolinguistic vitality models but when they failed to provide an accurate picture of the vitality of a language, the need for subjective ethnolinguistic vitality models arose. One subjective ethnolinguistic vitality model presented by Bourhis, Giles, & Rosenthal (1981), for instance, based on a 22-item subjective ethnolinguistic vitality questionnaire (SEV), is still popular and is adapted by contemporary researchers to determine the SEV of an ethnolinguistic group. Thus, the models based on both objective and subjective ethnolinguistic vitality reinforce the relevance of studying the process of shift and/or maintenance through assessing the ethnolinguistic vitality of a group.Considering the relevance of measuring the ethnolinguistic vitality of any ethnolinguistic group, different researchers have used different tools to assess the degree of language shift or maintenance focusing on the ethnolinguistic vitality of its speakers. Some of the most commonly employed tools include: Fishman’s GIDS, Edwards’ Typology of Language Endangerment, UNESCO’s GRID, Lewis and Simon’s EGIDS, and Ehala’s V-model and Sustainability Index model. 4.2.5.1 Fishman’s GIDS Fishman (1991) proposed Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) to assess the vitality of any linguistic group indicating the move towards shift or maintenance. Fishman’s scale, based on 8 levels, served as the seminal evaluative framework for assessing the degree of vitality or endangerment and was employed in earlier studies on language shift. However, the scale lost its popularity because of certain limitations. One major problem with the scale was its excessive focus on endangerment as opposed to vitality. 4.2.5.2 Edwards’ typology of language endangerment ‘The typology of language endangerment’ presented by Edwards (1992) contains a list of eleven areas that, according to him, can influence a group’s ethnolinguistic vitality at three levels: speaker, language and setting. The eleven areas proposed for determining the EV include: demography, sociology, linguistics, psychology, history, politics (including law and government), geography, education, religion, economics and media. Despite being comprehensive, this typology lacks clarity in terms of the explanation provided regarding the eleven areas and the inability of the model to draw a boundary between objective and subjective EV. However, the model can be utilized as a supplementary tool for determining the ethnolinguistic of any language. 4.2.5.3 UNESCO’s GridAlthough Fishman’s GIDS retained its popularity for several years, in search of a more reliable assessment tool, Fishman’s GIDS (1991) was adapted by the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage Unit in 2003. In its document “Language Vitality and Endangerment” a list of 9 factors was presented by UNESCO (2003) with six grades from 0 to 5 for each factor to assess the degree of vitality or endangerment of a language. These factors include: intergenerational transmission; absolute number of speakers; proportion of speakers within the total population; trends in existing language domains; response to new domains and media; materials for language education and literacy; governmental and institutional language attitudes and policies, including official status and use; community members’ attitudes towards their own languages; amount and quality of documentation.Although these nine factors seemed to provide rich data for assessing the vitality of any language, when the model was tested on some languages, it was discovered that most of the information needed to assess the vitality of the languages in question was difficult to obtain. Hence the model could not prove to be a better substitute for Fishman’s GIDS.4.2.5.4 Lewis and Simon’s EGIDSKeeping the limitations of UNESCO’s list in mind, Lewis and Simons (2010) expanded Fishman’s GIDS and proposed Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) based on 13 levels. Lewis and Simon (2010) believe that GIDS does not provide comprehensive data on the degree of vitality or endangerment. According to them, “any language situation can be evaluated in terms of the EGIDS by answering five key questions regarding identity, function, vehicularity, state of intergenerational language transmission, literacy acquisition status, and a societal profile of generational language use” (Lewis & Simon, 2010, p.118). 4.2.5.5 Ehala’s V-model and Sustainability Index model In an attempt to design more reliable tools of assessment for measuring the ethnolinguistic vitality of any group, Ehala (2005; 2008; 2009; 2010) proposed the V-model based on the four key variables of ethnolinguistic vitality and the structural relationship among them. The variables identified by Ehala (2005; 2008; 2009; 2010) include: perceived strength differential between a group and its most prominent outgroup (PSD); perceived inter-group distance (R); the level of utilitarianism (U) in the value system of the group studied; and the level of inter-group discordance (D).It is evident from the discussion on the availability of the models for investigating the phenomenon of language shift through assessing the ethnolinguistic vitality in this section that most of the proposed models focus more on endangerment than on vitality. In order to fill in this gap, Ehala (2014) in one of his articles draws researchers’ attention towards language sustainability. The concept of language sustainability is as important as language endangerment. According to Ehala (2014), “a sustainable language is such a language that is in daily use and is transmitted from one generation to another; in other words a sustainable language has its community of users.” (p. 92). Unlike Fishman (1991) who proposed GIDS or Lewis and Simon (2010) who presented EGIDS (focusing on disruption rather than continuation of the linguistic heritage), Ehala (2014) focuses on the factors influencing the sustainability of a language community. By utilizing Haugen’s (1972) language ecology approach, Ehala (2014) divides these factors into three broad categories: “(1) factors of the external environment, (2) factors of the internal environment, and (3) ethnolinguistic vitality of the community” (Ehala 2014, p. 95). Besides discussing these factors in detail, Ehala (2014) proposes the Sustainability Index (SI), based on each set of factors, which ranges from -1 to +1 with 0 in between. It is pertinent to state here that although Ehala’s V-model and the sustainability Index model have become popular among researchers working under quantitative paradigm, the models have failed to attract researchers who prefer to work within qualitative paradigm to assess the ethnolinguistic vitality of a group. It is true that in order to study the process of language shift, it is imperative to determine the degree of sustainability of a language by focusing on both external and internal factors and also by using objective and subjective ethnolinguistic vitality measures, it is also true that it cannot and should not be done only quantitatively. It is equally important to take into account the attitude of the speakers towards their own as well as other language(s) in order to understand not only the socio-political and economic factors responsible for language shift but also the psychological factors that may play a decisive role in the journey from the mother tongue to the other tongue, and probing into the psychology of individuals is not possible through quantitative means alone, as mere quantification fails to provide insights into the subjective ethnolinguistic vitality in the real sense. The same point is shared by Grenoble and Whaley (1998) in these words: “the subjective attitudes of a speech community towards its own and other languages are paramount for predicting language shift” (p.24).4.2.6 Review of studies on the ethnolinguistic vitality of indigenous language groups There is ample research literature on indigenous languages that focus on determining the ethnolinguistic vitality of indigenous language speakers living in different multilingual speech communities to gain insights into the process of language shift and maintenance (Allard & Landry, 1994; Bourhis et al., 1981; Bourhis, 2001; Cenoz & Valencia, 1993; Gal, 1979; Kraemer, Olshtain, & Badier, 1994; Landry & Allard, 1992; Paulston, 1994a; 1994b). A sociolinguistic study on Ishkashimi people to explore the ethnolinguistic vitality of their language by Muller, Abbess, Paul, Tiessen, and Tiessen (2010), is worth discussing here. The two villages in Tajikistan, Ryn and Sumjin, were chosen as the research sites for this study and the data for the study were gathered through a set of questionnaires to elicit information about social networks and language use, language functions and attitudes, along with Ishkashimi speakers’ sense of ethnic identity. The results of the study indicate that Ishkashimi is in danger of being replaced by Tajik in Sumjin, whereas it is still used in a variety of domains in Ryn and is also transmitted to children. The same language which is in the process of shift and is likely to be replaced by Tajik in one village is safe in the other. The study reinforces the point that languages are at the mercy of societies and therefore their survival depends not only on the individuals but also on the society where they are used.With the focus on measuring the ethnolinguistic vitality, Wu (2013) conducted a study to assess the vitality of Anung in Myanmar (Burma).Using EGIDS proposed by Lewis and Simons (2010), the researcher determined the degree of vitality of Anung and found it to be threatened. The data were gathered through questionnaire administered on one hundred and five (105) Anung speakers representing three age groups: below twenty (20), between thirty-five (35) and fifty (50) and above fifty (50). Besides using questionnaire, the study also employed observation and interviews of the community leaders to report patterns of language use and proficiency across age groups. The results of the study reveal that the intergenerational transmission is disrupted as majority of the Anung families have stopped transmitting the language to their children. Besides this, despite the intergenerational transmission of Anung in some families the language is threatened, as very few young generation speakers are proficient in the language. The same year, Agbedo and Kwambehar (2013) conducted a study on the ethnolinguistic vitality and language loss in case of Etulo language spoken in the Benue State, Nigeria. The study investigated the factors responsible for the endangered state of Etulo language by employing the ethnolinguistic vitality questionnaire. The results of the survey indicate that of all the factors, negative attitude of Etulo language speakers towards their own language has brought Etulo language on the brink of death, which is evident from the small number of Etulo speakers, i.e., less than 5000. Nigeria, being home to more than 350 languages, alone is an attractive area for researchers working on multilingualism and its challenges in the African context. This is the reason that there are quite a few research studies undertaken in Nigeria to investigate the factors responsible for language shift and the role attitudes play in accelerating the process of shift (Adegbite, 2003; Fakuade, Gambo, & Bashir, 2003; Ihemere, 2006; Ioratim-Uba, 2001; Offiong & Ugot, 2012). Besides research on the ethnolinguistic vitality of the languages spoken in Nigeria, studies focusing on the ethnolinguistic vitality of endangered languages have also been conducted in other multilingual contexts (Chuchu & Noorashid, 2015; Ehala, 2010; El-Aissati, 2001; Johnson, 2007; Lenk 2007; Sachdev, 1995). 4.2.7 Review of studies on language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality of immigrant minoritiesA considerable body of research on language shift and maintenance has been conducted on immigrant groups as well. Wei (1994), for instance, conducted a classic empirical study to investigate the factors behind language shift of Chinese community in Britain. By using participant observation, the researcher collected data focusing on the patterns of language choice manifested in the speech of different generations of Chinese speakers in the UK. The sample size for the study was based on ten (10) Chinese families (30 male and 28 female speakers). Using social network model of language choice as the basis for the study, Wei (1994) also focused on the speakers’ code-switching behaviour to determine the process of shift. Based on the findings, Wei (1994) constructed a typology of bilingualism encapsulating the range of language patterns observed in the Chinese community in Britain. This typology can be utilized to study different immigrant communities in other countries as well. There is another study on maintaining Chinese as a heritage language but in the American context. This study conducted by Liu (2008), which is based on the data gathered from twenty-eight (28) Chinese immigrants living in the US, aimed to examine the factors responsible for the maintenance of Chinese among these immigrants. The data collection instruments used in the study included questionnaire and interview of the key informants. Based on the data analysis, a list of factors at the micro and macro level is presented to account for the success of Chinese language learning.Chinese is not the only immigrant language that has been studied with reference to language shift and maintenance. Portuguese as an immigrant language is another example of a language that has been investigated to understand the phenomenon of language shift. Ferreira’s (1999) study conducted in Trinidad and Tobago, for instance, examines the use of Portuguese language by the immigrant groups. The study is not only confined to the investigation of language shift but also examines the linguistic changes that have occurred in the immigrants’ linguistic repertoire of Portuguese. The oral data for the study were based on both formal and informal interviews from the informants. Besides interviewing the informants, a list of hundred (100) Portuguese words was presented to them to test their linguistic competence in Portuguese. Moreover, a questionnaire was also administered on those participants who had limited proficiency of Portuguese. The results of the study not only indicate the changes at societal level through the Portuguese immigrants’ shift to English but also the changes at individual level exhibiting signs of attrition among the young generation Portuguese. According to the findings of this study, there are very few families in Trinidad where Portuguese is still spoken. However, even in those few families, the young generation Portuguese speakers’ language has undergone complete shift as a result of which their linguistic skills in Portuguese have atrophied. Ferreira (1999) on the basis of the results of his study claims that Portuguese is dead in Trinidad and Tobago ---- a claim that may be misleading according to the most commonly agreed upon definition of language death which implies complete disappearance of a language from the world. This, of course, is not the case as far as Portuguese is concerned. Portuguese may have disappeared from Trinidad and Tobago but it is still spoken in other parts of the world. Finocchiaro’s (2004) comparative study of language maintenance and shift in case of the third generation Italian immigrants’ language choice is another example of research on allochthonous minorities. In order to do a comparative analysis, Finocchiaro (2004) gathered data from members of three generations of Italian speakers living in USA, Australia and France. Based on a collective/multiple case study design, the researcher used triangulation by employing multiple sources of data collection. The data collection instruments included observation based on field-notes and audio-recording, focus group interviews with the family members from the three generations of Italian immigrants in all the three countries, and documentation, which not only included pictures but also video tapes of the past celebrations of the family on different occasions. The research was undertaken to test the validity of Fishman’s intergroup social dependency theory and his recommendation for language maintenance through “compartmentalization of language functions”. The findings of the study revealed that the third generation Italians still used Italian language and in case of France and Australia, this usage could be attributed to the exposure to Italian in schools, where it is taught as a language. The study carries important implications for language policies with regard to the minority groups’ languages, highlighting the need to make the languages useful in terms of their market value. Using Milroy’s Social network theory (1987) as her framework, Bartoo (2009) explored the patterns of language use among the Somali refugee teenagers in Nairobi, Kenya. Bartoo employed triangulation by using questionnaire, interview and observation for collecting data from thirty (30) research participants who she accessed using snowball sampling. The results of her study indicate that the teenage Somali refugees are engaged in a variety of social networks making use of not only the mainstream languages, like Kiswahili, English and in some cases Sheng, but have also retained their use of Somali, which shows their sense of loyalty to their language. There is ample research data available on language shift and maintenance of immigrant minority groups in the American context (Kasatkina, 2011; Lee, 2002; Lucht, Frey, & Salmons, 2011; Luo & Wiseman, 2000; Tse, 2001; Valdés, 2001). One earlier study was conducted by Odisho (1999) who investigated the Assyrian immigrants’ use of their mother tongue, Syriac, in the USA across three generations. This case study in which the data were collected through observation technique, the family members of an Assyrian family across all three generations were observed in a variety of domains to study their language behaviour. The results of the study indicated bilingualism among the second generation Assyrian immigrants displaying proficiency in both their ethnic language and the mainstream language, English. However, in case of third generation Assyrian immigrants a somewhat complete shift from Syriac to English was quite evident. These results imply absence of any serious measures on the part of Assyrian immigrants in maintaining their heritage language and identity. Within the European context, Yagmur and Akinci (2003) conducted a study on Turkish immigrants’ use of their mother tongue and their attitude towards it with a focus on measuring their subjective ethnolinguistic vitality in France. Using the framework of ethnolinguistic vitality theory by Giles et al. (1977), the study is based on the data gathered through three types of questionnaires (based on language choice, subjective ethnolinguistic vitality and self-rating scales) from both the first generation and the second generation Turkish immigrants. The findings of the study indicate intergenerational differences between the two groups as the first generation Turkish speakers’ ethnolinguistic vitality was found to be higher than the second generation Turkish immigrants. However, both groups of immigrants rated French higher than Turkish in terms of vitality. With reference to the shift from Kinyarwanda to French among the Rwanda community in Belgium, Gafaranga (2010) observed that the younger members of the Rwanda community are in the rapid process of shift from Kinyarwanda-French bilingualism to French monolingualism as they are seen requesting the older members of their community to switch from Kinyarwanda to French during interactions. The data for the study were based on recordings of the interactions among the Rwandan community members and consisted of three phases: phase one was based on participant-observation to get the basic idea about Rwandan community’s sociolinguistic practices; phase two was based on collecting data from 25 families who were selected during the first phase for further investigation (this phase was based on recording naturally occurring conversations, particularly among the young Rwandan community members); while in phase three the selected families were interviewed. Gafaranga adopted the conversation analytic approach for analyzing the recorded conversations. The results of the study indicate the young Rwandan’s excessive use of medium requests to use French during their interactions with the old Rwandans. On the basis of the research findings of this study it is suggested that face-to-face interaction in Kinyarwanda can reverse the process of language shift. Gafaranga advises the older members of the Rwanda community not to entertain children’ medium requests to encourage them to use Kinyarwanda instead of French. It seems to be a useful advice for other immigrant groups as well in terms of maintaining their heritage language. Besides the research studies reviewed here on language shift among the immigrants in Europe, there are quite a few other studies on language use among immigrants in the European context (Canagarajah, 2008; Chatzidaki & Xenikaki 2012; Jamai, 2008; Othman, 2006).One recent study by Umrani and Memon (2016) that aimed to explore the interactional practices of the three generations of an immigrant group exclusively focusing on the process of language shift and maintenance in case of a Pakistani family settled in Scotland is worth discussing here. Being a case study, the data were collected from three generations of one family based on eight members, which included five adults and three children. The data for this study were based on participant-observation through audio-recording of the natural conversation with the family members in their home along with interviews of four members: two from the first and two from the second generation. The study revealed signs of language shift among the second and third generation of speakers which were reflected through their use of Punjabi/Urdu/English code-switching, along with highlighting the older generation’s efforts to maintain their mother tongue despite the third generation’s greater preference for English. Although the findings of this study corroborate the findings of previous research on the process of language shift observed among three generations of immigrants (Gafaranga, 2010; Wei, 1994), the sample size of the study is too small and the data being based on only three days’ conversation is not enough to arrive at any definite conclusion. Because of the presence of a large number of immigrants in America and Europe, most of the studies on language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality are based in American and European context (Gogonas, 2009; Hornberger & King, 2001; Komondouros & Mc Entee-Atalianis, 2007; Papapavlou & Pavlou, 2001; Slavik, 2001; Wlazlinski, 1997). Nevertheless, the immigrants’ language choice in multilingual settings is also explored in countries other than the ones in these two continents. Putz (1991), for instance, conducted a study on the linguistic behaviour of the German immigrants living in Canberra, Australia. Making the notion of language ecology, employed by Clyne (1985) in his study on languages in contact in the Australian context, as the base, Putz (1991) evaluated German immigrants’ use of German and English in different domains in Canberra to determine whether the German community living there is in the process of language shift or maintenance. With the aim to study the factors of language ecology, Putz (1991) employed a socio-linguistic questionnaire which was filled by fifty-nine (59) German immigrants settled in Canberra, who were also interviewed later. The results of the study indicated a shift from German to English in many domains, especially in case of second generation German immigrants. Moreover, the young Germans were reported to have reduced the use of German even in the home domain. Although the results of this study do not corroborate most of the findings by Clyne (1985), some of the findings do match with the findings of his study. Since there is little research on language shift and maintenance in New Zealand, Taumoefolau, Starks, Davis, & Bell (2002) undertook a sociolinguistic study in Manukau, the most linguistically rich city of New Zealand which had been neglected by Sociolinguists. The study is based on the data gathered through self-reported proficiency of the speakers of Pasifika languages and in-depth interviews of the key informants. The findings of the study report different indicators of shift that include: monolingualism in the mainstream language, which is English, loss of stylistic variation in terms of formal and informal style, rare use of Pasifika languages in public domains, decline in the use of indigenous languages in the home domain, schooling in the mainstream language, and above all acquisition of English as the first language by the young generation. The research also deals with the question of how linguists can contribute in maintaining Pasifika languages spoken in the four main Pasifika communities. The study is significant in the sense that it not only investigates the factors responsible for the shift but also discusses the steps that linguists can take to prevent the loss of indigenous languages. In contrast to a small number of studies in Oceania, particularly, in New Zealand, there is a sufficient body of research literature on immigrant minorities and their language use in the Middle East countries (Al-Khatib & Al-Ali, 2010; Dweik, 2000; Dweik & Nofal, 2014; Habtoor, 2012; Nofal, 2011). One of the recent studies by Dweik and Al-Refa’i (2015) explore language shift of Assyrians from Syriac to Arabic in Jordan. The data for the study were gathered through questionnaire and interviews to investigate the factors that have led to the shift from Syriac to Arabic. One of the major factors behind language shift that has emerged on the basis of this study is the cultural assimilation of the Assyrian immigrants into the Arabic community of Jordan, which is evident from their use of Arabic in almost all the domains as a result of which the Assyrians have a higher level of proficiency in Arabic than in Syriac. The study indicates signs of complete shift as the Assyrians have stopped using their language even in the home domain where Arabic has begun to be used extensively. There are quite a few studies on language shift and language maintenance (LSLM) with reference to the immigrant minorities in Malaysian context as well. Cheng (2003), for instance, carried out a case study of a Malaysian Chinese family with a focus on mixed marriages. Following the framework proposed by Harrison and Piete (1980), which rests on the idea that children’s linguistic choices are shaped by their mothers, the study aims to explore the role of mothers in shaping their children’s linguistic behavior. The study is different from other studies referred to in this section as it is based on the researcher’s family where there are instances of mixed marriages over five generations. Using observation and oral interviews of the family members, the researcher traces the family members’ journey from the mother tongue to the other tongue across generations and the role of mothers in the process of language shift. The results of the study indicate two major factors that play a decisive role in LSLM and these two factors include education and mothers’ linguistic choices. Being a case study, however, the results cannot be generalized to a great extent. Chinese Malaysians’ linguistic choices have drawn the attention of other sociolinguists as well. With the aim to explore the factors behind the decline of the native languages of Chinese Malaysians resulting in the shift to Mandarin and English, Sim (2012) investigated the factors responsible for the shift by taking into account political, socio-cultural and psychological beliefs of the Chinese Malaysians. The study also aimed at discovering the participants’ attitude towards language revitalization programmes. In order to get an emic view of the Chinese Malaysians, the data were gathered through informal interviews and focus group discussions of not only old Chinese Malaysian couples who did not transmit their language to their children but also from future parents who did not intend to pass on their linguistic heritage to their children. The study was not only restricted to the parents of Chinese Malaysian children but also included views of the school teachers, Principals and members of clan associations in two cities of Malaysia, Penang and Kuala Lumpur. The results of the study unmask a host of factors, ranging from social, political, and psychological, hastening the process of shift form native Chinese languages to Mandarin and English. The process of language shift and maintenance has also been explored with reference to the effect of gender on these sociolinguistic processes (Bilaniuk, 2003; Kulick, 1992; 1998; Pauwels, 1995; Smith-Hefner, 2009).One recent example is the study conducted in Mecca, Saudi Arabia by Tawalbeh, Dagamseh, and Al-Matrafi (2013). The study aimed to explore the process of shift or maintenance among Saudi Hausa immigrants along with the aim to explore the effect of gender on their sociolinguistic behaviour. The data for the study were gathered through questionnaire, interview and observation. The female Hausa speakers’ degree of language shift from Hausa to Arabic was reported to be higher than their male counterparts. This difference is attributed to the negative attitude of the female Hausa speakers towards their own language along with other external factors. The next section presents a review of local literature on language contact and its effects in Pakistani context. 4.2.8 Review of studies on the outcomes of language contact situations in PakistanIf one compares the rich linguistic diversity of Pakistan with the research studies that have been undertaken with reference to Pakistan’s indigenous languages, there is not enough research data available. Moreover, most of the research that is conducted on Pakistani languages exclusively focuses on describing the grammar of these languages, including their morphology, phonology, syntax and semantics. As a result of the world wide concern for the loss of the world’s linguistic diversity and the threat it poses to the biodiversity and cultural diversity of the world, however, Pakistani researchers have also started exploring the process of shift and attrition with reference to the indigenous language speakers’ use of their mother tongue. The interest in examining the linguistic behavior of indigenous minority languages enhanced particularly after the publication of UNESCO’s list of endangered languages in the year 2003. This list includes 28 languages of Pakistan along with other languages of the world that are declared to be endangered languages. Considering the danger of losing the linguistic diversity of the country, research on language shift and maintenance has also begun to be conducted on indigenous languages spoken in Pakistan. Nevertheless, very few indigenous languages have been the focus of such studies. One such study by Anjum and Siddiqui (2012) deals with an investigation of the attitudinal shift in case of Pothwari language (one of the indigenous minority languages spoken in Pakistan) among the three generations of Pothwari speakers in Rawalpindi and Islamabad. This quantitative study aimed to test the hypothesis regarding the shift in attitude towards Pothwari. The sample size of the study based on two hundred and ninety-four (294) participants, belonging to three different age groups, included representation of both male and female respondents. The data were collected using a 20-item attitude questionnaire and analyzed using ANOVA. The results of the study indicate the young Pothwari speakers’ shift from their mother tongue to Urdu and English, which according to the researchers, may lead to language loss in future. This study, like other studies on attitudes, manifests a strong link that exists among language attitudes and language vitality which together play a crucial role in language maintenance or loss. Although there is a growing interest among researchers to explore the linguistic ecology of Pakistan focusing on the fate of the indigenous minority languages, there is very little research on these languages. A renowned Pakistani scholar Rahman (2006) in one of his articles on Pakistan’s language policy laments the plight of the indigenous languages in the country in general but there is very little focus on specific examples. Punjabi is one of the indigenous languages explored more extensively than any other in different settings within the Pakistani context (Ali, 2010; Mansoor, 1993; Nawaz, Umer, Anjum, & Ramzan, 2012; Nazir, Aftab, & Saeed, 2013; Zaidi, 2011). In a recent study by Shahbaz, Azam and Raheem (2015), Pahari speakers’ language attitudes towards Punjabi are explored to examine the connection between attitudes and language shift in District Bhimber, Azad Jammu and Kashmir. In order to measure language attitudes of Pahari speakers, an attitude questionnaire consisting of 4 parts was designed and administered on thirty-one (31) participants. The four domains that were investigated for language use included: family, friendship, transaction, and religion. The results of the study revealed positive attitudes of Pahari speakers towards Punjabi language which is connected with the shift from Pahari to Punjabi in Bhimber. This study can be seen as an example of voluntary rather than forced shift. Nevertheless, the data used for the study is insufficient to arrive at any reliable conclusion. The researchers have used only one tool, questionnaire, for gathering data and that too is administered on only 31 participants which is not a representative sample size for such a study. One research that is closely related to the current research study is by Ali (2015). This multiple case study focuses on exploring the linguistic journey of the speakers of four indigenous languages: Balti, Burushaski, Khowar, and Shina and the influence of the linguistic journey of the speakers of these languages on their mother tongue as a result of moving from their hometown to Karachi for higher education. Being a multiple case study, the sample size was based on 40 participants, 10 from each indigenous language group and the instruments used for the study included a sociolinguistic profile form that was utilized for gathering information about the domains of language use followed by in-depth interviews of the participants. The participants reported a certain degree of decline in the their use of and proficiency in the mother tongue because of being away from their native environment and this journey from the mother tongue to the other tongue has to a great extent affected their sense of ethnolinguistic vitality.The study by Ali (2015) on the linguistic journey of the indigenous linguistic groups of Gilgit-Baltistan enhanced my interest in exploring the linguistic choices of the indigenous language speakers living in urban centers in detail. With the aim to conduct a more detailed investigation of the linguistic choices of indigenous language speakers, I decided to focus on one of the indigenous language groups, the Burusho (Burushaski speakers). Unlike the multiple case study by Ali (2015) that focuses on four indigenous language groups, the present study is different in the sense that it aims to explore the process of shift in case of one of the indigenous language groups, the Burusho(Burushaski speakers), in Karachi, in detail. Although there is some research available on language shift and maintenance of indigenous languages in Pakistan (Decker, 1992; Imtiaz, 2005; Janjua, 2008; Rehman, 2011; Weinreich, 2010), there is hardly any research that explores these sociolinguistic phenomena through determining the ethnolinguistic vitality of the minority language speakers. Zaidi’s (2011) study is one exception. However, Zaidi (2011) used GIDS approach for assessing the ethnolinguistic vitality of Punjabi in Pakistan. Besides this, no research has been undertaken so far on the process of shift or maintenance on Burushaski language using ethnolinguistic vitality measures. 4.2.9 An overview of the research on BurushaskiBeing one of the language isolates, Burushaski language has always been the focus of attention among researchers. Research on Burushaski dates back to 1889, with Leitner’s work, which was the earliest attempt to describe the language. Later on, Lorimer (1935-38) provided a synchronic description of Burushaski grammar and lexicon. Lorimer, however, focused mainly on the Hunza dialect of Burushaski. The grammar of the other two dialects of Burushaski, Nagar and Yasin dialect, were later explored and described by Varma (1941) and Berger (1966; 1985). There are several other studies focusing on different aspects of Burushaski grammar (Anderson, 1997, 2002, 2007; Bashir, 1985, 1996, 2000b; Karim, 2011, 2013; Smith, 2012; Tiffou & Yves-Charles, 1982; Wilson, 1996). All these studies, however, focus on the synchronic rather than the diachronic description of Burushaski grammar. Barbour (1921) was among the earlier scholars to write on Burushaski language. Much later, Backstrom (1992) provided a detailed historical account of Burushaski language and the sociolinguistic position of the Burusho living in Gilgit-Baltistan. A comprehensive review of research on Burushaski is also available (Bashir, 2000a; Tiffou, 2000).With reference to the available research on Burushaski, the study undertaken by Munshi (2006) is worth mentioning. Unlike the earlier synchronic research on Burushaski grammar, Munshi (2006) conducted a diachronic study on Jammu and Kashmir dialect of Burushaski spoken in Srinagar (India). Her focus was on the linguistic description of Burushaski spoken there and the linguistic changes that have occurred at phonological, lexical and morpho-syntactic level because of the influence of Kashmiri and Urdu spoken in that region. Since she aimed to describe the structural properties of Burushaski spoken in Srinagar, the data of her study were based on the recording of naturally occurring discourse in different settings. The recorded data were later transcribed and translated with the help of native speakers. The current research is different from the earlier research on Burushaski because instead of focusing on Burushaski grammar it focuses on the sociolinguistic behaviour of the Burusho community. Although Ahmed (2016) has also conducted a small scale sociolinguistic study of the Burusho community with a focus on their ethnolinguistic vitality, his focus is on the Burushos of Srinagar, India. The present study focuses on the Burusho community of Pakistan. It is for the first time that a detailed study has been undertaken within the Pakistani context to explore language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality among the Burushaski speakers who have moved from their native town to an urban center, which in this case is, Karachi. 4.3 ConclusionIn this chapter an attempt has been made to present definition of the key terms followed by a critical review of the research studies on the sociolinguistic phenomena under investigation, along with a critical evaluation of the theoretical models presented for determining the ethnolinguistic vitality and language shift. I have made an effort to present an exhaustive review of research both at global and local level, followed by a brief overview of the available research on Burushaski in this chapter. The chapter ends with the justification for the undertaken research. The next chapter which deals with methodology discusses the details of the framework employed for conducting the research.CHAPTER FIVEMETHODOLOGY5.0 IntroductionI have divided this chapter into four sections. In the first section I have provided information about the research paradigm, research design and the research site chosen for the study along with complete justification. This section also carries information about the sample size and the sampling techniques employed for the selection of the research participants. The second section presents the profile of the research participants, while in the third section I have provided details about the instruments utilized for collecting data for the study, the experience of field-work and its challenges as well as the rapport established with the participants during the study. The fourth section, which is the last section of the chapter, carries a note on the principles of ethics that were strictly adhered to in all the phases of this research.5.1 Research Paradigm and DesignSituating the research within a certain paradigm is highly essential as every research paradigm is deeply rooted in some philosophical beliefs which are necessary for guiding the researcher throughout the study (Dornyei, 2007). A research paradigm plays the role of a light house in a researcher’s journey towards the discovery of knowledge, as it gives her/him a sense of direction. The paradigm chosen for this research is Mixed Methods, which involves working under both qualitative and quantitative paradigms. According to Natalia and Creswell (2009): “Mixed methods research, with its focus on the meaningful integration of both quantitative and qualitative data, can provide a depth and breadth that a single approach may lack by itself” (p.136). Since both quantitative and qualitative data are gathered through mixed methods, it increases the validity and reliability of research (Angouri, 2010; Dornyei, 2007; Natalia & Creswell, 2009). The undertaken research required collection and analysis of quantitative data followed by qualitative data collection and analysis; therefore, I chose explanatory design, which is one of the four designs that can be employed in Mixed Methods research. In explanatory design, “Quantitative and qualitative data are collected and analyzed in sequence: first quantitative data is collected and analyzed, and then qualitative data.” (Natalia & Creswell, 2009, p.139). Although the first phase of my study was quantitative, I used simple frequency analysis based on calculating percentage instead of applying statistical analysis. The major reason for avoiding statistical analysis was the nature of the research questions, which are exploratory rather than hypothetical in nature. There were two more reasons for not applying statistical analysis: one reason was to avoid making the analysis too technical, while another reason was to make the research reader-friendly even for those who do not have the background knowledge of Statistics. Using the explanatory design within mixed methods research, I utilized the case study approach for comprehensive analysis of the phenomena under study. Case study design appeared to be the most appropriate design for my research as the purpose of a case study is “to understand the complexity and dynamic nature of the particular entity and to discover systematic connections among experiences, behaviors, and relevant features of the context” (Johnson 1992, p. 84). While discussing the features of case studies, Duff (2008) specifies six basic principles, which include: “boundedness or singularity, in-depth study, multiple perspectives or triangulation, particularity, contextualization, and interpretation” (p. 23). All these principles of case study design, specified by Duff (2008), are incorporated in the undertaken research. Case study is specifically chosen because the focus of this research is on one indigenous linguistic group, that is, the Burusho community whose mother tongue is Burushaski. Another reason for selecting case study is that it allows quantitative as well as qualitative analysis with the opportunity to provide thick description of data. According to Cohen, Manion and Morrison (2011), “Case studies can blend numerical and qualitative data, and they are a prototypical representation of mixed methods research.” (p. 289).5.1.1 Research siteAs mentioned in the earlier chapters, the study focuses on determining the ethnolinguistic vitality and language shift/maintenance of the Burusho community living in Karachi, the research has been conducted on Burushaski speakers studying in different departments of the University of Karachi. The University of Karachi was chosen as the research site because it is has speakers of many indigenous and quite a few non-indigenous or foreign languages and can therefore be considered one of the ideal places for research on multilingualism. It would not be wrong to call it a mini Karachi because of the ethno-linguistic diversity found within its premises – a true reflection of the ethno-linguistic diversity present in the city. Another reason for choosing the University of Karachi as the research site was the presence of hundreds of Burushaski speakers studying in different departments of the University. The details about the University of Karachi, the linguistic diversity found there along with the number of Burushaski students, are already provided in the second section of chapter two, which is based on the social and institutional context of the study. 5.1.2 Sample size and sampling techniques employed for the studyThe sample size for this study was based on 120 Burushaski speakers. In order to have access to these research participants, three sampling techniques: purposive, convenience, and snowball were employed. Purposive sampling “is broadly intended to facilitate a process whereby researchers generate and test theory from the analysis of their data (sometimes called inductive reasoning), rather than using data to test out or falsify a pre-existing theory (sometimes called deductive reasoning)” (Mason, 2002, p. 138). Purposive sampling was essential for this research because the study, as stated earlier, focused on only one linguistic group, that is, Burushaski speakers (commonly called Burushos). No other indigenous language group was made a part of the study. Besides employing purposive sampling, convenience sampling was also utilized because the study was not confined to the Burushaski speakers studying in any particular department of the university. Burushaski speakers from any department or research centre who could be accessed and who showed willingness to participate in this research were made part of this study through informed consent and were later approached for data collection. It is pertinent to mention here that most of the students who travel to Karachi from the Northern areas of the country prefer to connect themselves with students from the same linguistic background for group solidarity. Since many students from the Northern areas make efforts to stay in touch with students of their own linguistic group, after having access to some Burushaski speakers studying in the university, I employed snowball sampling technique to reach the set target. This technique helped me access other Burushaski participants for the study, as snowball or chain-referral sampling involves having access to some key informants who can use their social networking to help access other participants for the study. Since both male and female students study in Karachi University, I collected data from the Burusho students of both the genders. It was necessary to collect data from both male and female Burushos because one of my research questions was based on locating gender differences in the participants’ sense of ethnolinguistic vitality and the degree language maintenance and shift. Thus, the data were gathered from 58 female Burushaski speakers and 62 male Burushaski speakers for achieving valid and reliable results. This unequal distribution based on gender was not pre-planned but depended on the students’ cooperation and availability. Only those students were approached who not only showed willingness to participate in the study but also managed to spare time for the data collection. 5.2 Research ParticipantsSince convenience sampling was one of the techniques employed for this research, I did not confine my search for Burushaski speakers to any specific department or any particular academic year. Burushaski speakers studying in different programmes in various departments and research centers of the University of Karachi became a rich source of providing the required data for the study. I contacted some former Burusho students who had been my students in the past and also those Burushaski speakers who participated in one of the joint studies I conducted on minority language students’ perception of their written proficiency in English and their actual proficiency in it (Khan & Ali, 2016), as they knew some other Burushaski speakers studying in different programmes offered in the university at the time when this study was in progress.The Burushaski speakers who were contacted and who participated in the study belonged to different departments and research centers and were studying in different academic years. Some of them were enrolled in the M.Phil. or M. Phil., leading to Ph.D. programmes, some of them were in the final year of their BS or M.A/M.Sc. Programme, while most of the participants were in the second or third year Honours. There were very few Burushaski speakers enrolled in BS and B.A and B.Sc. (Honours) first year in the year 2016. On enquiring about the less number of Burushaski speakers enrolled in the university in 2016, some of the Burushaski students informed that the Pak-China economic corridor has attracted many young male Burushaski speakers towards trade and therefore the male Burushos have started taking more interest in business and trade with China. Besides this, some of them have also started availing themselves of the opportunity to study in China and other countries. Aga Khan development network (AKDN)working in Gilgit-Baltistan is very active in facilitating the youth in Gilgit-Baltistan, particularly in Hunza, by offering scholarships in various fields of study in different countries. So, most of the Burusho students who got enrolled in first year BS or Honours in 2016 were those who have been in Karachi either since their birth or have been here for several years, as their initial education was also from Karachi. Since I wanted to explore the degree of shift/maintenance in case of Burushaski speakers who have been exposed to the non-native environment for a certain period of time, it was essential to gather data from those Burushaski speakers who have been in Karachi for more than a year. Nevertheless, I also gathered data from some Burushaski speakers who had been in Karachi for less than a year, at the time of their participation in the study, to compare their linguistic behavior with those who had spent a considerable period of time in Karachi, so that the nature and degree of language shift/maintenance among the Burusho community in Karachi could be determined.5.2.1Profile of the research participantsAs mentioned earlier, a sample size of 120 Burushaski speakers participated in the study out of which 58 participants were female Burushaski speakers whereas 62 were male Burushaski speakers. These participants were from six different faculties (Faculty of Education, Faculty of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Law, Faculty of Management & Administrative Sciences, Faculty of Science, and Faculty of Social Sciences) and four Research Centers and Institutes. Table (5) presents the number of participants representing their research center/institute, while table (6) presents the exact number of female and male Burushaski participants representing their department:Table (5): Number of Burushaski participants representing their Research Centre/InstituteResearch Centres/InstitutesFemale Burushaski speakersMale Burushaski SpeakersTotalCentre of Excellence for Women Studies (CEWS)020103HEJ (Research Institute of Chemistry)zero0101Institute of Environmental Studieszero0303National Nematological Research Centre (NNRC)zero0101Pakistan Study Centre (PSC)030710Total: 051318There were a few Burusho students in other research centers as well but, when they were approached, they did not express any interest in participating in this study. Therefore, they were not approached for data collection. Only those Burushaski speakers were consulted who had no reservation in becoming the research participants for this study. Table (6): Number of Burushaski participants representing their departmentDepartmentsFacultyFemale Burushaski speakersMale Burushaski speakersTotal1EducationEducation0201032Islamic LearningIslamic StudiesZero02023School of LawLawZero01014Karachi University Business School (KUBS)Management & Administrative SciencesZero01015Agriculture & Agribusiness ManagementScience01zero016Applied PhysicsScienceZero01017BiochemistryScience01zero018ChemistryScienceZero02029Food Science & TechnologyScience01zero0110GeologyScienceZero020211Health & Physical Education & Sports Sciences (HPESS)Science06030912Mathematical SciencesScience01zero0113Petroleum TechnologyScienceZero010114PhysicsScience01020315StatisticsScience03020516ZoologyScience03030617EconomicsSocial Sciences04020618EnglishSocial Sciences03060919International RelationsSocial Sciences01010220Islamic HistorySocial Sciences02zero0221PersianSocial Sciences02060822PsychologySocial Sciences03zero0323SociologySocial Sciences10112124Social WorkSocial Sciences04010525UrduSocial Sciences050106Total:5349102A detailed profile of both the female and male research participants is provided in separate grids in Appendix ‘A’. The grids carry information about the dialect of Burushaski the participants speak, the number of months/years they had spent in Karachi at the time of their participation in the study, the area of Karachi they reside in, and the academic programme they are enrolled in. In order to conceal the identity of the participants, each participant is given a pseudonym. 5.3 Data-collection Instruments Used in the StudySince the study aims to determine the degree of shift through inferring the ethnolinguistic vitality (EV) of Burushaski speakers, both, Subjective and Objective Ethnolinguistic Vitality have been taken into account. The term ethnolinguistic vitality has been discussed in detail in the first part of the chapter on Literature review (See chapter 4, section 4.1.6). For measuring Objective Ethnolinguistic Vitality (OEV) based on demographic factors, institutional support and status dimension, the model presented by Edwards (1992) is utilized to determine the extent to which a group’s Ethnolinguistic Vitality (EV) can be influenced by external factors. The objective ethnolinguistic vitality of Burushaski is measured against 12 criteria including, demography, geography, history, religion, media, politics, linguistics, constitutional support, education, economics, autonomy and literary heritage, in chapter 6, section 6.1. Most of the criteria for determining the objective ethnolinguistic vitality can be seen in terms of power and prestige, which means that Objective Ethnolinguistic Vitality cannot be isolated from the Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality measures. For determining the Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality (SEV) of Burushaski speakers, a 22-item questionnaire based on the research by Bourhis et al., (1981) was adapted and utilized for the study. The questionnaire designed for this study was based on 4 sections consisting of 44 items in all (The questionnaire is attached in Appendix ‘B’).The cover sheet of the questionnaire which shares the purpose of the study required the participants to provide the background information needed for the research. The first section of the questionnaire consists of 20 Yes/ No questions which include background questions, knowledge-based, and opinion-based questions, reflecting their knowledge of and attitude towards Burushaskito a certain extent. The second section is based on finding out the participants’self-perceived proficiency in their mother tongue and the domains of language use. This section, based on 6 questions, deals with exploring where and how often the young Burushaski speakers living in Karachi use their heritage language as compared to the mainstream languages, Urdu and English. The third section of the questionnaire based on close-ended format includes 8 multiple-choice questions (MCQs)some of which consist of opinion-based items to study the participants’ beliefs about mother tongues in general and their own mother tongue in particular. The final section, which consists of 10 questions, is based on a 5-point rating scale which aims to determine the ideological beliefs regarding language and culture and also the degree of subjective ethno-linguistic vitality of Burushaski speakers in Karachi.The questionnaire was piloted on a small group of former students of the University of Karachi speaking Burushaski as their mother tongue. Piloting has several advantages, ranging from improvement in the face validity of the questionnaire to calculating the time taken to complete it. Besides this, piloting can also help improve the questions by removing ambiguity, redundancy, unnecessary complexity, etc. In other words, the aim of piloting the questionnaire is to remove the gaps, if any, in order to enhance the internal validity and reliability of the research. It was important to pilot the questionnaire on some former students from the target population before administering it on the Burushaski speakers studying in the university at the time of conducting this research. After piloting the questionnaire, a few changes were made to improve the validity of the questionnaire and make it more respondent-friendly. Besides determining the ethno-linguistic vitality through a questionnaire, interviews were also used as a tool for eliciting detailed responses from the selected participants. After analyzing the data collected through the questionnaire in the first phase, 25% of the sample was selected for a detailed interview in the second phase to answer the research questions posed in the first chapter. Initially, I planned to restrict the sample size to 100 because I was not sure if I can find more than 100 Burushaski speakers. This uncertainty was rooted in my earlier contact with the students of Gilgit-Baltistan, as majority of the students that I had come across from Gilgit-Baltistan in the last ten years of my service as a teacher in the university, were Balti and Shina speakers. However, owing to the availability of more than hundred Burushaski speakers and their willingness to participate in the study, I was able to collect data from 120 Burushaski students in all: 58 female Burushos and 62 male Burushos. Since the sample size was based on 120 participants, the number of key informants for the interview had to be increased from 25 to 30 as it made 25% of the total sample. Thus, 30 participants (13 female and 17 male Burushos) were selected as key-informants for a detailed interview. Several factors had to be taken care of before selecting the key informants for the interview. Since the speakers of all three dialects of Burushaski, Hunza, Nagar and Yasin, filled the questionnaire, it was necessary to select the key informants from all three dialects for the interview. Besides selecting the key informants from each of the three dialects, it was also important to select the key informants from both the genders to detect differences, if any, in the degree of shift or maintenance in each case. Moreover, the task of selecting the key informants was also based on the time they had spent in Karachi so far, which in case of the research participants ranged from two months to thirty years as there were some who reported that they were born in Karachi. Hence the key informants were selected on several grounds: dialect, gender, birth place, their length of residence in Karachi, and most importantly the nature of responses they gave on the questionnaire. It was important to use interview as a tool to gather data because it helped me understand the psychology of the research participants in terms of their linguistic choices. Referring to the advantage of using interview as a tool for collecting data, Cohen et al. (2011) state, “The interview is a flexible tool for data collection, enabling multi-sensory channels to be used: verbal, non-verbal, spoken, and heard” (p. 409). The format used for interviewing the participants for the study was semi-structured in nature as this format is more flexible and allows more space to both the interviewer and the interviewee. Unlike structured interviews, which are tightly controlled, semi-structured interviews give the interviewer the freedom to use probes for eliciting further details from the respondents. Cohen et al. (2007) while providing the guidelines for semi-structured interview write, “a schedule is prepared that is sufficiently open ended to enable the contents to be reordered, digressions and expansions made, new avenues to be included, and further probing to be undertaken.” (p. 138). Semi-structured interview format was employed using the interview guide approach which is based on the specification of the themes and issues (based on the questionnaire analysis) in advance. These semi-structured interviews were taken from the key informants to gain insight into the factors responsible for language shift and/or maintenance. Efforts were made to incorporate the element of narrative inquiry in the interviews, focusing on the participants’ experiences to provide insiders’ account, i.e., emic view. Although narrative inquiry is useful for capturing the detailed stories or life experiences of the lives of a small number of individuals, this element was incorporated during the interviews of only those participants who showed willingness to share their life experiences. It was necessary to record the interviews so that they can be listened to again and transcribed for a comprehensive analysis. For this reason, prior permission of the interviewees was taken. Luckily, none of the interviewees had any reservation being audio-recorded. In fact, some of them were excited when they were told that their interview will be recorded. In order to make the participants feel at ease, they were given the freedom to respond to the interview questions either in Urdu or English or use Urdu/English bilingual discourse. Very few participants responded to the questions only in English, while most of them employed Urdu to English/ English to Urdu code-switching throughout the interview. Moreover, there were some participants who mostly used Urdu during the interview except the insertion of a few English lexical items. Furthermore, there were a few key informants who also requested that the interview questions be asked in Urdu. So, I interviewed them in Urdu to make them feel at ease. In order to collect rich data for the study, it was necessary to use triangulation, as it is “widely associated with the concept of credibility of research findings” (Angouri, 2010, p. 34). For this reason, I visited Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi to find information about the work that is done on Burushaski language and the literature produced in the language. The books, documents and other archives related to Burushaski have been explored to see where the language stands. I also managed to conduct ‘elite interviews’. The term ‘elite interview’ is used by Gillham (2000) to refer to an interview taken from someone in an authoritative position. I conducted four elite interviews in all: three of them were face to face interviews while one of them was a telephonic one.The first elite interview I conducted was of Dr Shahnaz Hunzai, the Director of the Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi, while the second interview was of Dr Parveen Ashraf, the Executive Director of Potohar Organization for Development Advocacy (PODA), who also works for the Burushaski Research Academy in Islamabad. The aim of conducting both these interviews was to get specific details about the nature of work taking place in the Burushaski Research Academy and the views of these scholars about the current status of Burushaski language and its use by the young generation within the Burusho community. The third elite interview was of Mr. Naseem Haider, the Director of Forum for Language Initiatives (FLI). I also visited the office of (Forum for Language Initiatives (FLI) in Islamabad to find out about the nature of work that is being done on the local languages of Pakistan. Besides the three face-to-face interviews, I also conducted a telephonic interview of Mr. Pervesh Shaheen, a scholar working on the local languages of Pakistan. The details of all these elite interviews are discussed in chapter 8, based on interview analysis where besides presenting the key-informants’ perspective, I have shared scholars’ point of view regarding the current position of local languages in general and Burushaski language in particular. After interviewing the Burusho participants and the scholars, I visited Hunza to have informal interaction with the Burusho community to discover their views about the use of Burushaski among the young generation of Burushaski speakers studying in Karachi. Although I could not visit Nagar and Yasin because of the financial constraints, the interaction with the locals in Hunza provided some useful information which was employed to crosscheck the validity of some of the claims the key informants and the scholars made in their interview. Since more than one data collection instrument was employed for gathering data for the study, it took almost 14 months to complete the entire data collection process. 5.3.1 Experience of field-work and the challenges faced during data collectionAfter making changes in the questionnaire through piloting, I started the field work required for the study in the last week of January, 2016. Since the new semester commenced on Wednesday, 20thof January 2016, I started the data collection from Monday 25th of January as most of the students do not join the university in the first few days of the semester. I planned to complete the first phase of the data collection that required getting the SEV questionnaire filled from the Burushaski speakers studying on the campus within two months. However, I had to do a great deal of spadework before administering the questionnaire. I consulted the teachers I was acquainted with in other departments to seek their help in having access to the students they teach. Some teachers helped me to a great extent as they not only provided me the names of the students with Burushaski background,but also allowed me to get the questionnaire filled by gathering the students at one place. Nevertheless, there were many teachers who did not help; they promised to provide me the names of Burushaski speakers studying in their department but did not do so. There were quite a few teachers who took the linguistic profile form that I had requested them to get filled from their students so that I could later contact the students and request them to participate in the study, but they either misplaced the form or kept procrastinating. It was extremely frustrating to run after such teachers so I abandoned the idea of approaching them and relied on my own search for the participants. It was tiring but rewarding in the sense that I was able to get the questionnaire filled from 31 students within two weeks. I started the data collection by visiting the Research Centers and institutes on the university campus. It was a big challenge to locate Burushaski speakers from each department and Research centre but it was more challenging to request them to fill the SEV questionnaire. Initially I introduced myself as a researcher to the students, which did not help much asmost of the female students refused to fill the questionnaire and asked me to come some other day. They had reservations sharing any information with me. One reason could be the feeling of insecurity that female students have in our society in general. The degree of insecurity is high in case of female students who travel to Karachi from the remote areas of the country for studies. Since there are cultural differences, they take time to mingle with those outside their own group. It must be mentioned here, that there was a marked difference between the male and female students’ response to my request for participating in the study and their degree of cooperation. The male Burushaski students were found to be far more cooperative than the female students.The gender difference regarding cooperation could be attributed to the cross-gender communication. Males are often observed to be polite and cooperative when they are engaged in interaction with the opposite gender. In fact, some of the male Burushaski speakers were cooperative to the extent that they helped me access other Burushaski speakers studying in their department. For the female students, nevertheless, my identity as a researcher was not enough to convince them to participate in the study. It was only after a cold response from some of them in the first few weeks of my fieldwork that I decided to project my identity as a teacher from the Department of English, University of Karachi. The projection of this identity proved to be more fruitful in the sense that those female Burushaski speakers who had refused earlier not only agreed to become my research participants but also apologized for the cold response they had given earlier. Nevertheless, the readiness with which the male Burushaski students responded to my request was found missing in the female Burushaski students. There were quite a few female students who had reservations sharing their cell number, so they just shared their email address. Besides this, when I approached the female participants for a detailed interview in the second phase of the study by contacting them through email or text message, some of them did not respond to my request for an interview. There were a few female participants who would not even receive my calls, which was in contrast to the male participants’ instant response.In fact, some of the male Burushaski speakers went out of the way to help me for which I am and will always remain indebted to them. There were two male key informants, for instance, who visited my office for the interview despite the fact that they had no class that day. Besides this, most of the male research participants also invited me to visit their hometown to have a closer look at the Burusho community. This does not mean that the female participants were not cooperative. Except a few of them, who did not respond to my request for the interview, the rest of them managed to spare time for the interview despite their busy schedule and were very friendly. As mentioned earlier, the first phase of the data-collection based on administering the questionnaire was completed by the end of March, 2016. It was the middle of the semester and I was engaged in teaching two M. Phil. courses along with my research, so it was difficult to begin the second phase of the research immediately. I had to first analyze the participants’ responses in order to select the key-informants for an in-depth interview. I was able to select the key-informants for the second phase after the completion of the semester in May but the research participants became busy in their exams and were not available for the interview. However, I managed to convince some participants who agreed to meet me for the interview after their exams. This way I was able to interview eight out of the thirty participants I had selected as the key informants for my study. In order to interview the remaining 22 key-informants I had to wait till the beginning of the second semester as most of the participantshad gone to their native towns during the semester break to avoid Karachi’s hot weather in the month of Ramadan. The ones who did not plan to visit their native town were reluctant to visit the university during vacations, either because of their job or family commitments. Thus, the data-collection came to a halt for two months. However, I utilized this gap in transcribing the eight interviews that I had conducted. The transcription of interviews was very demanding and required a great deal of patience as I had to listen to the recording again and again to capture the minute details. Listening to the recordings again and again helped me refine my interviewing techniques for interviewing the remaining key informants. For instance, in the first two interviews that I had conducted, I realized after listening to the recording that I dominated the conversation at certain points which led to the less detailed responses of the interviewees. So, I decided not to include them in the data analysis. These interviews served the purpose of piloting and helped me overcome the limitations I had identified. So, in the remaining interviews that had to be conducted, I tried my best to minimize my talk and give the key informants a chance to speak more in order to elicit their detailed responses. For each interview that was audio-recorded, an effort was made to transcribe it the same week as after a certain period of time it is difficult to remember the context and the related details.Although I had planned to resume the data-collection after the beginning of the second semester in the last week of July, I could not resume it before the second week of August as quite a few research participants who had gone to their native towns during the semester break returned by mid-August. Moreover, there were research participants from the evening programme who became busy in their exams after the beginning of the semester. Since their semester ended a week before Ramadaan, their exams were scheduled after the vacations. Despite all the hurdles, I managed to interview 12 more key informants by the end of August 2016. Nevertheless, the transcription of these interviews took a great deal of time as besides simple transcription, there were quite a few interviews that also required transliteration because they were conducted in either Urdu or Urdu/English bilingual discourse as per the request of the interviewees. Since some of the key-informants claimed not to be proficient enough in English and were therefore hesitant to respond in English, they requested to be interviewed in Urdu, so I had to comply with their request. Initially I had planned to complete the entire data collection process by the end of September, 2016, but it did not seem to be possible to achieve the set target owing to the participants’ class timings; it was particularly difficult to conduct interview of the key-informants from the science faculty, because they were busy in their lab work after their classes. Then the students’ week in September also disturbed the plan for conducting the remaining interviews. Moreover, I had to go out of the city in mid-October for two weeks for presenting in two conferences, one in Lahore, the other in Islamabad as a result of which the key-informants’ interviews were delayed further. Nevertheless, I utilized my visit to Islamabad for my research by conducting two elite interviews: one interview was of Dr Parveen Ashraf, the other was of Mr Naseem Haider. I managed to conduct the interviews of the remaining ten key-informants on my return to Karachi, as a result of which the data-collection process based on interviewing the participants was completed by the end of November 2016. However, the plan to visit GB to interact with the local Burusho community had yet to be implemented. Initially I had planned to visit all the three valleys of GB (Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin) to interact with the local Burusho community in the middle of 2016, but because of some academic activities I could not, and by the end of 2016 it was not possible because of the heavy snowfall there. When I finalized the trip in 2017, I realized that it would not be feasible for me to visit all the three valleys because of my limited budget. Therefore, I decided to visit only Hunza as it is not only inhabited by a vast majority of Burushaski speakers but is also more developed as compared to Nagar and Yasin. It was only after interacting with the locals in Hunza in March 2017 that my entire data collection process came to an end. 5.3.2 Rapport established with the participants Since more than one data collection instrument was used to gather data from the Burusho students who participated in the study, it was necessary to stay in touch with them throughout the study. For this reason, I maintained a research diary carrying the contact number and email address of all the research participants so that they could be contacted easily. I approached them not only for data-collection, but also tried to be in contact with them by sharing informative messages and greetings on special occasions, like Ramadaan, Eid, Independence Day, etc. on Whats App. Since I administered the questionnaire using face-to face technique, instead of using self-administered or electronic means, not only was I able to provide them explanation where required, but was also able to utilize the opportunity to engage in informal interaction with them to make them feel at ease. The students who had some reservations considering my identity as a teacher, ceased to have such reservations as a result of the informal interaction that I had with them in Urdu. My identity as a teacher from English Department was no more perceived as a threat to their limited proficiency in English. In order to minimize this threat, I also encouraged them to ask for translation of any item on the questionnaire if they fail to comprehend it in English. There were hardly a few students who requested for explaining a few items through translation. Majority of them had no difficulty in comprehending and responding to the items in the questionnaire. 5.4 Ethical ConsiderationsNo research is useful if it lacks credibility and the credibility of any research depends on the researchers’ strict adherence to ethics. Following the research ethics, an informed consent of the participants was taken and none of the participants was forced to be a part of the study. The aim of the study was also shared with all the participants. For the purpose of maintaining confidentiality, the names of the participants have not been used anywhere in the entire study. In order to refer to them, pseudonyms have been employed throughout so that their identity remains concealed. As far as the scholars who were approached for the elite interview are concerned, their real names are used in the thesis after seeking their formal consent. The principles of ethics also demand that the participants are not exploited during or after the data-collection process.The participants were given the assurance that the study will not harm them in any way. In order to ensure that there is no exploitation, participants’ convenience was also taken care of. They were not forced to make themselves available for data-collection at the expanse of missing their classes or other academic activities. Adherence to ethics also implies empowerment of the research participants. One way of empowering the research participants is to share the results of the study with them. Another way to empower them is to help them remove whatever gaps are found in their knowledge. I promised to share the results of my research with the participants after the submission of the thesis. Sincere efforts were also made to inculcate or strengthen the participants’ sense of belonging to the heritage language and culture in case it was found missing or weak in the research participants by encouraging them to make some meaningful contribution in the promotion of their language and culture. I encouraged the participants to collaborate with the Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi so that the academy can utilize their talent and encourage them to work for the promotion of their language. Besides this, in order to motivate the students to participate in research studies in future as well, I gave each student a book for improving their communication skills in English as a token of appreciation for participating in this research. Since the students from the Northern areas face problems in communication in English, giving them a book that could help them work on their soft skills, was one way of empowering them. Moreover, I not only promised to offer help to the participants in whatever capacity I could, but actually helped them on several occasions. One of the participants, for instance, approached me for guiding him to prepare for his marked presentation for English Compulsory. So, I helped him prepare for the presentation. A few participants also approached me to seek help for a role-play in English. So, I provided them the help they needed. Besides this, one of the female students from the final year requested me to write a letter to her hostel’s Provost in English asking her to allow her two months’ extension so that she could stay in the hostel till the submission of her thesis. Since she had difficulty writing the letter, I wrote it on her behalf. 5.5 ConclusionIn this chapter an effort is made to provide details of the methodological framework employed for the study with complete justification. The chapter also provides information about the research participants and traces the stages of research by providing a detailed account of the sample size, sampling procedures, and data-collection instruments along with the challenges faced during each stage of the study. The chapter ends with a note on ethics. By providing all the preliminary details, the chapter prepares the ground for the proceeding chapters based on data-analysis. CHAPTER SIXESTABLISHING FOUNDATION FOR THE QUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS6.0 IntroductionIn this chapter I have presented the baseline for comprehensive analysis of the data gathered through the questionnaire that has been designed to study the use of language(s) of the young Burushaski speakers studying at Karachi University in order to explore the degree of language shift and subjective ethnolinguistic vitality among the Burusho community living in Karachi. The chapter acts as a prologue to the questionnaire analysis which helps establish the foundation for the analysis of the data. The first section of the chapter deals with discussing the objective ethnolinguistic vitality of Burushaski language and the Burusho community, which helps establish the link with the subjective ethnolinguistic vitality, while in the second section I have presented some factual details, required for the analysis and interpretation of the responses on the subjective ethnolinguistic vitality questionnaire in the next chapter.6.1 Objective Ethnolinguistic Vitality of BurushaskiThe vitality of any ethnolinguistic group can be high, medium or low depending on status factors, demographic factors, and institutional support (Giles, et al., 1977). The 12 criteria mentioned by Edwards (1992) for determining the Objective Ethnolinguistic Vitality (OEV) of a language can also be used for determining the OEV of Burushaski. These criteria include: demography, geography, history, religion, media, politics, linguistics, constitutional support, education, economics, autonomy and literary heritage. Demography Unlike hundreds of indigenous languages that have just a few speakers left and are therefore on the verge of extinction, Burushaski is a language that according to Gordon (2005) has 87,049 speakers in Pakistan. Nevertheless, comparing this number with the total population of Pakistan we cannot deny that it is a minority language not only socio-economically and politically but also numerically. In Srinagar, (Indian Occupied Kashmir), according to Munshi (2006) the language is spoken by roughly 300 speakers, while Ahmed (2016) mentions the number of Burushos in Srinagar to be 350. Comparing the number of Burushos in Pakistan with those in Srinagar, however, it can be stated that the language has better chances of survival in Pakistan if intergenerational transmission of the language continues.Geography Although Burushaski is an indigenous language spoken in a few valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan, including Hunza, Nagar, Yasin, Gojal and Ghizer, the language is not just confined to these areas alone. For Burushos are also settled in some major cities of the country, like Abbottabad, Gilgit, Islamabad, Karachi, and Lahore. As mentioned in chapter three, section 3.1, based on Burushaski language and its speakers, a small number of Burushaski speakers also live in Srinagar. Moreover, some Burusho families have also moved to foreign countries for better job prospects, while many young Burushos especially from the Ismaili community succeed in getting foreign scholarship for higher studies in countries like UK, USA, Canada, Australia and China. This means that the Burushos are not only limited to Pakistan but are also present in other countries carrying their language across the border. History The Burushos have a history of their own. It would not be an exaggeration to state that they have royal blood in their veins. The Mirs of Hunza who ruled Hunza for more than 500 years belonged to the Burusho community (Jaamai & Hashmi, 2004). The Barcha family which is the oldest family of Ginesh village in Hunza valley also belongs to the Burusho community. Besides this, there are many myths and legends associated with the Burushos, which make them distinct from the other ethno-linguistic groups of GB. The Burushos also participated in the struggle for freedom from the British and the Dogra Raj. The Burushos have made their presence felt not only at the national but also at the international level. Some of the most prominent mountaineers belong to the Burusho community. Mr Ashraf Aman, a Burusho, became the first Pakistani to summit K-2 for which he received the Pride of Performance from the government of Pakistan. Another mountaineer, Mr Nazir Sabir, a Burusho born in Hunza, became the first Pakistani who climbed Mount Everest. He is the recipient of two of the most prestigious awards given by the government of Pakistan: Pride of Performance in 1982 and Sitara-e-Imtiaz in 2001. Another significant name is that of Samina Baig, a Burusho who has the honour of being the first Pakistani woman to climb Mount Everest. Like Nazir Sabir, Samina Baig is also the recipient of Sitara-e-Imtiaz. The historical achievements of the Burushos add to their objective ethnolinguistic vitality as a group. ReligionThe vitality of a language heightens if the language is used in the domain of religion and Burushaski is one of those languages that hold a significant place in the religious domain. Since majority of the Burushos speaking the Nagar dialect are ehl-e-tashi’, there are nohaaz and marsiaaz (poetic forms) written and recited in Burushaski language to mourn the tragic incident of Karbala in the month of Moharram (the first month of the Islamic calendar). Unlike the Burushos of Srinagar, who according to Ahmed (2016) recite Balti nohaaz and marsiaaz in the month of Moharram, the ehl-e-tashi’ Burusho community in Pakistan recite them in their mother tongue, i.e., Burushaski. Besides these poetic forms written and recited in Burushaski, the Burushos, particularly from Hunza, who belong to the Ismaili sect, recite sufi kalaam (divine poetry) which they call ‘gayaan’ in Burushaski. Furthermore, Burushaski is the only language spoken in Gilgit-Baltistan in which the Holy Quran’s translation is available. As mentioned in chapter three, section 3.1.4, Ghulam Ghulamuddin Hunzai has translated Quran in Burushaski language. Considering the availability of religious literature in Burushaski, the objective ethnolinguistic vitality of the language cannot be questioned. Media Media can play a pivotal role in the projection of an ethnolinguistic group to promote its language and culture, which in turn can heighten the ethnolinguistic vitality of that group. Both print and electronic media provide a platform for raising linguistic and cultural awareness among the masses regarding the importance of preserving and promoting their indigenous language and culture which is essential for saving the linguistic and cultural diversity of any multilingual country.However, the role that media is playing in the projection of indigenous languages in Pakistan is far from satisfactory. Except a few regional languages, that get media projection, a vast majority of the local languages either receive limited or no projection at all through media. What makes the objective ethnolinguistic vitality of Burushaski low is also its limited projection through media. There is only one cable channel Sujo Hunzo that telecasts Burushaski programmes in Gilgit-Baltistan but it is a private channel and is only available in GB. PTV, which is a government channel, telecasts news in Balti and Shina on daily basis but no such news transmission is available in Burushaski language. Although Radio Pakistan telecasts news in Burushaski language for the Burushos living in Gilgit-Baltistan, no such facility is available for the Burusho community settled in Karachi where many Burusho families are settled on permanent basis. Besides this, there is neither any newspaper nor any magazine published in Burushaski, which is a proof of negligence on the part of the government. Nevertheless, the government cannot be solely held responsible for neglecting Burushaski language; the Burusho community is also responsible to a certain extent. There has not been any initiative to demand media projection for Burushaski language on PTV, which reflects the Burushos’ indifference towards the promotion of Burushaski language and culture. 6.1.6 PoliticsPolitics is one of those domains of power which influences other domains. The groups that are politically powerful are the ones that are engaged in decision making at all levels. As far as the Burushos are concerned, they have always occupied important posts in the political landscape of Gilgit-Baltistan. The princely states of Hunza and Nagar were ruled by the Mirs in the past who belonged to the Burusho community. Not only were the Burushos politically powerful in the past but their political power is also evident in the contemporary politics of GB as they have their representation in the GB Assembly. The current governor of Gilgit-Baltistan, Mir Ghazanfar Ali Khan is a Burusho; the former speaker of GB, Mr. Wazir Baig is a Burusho and so is Mir Saleem, who is one of the current members of GB Assembly. Like the Burusho men, the Burusho women also hold important positions in the political landscape of GB. For instance, Ms Rani Atiqa, who is a member of the Legislative Assembly, GB, is a Burusho. Similarly, Dr Parveen Ashraf, a Burushaski speaker from Hunza, who is currently working as the Executive Director of Potohar Organization for Development Advocacy (PODA) and is also affiliated with the Burushaski Research Academy Islamabad, was a former member, Legislative Assembly, GB. In short, the Burushos are politically powerful in GB despite being less in number than Shina and Balti speakers. They have always played a major role in the politics of Gilgit-Baltistan. Late Haider Shah Rizvi, for instance, a prominent leader of the Balawaristan National Front (BNF), who fought for the rights of the people of GB also belonged to the Burusho community. Besides their active participation in politics, the Burushos also hold key positions in other fields. One example is that of Izhar Ali Hunzai, a research scholar who received two scholarships, one from the USAID and the other from Aga Khan Foundation. He is on the Board of several public and private sector institutions in Pakistan, including member Senate, Karakorum International University and member Prime Minister’s panel on “Vision 2030”. The Burushos have also been a part of the Northern Light Infantry (NLI), a military regiment of Pakistan Army. Some prominent Burushos who have served the armed forces include: Air Commodore Nihal Shah, Brigadier Ghulam Mehdi, and Brigadier Rashidullah Baig, who is also the recipient of the Pride of Performance. However, the Burushos do not enjoy the same power in Karachi where they are a minority group. Most of the Burusho families living in Karachi reside in less-developed areas of the city. Moreover, a vast majority of the Burusho students, particularly male students, living without their families in Karachi are engaged in doing part-time jobs for survival and are neither economically nor politically strong. 6.1.7 Linguistics Being the only language isolate of Pakistan, Burushaski has been the centre of interest among research scholars across the world since 1920s. Barbour (1921), for instance, wrote an article on Burushaski language in 1921. Since then the etymological, morphological, phonological, semantic as well as syntactic features of Burushaski have been studied in detail (Anderson, 1997; Backstrom, 1992; Bashir, 1985, 1996, 2000a, 2000b; Berger, 1966; 1985; ?a?ule, 1998, Frembgen, 1997; Grunes, 1998; Karim, 2013; Lorimer, 1937; Munshi, 2012; Tiffou, 2000; Toporov, 1970; Varma, 1941). Besides these linguistic features, research is also conducted on Burushaski verbs (Karim, 2011; Tiffou & Yves-Charles, 1982; Willson, 1996). The presence of a vast body of research on different aspects of Burushaski language speaks for its vitality. 6.1.8 Constitutional SupportBurushaski is a language which, like other indigenous languages of Pakistan, is not given any constitutional support. Although it is included in the thirteen languages proposed to be made the national languages of Pakistan in the Special Report of the Standing Committee that was presented in the National Assembly in March 2014, so far no decision has been taken in this regard. Since Burushaski does not enjoy constitutional support, it does not have access to the domains of power in Karachi where it is a minority language. 6.1.9 Education The Burushos, especially from the Hunza valley have a keen interest in education which is evident from the high literacy rate in that valley. Almost every Burusho in Hunza from a shopkeeper to a tourist guide is literate and can communicate in Urdu and English to a large extent. Not only do the Burushos provide the basic education to their children, but also send them to cities for higher education. Although a vast majority of Burushaski speakers are literate and many of them take interest in seeking higher education, not many of them are literate in their mother tongue. Burushaski Research Academy plans to prepare materials for providing mother tongue education in Burushaski and has already started working on pictorial dictionary for children in Burushaski language, but mother tongue education in Burushaski has not started yet. Judged against the absence of institutional support of any kind in the domain of education, Burushaski language scores low on the objective ethnolinguistic vitality scale. 6.1.10 EconomicsLike other indigenous languages of Pakistan, Burushaski is not an ideal language from economic point of view as proficiency in Burushaski does not help access lucrative jobs. In fact, there are no job opportunities available on the basis of either being orally proficient or literate in Burushaski. It is neither the language of business and commerce nor is it the language of education. For the Burushos living in a non-native environment, especially in urban centers, the language does not yield any economic benefits. It may be economically beneficial for the traders and tourists to have knowledge of Burushaski in Hunza, Nagar and other valleys where it is spoken by the majority, but in Karachi there is no material benefit of having knowledge of Burushaski. Considering the absence of any material benefit associated with Burushaski in Karachi, the language scores low on the OEV scale. 6.1.11Autonomy The fact that Burushaski is a language isolate and does not belong to any language family makes it distinct from all other languages and speaks for its autonomy. Since Burushaski is a completely autonomous language, it has a rich store of lexical items. However, because of the young Burusho speakers’ inadequate exposure to Burushaski in Karachi and other cities, lexical borrowing from Urdu and English has become a common practice. The trend of lexical borrowing is not only found among the Burushaski speakers living in urban centers but is also found in the villages of GB because of the influence of media and the native people’s interaction with the local and foreign tourists in different valleys of GB, particularly Hunza where even the names of the shops are written in English. 6.1.12 Literary Heritage Besides the availability of religious literature, books are available on Burushaski grammar, proverbs and folktales. Other than that, two bilingual dictionaries: Burushaski-German and Burushaski-Urdu have also been published and are available for those who wish to learn the language. Moreover, Allama Nasir Hunzai has written extensively in and on Burushaski since 1940. Some of his books were published by the Burushaski Research Academy on the completion of 50 years of his writing to celebrate the golden jubilee of Allama Nasir Hunzai’s contribution in preserving and promoting Burushaski. The books include: Buru?aski Burjoonin, Buruso Birkis, Saweene Barin., Basic Burushaski, Asqurine Basi, and Burushaski Jawahir Paray. He also wrote the first comprehensive book on Burushaski grammar and pronunciation titled: Shamul Boq published by Burushaski Research Academy in collaboration with the Bureau of Composition, Compilation and Translation, University of Karachi in 2003. One of the literary genres that the Burushos have exploited to a great extent is poetry. There are quite a few contemporary poets writing in Burushaski to enrich Burushaski language and literature. The existence of literature in Burushaski is a sign of the language having a high OEV. After applying the 12 criteria proposed by Edward (1992) for determining the OEV of a language, it can be inferred that the overall OEV of Burushaski though not very high is not very low either. The language being autonomous with a rich history and culture holds a distinctive place in the linguistic map of the world. Burushaski may be considered threatened, especially in Karachi because of the absence of any kind of institutional support including media and education, but to call it a moribund language would be an overstatement as its intergenerational transmission has not completely stopped. Moreover, it is not only a widely researched language, but there is also a written body of literature available in the language which shows chances of its preservation and promotion. I now turn to the factual information related to those Burushaski speakers who participated in the study, as this information serves as the basis for the questionnaire analysis in the next chapter. 6.2 Information Based on the Profile of the ParticipantsAs mentioned in chapter five based on methodology, besides the questions in the Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality Questionnaire used for the study, which comprised four sections with a series of close-ended questions each designed with a different focus and design, the cover page of the questionnaire required the respondents to fill in some basic information about themselves and their family. It is that basic information which is presented in this section along with critical comments which pave the ground for a thorough analysis in chapter 7. 6.2.1Ratio of the speakers of the three dialects of Burushaski When I started my search for Burushaski speakers on the university campus, I was not much concerned about the dialect of Burushaski they spoke, as my research does not focus on the grammar of Burushaski language but the native speakers of Burushaski. Nevertheless, it was only after piloting the questionnaire and having informal interactions with the Burusho community that I realized the significance of finding out the numerical strength of the speakers of each of the three dialects of Burushaski (Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin dialect) spoken in Pakistan. As is evident from the name of each of the dialects of Burushaski, Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin, these dialects are distinguished on the basis of the region the speakers belong to. Hunza, Nagar and Yasin are the three valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan; the Burusho community living in each of these valleys speaks a regional dialect that is different if not mutually unintelligible. These, regional dialects, however, not only provide information about the region the Burushos belong to, but also indicate the religious sects they represent. For instance, a vast majority of the speakers of Hunza dialect belong to the Ismaili community with a very small Sunni population, while majority of the Burushos speaking the Nagar dialect are ehl-e-tashi’. As far as the Burushos speaking Yasin dialect are concerned, there are very few Ismailis among them. Majority of them are Shia’ with a small group of Sunnis. Table (7) represents the numerical strength of the speakers of each of the three dialects. It must be noted here that the percentage of the speakers of each of the three dialects given in the table is based on the data gathered from the research participants studying at Karachi University alone and therefore should not be applied to the entire Burusho community living in Gilgit-Baltistan or all those who have moved to Karachi either temporarily or on permanent basis. Table (7): Numerical strength of the research participants speaking the three dialects of BurushaskiSpeakers of Hunza DialectSpeakers of Nagar DialectSpeakers of Yasin Dialect57%30%13%As evident from the percentage mentioned in table (7), 57% Burushaski speakers from Hunza are currently studying in different departments of the University of Karachi as compared to the 30% Burushos from Nagar and 13% from Yasin. This huge difference in the proportion of Burushaski speakers from the three areas of GB is noteworthy. Inquiring about the reasons behind the highest number of Burushaski speakers from Hunza studying at Karachi University, I learnt that the Burushos of Hunza being Ismailis lay greater emphasis on education and get immense support from the Aga Khan Foundation as a result of which they not only get more opportunities to study in large urban centers within the country but also get a chance to study abroad. Besides this, many schools and colleges have been established in Hunza in the last ten to fifteen years as result of which the literacy rate in Hunza is reported to be almost 98%, which is the highest literacy rate not only in that region but also in the entire country. In contrast to Hunza, Nagar and Yasin are less developed areas and therefore the literacy rate there is much lower than that in Hunza. Moreover, the people in Nagar and Yasin are more interested in business than in education and this interest in business has increased after the opening of Pak-China economic corridor. This does not mean that the Burushos of Nagar and Yasin are not interested in education. There are quite a few Burushos from Nagar and Yasin who are currently studying in different departments of the University of Karachi. They manage to get higher education despite the fact that they get limited opportunities as compared to the Burushos coming from Hunza, who are greater in number than the speakers of Nagar and Yasin dialects. One more reason behind the high percentage of Burushaski speakers from Hunza is that the Burushos of Hunza give equal opportunities to both males and females to attain higher education which is evident from a vast number of female Burushaski speakers from Hunza studying in different departments of the University of Karachi. Most of them reside in the Girls’ Hostel on the campus. Unlike the Burushos of Hunza, the Burushaski speakers from Nagar and Yasin are a little conservative with regard to female education. This information was shared by some of the Burushaski participants from Nagar and Yasin during the informal interactions I had with them after they filled the questionnaire for the study. 6.2.2 Percentage of the Burusho participants with reference to their place of birthIt was discovered through the data gathered from the participants that a large majority of Burushaski speakers studying at Karachi University were born in different villages and towns of Gilgit-Baltistan. Most of the participants’ birth place is Hunza; some of them were born in other valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan, like Gojal, Ghizer, Nagar 1, Nagar 2, Oshinkhandas, Yasin, etc., while there were quite a few participants who also reported that they were born in the main Gilgit city. However, a few participants also reported Karachi as their place of birth. Table (8): Percentage of the Burusho participants with reference to their place of birthHometownKarachiFemale participants93%10%Male participants94%8%Total91%9%The information about the participants’ place of birth is relevant for this study as it plays a crucial role in understanding their linguistic choices and the degree of mother tongue exposure they have had in the formative years of their life. 6.2.3 Nature of residence of the Burusho community in Karachi A considerable number of Burushaski speakers studying at Karachi University are either residing in hostels or shared rooms/apartments and have lived in Karachi without their family members for several years. Nevertheless, there are quite a few Burushaski speakers who are living with their family members in Karachi. Among those who live with their families in Karachi, very few reside in bungalows and are not financially stable. Table (9) provides a snapshot of the settlement patterns of the male and female Burusho participants: Table (9): Settlement patterns of the Burusho students studying at Karachi UniversityHostelApartmentHouseBungalowShared room in an apartment Female participants40%33%22%5%zeroMale participants17%38%32%3%10%Total28%36%28%4%8%The data in table (9) show that majority of the female Burushaski students (40%) reside in hostels, while most of the male Burusho students (38%) reside in apartments either with their family members or relatives. Because of the absence of boys’ hostel on the university campus, there are quite a few male students (10%) who live in shared rooms on rent in areas close to the university. Since a considerable number of Burushaski speakers live as a close-knit community in Karachi, as is evident from the localities where they reside, there are strong chances of Burushaski language maintenance. For it has been observed in a variety of multilingual settings that the greater the concentration of minority language speakers in a locality, the greater are the chances of language maintenance, whereas the more dispersed the speakers are the greater are the chances of language shift in a community (Alba, Logan , Lutz, & Stults, 2002; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996; Potowski, 2004; Sofu, 2009). Whether the same holds true for the Burusho community in Karachi or not, is discussed in the next chapter which is based on the questionnaire analysis. However, there is enough research evidence suggesting a strong link between the settlement patterns and language shift/maintenance, particularly among the immigrants. 6.2.4 Number of months/years spent in Karachi The time spent in the native environment plays a crucial role in the speakers’ degree of attachment with one’s native language. The greater the distance between the speakers and their native environment, the lesser is the degree of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality which in turn accelerates the process of language shift, as revealed through the findings of research studies on language shift and maintenance, particularly in case of immigrant minorities in bilingual and multilingual settings (Putz, 1995; Veltman, 2000; Wei, 1994). Although it is proved through research on language shift that the more a community stays away from the native environment, the greater are the chances of that community undergoing language shift from the mother tongue to the other tongue, particularly when the mother tongue has relatively low status or no status as compared to the mainstream language(s) spoken in the host community, it may not necessarily be true in case of every linguistic minority. There are a few linguistic groups that succeed in maintaining their language in the host community despite being away from their native environment. The Burushos living in Karachi can be considered one such linguistic group. Although there were quite a few research participants who reported not to have visited their home town since they have come to Karachi, they claimed to have strong emotional ties with Burusho identity in general and Burushaski language in particular. Moreover, many research participants despite living in Karachi for more than five years have reported not to have completely abandoned their language. In fact, some of them are actively engaged in maintaining their language and culture by organizing cultural events in the city. There are some Burushaski students who along with the Balti and Shina speakers from Gilgit-Baltistan also organize programmes to promote their culture in students’ week that is celebrated on the university campus every year. Nevertheless, there are a few Burushaski speakers, particularly those born in Karachi, whose emotional ties with their mother tongue are not strong enough for them to use and promote their language the way it is used and promoted by those who have spent the early years of their life in their native town. Their social networks for using Burushaski are much limited than those of the Burushos who were born in the native towns and had spent a considerable period of their childhood and adulthood in the native environment. Through the data based on the sociolinguistic profile of the Burushaski speakers who participated in the present research study, it can be observed that there is a considerable increase in the number of Burushaski speakers who have moved from their native towns to Karachi in the last 5 years. The most striking thing is the increase in the percentage of female Burushaski students in Karachi University in the last five years. This increase in the percentage of female Burushaski students implies emphasis on female education on the part of the Burusho community, particularly from Hunza as a vast majority of these students reported to have come from Hunza valley. The data in table (10) also show a significant difference between the percentage of female and male Burusho students who have recently come to Karachi for higher education and have spent less than a year here. As mentioned in table (10), there are only 6% male Burushos as compared to the 26% female Burushos who have recently moved to Karachi for higher education. Table (10): Percentage of participants according to the time spent in KarachiLess than a year1 to 5 yearsMore than 5 but less than 10 years10 years and aboveFemale Burushaski speakers26%60%4%10%Male Burushaski speakers6%45%21%28%Total percentage15%52%13%20%There are some reasons behind this low percentage of male Burushaski speakers coming to Karachi this year. One major reason as discovered through the informal interactions with the participants is the young Burushos’ interest in business after the opening of Pak-China economic corridor. There are quite a few young Burusho males who travel from Gilgit to China for business purpose while some of them have also availed themselves of the opportunity to study in China as it is closer to their area. Some young Burushaski speakers living in Karachi are also interested in going to China for business and education. This is the reason that they have taken admission in Confucius Chinese Language Institute at Karachi University and are taking active interest in learning Chinese which for them is now the language with greater economic power than English because of the possibility of doing business transactions with the Chinese. Besides this, the availability of many scholarships for Ismailis to study in UK, USA, and Germany, by the Aga Khan Foundation for the people of Gilgit has also led to a decline in the number of Burushaski students applying for admission in Karachi University. 6.2.5 Percentage of the participants who received their early education in KarachiThere were very few participants who claimed to have received their early education in Karachi and since they did not get their primary and secondary education in their home town, they claimed to have either poor literacy skills or no literacy in Burushaski. Table (11) provides the ratio of Burushaski speakers studying at Karachi University who attained their primary, secondary and tertiary education in Karachi. Table (11): Percentage of the Burusho participants who received their Primary, Secondary and Tertiary education in KarachiPrimarySecondaryTertiaryFemale Burushaski speakers7%12%21%Male Burushaski speakers13%37%55%Total 10%25%38%There is a significant difference in the ratio of male and female respondents who received their pre-university education in Karachi. As is evident from the data in table (11), the percentage of male respondents who received primary, secondary and tertiary education in Karachi is much higher than the percentage of the female participants which indicates that the male respondents have spent more time in Karachi and are more exposed to the mainstream language(s) Urdu and English as compared to the female participants, majority of who have not been in Karachi for more than five years. Although Burushaski is not taught in schools and colleges in Gilgit and other cities, towns, and villages of Gilgit-Baltistan, it is one of the mainstream languages spoken in Hunza valley, where the literacy rate is 98%. Being one of the valleys with a large number of Burushaski speakers, the language is also informally used as one of the media of instruction in many schools and colleges there. This situation fits one of the definitions of bilingual education employed by Dai, Teng, Guan, & Dong (1997) who defined bilingual education programme by using a dichotomy, “bilingual and bi-script programme” (implying the use of two written scripts) and “bilingual and monoliterate programme” (implying the use of a mainstream language and a minority language as the medium of instruction orally but the literacy skills being taught only in the mainstream language) in order to draw the distinction between written and oral means. Although literacy skills in Burushaski are not taught in schools and colleges in Gilgit, many children are introduced to Burushaski literature in their home environment through the religious teachings in the form of ‘gyaan’ and ‘manqabat’---- types of religious text. This is the reason that those Burushaski speakers who reported to have spent their childhood as well as their adulthood in Gilgit-Baltistan before moving to Karachi for higher education claimed to be literate in Burushaski. However, they did not claim to be proficient in reading and writing Burushaski which means they are very much conscious of their limited reading and writing abilities in their mother tongue. 6.2.6 Percentage of participants who received their pre-university education in different valleys in Gilgit-Baltistan A vast majority of Burushaski speakers who participated in this study reported having received their pre-university education either in their home town or the major cities of Gilgit-Baltistan, like Skardu or Central Gilgit. Receiving the basic education in their home town implies the availability of schools and colleges in that region. Table (12): Percentage of the participants who received their primary, secondary and tertiary education in different valleys in Gilgit-BaltistanPrimarySecondaryTertiaryFemale respondents 93%84%74%Male respondents 88%61%34%Total90%72%52%However, there were a few participants both male and female Burushos who also reported receiving their early education in cities like Abbottabad, Lahore, and Rawalpindi because their parents could afford to send them to these places so that they could get rich exposure. For higher education, all the research participants irrespective of where they had received their pre-university education from, preferred to move to Karachi, which has proved to be a turning point in their linguistic choices affecting their use of and proficiency in Burushaski. 6.3 ConclusionIn this chapter I have not only dealt with the OEV of Burushaski but have presented the facts and figures related to the speakers of the three dialects of Burushaski (Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin) who participated in the study. I have also provided information about their place of birth, the place of their primary, secondary and tertiary education, the nature of residence and the time they have spent in Karachi. All this information is utilized in the next chapter which deals with the questionnaire analysis. CHAPTER SEVENQUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS7.0 IntroductionThis chapter begins with revisiting the research questions followed by frequency analysis of the participants’ responses on the questionnaire. The chapter presents a detailed critical analysis of the themes that emerge on the basis of the gathered data. The participants’ responses to the items in each section of the questionnaire are analyzed with the aim to find out about their linguistic choices, particularly the frequency of the use of Burushaski language in Karachi to determine the degree of language shift and ethnolinguistic vitality. 7.1 Revisiting the Research QuestionsSince this chapter and the one that follows are based on data analysis, it is necessary to revisit the research questions stated in the first chapter to avoid any deviations. What are the linguistic choices of Burushaski speakers in different domains in Karachi? What factors are responsible for the linguistic choices of this indigenous minority group? What is the degree of language shift/maintenance and ethnolinguistic vitality of Burushaski speakers in Karachi?Are there any gender differences in their language choice and ethnolinguistic vitality? In order to answer these questions, a 44-item questionnaire was designed (See Appendix # B). The details of the questionnaire are provided in chapter five based on methodology. The following section presents the analysis of the items in each section of the questionnaire separately. 7.2 Analysis of Section A of the Questionnaire As already stated in the chapter on Methodology (Chapter 5; section no: 5.3), the first section of the questionnaire was based on 20 Yes/No questions which aimed at eliciting information ranging from simple factual details to knowledge-based and opinionated items. The responses to these questions also served the purpose of discovering the underlying attitude of the respondents towards their mother tongue. The most striking thing about this section was the response of the participants on the first item which aimed to discover the participants’ ability to use their mother tongue (See Section A of the Questionnaire in Appendix B). 7.2.1 Participants’ ability to speak Burushaski All the Burusho participants irrespective of whether they were born in their native town or in Karachi claimed that they can speak their mother tongue. The ability to speak one’s native language, particularly on the part of those born in Karachi, implies that the Burusho community settled in Karachi has not completely stopped intergenerational transmission of Burushaski. Applying the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) proposed by Lewis & Simon (2010) to test the status of Burushaski language, one can place Burushaski in grade 6(a), which according to the EGIDS is assigned to languages that are vigorous. According to the EGIDS formula, a language is considered vigorous if it is used by all generations as is also learned by children as their first language. Considering Burushaski a vigorous language is indicative of the fact that the intergenerational transmission of Burushaski has not stopped. However, it would be an overgeneralization to state that the intergenerational transmission of Burushaski is uninterrupted among the Burusho community living in Karachi. During my informal interactions with the Burushaski speakers who participated in this study and the ones who were selected as the key informants for a detailed interview later, I learnt that the Burusho children born in Karachi in the last ten years are not adequately exposed to Burushaski at home as a result of which they cannot speak Burushaski language with native-like fluency, while some of them cannot speak it altogether; they only have receptive skills in Burushaski. Since their parents and other family members interact with them in Urdu at home, the children cannot communicate in Burushaski. According to the information provided by some of the participants, the Burusho families that have started avoiding the use of Burushaski with their children are the ones that are financially strong as compared to those Burushaski speakers who belong to the lower or lower-middle class. It would not be wrong to state that there seems to be a strong connection between language and economy. It is a general observation that the weaker the economy of people, the stronger are their ties with their mother tongue whereas an uplift in the economic background widens the distance between the heritage language speakers and their language. The desire for improving the socio-economic status often compels minority language speakers to shift from the minority to the majority language that enjoys prestige. In other words, climbing the socio-economic ladder can lead to weakening of ties with one’s mother tongue as reported in different studies on language shift (Bleakley & Chin, 2004; Clingingsmith, 2006; 2007; 2011; Dustmann & van Soest, 2002; Saiz & Zoido, 2005). It is noteworthy that none of the Burusho speakers who participated in the study belonged to the upper-middle or the elite class. They were either from the lower, lower-middle, or the middle class. This economic background was inferred on the basis of the information they were required to provide about their father’s profession. A vast majority of the participants reported their father to be a teacher, a farmer, a tourist guide, a security guard, or a peon, etc. Very few participants reported their father to be in Army. Besides inferring their economic status through their father’s profession, their economic position was also inferred through their area of residence in Karachi. None of the participants reported living in any of the posh areas of Karachi. In fact, the areas that a majority of them reside in are the ones inhabited by the lower or the lower-middle class. Information about the participants’ area of residence is provided in the table based on the participants’ profile (See Appendix # A) and is also shared in chapter three that deals with the Burusho community and their language. 7.2.2 Participants’ ability to understand other dialects of Burushaski Although all the research participants claimed to have the ability to speak Burushaski, not all of them claimed to have the ability to understand or speak the dialects of Burushaski other than their own. Moreover, the speakers of Hunza and Nagar dialect who claimed to be able to understand each others’ dialect reported their inability to understand the Yasin dialect. This is not surprising because there are languages which have dialects that are mutually unintelligible. Chinese is one such language. Unlike Chinese, the three dialects of Burushaski do not have complete mutual unintelligibility; however, the degree of mutual intelligibility does exist to a certain extent between Hunza and Yasin dialects as well as between Nagar and Yasin dialects of Burushaski. Many participants who speak Hunza dialect claim to understand the Nagar dialect to some extent and the vice versa but they find it extremely difficult to understand the dialect of Burushaski spoken in the Yasin valley. The same holds true for the speakers of Nagar dialect who claim to understand Hunza dialect of Burushaski but they cannot understand the Yasin dialect.It must be mentioned here that the participants considered the Yasin dialect of Burushaski to be the standard dialect irrespective of the dialect of Burushaski they themselves speak. The participants speaking the Yasin dialect of Burushaski also claimed that the Burushos living in the Yasin valley speak original Burushaski. No such claim was made by the speakers of Hunza and Nagar dialects. 7.2.3 Participants’ ability to read and write in Burushaski A mismatch was found between the participants’ claim to have the ability to read and write in Burushaski. Although 63% participants reported having the ability to read Burushaski indicating their literacy in the mother tongue, 51% of them reported their inability to write in it. Among those participants who claimed to have the ability to write in Burushaski, there were many who revealed that they cannot write Burushaski in the original script that has special Burushaski alphabets. Instead of using that script, they use Roman script and that too for typing text messages when they have to interact with other Burusho speakers. There were very few who reported familiarity with the script in which books are published in Burushaski. However, those who claimed to have the ability to write in the Burushaski script with special Burushaski alphabets reported that they hardly write anything in Burushaski. One of the reasons that can be inferred behind the Burushos’ reluctance to write in Burushaski despite having the ability to do so is the absence of incentives required for enhancing people’s interest in their native language in our country. The language policy of our country is designed in such a way that it leaves no room for the indigenous languages to flourish. Based on the Assimilationist model of language planning, Pakistan’s language policy implicitly aims at the obliteration of native languages and cultures, and one of the strongest proofs of this lies in the education policy of the country. Unlike other multilingual countries where a considerable amount of budget is spent on providing mother tongue education and mother tongue literacy programmes are introduced at different levels, so that the indigenous speakers can avail themselves of the opportunities to utilize their knowledge of the mother tongue in different fields like education, media, translation, etc., there is no such incentive in the form of extrinsic motivation for mother tongue literacy in Pakistan. The result is that even those who can read and write in their mother tongue stop doing so and turn to the mainstream languages.7.2.4 Participants’ knowledge of Burushaski proverbs and folktales Proverbs and folktales embody many cultural aspects of a community. They not only help us understand the life style of people but also give us a glimpse of the world view they hold. With reference to proverbs, Wang (2012) has made an apt comment: “Proverbs, as essence of language and carrier of culture, can reflect people’s perspectives and systems of society and influence social concepts deeply.” (p. 152). Discussing the significance of folktales, Kitayama (2005) states that folktales “are useful cultural products for examining the issues with which people are concerned, the common problems they encounter, and the kind of coping methods that are prescribed for dealing with them” (p. 85). Hence, one of the ways of determining speakers’ command on their language and their knowledge about their culture is to discover if they are familiar with the proverbs and folktales in their language. It was therefore necessary for me to find out if the young Burusho living in Karachi have any familiarity with the folklore that exists in Burushaski language. In order to locate this information they were asked if they know any of the proverbs and folktales in Burushaski. The participants’ response to this question revealed an obvious gender difference. In contrast to 84% female participants who claimed to be familiar with Burushaski folktales, only 63% male Burushos who participated in this study claimed to have any familiarity with the folktales in their mother tongue. One reason behind the gender difference in response to the participants’ familiarity with folktales is that girls are made to spend more time with their mothers and grandmothers at home and are therefore exposed to these folktales while boys tend to spend more time outside their home. Unlike girls, boys are allowed to play outdoors as a result of which they get different linguistic exposure as compared to girls and this also results in the emergence of different styles of discourse when they grow up. Although there was not much gender difference in response to the question regarding the participants’ awareness about Burushaski proverbs, the female participants showed an edge over the male participants in this case as well. There were 79% female participants who responded in affirmative about their familiarity with Burushaski proverbs, whereas there were 72% male respondents who showed the same familiarity. Nevertheless, irrespective of their gender all the participants who claimed to be aware of some Burushaski proverbs reported that they hardly use them in their daily discourse. They reported having knowledge some of the proverbs because they had heard them from their parents and grandparents who still use them during their interactions. It must also be mentioned here that most of the participants who claimed to be familiar with folklore, including folktales and proverbs, in their mother tongue were the ones who had spent a considerable period of their childhood in their hometown, while among the ones born in Karachi there were hardly a few who showed any familiarity with this tradition. 7.2.5 Participants’ interest in Burushaski poetry and songsPoetry is a literary genre that is used as an effective medium for expressing emotions in different languages all over the world. There is a respectable body of poetic literature available in Burushaski. One of the poetic forms that is most commonly exploited is noha (dirge), which is written to express grief over the death of someone and in case of those Burushaski speakers who are ehl-e-tashi (representing one of the religious sects in Islam), nohaaz are written to express sorrow over the tragedy of Karbala and are recited in different majaalis (religious gatherings of the ehl-e-tashi in the month of Moharram, which is the first month according to the Islamic calendar). However, this is not the only poetic form exploited in Burushaski language. Burushaski poets have also experimented with romantic and divine poetry, including sufi kalaam, which they call “manqabat”. The importance of exposure to the poetry available in one’ mother tongue cannot be questioned as poetry is the language of emotions and therefore it helps people establish a very strong emotional bond with their language and culture, bringing them close to their roots. If the speakers of a particular language are exposed to the poetry written in their mother tongue, they become familiar with the subtleties in their language. The exposure through poetry not only enriches their lexicon but also their overall knowledge of the language and its socio-cultural norms. Among the participants who claimed to be literate, not all of them reported reading Burushaski poetry. Nevertheless, there was a considerable majority among the participants, i.e., 71% who reported reading Burushaski poetry, and most of them were ehl-e-tashi. It should not be forgotten that only 63% participants reported having the ability to read in Burushaski and that the percentage of those who reported reading Burushaski poetry is based on those 63% participants. Most of these respondents revealed later that they can only read that Burushaski poetry which is written in Roman script and is available on internet. A vast majority of them admitted that they cannot read Burushaski poetry that is written with special Burushaski alphabets. It was strange to discover that despite claiming to read Burushaski poetry most of the participants, who I had informal interaction with, did not even seem to be aware of the names of a few famous contemporary Burushaski poets; they could only mention Shahid Qalandri’s name, who according to them is not only a poet but also a singer.A vast majority of the participants had not read Allam Nasir Hunzai’s poetry, who was a very famous Burushaski poet as well as a religious scholar; they were even unaware of the fact that Allama Naseer Hunzai was the recipient of the title Baba-e-Burushaski. There were only 21% male participants as opposed to the 34% female Burushos who had this information and the strangest thing is that most of them did not consider this title apt for him because of his religious ideology which many people in the Burusho community do not believe in. It is not only the Burushos from Nagar and Yasin who oppose his ideology; a majority of Burusho people from Hunza also do the same. Since my research is not based on discussing the religious ideology of the Burusho community, I have refrained myself from making any evaluative judgments in the thesis. What concerns me is the knowledge of the young Burushos about Burushaski language and the literature produced in it. Therefore it was necessary for me to include a question about the name of the recipient of the title “Baba-e-Burushaski”. The response I received helped me determine the degree of vitality of Burushaski. It is clear from the participants’ response that their exposure to Burushaski poetry is extremely limited. Nevertheless, unlike the 71% participants who reported their exposure to Burushaski poetry through reading, there were 93% respondents who reported listening to Burushaski songs, which is a very high percentage. One thing that is worth mentioning here is that no significant gender difference was found among the participants’ response regarding their exposure to Burushaski poetry and songs. 7.2.6 Participants’ awareness about local TV channels telecasting programmes in Burushaski in Gilgit-Baltistan The importance of media, particularly electronic media, in the promotion of indigenous languages and cultures is indisputable. If media exposure can change the fate of individuals by turning them into popular or notorious figures, the same media exposure can also change the fate of lesser known indigenous languages. Quite a few indigenous languages of Pakistan including Burushaski have become the centre of attraction among field linguists, some of who have visited the Northern areas of Pakistan to study these languages and their users. The documentaries on the people of the North including Chitral, Kalash and Hunza valley and the languages spoken there broadcast on National Geography and other channels have made both the locals and the foreigners aware of the richness of linguistic and cultural diversity of Pakistan. However, projection of these languages and cultures by only making documentaries on them is not enough. What contributes more in the vitality of these languages and the cultures associated with them is broadcasting programmes in the indigenous languages on local TV channels so that these indigenous languages and cultures can be promoted in the real sense. There are quite a few private TV channels in Pakistan that have undertaken the responsibility of promoting indigenous languages and cultures. Some examples include, Apna Channel, KTN, Kashish TV, Khyber TV, Kuuk, Vash, etc. Although these channels project only a few indigenous languages, this kind of projection has inspired speakers of some other indigenous languages as well to project their language and culture on media. The result is that some private channels have started working on programmes in indigenous languages in different regions within the country. One example is that of Gilgit-Baltistan where Burushaski programmes are telecast on one of the local TV channels, Sujo Hunzo. Moreover, there is a radio channel FM 93 Gilgit that broadcasts programmes in Burushaski in Gilgit-Baltistan. Keeping in mind the telecasting of programmes in Burushaski through local TV and cable network channels in GB, the participants were asked if they are familiar with any such channel. The aim of asking this question was to see how much familiarity they have with their local media and how many of them are actually interested in watching the programmes telecast in Burushaski. According to the response to this question, 63% participants claimed to be aware of a local TV channel that broadcasts programmes in Burushaski, whereas 37% of them showed complete ignorance. Moreover, a significant gender difference was found in the participants’ response to this item. In contrast to 71% female Burushaski speakers who showed familiarity with the local TV channel that, according to them, telecasts programmes in Burushaski, only 55% male Burushaski speakers claimed to be aware of any such channel in their native town. The high degree of familiarity with the local channels on the part of the female participants is not at all surprising because girls, especially in the northern areas of Pakistan, spend more time indoors as compared to boys, who are more interested in outdoor sports. Since a vast majority of girls are not allowed to play outdoor sports, watching TV is one of their favourite leisure activities and therefore majority of the female participants claimed to be aware of the local channel that broadcasts programmes in Burushaski. Nevertheless, among the participants who claimed to be familiar with the channel telecasting programmes in Burushaski, majority of the participants failed to recall the name of the local channel as they do not have access to any such channel in Karachi. There was only one participant who was able to tell the name of the channel, which he was able to do so because of his affiliation with media. He not only sings Burushaski songs, but also performs traditional sword dance in cultural shows. He was selected as one of the key informants to get further details about the Burushos and their ideology. His interview along with other key informants’ interviews is analyzed in the next chapter based on interview analysis. 7.2.7 Participants’ ignorance about the existence of the Burushaski Research Academy in KarachiThere were only 7% participants (5% female and 9% male Burusho students), who reported to have visited Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi. It was very shocking to discover that even those Burusho speakers who have resided in Garden for several years (the area where the academy is located) have not visited or even heard the name of Burushaski Research Academy. In fact, they showed complete ignorance about the existence of such an academy in Karachi and were unaware of the research activities of this academy. Those who claimed to have visited it did not know much about the work that is done or being done on Burushaski in that academy. Besides this, the same ignorance was seen regarding the Burushaski speakers’ familiarity with the title, Baba-e-Burushaski, conferred on Allama Nassir-ud-Din Hunzai, as discussed earlier. There were eighty percent (80%) participants who did not know about this title and among those who knew, not many considered Allama Nasir-ud-Din Hunzai worthy of the title. Although they acknowledged Allama Nasir’s efforts to preserve and promote Burushaski language, they did not approve of his religious ideology which they think clashes with their religious ideology. 7.2.8 Participants’ familiarity with other Burushaski speakers on the campusOne of the signs of Burusho living as a close knit community is their sense of bonding which is evident from the participants’ familiarity with students sharing Burushaski language background in their department irrespective of the academic year and the programme they study in. There were 86% female respondents who claimed to be familiar with other Burusho speakers studying in their department/research centre, while 76% male respondents made a similar claim. Although there is not much gender difference in this case, this difference cannot be ignored. The high percentage of female participants’ familiarity with other Burushaski speakers in their department can be seen in terms of the high sense of group solidarity and the desire for expanding their social networks. Since majority of the female participants live in the girls’ hostel on the campus, they are familiar with Burushaski students studying in other departments and research centres. 7.2.9 Participants’ desire to permanently settle in Karachi On being questioned about the participants’ intention to permanently settle in Karachi, a vast majority of them, which is 89%, irrespective of their gender expressed the desire to stay and work in Karachi because of the job opportunities and other facilities that they are deprived of in their hometown. This is an alarming situation because if people from the less developed areas of the country start settling in Karachi and other urban centres in the country, there is a danger of acute shortage of resources in urban centres and Karachi is already facing this problem. Just as there is a danger of the dearth of resources, there is also a possibility of language endangerment. After being permanently settled in Karachi, the young indigenous language speakers may also undertake the journey from the mother tongue to the other tongue and in this linguistic journey, they may suffer native language loss as a result of which intergenerational transmission of language can be affected. This trend has been reported by the finding of several research studies on language attrition and shift, particularly in case of immigrants (Hulsen, de Bot, & Weltens, 2002; Landry, Allard, & Henry, 1996; Odisho, 1999; Smolicz, 1992; Wei, 1994; Yagmur, de Bot, & Korzillus, 1999; Zhang, 2010; Zhang & Slaughter-DeFoe, 2009). After leaving their native towns and settling in other places on permanent basis, the native speakers gradually shift from their native language to the mainstream language. 7.2.10 Participants’ desire for intergenerational transmission of Burushaski language One of the factors that contribute in language maintenance and its revitalization is the native speakers’ desire for transmitting their language to their children. In case where parents do not feel the need to transmit the language to their children, the process of language shift is complete and this ultimately leads to the opening of the gate of extinction. In order to find out about the future of Burushaski language in Karachi, the young Burushaski speakers were asked if they wish to transmit the language to their children in case they permanently settle in Karachi. The participants’ responses do not show any alarming sign as a vast majority of them expressed the desire to transmit the language to their children even if they permanently settle in Karachi. There were very few, only 12% of them, who answered in negation on being questioned about transmitting their heritage language to their children, which means 88% of the participants expressed the desire to expose their children to Burushaski even if they do not go back to their hometown and settle in Karachi. This willingness for intergenerational transmission can be considered as a sign of high sense of ethno-linguistic vitality reflecting the desire to be distinct in a place which has a pool of languages and cultures. Although a vast majority of young Burushos studying in the university expressed the desire to expose their children to Burushaski while living in Karachi, the 12% respondents who did not, showed greater tendency to shift from the mother tongue to the other tongue(s). The 12% respondents who did not express the interest to transmit their language to their children could not be ignored, so it was necessary for me to find out the reason(s) behind their reluctance to transmit the language to the next generation. This is the reason that the selection of the key informants for the in-depth interview was also made on the basis of the diversity in the participants’ responses on the questionnaire along with other criteria, like their gender, their period of stay in Karachi, the locality in which they reside, their economic background, etc. There was not much gender difference in response to the participants’ desire for intergenerational transmission of Burushaski as 89% male respondents while 86% female respondents showed a favourable response towards intergenerational transmission. The high percentage of Burushos favouring intergenerational transmission is encouraging. Nevertheless, one cannot ignore the precarious position of Burushaski in Karachi as a vast majority of the participants who claimed to be in favour of intergenerational transmission of Burushaski, reported using Burushaski in very few domains. If they have already reduced their use of Burushaski, there is a possibility that they may abandon it altogether after staying in Karachi for a longer period of time, and the chances of deserting their language may increase in case they marry a non-Burusho. It is pertinent to mention here that a majority of the participants were unmarried at the time of participation in this research. The ones who claimed to be married and those who reported being born in Karachi did not show any such desire to transmit Burushaski to their children. There can be a multitude of reasons for their reluctance to transmit their native language to their children. One possible reason could be the desire to make their children a part of the mainstream society, by exposing them only to the mainstream languages(s), which many minority language speakers consider to be impossible in case children are exposed to their native language. Another reason could be the fear of their children being discriminated on the basis of their ethnolinguistic identity. Yet another reason could be the absence of any material benefits associated with their mother tongue. Just as there can be more than one reason for the Burushos to avoid intergenerational transmission, there can be many reasons for the majority of Burushaski speakers’ desire for intergenerational transmission of Burushaski. One possible reason could be the desire for preserving and promoting their distinct Burusho identity, while another possible reason could be their positive attitude and love for the language. The actual reasons shared by the key informants, however, are discussed in the next chapter on interview analysis. 7.3 Analysis of Section B of the Questionnaire7.3.1 Participants’ claimed oral proficiency in Burushaski and the frequency of code-switching while speaking Burushaski As already stated in the first part of the questionnaire analysis that all the Burusho students who participated in the study reported their ability to use their mother tongue, which is not common in case of the speakers of some other indigenous languages. However, despite claiming to have the ability to speak Burushaski, not all the research participants claimed to have excellent oral proficiency in it. Although a vast majority of them refrained from making any claim of having excellent oral proficiency in Burushaski, none of them reported having poor oral skills in Burushaski either. In fact, majority of them irrespective of their gender claimed to have good oral proficiency in it. The ability to be orally proficient in Burushaski while living in Karachi can be attributed to the settlement patterns of the Burusho community in Karachi. As discovered through their socio-linguistic profile, majority of the Burushos live in close-knit communities in specific localities in Karachi. The areas of Karachi where they are found in majority include: Garden, Gulshan, Karimabad, Mausmiyaat, Super Highway, etc. Because of their settlement pattern in Karachi, many of them are able to establish and maintain communication through social networking within their own community. Even those students who are not living with their families get a chance to use Burushaski with their Burusho hostel mates or friends who share the same room or apartment with them in Karachi.Nevertheless, not all the Burushos get a chance to use their mother tongue so frequently in Karachi. In fact, most of the Burushaski speakers born in Karachi remain deprived of the adequate exposure to Burushaski as a result of which they feel that their proficiency in their mother tongue is limited. Some of them even reported having difficulties understanding many Burushaski words which are spoken in their native town. Table (13): Degree of oral proficiency in Burushaski reported by the participantsPoorLimitedSatisfactoryGoodExcellentFemale Burushaski speakerszero10%12%64%14%Male Burushaski speakerszero7%20%56%17%Total0%8%16%60%16%The data in table (13) show that there were quite a few participants who were very much conscious of their limited proficiency in their mother tongue as they reported frequent insertion of Urdu and English lexical items while speaking Burushaski in Karachi. Except 3% participants who reported never to have inserted Urdu words while speaking Burushaski, the rest of them reported inserting Urdu items while speaking Burushaski with different frequency. There is an obvious gender difference in the frequency of inserting Urdu words while speaking Burushaski on the part of the research participants, as the data given in table (14) indicate: Table (14): Frequency of Burushaski/Urdu code-switching by Burushaski speakers in KarachiAlways MostlyOftenRarelyNever Female Burushaski speakers13%45%26%16%zeroMale Burushaski speakers13%15%37%31%5%Total13%29%32%23%3% In contrast to the 15% male respondents who reported inserting Urdu in Burushaski mostly, there were 45% female respondents who reported a similar tendency. Similarly, gender differences can be also be observed in case of those who claimed to rarely insert Urdu words while speaking Burushaski. As opposed to 16% female respondents, there were 31% male respondents who claimed to rarely insert Urdu words while speaking Burushaski. This rare insertion of Urdu words on the part of the respondents implies their sufficient mastery of Burushaski and their ability to retain proficiency in Burushaski despite being exposed to Urdu as the mainstream language in Karachi. Moreover, there were 3% male respondents who claimed never to have inserted Urdu words in Burushaski implying that they speak pure Burushaski, which can be taken as an indication of their excellent command of the language. It must be mentioned here that those who claimed never to have inserted Urdu while speaking Burushaski were the ones who had recently moved to Karachi and had spent just a few months away from their home town. Whether they continue to use Burushaski without inserting Urdu lexical items or not requires a longitudinal study spanning over a period of three to five years at least. Like the insertion of Urdu words in Burushaski, the participants also reported the insertion of English, though to a lesser degree. Table (15): Frequency of Burushaski/English code-switching by Burushaski speakers in KarachiAlways MostlyOftenRarelyNever Female Burushaski speakers4%31%36%29%zeroMale Burushaski speakers5%8%29%40%18%Total4%19%32%35%9%This frequent switching from Burushaski to Urdu or from Burushaski to English can be viewed in terms of the participants’ linguistic journey from the mother tongue to the other tongue(s) ---- a journey in which there is a risk of losing one’s mother tongue. It would not be an exaggeration to state that code-switching can be viewed as a stopover in the linguistic journey of bilinguals who may be at the risk of becoming monolinguals in the mainstream language. There are many studies that show a link between code-switching and language loss in the form of shift and attrition and suggest minimizing the use of code-switching to reverse language shift and revitalize the endangered languages (Bolonyai, 2009; Castellarin, 2015; Collins, 2005; Dimitrijevic, 2005; Friedman, 1994; Lee, 2008; Smith-Kocamahhul, 2003). The findings of these studies reinforce the negative impact of code-switching on the purity as well as the vitality of less prestigious languages that are eclipsed by the dominant languages. 7.3.2 Participants’ claimed written proficiency in Burushaski Not all the participants who claimed to have excellent or good oral proficiency in Burushaski claimed to have the same degree of written proficiency in their mother tongue. Among the 49% participants who expressed their ability to write in Burushaski, majority of them reported poor or limited written proficiency in it as they reported not using it at all in their written discourse. As the data given in table () indicate, there were only 23% who claimed to have good written proficiency in Burushaski, while only 4% claimed to have excellent written proficiency in their mother tongue. Those participants who made such claims revealed that they learned to read and write in Burushaski within their own community. They were the ones who reported having some exposure to Burushaski literature through the religious texts of their sect. Some of the Ismailis, for instance, reported that their religious texts are written in Burushaski and since they were exposed to those texts in the early years of their childhood, they can read and write in their mother tongue. Similarly, some of the participants representing ehle-tashi (belonging to the Shia community---one of the religious sects in Islam) reported not only reciting but also writing ‘nohaaz’ (one of the forms of poetry to mourn the tragedy of Karbala) in Burushaski. As opposed to these participants, there were 26% participants who reported limited written proficiency and 20% who reported poor written proficiency in their mother tongue. This is not surprising in case of the speakers of indigenous languages in Pakistan owing to the absence of formal mother tongue education. Absence of mother tongue education has, to a certain extent, resulted in the emergence of negative attitude towards these languages even on the part of native speakers promoting the belief that it is not worth spending one’s time, energy and money on achieving literacy in these indigenous languages. Overall, the percentage of Burushos who are literate in their mother tongue is very low and in case of those born in Karachi, it is almost negligible.Table (16): Degree of written proficiency in Burushaski reported by the participantsPoorLimitedSatisfactoryGoodExcellentFemale Burushaski speakers16%28%31%22%3%Male Burushaski speakers23%24%23%25%5%Total 20%26%27%23%4%It is already mentioned in the earlier section that among the participants who reported having poor writing skills in Burushaski and those who reported having limited or satisfactory written proficiency in it were the ones who reported writing Burushaski in Roman script. They, of course, cannot be considered literate in Burushaski, as writing one’s native language in Roman script when it is written in a different script, does not imply literacy in it. During informal interactions, these participants claimed that they can neither read the books published in Burushaski nor can they write Burushaski in the script in which it is actually written. It must be pointed out that although Burushaski is written in the same Persian-Arabic script that is used for writing Urdu, Allama Nasir Hunzai and Ghulam Ghulamuddin Hunzai, the two Burushaski scholars from Hunza, have devised some special alphabets to represent the sounds of Burushaski which are unique to the language. None of the research participants reported familiarity with the special Burushaski alphabets that are used in the books written on Burushaski language and its grammar. The poor or limited written proficiency in Burushaski, particularly the inability to read and write in Burushaski indicates that majority of the young Burushos studying in Karachi are not literate in their native language. Mother tongue literacy or mother tongue education is still a dream in some third world countries and Pakistan is one such country where children are denied the right to get education in the mother tongue. In fact, it is one of the most neglected issues and has never been given a serious thought in the education policy of the country for the last seventy years. Although UNESCO declared mother tongue education as one of the basic rights of every child several decades ago, this right is still denied to children belonging to the indigenous minority language groups in Pakistan. 7.3.3 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski in the home domain Research studies on language shift and maintenance reinforce the importance of the use of heritage language in the home domain for language maintenance. Use of one’s mother tongue in the home domain is considered to be a healthy sign for any living language and shows hope for revitalization of an endangered language. Because of the close-knit settlement of the Burushos in Karachi, as discovered through their profile, it can be inferred that they get enough opportunities to use their mother tongue in intra-group interactions despite being away from their home town. However, the reality is different in case of many young Burushos, particularly, the male Burushaski speakers who being more exposed to the mainstream language environment because of doing part-time jobs besides studying in the university, hardly get a chance to interact with their community members. Moreover, many of them who live with their family members in Karachi use both Burushaski and Urdu at home; while those who have been in Karachi since their childhood reported that they were discouraged to use Burushaski all the time to remove the traces of Burushaski accent from their Urdu, as a result of which some of them have stopped using it altogether in the home domain while others have reduced its use to such an extent that they rarely use it at home. However, the percentage of those participants who rarely use Burushaski at home is low as compared to those who are active users of the language within their community despite being away from the native towns. Although the data gathered from the Burushaski speakers do not show 100% language maintenance, some form of language maintenance does exist as 57% of the respondents claimed that they always use Burushaski at home in Karachi. Moreover, there were 26% respondents who claimed to use it mostly in the home domain. Those who always manage to use Burushaski at home in Karachi are living with their parents, grandparents, and siblings and it is because of their interaction with them that most of the Burusho participants, despite being away from their home town, always speak Burushaski in the home domain at least with their grandparents and parents, if not always with their siblings. Some of the participants during their informal interaction disclosed another reason for their preference for Burushaski in the home domain. According to them, speaking Burushaski in the home domain makes them feel at home and this feeling of attachment with their language is a positive sign regarding their sense of ethnolinguistic vitality. Nevertheless, not all the Burushaski participants displayed this high sense of ethnolinguistic vitality, as is evident from the data given in Table (17).Table (17): Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski in the home domainAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverFemale Burushaski speakers64%24%5%3%4%Male Burushaski speakers50%27%11%13%2%Total57%26%7%8%2%There were 7% who reported using Burushaski often in the home domain, which means they mostly use one of the mainstream languages, Urdu, instead of their mother tongue at home. Among these 7% Burushaski participants, signs of language shift in progress are obvious, as the place of their mother tongue is gradually being taken by the other tongue, which, in their case is, Urdu, whereas the 8% participants who reported using Burushaski rarely in the home domain show greater sings of language shift. In case of the 2% participants who reported not using Burushaski at all in the home domain, the process of shift from the mother tongue to the other tongue is complete. Since home is the last refuge of any endangered language’s revitalization, it is essential for the community to exclusively reserve this domain for mother tongue use. The 2% Burusho participants who reported not using Burushaski at all in the home domain have failed to keep their home intact for mother tongue usage and there may be many other young members in the Burusho community showing signs of ‘language desertion’--- a term used by Imtiaz (2005) to refer to language shift. One cannot deny the fact that more than their failure it is the failure of their parents who did not encourage their children to use Burushaski at home while living in Karachi. According to the data gathered through the questionnaire, among the 8% participants who reported using Burushaski rarely in the home domain and the 2% who reported not using it in the home domain at all, majority were the ones born in Karachi, which implies there is a greater tendency towards shift when one is away from the native environment. Although these participants claimed to be able to speak Burushaski, their reluctance to use it in the home domain indicates a low sense of ethnolinguistic vitality, as they also reported not taking enough pride in being called a Burusho. The failure to take pride in being called a Burusho is not only indicative of the low ethnolinguistic vitality on the part of these participants but also reveals a certain degree of negative attitude towards Burushaski language. There is ample research literature available on minority languages showing a strong correlation between language attitudes and language shift/maintenance affecting speakers’ language choice in the home domain (Cahill, 1990; David, 2003; García, Evangelista, Martínez, Disla, & Paulino, 1988; Kraemer, Olshtain, & Badier, 1994; Kuncha & Bathula, 2004; Pauwels, 2005; Pérez-Leroux, Cuza, & Thomas, 2011; Phinney, Romero, Nava, & Huang, 2001; Zhang & Slaughter-DeFoe, 2009). 7.3.4 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski at the university canteens and cafeterias There are hardly any opportunities to use mother tongue (unless it is the mainstream language) in classroom discourse in multilingual contexts because of the presence of students from diverse linguistic backgrounds. The same holds true in the classrooms at Karachi University where owing to the linguistic diversity, classroom discourse often takes place only in Urdu which is not only one of the media of instruction in Karachi University but also acts as a lingua franca at least in all the major cities of Pakistan. However, in most of the classrooms both Urdu and English are used for communication within the classroom, resulting in bilingual discourse (Khan, 2014), except those language departments where the language of communication is mostly the target language, like Bengali, Persian, Sindhi, etc. Besides this, there are very few classrooms where the language of discourse is only English. However, the linguistic landscape outside the classrooms is different. Since there are speakers of different indigenous as well as non-indigenous languages studying in different departments at Karachi University, it is not uncommon to hear these students communicating with the fellow students sharing the same linguistic background using their mother tongue, especially in the canteens, cafeterias and other food outlets within the university premises. Since all canteens and cafeterias fall under the umbrella of informal domain, speakers are expected to not only use informal style of discourse in such domains but are also expected to employ a language they feel more comfortable in and it is a common assumption that one feels more comfortable using one’s native language. For instance, it is very common to hear Balochi and Sindhi students using their mother tongue with their fellow students who share the same language background. The same holds true for Chinese, Turkish and Somali students. Nevertheless, this practice is not commonly found in case of Burushaski speakers on the campus as they are mostly seen using Urdu even when they are in the company of the fellow Burushaski students in informal domains. This point is reinforced by the data presented in table (18): Table (18): Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski in the university canteensAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverFemale Burushaski speakers16%14%12%28%30%Male Burushaski speakers8%10%15%35%32%Total12%12%13%32%31%According to the data in table (18), only 12% participants reported always using Burushaski in the university canteens, another 12% reported using it mostly, followed by 13% who reported that they often use Burushaski in this domain. In contrast to these participants, 32% of them claimed that they rarely use Burushaski in the university canteens and cafeterias, while 31% of them claimed never to have used their mother tongue at such places on the campus. It was discovered during the informal interaction with some of the participants that they preferred to insert English words while speaking Urdu at such places to look more educated and also to avoid being stared at and made fun of. It cannot be denied that the stigmatization of the indigenous minorities is one of the major reasons that discourage speakers, particularly, young speakers to use their mother tongue outside the home domain. Since indigenous languages lack prestige in Pakistan, speakers of many indigenous languages have reservations using their heritage language in different domains, especially in urban centres. 7.3.5 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski at public places in Karachi Public places include markets, malls, service encounters, public transport, etc. In metropolitan cities like Karachi, it has been observed that people mostly use the mainstream language, Urdu, for both intergroup as well as intragroup communication in order to assimilate in the mainstream society. It is a common practice in Karachi particularly, because of the city’s long history of ethnolinguistic conflicts as a result of which violence erupted in this economic hub. The ethnolinguistic conflicts in Karachi not only led to the loss of a huge capital affecting Karachi’s stock market but also led to the loss of many lives in the past. The Sindhi-Urdu controversy and then Punjabi-Muhajir and Pakhtun-Muhajir conflict ruined peace in the once called “city of lights” turning it into the “city of darkness”. Although these ethno-linguistic conflicts are now overshadowed by other problems in the city, the echo of these conflicts still reverberate in the air of Karachi. The city has been under the shadow of fear since the violence that led to bloodshed as a result of Sindhi-Urdu controversy in the 70s. It is feared that ethnolinguistic conflicts in the city are more like dormant volcanoes that require just a trigger to erupt any time. Hence, there is a general belief among the indigenous minority groups living in Karachi that through the use of Urdu they can prevent themselves from becoming victims of ethnolinguistic discrimination at different levels and this belief is very strong among the educated indigenous minority language speakers who have begun to see their linguistic background as a major obstacle in their socioeconomic as well educational progress. It is clear from the data in table (19) that the young Burushaski speakers’ use of Burushaski at public places in Karachi is extremely limited. Table (19): Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski at public places in KarachiAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverFemale Burushaski speakers16%10%21%19%34%Male Burushaski speakers3%10%8%27%52%Total9%10%14%23%44%Only 9% participants reported always using Burushaski with the fellow Burushaski speakers at public places, 10% reported using it mostly and 14% claimed that they often use Burushaski at public places in Karachi. In contrast to them, 23% participants reported using Burushaski rarely while 44% participants claimed that they never use Burushaski with their community members at public places in Karachi. It is evident from the frequency analysis that the percentage of those who rarely use Burushaski and those who never use it in public domains is much higher than those who either use it always, mostly or often. Moreover, there is an obvious gender difference in case of those who reported always using Burushaski at public places, as in contrast to 16% female participants who made this claim, there were only 3% male participants who claimed that they always use Burushaski at public places in Karachi. This gender difference can be seen in terms of the difference in their sense of ethnolinguistic vitality. The female Burushaski speakers seem to have a high sense of ethnolinguistic vitality as compared to the male Burushaski speakers as they are less hesitant to speak their mother tongue in public domains as compared to the male participants. On the other hand, majority of the male Burushaski speakers seem to be extremely reluctant to use Burushaski in public domains as 52% of them claimed that they never use Burushaski at public places. In contrast to 52% male participants, only 34% of female respondents made such a claim. However, the overall percentage of those who are reluctant to use Burushaski at public places is higher than those who use it. The reluctance of the majority of Burusho participants to use Burushaski at public places is a strong indicator of language shift in progress. The reasons behind avoiding the use of mother tongue may be the result of internal and external factors; these factors have been explored through in-depth interviews of the key informants and are shared in the next chapter on interview analysis. 7.3.6 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their siblingsThe claim to use one’s mother tongue in the home domain does not imply not using other languages in that domain. Even within the home domain, bilinguals and multilinguals make linguistic choices keeping in mind their relationship with interlocutors as well as their interlocutors’ linguistic background. Majority of the participants claimed that they communicate with their parents and grandparents (in case they are alive) only in Burushaski which is not the case when they communicate with their siblings. This is the reason that despite 57% of the Burusho participants’ claim to always use Burushaski in the home domain, only 34% of them reported always using it with their siblings while 25% of them reported using it mostly with them.Table (20): Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their siblingsAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverFemale Burushaski speakers29%33%20%8%10%Male Burushaski speakers37%18%16%10%19%Total34%25%18%9%14%Although the percentage of those who reported using Burushaski with their siblings is higher than those who reported using it rarely or never, the difference in the frequency of usage cannot be neglected. Most of the participants who reported rarely using Burushaski with their siblings and those who reported not using it with them at all are those who were either born in Karachi or have been in Karachi with their families for more than 8 years. It is therefore not surprising if they rarely or never use Burushaski with their siblings. This avoidance strategy may be the result of the younger siblings’ preference to communicate in the mainstream language or the participants’ own preference for the other tongue over the mother tongue. Nevertheless, it would be too presumptuous to arrive at any definite conclusion regarding the factors that have contributed in the participants’ avoidance of the use of Burushaski with their siblings. In order to locate the factors that have actually contributed in the participants’ preference for the other language (in this case Urdu) while communicating with their siblings, the key informants were interviewed. Their point of view is discussed in the chapter on interview analysis. 7.3.7Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho relatives in Karachi One of the ways of maintaining one’s mother tongue is to create as many social networks for its usage as possible and this can be done through establishing and maintaining a strong connection with one’s relatives and community members. It is a blessing to have relatives and other community members in a non-indigenous language environment as there is a possibility to stay connected to one’s native language and culture through continuous interaction with the members of one’s own community. Nevertheless, mere presence of such members does not imply language maintenance unless the linguistic minorities engage in frequent interaction in the native language with them. In small towns maintaining such close ties is not difficult, but in urban centres it is a big challenge as people are so busy in elevating their socio-economic status that they hardly get time to even interact with their family members. It is true that the world has become a global village and covering geographical distance has become much easier in today’s technologically-driven world, but it is equally true that the same technologically-driven world has adversely affected human relations; human interaction is now mostly reduced to text messaging and phone calls. In the past people used to visit each other not only on special occasions but also on regular basis to stay connected with their relatives and other community members. But now the desire to stay connected with them is replaced by the desire to stay away from them and live in the cyber world---the world of virtual reality. Moreover, the linguistic minority groups (both indigenous and non-indigenous) living in the urban centres often minimize the use of their mother tongue even when they get a chance to meet their relatives on certain occasions; they mostly prefer to use the mainstream or the dominant language even with their relatives which can be seen as a means of creating a new identity--- an identity that harmonizes with the identity of the dominant group. Somewhat similar trend can be observed through the participants’ response regarding the use of Burushaski with their Burusho relatives in Karachi as given in table (21).Table (21): Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho relatives in KarachiAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverFemale Burushaski speakers36%37%16%7%4%Male Burushaski speakers38%32%13%17%zeroTotal37%35%14%12%2%It is pertinent to mention here that the table encapsulates the responses of only those Burusho participants who have relatives in Karachi. Despite the presence of relatives in Karachi, the participants reported visiting them only on special occasions, like nauroz, eid, or a few other social and religious gatherings including majaalis (in case of those who are ehl-e-tashi).Besides this, not all of them reported using only Burushaski with their relatives. Except 37% of the participants who claimed to always use Burushaski with their relatives in Karachi, the rest of them did not make any such claim. In fact, 12% of them claimed that they rarely use Burushaski with their Burusho relatives, while 2% of them reported that they never interact with their Burusho relatives living in Karachi in Burushaski. Instead of interacting with them in Burushaski they use Urdu with them. The frequency analysis given in the table is enough to arrive at a conclusion that the use of one’s mother tongue depends more on the willingness to use it rather than the availability of social networks for its usage. Although external factors like peer pressure, socio-cultural environment, work place requirements, etc, play a crucial role in language shift and maintenance, internal factors like intrinsic motivation, ethno-linguistic vitality, and language attitudes play an equally important role in shift and maintenance. 7.3.8 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho friends in KarachiFriendship is one of the most important domains of language use. It is a domain in which people use language they feel comfortable in and therefore it is considered one of those social networks that play a crucial role in deciding the fate of any language, be it the mother tongue or the other tongue. It is a common observation that the indigenous language speakers who move to urban centres for higher education and better job opportunities are exposed to the dominant language of the host culture in most of the domains as a result of which they suffer from mother tongue starvation. In order to end this linguistic starvation, to be more precise native language starvation, they befriend people who share the same mother tongue background so that the use of mother tongue can be retained at least in the domain of friendship. Nevertheless, as a result of the emergence of global culture and the desire for assimilating in the host language community, this trend of retaining mother tongue in the friendship domain seems to be declining among the indigenous as well as non-indigenous minorities, in various multilingual communities across the world. Whether the desire for assimilation in the host language environment springs from the desire to be accepted by the dominant community or the fear of being discriminated on the basis of ethnicity and language, the fact remains the same and that is obliteration of one’s linguistic identity. With reference to the Burusho community, somewhat similar trend was observed through the data gathered on the participants’ frequency of the use of Burushaski with their Burusho friends. Although the Burushaski speakers who participated in this study claimed to have a vast circle of Burusho friends in Karachi, very few of them reported communicating with their Burusho friends in Burushaski all the time, as is evident from the data in table (22): Table (22): Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho friends in KarachiAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNever Female Burushaski speakers12%29%14%28%17%Male Burushaski speakers21%15%29%21%14%Total17%22%21%24%16%The percentage of the participants who claimed that they always use Burushaski with their Burusho friends is very low, i.e., 17%. Even the percentage of those who claimed that they mostly use Burushaski with their Burusho friends in Karachi does not show very positive signs of language maintenance. In fact, there are clear indications of language shift in progress as 24% of the participants reported the rare use of Burushaski with their Burusho friends whereas 16% of them reported that they never use Burushaski for communicating with their Burusho friends; in fact, instead of Burushaski they reported using Urdu and when they are engaged in some serious discussion on any topic whether it is a social or a political issue, they also insert some English words in their otherwise Urdu discourse. During informal interactions with the participants it was discovered that the young Burushaski speakers have conflicting ideologies which could be inferred through their justification for avoiding the use of their mother tongue even in the domain of friendship. Most of them believe that since they have come to Karachi for better opportunities, they want to avail themselves of these opportunities to the fullest. They were of the view that if they adhere to their language while they are in Karachi, they will never be able to remove the traces of Burushaski accent while speaking Urdu and English. They prefer to communicate in Urdu with their Burusho friends because they believe that Urdu being a lingua franca is widely accepted and therefore their survival in the city depends on their ability to speak it fluently. Whereas, their use of English words while communicating in Urdu with their friends is based on their desire to learn English because of its prestige. Like other indigenous language speakers, the Burushos also consider fluency in English a necessary tool for their socio-economic and academic progress. It must be mentioned that most of the participants I had an informal conversation with were of the view that staying connected with one’s community members through frequent interaction is important but it is not necessary to interact with them in the mother tongue. For them Burusho identity does not only depend on Burushaski language alone; it is the distinctiveness of the culture that keeps a group connected. This point of view challenges the belief that language cannot be divorced from its culture. 7.3.9 Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho classmatesJust as the frequency of exposure to a language helps attain fluency in it, the same condition is essential for maintaining that fluency. This is the reason that establishing social networks for language use is considered one of the prerequisites for language maintenance at societal level. It has been proved through research that the more the speakers establish and maintain links with the other speakers sharing the same linguistic background, the weaker are the possibilities of language shift in that community (Bortoni-Ricardo, 1985; Lippi-Green, 1989; Matsumoto, 2001; Matsumoto & Britain, 2009; Milroy, 1987; 1994; Raschka, Wei, & Lee, 2002; Sallabank, 2010; Stoessel, 2002; Wilklund, 2002). In other words, the more the speakers detach themselves from those sharing the same linguistic background, the stronger are the possibilities of language shift. While discussing the significance of social networks in studying the process of language shift and maintenance, Wei (1994) identifies three types: exchange, interactive and passive networks. In connection with these three types, Milardo (1988) cited in Matsumoto & Britain (2009) mentions active and passive ties in these social networks. Since exchange network involves network ties that require routine face to face interaction, it helps establish active or ‘strong ties’. People who establish this kind of network include family members and close friends. Nevertheless in case of many Burushaski speakers living in Karachi family members and close friends become part of passive network as because of being separated by geographical distance, the Burushaski speakers are unable to interact with them regularly. Unlike passive network, interactive network involves frequent interactions over a certain period of time, but the interlocutors in these interactions maintain a certain degree of psychological distance and therefore such networks are indicative of passive or ‘weak ties’. Matsumoto & Britain (2009) give examples of colleagues and neighbours for this network. However, classmates can also be included in such an interactive network, as they frequently get a chance to interact with each other. If we look at the data given in table (23), the use of Burushaski language in interactive networks is limited. Table (23): Frequency of the participants’ use of Burushaski with their Burusho classmatesAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverFemale Burushaski speakers5%16%23%16%40%Male Burushaski speakers5%6%16%31%42%Total5%11%19%24%41%According to the collected data, only 5% participants reported always using Burushaski with their Burusho classmates, which is extremely low. The percentage of participants who reported mostly using Burushaski with their Burusho classmates is not high either, as merely 11% participants reported using it mostly. In contrast to this, those who reported using Burushaski rarely with Burusho classmates is higher, i.e., 24%, while the ones who claimed that they never use Burushaski with their Burusho classmates is the highest, that is 41%. This means that the majority of the participants do not utilize the interactive network for maintaining their heritage language. 7.4 Analysis of Section C of the Questionnaire7.4.1 Participants’ frequency of interaction with their family members living in the hometownUse of mother tongue for interacting with the family members is an important indicator of language maintenance, especially for a group of indigenous language speakers who being away from the native language environment require additional efforts to stay connected with the family network. Whether people move from their native towns to the urban centres for socio-economic, political or educational purpose, they have to strive hard to adjust in the new environment no matter how linguistically and culturally alien that environment may be. In this struggle to adapt themselves to the new environment linguistically as well as culturally, they spend more time in the new environment which leaves them with very little time to reconnect with the social networks they had established in their native towns. One network that suffers the most is the family network which is evident from the data presented in table (24) indicating participants’ frequency of interaction with their family members.Table (24): Participants’ frequency of interaction with their family members living in the hometownEverydayEvery weekendEvery fortnightOnce in a month Rarely Female Burushaski speakers31%47%5%10%7%Male Burushaski speakers24%60%3%8%5%Total28%53%4%9%6%Despite the availability of uncountable packages offered by different cellular companies in Pakistan, only 28% Burushaski speakers reported interacting with their family members on daily basis. As opposed to 28% participants who reported interacting with their family members daily, 53% participants reported interaction with family members only on weekends. Although all the participants have a cell phone (most of them have a smart phone), majority of them do not contact their family members every day. In fact, there were 4% participants who reported interaction with their family members back home every fortnight, while 9% of them also reported calling their family members just once a month. Moreover, there were 6% participants who reported that they rarely talk to their family members on phone as they are too busy in their studies in Karachi. Among these 6% participants who reported calling their family members rarely, there are quite a few who also do part time jobs besides studying. Hence, lack of time, the burden of studies, job stress (in case of those students who do part-time job to meet their expenses), internship, or engagement in some other activities, like diploma or certificate courses other than their academic qualification seem to be some of the reasons behind less frequent interaction with the family members. In order to discover other factors and probe into further details, key informants were approached for an in-depth interview. Their interviews are analyzed in the chapter that follows. 7.4.2 Participants’ frequency of visits to their hometownThe degree and the rate of language shift/maintenance among the immigrant minorities, both allochthonous and autochthonous, also depends on the frequency of visits to the hometown to a great extent; such visits help reconnect with the heritage language and culture. Romaine (2011) believes that the smaller the distance between the immigrants’ native town and the place where they are (temporarily or permanently) settled, the greater are the chances of language maintenance. Gilgit-Baltistan being geographically far away from Karachi makes it difficult for the Burushaski speakers living in Karachi to pay frequent visits to their hometown. Since majority of the Burusho community members living in Karachi are not financially very strong, it becomes all the more difficult for them to frequently visit their native towns to reconnect with their roots. The data in table (25) show a small percentage of Burushaski participants, merely 8%, who reported visiting their hometown every semester break. Table (25): Participants’ frequency of visits to their hometownEvery semester breakEvery yearEvery alternate yearNot regularly Rarely Not even onceFemale Burushaski speakers8%40%21%21%10%zeroMale Burushaski speakers8%54%8%18%10%2%Total8%48%14%19%10%1%In contrast to the 8% participants, 48% participants reported visiting their hometown every year, 14% reported visiting it every alternate year, whereas 19% reported not visiting their hometown regularly. According to the data, the percentage of those who rarely visit their home town is very low, i.e., 10%. However, among these 10%, most of the participants are those who have been in Karachi with all their family members since birth, while some of them, particularly the male participants, because of doing job along with their studies cannot afford to pay frequent visits to their native town. As far as the remaining 1% participants, who reported not visiting their home town even once since their arrival in Karachi, are concerned, they were selected as key informants for an in-depth interview. The details of their interview are shared in the next chapter which is exclusively based on interview analysis. 7.4.3 Response of the non-Burushos on hearing the Burushos speak Burushaski on the campusAttitude towards one’s native language and ethnicity can undergo transformation depending on the responses of the other ethno-linguistic groups in multilingual settings. One’s fondness for one’s ethno-linguistic identity may change into abhorrence depending on how society views its speakers. It was therefore important to discover what kind of response the Burusho community receives from the non-Burushos in Karachi. Since the research site chosen for the study was the University of Karachi, the question was restricted to the response of the non-Burusho students on the campus. Table (26) provides a snapshot of the participants’ responses. It must be mentioned here that the respondents were free to choose more than one option for this item in order to elicit the diverse responses they meet while speaking Burushaski in front of the speakers of other languages.Table (26): Response of the non-Burusho on hearing the Burushos speaking Burushaski on the campusStaringmaking fun maintaining a distanceasking the Burusho to speak UrduindifferenceFemale Burushaski speakers41%26%0%67%12%Male Burushaski speakers39%19%3%55%11%Total40%23%2%61%12%According to the data gathered on this item of the questionnaire, 61% of the participants reported being asked to speak Urdu instead of Burushaski, which can be seen as a violation of the linguistic rights of the indigenous language speakers in urban centres. The demand on the part of the other linguistic groups from the Burushos to speak the mainstream language may inculcate a sense of worthlessness for one’s mother tongue. People may develop inferiority complex if they are either discouraged to use their language or made the victims of negative social evaluation from the other linguistic groups for speaking their mother tongue. This negative social evaluation was also reported by many of the research participants. For instance, there were 40% who reported being stared at when seen speaking Burushaski, while 23% also reported that their non-Burusho classmates make fun of them when they hear them using Burushaski on the campus. Making fun of others’ language implies denying others’ the chance to project their linguistic identity, which in turn is a manifestation of linguistic intolerance; this linguistic intolerance can easily lead to linguistic conflicts which can result in violence and bloodshed. History is replete with examples of linguistic conflicts that even led to the demand for a separate homeland on the basis of language and ethnicity. One of the most relevant examples is the separation of East Pakistan from the West. If we step outside Pakistan, we have an example of Finland. Besides these examples, another example is the split of the Soviet Union that resulted in the emergence of several independent countries. Other than the possibility of the emergence of this kind of situation, negative social evaluation on the basis of language and ethnicity can also give birth to stereotyping against indigenous minorities and such stereotyping already exists for many ethno-linguistic groups in Pakistan. Terms like axroT (walnut) associated with Pakhtuns, pe~Du (rustic and uncivilized) associated with Punjabis, kanjuus (miser) associated with Memons, are just a few examples of the stereotypes in our society. In addition to these tags which are used for stereotyping different ethno-linguistic groups, there are complete statements that reflect bias against different ethnic groups, which are considered proverbial in nature. For instance, there is a saying against Bihariiz “jo na kaTe aari se vo kaTe Bihari se” (implying that they are notorious for dividing people). Another example of such stereotyping exists in the form of a saying against the people of Hazara (a district of KPK, Pakistan), “Hazara mushkil guzaara” (implying that it is difficult to live with the people of Hazara). It is pertinent to mention that no such negative stereotyping exists against the Burusho community and their language, which is a positive thing. Nevertheless, there is a certain degree of indifference towards the linguistic groups of Gilgit-Baltistan (which include Balti, Burushaski, Khowar, Shina, and Wakhi speakers) living in Karachi which has resulted in the marginalization of the people speaking these languages.Turning back to the Burushaski speakers’ response to how their non-Burusho classmates evaluate their use of Burushaski among their fellow Burushaski speakers on the campus, there were 12% who reported complete indifference on the part of the non-Burushos. However, a few participants also reported positive response from the speakers of other languages on hearing them speak Burushaski. For instance, there were 2% participants who reported that the non-Burushos become curious to know Burushaski if they get to hear it from their Burusho classmates. Among these 2% respondents, some of them reported that their non-Burusho friends call Burushaski a sweet language despite the fact that they can neither understand nor speak Burushaski. 7.4.4 The language the Burushaski speakers like the mostWhen asked about the language the Burushos like the most, 48% participants expressed their fondness for Burushaski which shows their emotional attachment with their mother tongue. It is a healthy linguistic sign that despite being away from the native environment, the young Burushos in Karachi still feel a strong sense of bonding with their mother tongue. Nevertheless, there were 38% participants in this study who chose English as their most favourite language. The striking thing about the fondness for English on the part of the participants is the difference in the ratio of male and female participants’ fascination with English. As opposed to 31% male Burushaski speakers, 47% female Burushaski respondents claimed that they like English the most, which is evident from the data given in Table (27):Table (27): Percentage of Burushaski speakers with reference to their most favourite languageBurushaski EnglishUrduShinaPersianPashtoFemale Burushaski speakers48%47%3%zero2%zeroMale Burushaski speakers48%31%15%3%2%1%Total 48%38%9%2%2%1%The female respondents’ greater fondness for English may be reflective of their status consciousness as English is used as a status symbol in Pakistan because of the prestige it enjoys. The reasons behind the strong fascination for English could be many, ranging from the socio-economic benefits associated with English to its use as a status symbol. Some of the specific reasons behind the fondness for English shared by the key informants who were interviewed to get the emic perspective will be discussed in detail in the next chapter, which is based on interview analysis. However, it is essential to inform at this point that those Burushaski students who were born in Karachi expressed their fondness for Urdu, which is understandable because of their exposure to Urdu in Karachi. Since they have been exposed to Urdu in a variety of domains more frequently as compared to Burushaski, which is restricted to a very few domains in Karachi because of the absence of any utilitarian value of the language in the city, they feel more close to Urdu than Burushaski. In order to discover if there is any other reason behind their fondness for Urdu, some of them were interviewed to elicit detailed responses from them.Besides reporting their fondness for English and Urdu, two of the male Burushaski participants reported that they like Shina the most as it is used as a lingua franca in Gilgit city where they received their early education from. There were two participants, one male and one female who expressed their fondness for Persian language as well. Being a student of Persian Department, the male participant expressed a special fondness for the language and believed that Burushaski lacks the richness that Persian has. This participant being born in Karachi was chosen as one of the key informants for a detailed interview. A detailed analysis of his interview along the interview of the other key informants will be provided in the chapter on Interview Analysis. 7.4.5 Participants’ response regarding the strongest symbol of Burusho identityEvery ethno-linguistic group has certain symbols that they use as identity markers to project their distinct and unique identity. Some ethno-linguistic groups consider their language to be the most powerful identity marker, while others tie their identity to the souvenirs related to their area that they are proud of marketing both at national and international level. In case of some ethnic groups that are known by the place they live in, identity is linked with the special food items that are unique to their area, and when these items become popular they become synonymous with those groups’ identity. For instance, Afghani pulaao, Bihaari kebab, Gavaadri halva, Hyderabadi achaar, kashmiri chaae, Peshaavri qehva, Multaani halva, Lahori charGha, Shinwari kaRaahi, Sindhi briyaani, etc, are some food items associated with their respective places. With the intention to see what symbol the young Burushos identify themselves with, they were asked about the strongest symbol of Burusho identity. Contrary to what is discussed with reference to food items as identity markers, the Burusho participants chose other symbols for their Burusho identity except 5% of the respondents who considered local food to be the strongest symbol of Burusho identity. It is interesting to note that the participants who considered local food the strongest symbol of their group identity are females. None of the male participants associated Burusho identity with local food as evident from the data provided in Table (28): Table (28): Participants’ response regarding the strongest symbol of Burusho identityBurushaski languageLocal foodTraditional dressCultural festivalsAny otherFemale Burushaski speakers40%10%8.5%40%1.5%Male Burushaski speakers48%016%33%3%Total44%5%12.5%36%2.5%The data reveal that 44% of the Burushos consider their language to be the strongest of all the identity markers, while 36% of them believe that their cultural festivals make them unique from other ethno-linguistic groups. Besides associating cultural festivals with their identity, 12.5% of the Burusho participants also associated their identity with the traditional dresses worn in Gilgit-Baltistan. Traditional dress is an explicit identity marker which can reveal different types of identity: religious, national, regional, ethnic, cultural, etc. Nevertheless, group identity is not only associated with the explicit identity markers like dress or physical features, the collective psychology of a group also plays an important role in the formation and projection of identity. This collective psychology, despite being an important identity marker, however, can also run the risk of being stereotyped. As discussed in section 7.4.3 earlier, there are numerous examples of negative stereotypical judgments against different ethnic groups that sometimes lead to ethno-linguistic conflicts in a country. Judging individuals on the basis of their group identity is a common practice all over the world including Pakistan. Just as different ethno-linguistic groups judge others on the basis of group psychology, they do the same while judging members of their own group. In order to elicit the participants’ responses regarding group psychology, which can be seen as an implicit identity marker, the participants were free to mention any identity marker other than those in the options provided. Two of the Burusho participants mentioned hospitality as the strongest symbol of their group’s identity, while one of them claimed that it is their bravery which makes them distinct from other ethno-linguistic groups in the country. The participants’ responses manifest their positive evaluation of their own linguistic group and this positive self-evaluation is a prerequisite for language maintenance. 7.4.6 The symbols the participants find missing among the Burusho community in Karachi As already stated, among different identity markers that help define a group’s identity, language is one of the strongest symbols of identity. Nevertheless, an ethnolinguistic group makes itself distinct not only on the basis of its language but also on the basis of its food, dresses, rituals, traditions, and festivals, that are an integral part of the culture of that group; all these things together help shape their world view. Sometimes identity markers are deeply rooted in the native land. Hence, in case of moving away from the native land, there are strong chances of losing ties with such identity markers. Some ethnolinguistic groups often regret the loss of their identity markers, but they do nothing to re-establish their connection with these markers, as they adopt a new identity which is in accordance with the identity of the dominant group in the community of practice. As far as the Burushaski speakers studying in Karachi University are concerned, they reported missing many things which they consider to be their identity markers. One important identity marker that the majority of the Burushaski speakers find missing is the local food that is hardly available in any of the food outlets in Karachi. Although many regional food items associated with different regions are available in this metropolitan city including, chapli kabaab, Lahori charGha, Shikarpuri achaar,sajji (a Balochi dish), to name a few, there is hardly any restaurant in Karachi that serves local food items Burushos consume in Gilgit-Baltistan, like mamtu, burusshapik, chhapshoro, sharbat, etc. This is the reason that a majority of the Burusho participants (54%) claimed that they miss the local food. Not only do they miss the local food, 52% of them also reported missing their traditional dresses which they do not find in Karachi. Even if they bring those dresses along with them to Karachi they do not get the opportunity to wear such dresses unless there is any cultural festival, which is a rarity. In order to mingle with the mainstream society the Burushos prefer to dress themselves the way people generally dress up in urban centres in Pakistan. So it is natural that they miss their traditional dresses. Other than missing their traditional dresses, 45% of them also reported missing their cultural festivals. It was quite surprising to note that only 30% respondents claimed to find Burushaski language missing in Karachi. There could be two possibilities: either majority of the Burushaski speakers living in Karachi have been able to sustain the use of Burushaski within their community and therefore do not find it missing as such, or they do not feel the need to use it and therefore do not miss it. Table (29): The symbols the participants find missing among the Burusho community in KarachiBurushaski languageLocal foodTraditional dressCultural festivalsFemale Burushaski speakers28%50%53%48%Male Burushaski speakers32%58%50%42%Total30%54%52%45%Other than the four symbols provided as options, the participants were also asked to specify if they find anything else missing in Karachi. There was a great diversity in the participants’ response in this regard. The ones born in Karachi are so much used to the environment of Karachi that they do not find anything missing here. However, among those who have spent early years of their life in their home town, there are quite a few who feel nostalgic about many things which they feel are missing in Karachi. For instance, the things they specified include: interaction, relations, unity, particularly group solidarity and respect for each other, etc. One of the participants also complained of the difficulty in finding Burushaski books in Karachi. 7.4.7 Participants’ response regarding the most effective means of promoting Burushaski language and culture In response to the question regarding the promotion of Burushaski language and culture, 38% of the participants believe that organizing cultural festivals can be the best means of promoting Burushaski language and culture in Karachi, while 32% respondents think that media can play a vital role in this regard. However, only 13% participants consider mother tongue education as the most effective means to promote Burushaski language and culture, as given in Table (30): Table (30): Participants’ response with reference to the most effective means of promoting Burushaski language and cultureMedia ProjectionCultural FestivalsTourism IndustryMother Tongue educationBurushaski language certificate coursesFemale Burushaski speakers28%41%7%12%12%Male Burushaski speakers35%34%3%15%13%Total 32%38%5%13%12%It is not only the education policy of the country that undermines the importance of mother tongue education, the native language speakers themselves are not very ambitious to get educated in their mother tongue and one possible reason could be the absence of any extrinsic motivation in the form of incentives. This is the reason that only12% participants considered Burushaski language certificate courses to be the most important means to promote their language and culture; this low percentage in favour of Burushaski language courses can be attributed to the absence of any job opportunities for those who wish to learn indigenous languages and become literate in them. In contrast to the importance of literacy in the mother tongue, the Burushaski speakers in Karachi believe that cultural festivals and media projection can help flourish Burushaski in this metropolitan city better than any other means. Although the participants’ points reading the promotion of Burushaski through media and cultural festivals are valid, it cannot be denied that literacy in the mother tongue can increase the life span of a language. If we look at the language documentation research conducted by the Summer School of Linguistics for the preservation and the promotion of the endangered languages in different parts of the world, we learn that the documentation of languages is essential so that these languages can be taught to the young generation of speakers, who because of urbanization are gradually losing ties with their heritage language and culture.Besides mother tongue education, local languages and cultures can also flourish through tourism as tourists are exposed to the indigenous languages and cultures which may be exotic for them and it is through the uniqueness of their culture and language that the locals can attract tourists both from within and outside the country. For instance, the chillam joshi festival celebrated by the people of the Kalash Valley in Chitral in mid-May attracts thousands of tourists, both locals and foreigners, every year. The same holds true for the Shandur Polo festival celebrated in Gilgit-Baltistan. There are many adventure clubs in Pakistan now that offer packages for local as well as foreign tourists to participate in these festivals which not only help improve the economy of the indigenous people but are also a means of celebrating the cultural diversity of Pakistan by projecting its soft image to the world outside. This is the reason that the item on the questionnaire also included the option related to the tourism industry as the region the Burusho people belong to is considered to be among the most beautiful natural landscapes of the world because of the high mountains and glaciers. It is, however, surprising to see that there were only 5% respondents who believed that tourism industry can play an important role in the promotion of their language and culture. The tourism industry, though not as developed as it should be, can generate enough revenue for the entire region, which can not only improve the living standard of the people of Gilgit-Baltistan but can also strengthen the economy of the entire country. But the irony is that the more beautiful the places are the greater are the problems in accessing such places because of the lack of infrastructure in Pakistan. Moreover, the pathetic condition of some of the roads (For instance, Khunjerab pass, Lowari Tunnel, etc) turns travelling into a nightmare rather than an adventure. This is the reason that a large number of Burusho students studying or working in Karachi avoid paying frequent visits to their home town. 7.4.8 Participants’ response regarding the importance of mother tongue educationLiteracy in the mother tongue is considered an important prerequisite for prolonging the life of any language. The ability to read and write in one’s mother tongue guarantees language sustainability. Mother tongue education is not only important from the point of view of the life of the language but also plays a crucial role in the cognitive development of its speakers. This is the reason that UNESCO has declared mother tongue education the linguistic right of every child. The declaration of linguistic rights emphasizes mother tongue education and many multilingual countries including the developing countries started providing mother tongue education to their children several years ago. Unfortunately in Pakistan children are still deprived of this linguistic right as a result of which their cognitive development suffers. In order to know how much importance the young Burushos give to mother tongue education, they were asked to give voice to their opinion in this regard. The participants’ responses in the form of percentage are provided in Table (31): Table (31): Frequency of the participants’ response regarding the importance of mother tongue educationPrimarySecondaryTertiaryAll LevelsNot at any LevelFemale Burushaski speakers31%9%3%47%10%Male Burushaski speakers52%5%6%24%13%Total 41%8%5%34%12%This item, like the previous ones, received diverse responses from the participants. However, majority of them, that is 41%, believed that mother tongue education is necessary only at primary level, while 8% believed that it should be provided at only at the secondary level. There were only 5% who supported mother tongue education only at tertiary level followed by 34% who believed that it should be provided at all levels. There are significant gender differences in the participants favouring mother tongue education at all the levels. As evident from the data given in table (31), in contrast to the 47% female participants advocating mother tongue education at all levels, there were only 24% male respondents who favoured mother tongue education at all levels. Most of the male participants did not approve of the idea of providing mother tongue education beyond primary level probably because they do not find any material benefit attached to it. Despite the absence of any external rewards, majority of the female participants expressed their strong inclination for providing mother tongue education at all levels which manifests their emotional ties with their native language. This difference in their response can be attributed to the differences in their gender ideology. Males are more pragmatic in their approach as compared to females who are driven by emotions.Although majority of the participants favoured mother tongue education, there were 12% respondents, both male and female, who did not favour mother tongue education at any level believing that there is no need for it as it is naturally acquired at home and it is enough to have the ability to speak it. This point of view was expressed by some of the participants during the informal conversation I had with them during the process of data collection. In order to probe into details and discover more reasons behind the participants’ responses to the question, some of the key informants were selected for in-depth interview. A detailed analysis of their interviews is presented in the next chapter.7.5 Analysis of Section D of the Questionnaire 7.5.1 Degree of importance of the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi One way to determine the subjective ethnolinguistic vitality of any linguistic group is to find out how attached the group is to its heritage language and how important the members of the group consider the ability to speak their mother tongue in the other tongue environment. On being asked about the degree of importance of the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi, the Burusho participants did not give a very favourable response as only 29% of them considered the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi as extremely important. Although the percentage of those who did not consider it important at all is extremely low, i.e., 3%, the ones who consider it important is not very high either, as evident from the data given in table (32). Table (32): Degree of importance of the ability to speak Burushaski in KarachiNot important (X)Slightly important (1)A little more important(2)Reasonably important (3)Very important (4)Extremely important (5)Female BurushaskiParticipants2%10%14%12%28%34%Male BurushaskiParticipants5%23%18%12%18%24%Total percentage3%17%16%12%23%29%The data given in table (32) also show a marked difference in the response of both the genders regarding the importance of the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi. As opposed to 34% female respondents, only 24% male respondents consider it extremely important for a Burusho to have the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi. This difference can be attributed to the male respondents’ greater exposure to the mainstream languages in Karachi as a result of which they consider it more important to have the ability to speak the dominant languages like Urdu and English as compared to Burushaski. The lesser degree of preference given to Burushaski on the part of the young male Burushaski speakers can also be explained by referring to the Perceived Benefit Model presented by Karan & Stalder (2000). According to this model, people prefer to learn and speak that language which they think can give them some material benefit. Since there is no such material benefit attached to Burushaski in Karachi, a vast majority of the Burusho participants do not consider the ability to speak their mother tongue extremely important in Karachi. Those who consider it extremely important, however, have reasons other than the material benefits. These reasons range from the love for one’s mother tongue to the need for asserting one’s ethnolinguistic identity which shows highly positive attitude towards one’s mother tongue. 7.5.2 Degree of importance for a Burusho to have knowledge of Burushaski culture Although language and culture are inextricably linked with each other and are equally important for the identity of any ethnolinguistic group, the Burushaski speakers who participated in the study seemed to treat language and culture separately. Majority of the participants considered knowledge of culture more important than the ability to speak Burushaski in Karachi, as is evident from the data provided in table (33). Table (33): Degree of importance to have knowledge of Burushaski cultureNot important (X)Slightly important (1)A little more important(2)Reasonably important (3)Very important (4)Extremely important (5)Female Burushaski Participants5%6%4%4%12%69%Male Burushaski Participants2%10%7%18%16%47%Total percentage3%8%6%11%14%58%Total 58% of the respondents believed that it is extremely important for a Burusho to have knowledge of Burushaski culture. They were of the view that despite being away from their native environment, a vast majority of old Burusho have succeeded in retaining their cultural values and traditions. However, they admitted that this cultural awareness is found missing among a vast majority of young Burusho people in Karachi as many of them are not even aware of the names of all the cultural festivals the Burushos celebrate. Not only is there a lack of awareness about the Burusho culture on the part of the young Burusho community members, there is also a certain degree of reluctance to acquire cultural knowledge on the part of some. This reluctance to acquire knowledge of the Burusho culture is particularly found among those Burushos who were born in Karachi and therefore were deprived of the exposure to the native environment in their childhood. 7.5.3 Degree of pride in being called a Burusho The higher the degree of pride in one’s ethnolinguistic identity, the higher is the degree of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality of a group. According to the data gathered through the SEV questionnaire, 63% of the respondents claimed to be highly proud of their Burusho identity. There was a huge gender difference, however, in the degree of pride the participants claimed with reference to their Burusho identity. The female respondents claimed to be more proud of their Burusho identity as opposed to the male respondents. Table (34): Degree of pride in being called a BurushoNot proud at all (X)Slightly proud (1)A little more proud (2)Reasonably proud (3)Very proud (4)Highly proud (5)Female BurushaskiParticipants2%5%3%7%9%74%Male BurushaskiParticipants5%10%10%11%12%52%Total %3%8%7%9%10%63% Although 74% of the female participants claimed to be highly proud of their Burusho identity, as opposed to the 52% male respondents, they did not have enough reasons to justify their sense of pride. As opposed to the female Burusho participants, the male respondents had different reasons to be proud of their Burusho identity. One of the male participants, for instance, proudly claimed that the Burushos have always ruled Hunza. He gave examples of some of the prominent leaders of Gilgit-Baltistan who belong to the Burusho community. The reasons given by the other key informants during their interview are discussed in detail in the next chapter based on interview analysis. Those Burusho participants who did not claim to feel proud of their Burusho identity were the ones who were either born in Karachi or had not been to their hometown for more than 5 years. They did not consider the Burusho people to have anything to be proud of. In fact, one of the male key informants interviewed later did not like his Burusho identity saying that since the Burushos are only fond of dancing and nothing else, he does not like Burusho culture and is not proud of being called a Burusho. His interview is analyzed in detail in the next chapter. 7.5.4 Degree of distinctiveness of the Burusho culture from the culture of other groups in Gilgit-BaltistanWhat makes one group distinct from the other groups is not just the language but also the culture, which is not only manifested through the rituals practised but also through the customs and traditions a group adheres to. It would not be wrong to state that culture is a stronger marker of distinction than language for it is quite common to find groups with different cultures despite sharing the same language. For instance, the British and the Americans use the same language with mutually intelligible dialects but they embody different cultural values that result in different life styles. Just as sharing the same language does not guarantee sharing the same culture, similarly speaking different languages does not always imply embodying different cultural values. People may speak different languages and yet follow the same traditions because of physical proximity which can establish a strong cultural bond. Although the people of Gilgit-Baltistan represent different ethnolinguistic groups including Balti, Burushaski, Khowar, Shina, and Wakhi speakers, to the outsiders there does not seem to be much difference among them. It is difficult for any outsider to locate if there are differences in their life style in general and their communications style in particular. Nevertheless, it would be an overgeneralization to state that all the people of Gilgit-Baltistan have the same culture. Looking at them from the same cultural lens may be doing injustice to the distinctiveness of the culture each group represents. In order to see how the young Burushos in Karachi perceive their own cultural distinctiveness, they were asked to indicate the degree to which they consider their own culture to be distinct from the culture of other groups of Gilgit-Baltistan. Except 2.5% of the participants who believe that there are no cultural differences among the Burushos and the other ethnolinguistic groups of Gilgit-Baltistan, majority of the participants’ response indicate that they consider their group’s culture as distinct from the other groups of Gilgit-Baltistan. In fact, the participants reported cultural differences even within the Burusho community on the basis of their religious sect, as there are followers of three different sects among the Burusho community: Ismaili, Shia and Sunni. The data provided in table (35) also indicate significant gender differences as majority of the female respondents selected options inclined towards greater cultural differences. Although 31% male respondents also consider Burusho culture to be distinct from the culture of other groups of Gilgit-Baltistan, only 29% of them selected options inclined towards greater cultural differences as opposed to the 58% female respondents. Table (35): Degree of distinctiveness of the Burusho culture from the culture of other groups in Gilgit-BaltistanNot distinct XNot much difference (1)Slightly distinct (2)Distinct (3)Reasonably distinct (4)Highly Distinct (5)Female BurushaskiParticipants2%5%9%26%33%25%Male Burushaskiparticipants3%11%26%31%21%8%Total percentage2.5%8%17.5%28%27%17%In order to find out the reason why the Burusho participants consider their culture to be distinct from others, the key informants were interviewed so that the cultural distinctiveness of the Burusho can be determined. The interviewees’ responses have been analyzed in the next chapter. 7.5.5 Degree of the use of Burushaski as a second language in Gilgit-Baltistan The vitality of a language is not only determined through its use by the native speakers, but also through the non-native speakers’ use of it as a second or foreign language. For instance, the status English has acquired today cannot be solely attributed to its use by the native speakers alone. It has gained the status of an international language because of its widespread usage by the non-natives all over the world. Crystal (2003) reports the number of non-native speakers learning English to have reached 1 billion and considering the global spread of English and its growing prestige, it can be estimated that the number of the non-native English speakers must have crossed 1 billion after 13 years. English is the official language of many countries and is therefore used as a lingua franca in various multilingual settings across the world. If one takes example of Karachi, which is the broader context of this study, Urdu is used a lingua franca. Irrespective of what the linguistic background of the indigenous minorities in Karachi, they use Urdu as a connecting language for intergroup as well as intra-group communication, except a small group of elites who mostly use English in their daily discourse. As far as Burushaski is concerned, one way of determining its vitality is to find out if it is learned as a second language in those valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan where the Burushos are in majority and if yes, then to what extent? In order to find an answer to this question, the participants were required to respond on a five-point scale which helped figure out the status and the vitality of Burushaski in the country. The participants’ response on this item showed gender differences on certain dimensions on the scale. For instance, only 2% female participants believe that Burushaski is not at all used as a second language by the non-Burushos in contrast to the 10% male respondents who expressed a similar response. Same gender difference is observed in case of those who believe that Burushaski is used by very few, quite a few and a reasonable number of non-Burushos as a second language. Although one can find gender difference in response to this item on every dimension on the scale, the nature of gender-based response is different in case of point 4 on the scale, which implies use of Burushaski as a second language by many non-Burushos. According to the data given in table (36), 45% female respondents reported use of Burushaski as a second language by many non-Burushos in those areas of Gilgit-Baltistan where a majority of Burushos live and therefore in those areas Burushaski is not a minority language. In contrast to the 45% female participants, only 19% males reported the use of Burushaski as second language by a large number of non-Burushos. There was not much gender difference in case of the participants’ response to point 5 on the scale that indicated the use of Burushaski as a second language by the vast majority. Overall only 8% participants reported the use of Burushaski as a second language by a vast majority in GB, which means it hardly seems to have any utilitarian value in that region. Table (36): Degree of the use of Burushaski as a second language in Gilgit-BaltistanNot used as a second language Xused by very few (1)Used by quite a few(2)Used by a reasonable number (3)Used by many (4)Used by a vast majority (5)Female BurushaskiParticipants2%3%22%19%45%9%Male BurushaskiParticipants10%16%31%23%13%7%Total percentage6%10%27%21%28%8%Considering the low percentage of the use of Burushaski as a second language by the non-Burushos in Gilgit-Baltistan, the vitality of Burushaski language can easily be determined in urban centres, particularly in Karachi where the Burushos as well as other ethnolinguistic groups, whether they belong to indigenous or non-indigenous linguistic minorities acquire Urdu as their second language. In fact, there are many third-generation indigenous language speakers in Karachi who have acquired Urdu instead of their mother tongue as their first language and therefore use it even in the home domain. Some of the Burushos who participated in this study reported the same trend in the third generation of Burushaski speakers among their relatives settled in Karachi who can only understand Burushaski but cannot speak it because their parents mostly communicate with them in Urdu. In case of those Burusho parents who can afford to send their children in English medium schools, there is an additional pressure from the school authorities to provide English speaking environment at home as a result of which the mother tongue usage is reduced to a great extent even in the home domain. 7.5.6 Degree of intermarriages in the Burusho community One of the factors responsible for language shift as discovered through research in multilingual communities is intermarriages or mixed marriages (Cheng, 2003; David & Dealwis, 2011; David & Nambiar, 2003; Kamada, 1997; Pauwels, 1985; Piller, 2002). In majority of the cases in mixed/intermarriages, it is the wife whose language undergoes shift. No matter what the mother tongue of the wife is, in order to adjust in the new environment and get approval from the in-laws in case of moving to a joint family, which is very common in South Asia, particularly in India and Pakistan, the wife often adopts her husband’s language as a result of which her own language undergoes shift. However, it is not always a woman whose language undergoes shift after marrying a man with a different linguistic background. The reverse can also happen, particularly in case of those men who move to a new place either from less developed to more developed areas, usually from rural to urban settings or from developing to developed countries. In order to make a place for themselves in a new community, they often marry women from that community, especially women who have a higher socio-economic status than their own. The result is complete abandonment of their native language with the passage of time. The wife’s language being the dominant language becomes the language of communication between the couple and the same language is transmitted to the children. There are many cases of Pakistani men who have married British women and settled in the UK. It is observed that their children grow up as monolinguals in English or bilinguals in English and French or any other foreign language but remain deprived of the indigenous linguistic input unless their father transmits them his heritage language, which happens in very few cases. In case of an intermarriage where both the husband’s and the wife’s language is a minority language, the couple adopts the dominant language of the community as the language of discourse which leads to the desertion of the mother tongue on the part of both, the husband and the wife.. The result is that the children are exposed only to the dominant language of the community which is neither their mother’s nor their father’s language. Thus in this kind of mixed marriages children suffer from linguistic starvation in the sense that they remain ignorant of their native language and culture. If we look at the data in table (37), the ratio of intermarriages, one of the major factors leading to language shift, does not seem very high among the Burusho community. Only 28% respondents reported intermarriages to be common in Burusho families, 12% reported them to be very common while only 8% Burushos reported them to be very high. In contrast to this, there were 20% participants who considered this trend to be quite low in case of the Burusho community, 24% who considered it to be extremely low, while 8% reported complete absence of intermarriages in the Burusho community. Table (37): Degree of intermarriages in the Burusho communityNot at allXExtremely low (1)Quite low(2)Common(3)Very common (4)Very high(5)Female BurushaskiParticipants12%26%19%28%10%5%Male Burushaskiparticipants5%23%21%28%13%10%Total percentage8%24%20%28%12%8%This discrepancy in the participants’ response can be understood in terms of the differences in their family values and traditions, which are part of their specific community of practice. The participants’ responses are filtered through their observation of the kind of marriages in their own families, relatives and acquaintances and therefore it would not be fair to arrive at any definite conclusion here in this regard. Some of the key informants who were interviewed later were asked to give reasons behind the absence or presence of intermarriages (depending on their response on the questionnaire). Their interviews are analyzed in the next chapter. 7.5.7 Degree of decline in the use and proficiency of Burushaski among the young Burushaski speakers in KarachiThe young indigenous language speakers, who form an autochthonous minority, representing the second or third generation, are often found to be more vulnerable to language shift and attrition, particularly in urban centres, as the domains of language use they participate in are dominated by the mainstream language(s), and therefore it becomes increasingly important for these minority language speakers to not only learn the mainstream language(s) for survival but also become proficient in it/them to reap socio-economic benefits. Their bilingualism being ‘circumstantial’ in nature compels them to use the mainstream language(s) more frequently than the native language resulting in a further decline in the use of the native language which ultimately affects their proficiency in it. Somewhat similar trend can be found among the young Burusho speakers who have been in Karachi for quite some time as inferred through their response to this item on the questionnaire. The data given in table (38) manifest the responses of the participants: Table (38): Degree of decline in the use and proficiency of Burushaski among the young Burushos in KarachiNot declinedXSlightly declined (1)A little more declined(2)Reasonably declined (3)Very much declined (4)Highly declined (5)Female BurushaskiParticipantszero5%19%26%31%19%Male BurushaskiParticipants3%7%13%27%34%16%Total percentage2%6%16%26%33%18%As the data indicate, only 2% of the respondents claimed that their use of Burushaski and their proficiency in it has not declined at all despite being in Karachi for quite some time. In contrast to these 2% respondents, 33% respondents reported that their use of Burushaski has declined very much while 18% reported that its usage has declined to a great extent during their stay in Karachi which has also affected their proficiency in the language, as they hardly get to speak it in public and education domains. As far as the home domain is concerned, since a majority of Burushaski speakers do not live with their families in Karachi, they are deprived of the rich linguistic input in Burushaski even in the home domain in Karachi. The reported decline in the use of and proficiency in Burushaski cannot solely be attributed to external pressures associated with life in an urban centre; it may also be the result of a complex interplay of external and internal factors, like the urge to assimilate in the mainstream society, the desire for an identity shift, the emergence of a negative self-image, etc. Before jumping to any conclusion, it was important to ask the respondents how they look at these phenomena. Therefore, the key informants were asked to shed light on their response by providing the reason(s) behind their response to this item. Their responses have been critically analyzed in the next chapter that is based on interview analysis. 7.5.8 Degree of decline in the use and proficiency of Burushaski among the old Burusho community in KarachiThe indigenous language speakers belonging to the old generation are generally considered to be more loyal to their language as compared to the young generation, and are also far more proficient in their mother tongue as compared to the young indigenous language speakers because of the rich exposure they have had to the native language and culture. In order to see the extent to which this holds true for the old Burushos in Karachi, the participants were asked to respond to the item related to the degree of decline in the use and proficiency of Burushaski among the old generation of Burushaski speakers living in Karachi according to their observation. In response to this item, 14% of the participants reported no decline in the use of Burushaski among the old Burushos in Karachi, while 25% of them reported that there is a slight decline in the use of Burushaski among the old Burusho community in Karachi. There is no significant gender difference in the participants’ response to this item except in their selection of option number 4 which indicates that the use of Burushaski has very much declined among the old Burushos in Karachi. There are 20% female respondents who believe that the use of Burushaski among the old Burusho speakers has declined very much while the same is reported by only 11% of the male respondents. Table (39): Degree of decline in the use of Burushaski among the old Burusho in KarachiNot declinedXSlightly declined (1)A little more declined(2)Reasonably declined (3)Very much declined (4)Highly declined (5)Female BurushaskiParticipants14%26%10%14%20%16%Male Burushaskiparticipants15%24%19%18%11%13%Total percentage14%25%15%16%16%14%If we look at the overall statistics, 86% of the respondents have reported decline in the use of Burushaski on the part of the old Burusho speakers living in Karachi with varying degrees ranging from slight decline to high decline, refuting the commonly held belief that the use of native language remains unaffected in case of the old generation of speakers. It would not be wrong to state that the socio-economic pressures can affect language choice of speakers of all the age groups though with varying degrees. Language shift is not always age-specific. 7.5.9 Degree of relationship between native language proficiency and the native environment It has been proved through various research studies related to language acquisition and learning that the greater the exposure to the target language, the higher is the degree of fluency in it. Just as exposure is needed to attain fluency, maintaining fluency in any language also requires rich exposure in the absence of which there are chances of language attrition. The biggest challenge for both the autochthonous and allochthonous minority groups is providing themselves and their children enough exposure to their heritage language in the environment that is immersed in the mainstream language(s). However, in the presence of dominant language environment, establishing and maintaining social networks for native language usage is difficult, if not impossible. It is a herculean task in a multilingual country like Pakistan where because of the absence of mother tongue education, the young generation of speakers of indigenous languages living in the urban centres, particularly in Karachi, hardly get exposure to their native language (unless their native language is Urdu) outside the home domain, especially if they do not live in a close-knit community where there are chances of frequent intra-group interactions in the mother tongue. The indigenous language speakers’ problems are aggravated further if their language is a minority language from the point of view of the numerical strength of the speakers, their socio-economic and political status, and their level of education. Considering these challenges one cannot deny that native language environment is a fertile soil that is needed for the growth of a native language. In other words, the vitality of any native language depends on how linguistically fertile the environment is. Since the study is based on Burushaski speakers living in Karachi, in order to find out how the participants feel about the relationship between native language environment and proficiency in the native language, they were asked to mention the probable degree of decline in one’s native language because of being away from the native language environment. Table (40): Degree of relationship between native language proficiency and the native environmentDoes not declineXSlightly declines (1)Declines to a certain extent (2)Reasonably declines (3)Declines very much(4)Highly declines (5)Female BurushaskiParticipants5%2%10%26%28%29%Male Burushaskiparticipants3%8%13%18%39%19%Total percentage4%5%12%22%33%24%Except 4% participants who did not believe that native language proficiency declines because of being away from the native environment, the rest of them believed that there exists a strong relationship between native language proficiency and native environment. However, their responses varied in terms of degrees on the likert scale. If 5% believed that there is a slight decline in the native language fluency because of being away from the native environment, there were 33% who rated this decline to be very high on the scale, while 24% of the total participants considered decline in native language proficiency to be the highest in the absence of native environment. The participants’ responses endorse that there exists a strong relationship between native language proficiency and the native environment which is essential for maintaining fluency in one’s mother tongue. The assumption that one can never forget one’s mother tongue does not hold true anymore. It is a myth that has been shattered time and again through the findings of research based on case studies of language attrition in different multilingual settings. Such case studies have proved the dominant language hypothesis, implying that exposure to the dominant language at the expanse of one’s native language often results in L1 attrition (de Bot, 1996; 2001;de Bot, Gommans, & Rossin, 1997; Kaufman& Aronoff, 1991; K?pke & Schmid, 2004; Nicoladis& Grabois, 2002; Ventureyra & Pallier, 2004). Besides these studies, Pallier et al. (2003) conducted a study utilizing functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) that generated enough evidence to prove that the chances of L1 loss increase in complete absence of L1 input. They found that L1 can be erased from the brain if there is no exposure to L1 for a long period of time. Whether lack of exposure to L1 leads to erasure of its grammar or difficulty in accessing it, it is the area of investigation for researchers working on attrition. For Sociolinguists, what matters more is locating the factors that lead to attrition and explore the nature of relationship between language attrition and shift. 7.5.10 Degree of decline in the participants’ proficiency in Burushaski because of being away from their hometownConsidering the participants’ response to this general question regarding the relationship between native language proficiency and the native language environment, the last item on the questionnaire was based on asking the participants the extent to which they feel their own proficiency in Burushaski has declined, and whether it has declined or remained unaffected despite living in Karachi for a considerable period of time. As already stated, there is enough research evidence on first language attrition that proves a gradual decline in the speakers’ language proficiency in L1 because of limited exposure to it. In order to find out how the Burushaski speakers in Karachi perceive this decline in their own proficiency in Burushaski, they were asked to indicate the degree of decline on the given scale. The data provided in table (41), indicate the percentage of the participants with their perception of the degree of decline in Burushaski. Table (41): The participants’ perception of the degree of decline in their proficiency inBurushaski because of being away from their hometownNot declinedXSlightly declined (1)A little more declined(2)Reasonably declined (3)Very much declined(4)Highly declined (5)Female BurushaskiParticipants7%5%21%17%28%22%Male Burushaskiparticipants10%8%19%21%31%11%Total percentage8%7%20%19%29%17%According to the data presented in table (41), 8% participants did not feel any decline in their proficiency in Burushaski. These eight percent participants were those who had spent less than one year in Karachi (at the time of data collection). As opposed to these 8% participants, there were 19% participants who felt a reasonable decline in their proficiency in Burushaski because of being away from their hometown. Moreover, there were 29% participants who believed that their proficiency in Burushaski has declined to a great extent, while 17% of them indicated the highest point on the scale with reference to the decline in their mother tongue proficiency. Overall 46% participants indicated a high degree of decline in their linguistic proficiency in Burushaski which they believed to be the result of being away from their native environment. These 46% participants include those who have been in Karachi for more than 10 years. Among these participants, there are quite a few who have not been to their native town for the last 7 or 8 years. In the light of the data collected for this study, the loss of contact with one’s native environment may be considered a strong factor in the weakening of ties with one’s native language, as is evident in case of the Burushaski speakers who have been away from their home town for several years. 7.6 ConclusionSeveral themes have emerged through the questionnaire analysis presented in this chapter. The analysis sheds light on the conflicting ideologies the young Burushaski speakers living in Karachi have. Despite the presence of a high sense of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality on the part of a considerable number of participants, there is a complex interplay of language shift and maintenance found among the young Burushaski speakers studying at the University of Karachi, as evident from the analysis of the questionnaire data. The data also reveal significant gender differences in the participants’ attitudes affecting their language choice and usage in different social networks which result in shaping their language ideology. In order to probe into further details, the questionnaire data are used as the basis for further inquiry from the key informants whose interviews are analyzed in the chapter that follows. CHAPTER EIGHTINTERVIEW ANALYSIS8.0 IntroductionThis chapter provides a detailed analysis of the data based on the key-informants’ and the scholars’ interviews by highlighting the major themes that provide the current linguistic trends of the Burusho community settled in urban centres, especially in Karachi, along with their perception of the future of Burushaski language. The interview data also reflect the key-informants’ psychological orientation towards their mother tongue and the mainstream languages.The chapter begins with a brief overview of the techniques used for interviewing the scholars and the key-informants followed by their profile. After providing the essential background information, an in-depth thematic analysis of the interview data is presented which is then followed by the scholars’ point of view. The chapter ends with a brief overview of the work that has been done by the Burushaski Research Academy and the Forum for Language Initiatives, including the projects that are in the pipeline, for the preservation and promotion of Burushaski and other indigenous languages of Pakistan. 8.1 Techniques employed for eliciting detailed responses from the key-informants during the interviewIt is already stated in chapter 5 based on methodology that in the second phase of the study, thirty participants were selected as key-informants for a detailed interview. Besides interviewing thirty key-informants, four ‘elite interviews’ – the term used by Gillham (2000) to refer to an interview taken from someone in an authoritative position – were also conducted (three face-to-face and one telephonic) to get the views of the local scholars working for the preservation and promotion of indigenous languages. In order to elicit detailed responses of all the interviewees, it was necessary to use certain probing techniques and for that purpose I employed ‘reflecting’, a special kind of probing which according to Gillham (2000) refers to “the technique of offering back, essentially in the interviewees’ own words, the essence of what they have just said. This can vary from repeating a 'key' phrase, or word to focus the interviewee, to some sort of paraphrasing.” (p. 50). Reflecting not only summarizes the interviewees’ ideas and opinions to indirectly confirm from the interviewee if her/his responses are correctly understood but also “indicates an awareness of the emotional state behind what has been said” (Gillham, 2000, p. 51). Using ‘reflecting’ helped me cross-check my understanding of the interviewees’ point of view which was extremely important to avoid misrepresentation of their responses to the interview questions. 8.2 Profiles of the scholars consulted for the elite interviews As has already been mentioned in the earlier section of this chapter that ‘elite interviews’ of local scholars were conducted not only to find out how the scholars view the mother tongue proficiency of the young generation of indigenous language speakers, particularly the young generation of Burushaski speakers, but also to find out what is being done to preserve and promote the indigenous languages of Pakistan, especially, Burushaski. For this purpose, four scholars, Dr Shahnaz Hunzai, Dr Parveen Ashraf, Mr Naseem Haider and Mr Muhammad Pervesh Shaheen, were interviewed. Except Mr Muhammad Pervesh Shaheen, who was interviewed on phone, the rest of the scholars were interviewed in person. A brief profile of each of the scholars is given below: Dr Shahnaz Hunzai is the Director of Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi. Although she is not a native speaker of Burushaski, she cannot only speak Burushaski but has also done extensive research on Burushaski language. She has been associated with the Burushaski Research Academy since its establishment in Karachi in the early 90s. It was under her direct supervision that the project related to Burushaski-Urdu bilingual dictionary, which is published in three volumes, materialized in the real sense.Dr Parveen Ashraf, who is a native speaker of Burushaski, belongs to Hunza. Besides working as the Executive Director of Potohar Organization for Development Advocacy (PODA), Dr Parveen also works as a facilitator in the Burushaski Research Academy, Islamabad; she has been formally associated with the academy since 2000. Despite being an MBBS doctor by profession who also earned a Master’s degree in Health Policy and Management from Aga Khan University, Karachi, Dr Parveen has devoted herself to serve in the Burushaski Research Academy on voluntary basis. Mr Naseem Haider is a native speaker of Palula---one of the indigenous languages spoken in Pakistan’s Northern areas---and has been associated with the Forum for Language Initiatives (FLI) since 2003 where he works as a Project Manager and a Senior Literacy Officer. He also provides training to the people working in community-based organizations (CBOs) so that they can work on the grammar and phonology of local languages, develop orthography in case of languages that do not have a script, and also compile dictionaries in local languages to save them from extinction. Mr Muhammad Pervesh Shaheen, who is a native speaker of Pashto, is an educationist as well as a historian. He has several publications to his credit and has presented his work in different national and international conferences. Although his native language is Pashto, besides working on Pashto language, he has also done research on some other local languages of Pakistan. 8.3 Profiles of the participants selected as key-informants for the interview As mentioned earlier, thirty (30) out of one hundred and twenty (120) key-informants (25% of the total sample) were selected for the interview, which included thirteen (13) female and seventeen (17) male participants. Out of the thirty (30) key-informants, sixteen (16) of them claimed to speak the Hunza dialect of Burushaski, ten (10) claimed to speak the Nagar dialect, whereas only four (4) of them reported using the Yasin dialect of Burushaski. The reason for this uneven selection was the availability and the willingness of the participants to act as key-informants for the study. These participants, however, were not randomly selected for the interview. They were selected using certain criteria (a detailed discussion of the criteria used for their selection is already provided in chapter 5, section 5.3). A detailed profile of the female and male key-informants including their place of birth, the dialect of Burushaski they speak, the department they were studying in, their area of residence as well as the type of residence along with the length of residence in Karachi, is provided in Table (42) and (43) respectively. It must be mentioned here that the names provided in both the tables are not the real names of the interviewees. Instead of using their real name, a pseudonym is used for each to keep her/his identity confidential. Table (42): Profile of the Female Key-informants Selected for an In-depth InterviewS. No:PseudonymsPlace of BirthDialect of Burushaski SpokenDepartmentType and Area of Residence in KarachiNumber of years spent in KarachiArfaGilgitHunzaSociologyApartment in Gulshan-e-Iqbal4 yearsHudaHunzaHunzaFood ScienceHouse (Super Highway)09 yearsMaheenGilgitHunzaInternational RelationsApartment(Ayesha Manzil)10 yearsMariamKarachiNagarIslamic HistoryApartment(Gulshan-e-Iqbal)30 years(since birth)RehanaSostHunzaPakistan Study CentreHouse (F.B Area, Karimabad)2 yearsRomanaKarachiHunzaPersianGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)1.5 yearRoohiGilgitHunzaSociologyApartment Jiwani Heights2 yearsSadiaKarachiHunzaPsychologyGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)09 monthsSamanKarimabad, HunzaHunzaAgriculture & BusinessApartmentGulshan-e-Iqbal3.5 yearsSaminaHunzaHunzaEnglishHostelGulshan-e-Noor03 yearsSaraMurtazabad, HunzaHunzaEducationApartment(Mausmiyaat)8 yearsShanilaHunzaHunzaStatisticsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)5 yearsSomyaGilgitHunzaSociologyGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)04 monthsTable (43): Profile of the Male Key-informants Selected for an In-depth InterviewS. No:PseudonymsPlace of BirthDialect of Burushaski SpokenFaculty/DeptType & Area of Residence in KarachiNumber of years spent in Karachi1AfnanKarachiHunzaSociologyGulshan-e-Iqbalsince birth2AmeerYasinYasinApplied Physicsshared apartmentGarden East4 years3ArsalanHundur, YasinYasinChemistrySuper Highway3 years4BaqirNagarNagarSociologyHussain Hazara GoTh1.5 years5HadiHoper, NagarNagarPhysicsHostelGulshan-e-Iqbal4 years6HamidGilgitNagarEnglishGulshan-e-Iqbal4 years7HammadKarachiNagarPersianGulistan-e-Jauharsince birth8JamshedAliabad, HunzaHunzaEducationMausmiyaat3.5 years9JawwadHunzaHunzaEnglishHostelGulshan-e-Iqbal8 years10NaseerGilgitNagarPSCGulshan-e-Iqbal5 years11NaveedNagarNagarHECGulistan-e-Jauhar4 years12SaifHunzaHunzaCEWSSuhanabad Colony, New Golimar10 years13SarmadYasinYasinSocial Workshared apartment Garden05 months14ShakirGilgitYasinPhysicsHouseMausmiyaat02 years15YasirNagar 2NagarPetroleum TechnologyGulistan-e-Jauhar09 years16ZainNagarNagarKUBSMaripur Road20 years17ZakirYasinNagarSchool of LawSuper Highway07 years8.4 Interview Analysis The analysis of the key-informants’ interviews highlight a variety of factors that can well explain the current linguistic trends--- indicative of Burushaski language shift and maintenance to a certain extent---found among the young Burusho community in Karachi. These trends provide deep insights into the future of Burushaski language. Through the analysis of the interviews, the key-informants’ sense of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality is also revealed. Advantage(s) and disadvantages of speaking one’s mother tongue from the Key-informants’ perspectiveMother tongue, which is acquired in the early years of one’s life not only plays a pivotal role in shaping one’s world view but is also significant in a variety of other ways ranging from the ease of expression and the feeling of emotional attachment to the projection of one’s identity. If one’s mother tongue is also one of the mainstream languages in the community of practice (CoP), it becomes all the more significant in terms of becoming socio-economically and politically powerful as the notion of ‘cultural capital’ becomes attached to the dominant language. Hence, it becomes an important transmitter of socio-economic and political prestige. The term ‘cultural capital’ referred to in the Cultural Capital theory developed by Bourdieu (1986, 1989) is used to explain the process of transmitting social status through various items, including language, which is ultimately transformed into socio-economic capital; it includes both tangible and intangible cultural assets, like socio-cultural values, traditional beliefs and practices as well as the linguistic heritage that a community possesses other than the material wealth. Since the indigenous minorities that are away from their native towns find it difficult to frequently use their tangible cultural assets, that include visiting monuments and historical sites, wearing traditional dresses, consuming traditional food, etc., it becomes all the more challenging for them to adhere to their intangible assets that include language, traditional beliefs, cultural values, etc. In case of those indigenous language speakers whose language does not function as a ‘cultural capital’, the language is reduced to the status of a minority language both numerically and socio-economically. In such a case, where the mother tongue is not the language of power, where it is spoken by a few speakers as compared to the speakers of other languages, and where it is not part of the cultural capital, there seems to be hardly any material advantage of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue. Keeping the same situation in mind, the young Burushaski speakers studying at Karachi University, selected as key-informants for the detailed interview, were asked about the biggest advantage of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue, particularly in Karachi. There was a great deal of diversity in the key-informants’ responses to this question. Most of the key-informants, irrespective of their gender considered the possibility of interacting with their community members in order to stay connected with them as the biggest advantage of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue in the other-tongue environment. To them, the ability to speak in Burushaski implies staying connected with one’s roots, which is not possible without expressing group solidarity through the use of one’s native language. In Jamshed’s words (one of the male key-informants) use of one’s mother-tongue “establishes trust among the community.” Other than the importance of the ability to speak one’s mother-tongue for group solidarity, one of the male key-informants, Zain, was of the view that the only advantage of being able to speak Burushaski in Karachi is that one can have private conversation with one’s community members by excluding the non-Burushos from the conversation. Similarly one of the female key-informants, Shanila, believed that the only advantage of having the ability to speak Burushaski is that one can gossip with one’s Burusho friends. This key-informant from one of the departments of the Faculty of Science did not hesitate to admit that there is no material advantage of being able to speak Burushaski and like her, those key-informants who interpreted the word ‘advantage’ only in the material sense could not think of any advantage of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue. There were very few key-informants, two male and two female Burushaski speakers, who perceived the ability to speak one’s native language and its symbolic value in the projection of one’s ethno-linguistic and cultural identity to be advantageous. One of the possible reasons for these key-informants’ point of view being different from others could be traced to their educational background. Since three of these key-informants were from two of the language departments, their perception of their native language was different from the other key-informants who could not perceive the link between language and identity to be of any advantage. Besides these three key-informants, whose views differed from others, there was one female key-informant, Huda, from the Faculty of Science, who considered the ability to speak one’s native language advantageous in terms of identity projection and therefore considered it necessary to preserve and promote it. This key-informant, despite being in Karachi for the last 9 years, claims to speak her mother tongue not only with her in-laws, who also belong to the Burusho community and are settled in Karachi for almost two decades, but also claims to interact in Burushaski with her little son born in Karachi. In her words, “It gives you the sense of security. It’s your identity and identity is something which can’t be snatched from you. This identity makes you different from others.” She further stated: “us (Burushaski) me~ ek alag si miThaas aati he’.” [There is a different sweetness that is felt in Burushaski]. Unlike most of the key-informants who shared different advantages of being able to speak one’s mother tongue, there were two male key-informants who failed to think of any advantage of having the ability to speak their mother tongue in Karachi. One of these key-informants, Ameer from Yasin valley had been in Karachi for four years at the time of data-collection while the other, Naseer from Nagar had spent 5 years in Karachi. One thing that was found common in both these key-informants was the inferiority complex they seemed to have with regard to their ethno-linguistic identity. They could not think of any advantage of having the ability to speak their mother tongue in Karachi because of their comparison of their mother tongue with Urdu and English and the material benefits associated with these two mainstream languages. These key-informants’ inability to associate any advantage with the ability to speak their mother tongue in urban centres, like Karachi, reflects the opinion of many such speakers of indigenous languages whose language does not find a place in the domains of power as a result of which these languages cease to have any importance in the eyes of the native speakers. This feeling of worthlessness regarding one’s language plays a decisive role in diminishing the use of the mother tongue which ultimately gets confined to the home domain. The inability of these two key-informants to associate any advantage with the ability to speak one’s mother tongue was enough to ask them as well as the other key-informants to share any disadvantage that they can think of regarding the use of their mother tongue. It was important to ask this question because an indigenous community’s shift from the mother tongue to the mainstream language(s) or their maintenance of it can depend, along with other factors, on the young generations’ perception of their mother tongue. If speakers perceive their heritage language in a positive way, they do not hesitate to speak it in public domains. One example is that of Sindhi speakers. Sindhi speakers use their language without any hesitation even in the public places outside Sindh. The same holds true for Balochi and Pashto speakers. In contrast to Sindhi, Balochi, and Pashto speakers, Punjabi speakers have reservations using their language in public domains, especially in Karachi, which is a manifestation of their negative perception of their own language (Ali, 2010). As far as the Burushaski speakers are concerned, it is already mentioned that a majority of the participants considered it important to have the ability to speak their mother-tongue, i.e., Burushaski even in Karachi. Most of the participants, who were later selected as key-informants for the interview also mentioned different advantages of having the ability to speak their mother tongue. These advantages are already discussed in this section.However, there were a few key-informants, who also mentioned some disadvantages of speaking one’s native language in a non-native environment, like Karachi. Jawaad, a male key-informant, who had also mentioned the advantages of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue during his interview, was of the view that the only disadvantage of having the ability to speak Burushaski is that it has no value in the job market. Since there is no economic benefit of Burushaski, especially in Karachi, there are many Burushaski speakers among the young generation of Burushos, especially those who have been in Karachi for several years, who have lessened the use of Burushaski, as reported by some of the key-informants during the interview. Another male key-informant, Naseer, who had been in Karachi for the last five years, feels that the biggest disadvantage of having the ability to speak a mother tongue like Burushaski which is not a dominant language in Karachi is the difficulty in getting a good job. He revealed that when he came to Karachi five years ago he faced difficulties in getting a job in a school because he used to speak Urdu with Burushaski accent. Thus, he decided to restrict the use of Burushaski to the home domain. Like Jawwad, Naseer also considers the absence of any material benefits associated with Burushaski language to be a major disadvantage. However, he also believes the mere influence of Burushaski accent while speaking Urdu or English to be a major hurdle in reaping economic benefits in Karachi. Besides the absence of any material benefit of speaking Burushaski, which Jawwad and Naseer considered to be disadvantageous, the disadvantages the female key-informants shared revealed a significant gender difference in their approach. Arfa, one of the female key-informants, for instance, considered speaking one’s mother tongue to be a barrier in learning other languages. Like many laypeople, Arfa also considers L1 an impediment in learning other languages and therefore she claims to have minimized its usage in Karachi. Another female key-informant, Mariam, a Karachi-born Burusho who speaks the Nagar dialect of Burushaski, while mentioning the disadvantage of speaking Burushaski, especially in Karachi, revealed her fear of being misjudged by other communities, as according to her: “If we speak Burushaski in Karachi, people may think that we are biased and therefore it may be creating wrong perception about us.” Her words are indicative of the fact that people’s linguistic choices in public domains are often governed by the importance they give to others’ judgement which they believe can change depending on what language one uses in those domains. Many indigenous language speakers living in urban centres, despite having a positive attitude towards their mother tongue and a high sense of ethno-linguistic vitality, start avoiding the use of their heritage language in public domains either to avoid being victims of discrimination or to lessen the psychological distance that is created because of using a language that is different from the language spoken by the majority. Huda, one of the female key-informants, expressed the same point while sharing one of the disadvantages of speaking Burushaski in Karachi. She feared that if the Burushos interact in their mother tongue in public domains in Karachi, it may distract speakers of other languages from Burushaski speakers which may lead to the isolation of the Burusho community. This female key-informant’s point of view harmonizes with the Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT) developed by Giles & Noels (1998). According to this theory, speakers bring modifications in their linguistic choices either to identify themselves with the dominant group by using the mainstream language showing signs of convergence, or assert their distinct identity by using their mother tongue showing signs of divergence from the dominant group. In other words, people’s linguistic choices carry signs of either convergence or divergence, each of which performs a distinct function. Through using the strategy of ‘convergence’ a minority language speaker can succeed in accessing those social networks that the speakers of the dominant group are a part of. Convergence can especially be seen as an act of acculturation in case of those speakers who have migrated from native to non-native environment either within or outside the country (Kim, 2001), whereas through the strategy of ‘divergence’ one expresses one’s “desire to emphasize distinctiveness from one’s interlocutor, usually on the basis of group membership” (Sachdev & Giles, p.357).Many speakers of indigenous languages like Balochi, Sindhi, Gujrati, Pashto, Punjabi, Hindko and Saraiki moved to Karachi several decades ago, therefore, their languages are quite familiar for Karachiites, whereas the Burushos, Baltis, and other indigenous minorities from Northern areas moved to Karachi much later, as a result of which they and their languages are still unfamiliar for Karachiites. It is evident from the point of view shared by Huda that many Burushaski speakers use the strategy of convergence by using Urdu in the presence of the speakers belonging to other ethnolinguistic groups in Karachi, as they consider the use of Burushaski in cross-linguistic settings to result in the failure to interact and establish contacts with other ethno-linguistic groups. Advantage(s) and disadvantages of mother tongue literacy in the key-informants’ point of viewAlthough mother-tongue education is the linguistic right of every child, this basic linguistic right is denied to the native language speakers in Pakistan. It is not just the government that is indifferent towards the provision of mother tongue education in Pakistan, somewhat similar indifference can be observed on part of the speakers of many indigenous languages who perceive mother tongue literacy to be an extra burden rather than an additional advantage. There is an underlying assumption that literacy in the mother tongue is a waste of time as it does not guarantee an uplift in one’ socio-economic status. In fact, parents prefer to provide their children education in English medium instead of Urdu medium institutions, because English is seen as the current ‘cultural capital’ in the linguistic ecology of Pakistan. Although Bourdieu (1989) has identified many indicators of cultural capital, language can be considered one of the most crucial of all the indicators, as linguistic choices of any community of practice (CoP) not only reinforce linguistic inequality but also other forms of inequalities like ethnic, social, religious, as well as political, and all these inequalities ultimately lead to the class divide based on economy. English being a global language has acquired a symbolic status, particularly in the post-colonial countries like Pakistan, and can be considered a ‘cultural capital’ reinforcing class divide which promotes social inequality. It is not surprising therefore, for the young Burushos, who have moved to urban centres, to abandon their own ‘cultural capital’ in favour of the ‘cultural capital’ particularly associated with English in order to reach on the top of the socio-economic summit that they believe can easily be accessed through climbing the ladder of English language. Since the indigenous minorities migrating to urban centres do not see their own ‘cultural capital’ having the same value that it has in their native towns, they do not feel any reluctance to adopt the cultural capital that dominates in their immediate context. Besides English, another ‘cultural capital’ that the Burushos as well as the other linguistic minorities in Pakistan, particularly from the lower and lower-middle class living in urban settings, have embraced for pragmatic reasons, is Urdu language. Although Urdu is considered less prestigious than English, it is used as a lingua franca and does enjoy a certain degree of prestige when compared with other indigenous languages spoken within the country. Moskal (2014) believes that indigenous groups’ ‘cultural capital’ suffers the most if they migrate from their native town to the host community that is linguistically and culturally different from their own, and results in cultural capital shift. The same shift is in process in case of many indigenous communities settled in Karachi and the Burushos are no exception. Lack of literacy in the mainstream language(s) is leading to ignorance and desertion of the folklore associated with the indigenous languages which in most of the cases is confined to oral tradition in the absence of a written script. Even in the presence of orthography and the availability of a written literary tradition, there is very limited readership because of the lack of widespread literacy in the mother tongue, which in turn has led to a decline in the publication of material in the indigenous languages. Commenting on the importance of mother tongue education, Hirsh (2013) states: A key factor in language survival is the role of education……In the past, education has greatly enhanced the status and number of speakers of a relatively small number of dominant languages, and has seen the weakening and demise of a comparatively large number of minority languages. (p. 125). Considering the gravity of the situation regarding mother-tongue literacy, the key-informants were asked to express their views about the advantage(s) and disadvantage(s) of mother tongue education. As mentioned in chapter 7 section 7.2.3, not all the Burushaski speakers who participated in the study claimed to be literate in the mother tongue. However, unlike speakers of one of the major regional languages, i.e., Punjabi, there were quite a few Burushaski speakers who claimed to be literate in Burushaski, with varying degrees of fluency in reading and writing. A majority of the key-informants also favoured literacy in the mother tongue and talked about its advantages. One of the male key informants, Jawwad, for instance, believed that literacy in the mother tongue can help the native speakers access the literary treasure of Burushaski which in his words gives ‘literary happiness.’ This key-informant being a student of English literature claimed to be fond of reading literature in Burushaski language as well, which is an exception. He romanticized the idea of literacy in the mother tongue by perceiving it as a source of happiness in pure literary terms. Although other key-informants also favoured mother tongue education, they did not romanticize it the way Jawwad did. They had other reasons for favouring mother-tongue education. One of the male key-informants, Shakir, for instance, considered literacy in the native language an important prerequisite for preserving and promoting one’s heritage language. The female key-informants, however, differed from the male key-informants in their opinion regarding the advantage of mother tongue literacy. One of the female key-informants, Maheen, from the department of International Relations, for instance, considered mother tongue literacy as an extra advantage in maintaining one’s identity. This holds true to a great extent, as through writing in one’s mother tongue one can project and maintain one’s ethno-linguistic identity by using idioms and metaphors steeped in native discourse. The native flavour can be enjoyed to the fullest if one can read and write in the native language as no other language can project the worldview that is inherent in one’s mother tongue. Not only is literacy in the mother tongue a better way of projecting and maintaining one’s identity, but also one of the most effective means of improving one’s proficiency in it, as identified by Mariam, another female key-informant. Mariam who belongs to Nagar valley was born and brought up in Karachi. She not only claimed to speak Burushaski but also read and write in it. Since she is an ehle-tashi, she writes ‘nohaaz’ in Burushaski. However, she claimed to use Roman script for writing in Burushaski instead of the Arabic script that is used in some of the books published in Burushaski language. A female key-informant, Saman, from Hunza, studying in the Department of Agriculture and Business, believed that the ability to express one’s ideas to a vast audience within one’s own community is the biggest advantage of mother tongue education. Like Saman, another female interviewee, Rehana, who is also from Hunza, was of the view that if people are literate in their native language, they can write books in it and once the books are available in the mother tongue, the native language speakers, especially the youngsters can read those books and learn about their own history and culture. When asked about the disadvantages of literacy in the mother tongue, most of the key-informants believed that there is no disadvantage of learning to read and write in one’s mother tongue. In fact, many of them irrespective of their gender considered it an added advantage. Nevertheless, a few key-informants did talk about the disadvantage of being literate in the mother tongue, particularly with reference to their own mother tongue, i.e., Burushaski. One of the male key-informants, Jawwad, for instance, who despite talking about the advantage of literacy in his mother tongue during his interview, was not hesitant to mention the fact that there is no economic prospect in becoming literate in Burushaski. Like Jawwad, Arfa, a female key-informant from Hunza, studying in the Department of Sociology, also failed to find any economic advantage of literacy in Burushaski. She was of the view that since Burushaski is neither an international nor an official language, literacy in Burushaski is not needed for survival. Similarly, Baqir, one of the male key-informants from Nagar, thought that there is no use of reading and writing in a mother tongue that is not used in the domains of power. He was of the view that since Burushaski is also a minority language that lacks prestige, there is no advantage of learning to read and write in it. There was yet another male key-informant, Yasir from Nagar who had spent nine years in Karachi at the time of the interview, who considered literacy in his mother tongue to be disadvantageous. He believed that learning to read and write in the mother tongue is a waste of time, which shows his low perception of his mother tongue. He was of the view that it is more important to become literate in Urdu and English----a view that is held by many indigenous language speakers in Pakistan. Yasir also considered literacy in his mother tongue, Burushaski, a time-consuming process because of his belief that Burushaski is a difficult language. It goes without saying that judgements about the ease or difficulty of a language are purely psychological and reveal people’s underlying attitudes towards a language. If the young Burushos themselves consider learning to read and write in Burushaski difficult, motivating them to become literate in their mother tongue will be a major challenge. Not only does the Burusho community need to think of extrinsically motivating the young generation of Burushaski speakers to gain literacy in Burushaski, but the government of Gilgit-Baltistan also needs to provide some incentives to draw the young generation towards learning reading and writing skills in their mother tongue. Key-informants’ reasons for leaving their hometownAll those key-informants who had moved to Karachi without their families had the same reasons for leaving their hometown and that is to seek higher education. Although there is Karakorum International University (KIU) in Gilgit-Baltistan, many students from GB prefer to study in Karachi. One of the reasons given by a female key-informant is the limited number of subjects offered at Karakorum International University, while one of the male key-informants complained of the lack of facilities as well as the opportunities for part-time jobs for people coming from the remote areas of GB to Gilgit city, where Karakorum International University is located. Recently KIU has opened another campus in Hunza but the number of subjects offered in Hunza campus is far more limited than the ones offered in the main campus in Gilgit. Moreover, many of the interviewees also expressed the desire for improving their standard of living by availing themselves of the opportunities available in Karachi as the major factor behind their decision to leave their hometowns.It is proved through the interviewees’ responses that because of limited opportunities in their native towns, those indigenous language speakers who wish to compete with the world outside and improve their standard of living are bound to move to urban centres. A vast majority of young indigenous language speakers particularly move to Karachi with the hope of finding a part-time job along with their studies and many of them permanently settle in the city if they get a good job after completing their qualification. Apparently it seems to be a simple journey from rural to urban centres but it is more than that. It is also a linguistic journey from the native language to the mainstream language(s) in which there is a risk of losing one’s native language and culture and this risk becomes even greater when people move to metropolitan cities like Karachi, which is diverse in every sense. Huda, one of the female key-informants while talking about Karachi’s diversity makes an apt comment: “you can count diversity as a positive attribute as well as a negative attribute for us (the Burushos).”While asking about the reasons for choosing Karachi instead of any other city, particularly Pindi, Islamabad or Lahore, which are not as far away from Gilgit-Baltistan as Karachi, most of the key-informants were of the view that Karachi is less expensive than other cities. One of the female key-informants, Huda, stated: “Karachi amiiro~ ka hi nahi~ Ghariibo~ ka bhi shehar he’” [Karachi is a city that is not only for the affluent but also for the poor], while a male key-informant, Zakir talked about the possibility of finding affordable accommodation in the form of hostels or shared apartments as well as a part-time job during studies. Out of the 17 male key-informants who were interviewed, 5 of them reported doing part-time jobs along with their studies, which they believe is very difficult to find in other cities of the country. A male interviewee, Arsalan, studying in Chemistry Department in the evening programme of the University of Karachi gave similar justification for choosing to move to Karachi for higher studies:yaha~ pe Karachi aane ka maqsad ye he’ ke hamaara jo background he’ koi ham amiir log he’~ nai Karachi me~ Ghariib logo~ ke liye behtar facilities available he’~ koi banda morning me~ job kar sakta he’ aur evening me~ vo paRh sakta he’. [The intention of coming to Karachi is our background. We are not affluent. There are better facilities available for poor people in Karachi. A person can work in the morning and study in the evening]. However, some of the key-informants also chose Karachi because of the presence of their relatives and other family members. Shakir, one of the male key-informants from the Department of Physics, for instance, reported that he had chosen to study in Karachi because of his two brothers who are already settled here. Similarly, another male key-informant, Jawwad, from English Department who had been in Karachi for the last 8 years at the time of the interview, came here because of the presence of one of his cousins who was studying at Karachi University at that time. Yet another male key-informant, Hamid, from Nagar who had come to Karachi four years ago for higher education, prefers to settle in Karachi instead of going back because of the extreme weather conditions in Gilgit-Baltistan. He uses the term ‘zaalim mausam’ [cruel climate] for the extreme cold in his native town. He reported that because of the temperature falling below zero degree Celsius, schools and colleges remain closed for several months, as the buildings are not equipped with the facilities to deal with extreme weather. Besides the extreme cold there, he also complained of the lack of basic facilities, including electricity and gas supply in many valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan. Hamid’s choice to settle in Karachi instead of going back to his native town requires serious thought. Many indigenous language speakers from remote and underdeveloped areas come to Karachi for work but decide to settle here permanently instead of going back. As far as the extreme climate is concerned, nothing can be done about it. Nevertheless, facilities can be provided to deal with the extreme weather conditions, in the remote areas so that the natives do not abandon their home towns. If everyone decides to settle in urban centres, there is a danger of shortage of facilities in cities as well. Karachi, for instance, has already started facing crises in this regard. Key-informants’ knowledge of the native culture (i.e., the Burusho culture)It is a widely held notion that language and culture co-exist. One cannot claim to have knowledge of any culture in the real sense unless one knows the language that is an embodiment of its culture. One example of the strong connection between language and culture is the existence of proverbs in a language through which the world view of its people can be understood. In fact, knowledge of proverbs and folktales, which constitute folklore literature, provide insights into the native speakers’ universe of discourse. Besides knowledge of the proverbs and folktales in a particular language, it is also equally important to have knowledge of the cultural festivals, food items, and traditional dresses all of which act as explicit identity markers to distinguish one group from the other, and can help people strengthen a group’s ties with its own community. Considering the immense significance of culture in the formation and sustenance of group identity, the participants were asked to indicate the degree of importance they ascribe to the knowledge of native culture in one of the questions on the SEV questionnaire. Although the participants’ response to this question ranged from not important at all to extremely important, majority of the participants, i.e., 58%, considered it extremely important to have knowledge of one’s native culture (For details, see Chapter 7 section 7.5.2). In order to see how much knowledge the participants have of their culture, those who were selected as key-informants were asked to display their knowledge of the Burusho culture by sharing relevant cultural information. Those who claimed to have some familiarity with Burushaski proverbs and folktales, for instance, were asked to share a few Burushaski proverbs and tell the names of some of the folktales, while those who did not claim to have any knowledge of the proverbs and folktales of Burushaski were asked to share the reason behind their lack of awareness of their folklore. The key-informants were also asked to share the names of their traditional dresses, food items and the cultural festivals the Burushos celebrate in order to see how much familiarity they have with their native language and culture. It was not only important to see if there is any gender difference but also if there are differences in the cultural knowledge of those Burushos who were born and brought up in Karachi and those who had spent the formative years of their life in their native town before moving to Karachi. As evident from the questionnaire analysis, unlike the male participants, majority of the female participants claimed to have familiarity with Burushaski proverbs and folktales (For details see Chapter 7 section 7.2.4). Nevertheless, despite the female key-informants’ claim to have knowledge of the proverbs and folktales in Burushaski, many of them not only failed to recall the name of any folktale, but also failed to recall any proverb in Burushaski saying that they have forgotten them. Most of the key-informants justified their inability to recall any proverb saying that they would hear their elders use proverbs in Burushaski when they were in their native town, but after coming to Karachi they do not get to hear any Burushaski proverb as a result of which they have forgotten most of the proverbs they once knew. Since there were quite a few female key-informants who reported living in Karachi without their parents and grandparents, their exposure to Burushaski has become extremely limited. Moreover, the young Burushos hardly use proverbs in their daily discourse, especially in Karachi. It was also discovered through the interview data that those key-informants who were born and brought up in Karachi hardly had any familiarity with Burushaski proverbs and folk-tales, except Mariam, a female key-informant who not only claimed to be aware of a few Burushaski proverbs but also shared one during the interview. Despite being born and brought up in Karachi, Mariam is aware of Burushaski proverbs because she has heard her parents use them at home. Mariam’s knowledge of Burushaski proverbs can be attributed to her parents’ use of Burushaski which they seem to have successfully maintained despite the use of Urdu in Karachi. Although, according to Mariam, her parents mostly communicate in Urdu with her and her siblings, they have not abandoned Burushaski completely. In fact, they always use Burushaski for communicating with each other and also use Burushaski proverbs in their daily discourse as a result of which she and her siblings are exposed to Burushaski proverbs.It was quite striking to note that some of the key-informants despite being born in their hometown claimed not to have any knowledge of proverbs and folktales in Burushaski. Baqir, one of the male key-informants, who was born in Nagar made a similar claim saying “na proverbs aate he’~ na folktales. me’~ gaao~ me~ zyaada nai raha. na me’~ apne daada daadi ko jaanta hu~ na naana naani ko.” [I neither know proverbs nor folktales. I didn’t live for long in the village. I neither know my paternal nor maternal grandparents]. Although Baqir had been in Karachi for only 1.5 years at the time of the interview, he revealed during the interview that he left his home town at an early age as his father got him admitted in a hostel in Gilgit city where he received his early education. Because of being away from his home, he could not get exposure to proverbs and folktales in his language and the same holds true for many young indigenous language speakers of other languages as well. Unlike the male key-informants’ lack of knowledge of Burushaski proverbs and folktales, the female key-informants’ knowledge of folk literature, particularly folktales, though limited, can be attributed to their interest in listening to stories. The old tradition of grannies or other elder members of the family telling stories to children, especially girls, as they tend to spend more time indoors, is still practised in villages. However, it is a dying tradition in urban settings where instead of joint-family system nuclear-family system is in vogue. Even in case of joint families, people living in cities are so busy in accumulating money that spending quality time with children becomes almost impossible. Whatever time is left is wasted on reading and commenting on the posts on Facebook page. Story-telling tradition, like other traditions, is on the verge of extinction, at least in urban settings. This gradual death of certain traditions through which cultural norms can be transmitted to the next generation is extremely unfortunate. Besides a few key-informants’ ability to share some proverbs and the names of a few folktales in Burushaski, the key-informants were also asked to share the names of traditional food items. It was interesting to observe that both the male and female key-informants showed familiarity with their traditional Burusho dishes and their names. As reported in the questionnaire analysis (see chapter 7 section 7.4.6), a vast majority of the participants also reported that they miss their traditional food in Karachi the most. The names of the food items, the key-informants mentioned include: dhiram piTTi, giyaali, burusshapik, hariisa, chhamus,chhap shoro, sharbat, muliida, mamtu, etc.Unlike the availability of the traditional cuisine of Peshawar, like chapli kabaab and namkiin gosht, or the traditional food items of Lahore like Lahori charGha, paaye, etc., one hardly finds the traditional Burusho dishes in Karachi’s food outlets. According to one of the female key-informants, Shanila, the only place where one can find a few Burusho dishes is near Super Highway. The reason for the availability of these dishes in one of the food outlets in that area is the presence of a large number of Burushos who reside as a close-knit community in Jiwani Heights near Super Highway. Nevertheless, except Shanila, none of the key-informants knew about the availability of Burusho dishes in that food outlet. Since there are many Burushos living as a close-knit community in other areas of Karachi like Garden, Soldier Bazar, Gulshan, etc., the food outlets in these localities should introduce traditional Burusho dishes to attract the Burusho community. For it cannot only increase the sale of these restaurants and food outlets but can also be a good way of introducing traditional Burusho cuisine to the young Burushos, especially those born and brought up in Karachi. Availability of traditional Burusho dishes in Karachi can also become a source of creating a social network for the Burushos where they can sit and eat together and also get a chance of interacting in Burushaski with their fellow Burushaski speakers. Moreover, it can also be a source of introducing the traditional Burusho cuisine to the other linguistic groups living in Karachi, which, in turn, can lead to some kind of cultural awareness. As far as the details of the cultural festivals the Burushos celebrate are concerned, most of the key-informants, irrespective of their gender, were able to share the names of the cultural festivals, the most popular of which, according to them is the ginnani festival. This festival is celebrated by the Burushos living in all three valleys of G-B: Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin. The festival is, however, particularly celebrated with great fervour in Hunza valley to welcome spring season. Although majority of the key-informants were able to share the names of some of the cultural festivals, like, ginnani, tuxm rezi, chichi, buffao, nauroz, rassi kashi, etc., displaying their familiarity with them, very few of them remembered the exact details as they are unable to celebrate many of their festivals in Karachi the way they are celebrated in their native towns. This does not mean that the Burusho community living in Karachi does not celebrate any of its festivals. They do celebrate some of the festivals but the nature of celebrations is different in Karachi where they simply gather in a community hall or a gymkhana, have some cultural performances, like folk songs and dance followed by dinner. The key-informants who have participated in the cultural festivals in their hometown find it impossible to celebrate festivals like tuxrezi or ginnani in Karachi because these festivals are celebrated in open fields in their home town: the former involves sowing seeds while the latter involves cutting crops. Somya was the only participant who remembered the exact date when ginnani festival is celebrated in the month of March. She also remembered the dates of other cultural and religious events the Burushos, particularly those belonging to the Ismaili sect, celebrate including, Imaamat Day, which according to her information is celebrated on the 11th of July every year, while Prince Karim Aga Khan’s birthday is celebrated on the 13th of December. Unlike other key-informants, Somya not only remembered the dates of most of the festivals celebrated by her community but also remembered the name of a famous Burushaski folktale Shorti aur Borti. Except Somya and Romana, another female key-informant from Hunza, nobody was able to recall the name of any Burushaski folktale, which reflects the gradual loss of ties with one’s culture and folklore among the young Burushos. Key-informants’ reasons for (not) taking pride in being called a BurushoTaking pride in one’s ethnic and linguistic identity indicates a high subjective ethno-linguistic vitality which is one of the positive signs for the distinctiveness of any group. A vast majority of the Burushaski speakers who participated in the study marked on the higher side of the scale when asked to indicate their degree of pride in being called a Burusho in the SEV questionnaire, except a few participants, 3% to be more precise, who did not express any such pride (The details related to the participants’ responses in percentage are already provided in chapter 7 section 7.5.3). Since the diversity in the participants’ responses cannot be neglected, the key-informants were selected keeping in mind different responses so that the reasons for each type of response can be discovered. There were gender differences not only in the degree of pride the participants displayed but also in the reasons the key-informants shared regarding their pride for being called a Burusho or not being proud of their Burusho identity in case of a few interviewees. Majority of the female participants selected the highest point on the scale indicating their immense pride in their Burusho identity. The key-informants had different reasons for being proud of their Burusho identity. Their responses to this question ranged from being highly-educated, tolerant, open-minded, and hard-working to having unique language, unique culture with a variety of festivals as well as a rich history. Some of them also attributed their source of pride in being a Burusho to the beautiful landscape of the area they belong to. Some of the male key-informants, particularly, claimed to take pride in their Burusho identity because of the simple life style the Burushos adhere to and also because of the hospitality of the Burushos, while many male key-informants connect the pride in their Burusho identity with the history of the Burusho community. Like some male key-informants, some of the female key-informants who had some knowledge of their history also associated the reason behind their pride in being called a Burusho with the Burusho history. The Burushos from Hunza are particularly proud of the fact that there is royal blood in the Burusho community and that they have always ruled Hunza, as one of the female key-informants, Saman said during her interview: “jab bhi koi hukuumat ki gai he’ Hunza me~ ya phir jo bhi higher posts pe log rahe he’~ they all were Burusho not the other ones”. [Whenever Hunza had been ruled, whatever high posts have been occupied there, they all were Burusho not the other ones]. Saman, who came from Hunza to Karachi 3.5 years ago, is also proud of her Burusho identity because, according to her, the Burushos are considered a sign of good omen, which is evident from the ancient story that Saman narrated (The complete interview transcript is attached in Appendix D): ek zamaane me~ puure Hunza me~ ek qehat aai thi er.....us zamaane me~ kya hua tha ke ek hamaara Burusho banda tha Thiik he! vo bohat chhoTa.....to us zamaane me~ baadshah ne us ke haath se grain ko cast karvaaya tha jis ki vajah se first time vo grains vaGhera ug gaye the...to is vajah se ab bhi koi kaam start kya jaata he’ to they start with the Burusho. [In the past when the entire Hunza valley was afflicted with famine er.....At that time, there was a Burusho child who, with the King’s order, was made to sow the seeds in the field, which resulted in the growth of crops. Since then whenever any new work has to be started, they start with the Burusho]Besides all these reasons, one of the male key-informants, Afnan from Sociology Department who admitted not having much knowledge about the history and culture of the Burusho community because of being born and raised in Karachi, shared a very unusual reason for being proud of his Burusho identity and that is the folk dance which he claimed to be in love with. Like Afnan, another male key-informant, Saif, studying in the Centre of Excellence for Women Studies, University of Karachi considered the cultural sword dance his source of pride for being a part of the Burusho community. This key-informant from Hunza is also a celebrity who performs in different programmes projecting the culture of Gilgit-Baltistan in Karachi. He takes great pride in his Burusho identity because of all the cultural festivals and is an active participant in the programmes depicting Burusho culture held during the Students’ week in the university every year. He has also performed folk dance in one of the special episodes of the morning show Jaago Pakistan telecast on Hum TV channel. A male key-informant, Shakir, from Yasin valley who could not think of any specific reason for being proud of his Burusho identity made a general statement saying “har kisi ko apni zabaan aur saqaafat pe faxar hota he’” [Everybody is proud of their language and culture]. This, however, does not hold true in case of every ethno-linguistic group. In fact, it does not even hold true for all the individuals within a community, as observed in case of some key-informants who reported not taking any pride in being a Burusho. There were four such key-informants (two female and two male interviewees) who made this claim. One of the female key-informants, Shanila, from the Department of Statistics, for instance, admitted that she does not feel proud of being called a Burusho because of the young male Burushos’ indulgence in political activities. This female key-informant complained of the misconduct of some of the young male Burushos in Karachi who she thinks have forgotten their values as a result of which she is ashamed of being called a Burusho. Another female key-informant, Rehana, from one of the research centres of Karachi University associated her absence of pride in being called a Burusho with the absence of any value and material benefit of Burushaski language. For many people, ethnic pride is associated with advantages one can gain through one’s ethnic language. In the absence of material benefits, a language ceases to have any value. This view is in accordance with the ideology of many young indigenous language speakers living in urban settings where their language does not enjoy the prestige enjoyed by the mainstream language(s). Just as the male and female key-informants gave different reasons for taking pride in their Burusho identity, similarly some of them had different reasons for not being proud of their Burusho identity. One of the male key-informants, Hammad from Nagar, who was born and brought up in Karachi was honest enough to admit that he knows nothing about the Burusho culture except the traditional dance which he does not consider to be a source of pride. He blamed his elders for not transmitting the cultural knowledge related to his community. Lamenting this lack of awareness about his culture Hammad stated: rivaayati raqs ke ilaava kuchh dikha hi k[nahi...is(raqs) ke ilaava bohat si chiize~ he’~ jis se culture transfer hota he’, je’se Sindhi culture he’, Balochi culture he’, baqaaide sikhaaya jaata he’ ke ye aadaab he’~ ye rusuumaat he~ kamazkam mere xaandaan me~ mujhe nahi~ mila.[Haven’t found anything except traditional dance...there are lots of things except dance through which culture is transferred just as there is Sindhi culture, Balochi culture. The values and traditions are formally taught. At least I haven’t found any such thing in my family]The absence of pride in case of a few Burusho participants and their reason for not taking pride in their identity is not only reflective of their materialistic approach but also their limited knowledge of the Burusho culture and history. The lack of awareness about one’s history and culture has put the indigenous language speakers at a greater disadvantage than one can imagine, for they cannot draw any inspiration from their history and culture. Nevertheless, the young generation cannot be entirely blamed for being oblivious of their history and culture. This oblivion on their part, to a great extent, reflects the negligence of their elders, particularly their parents who did not realize the importance of exposing them to Burusho history and culture to inculcate the sense of pride in them. The young generation of indigenous language speakers in general are brought up in such a way that they are detached from their native culture which embodies norms and values, for culture is not only reflected through one’s dressing and other outer manifestations. The cultural detachment, found in some of the key-informants’ views, can play a decisive role in theirs and other young indigenous language speakers’ native language shift at a later point in their life as culture and language cannot exist without each other. Although it is quite common to find individuals who are ashamed of their ethnolinguistic identity to the extent of hiding it in case their group is negatively stereotyped, it is equally common to discover individuals not taking pride in their identity despite the absence of any negative stereotyping, as is the case with some of the participants in this study.8.4.6The uniqueness of the Burusho community in the eyes of the key-informants The ethnolinguistic vitality of any group is not only determined by the attitude of a community towards its language but also by examining how it perceives its own distinct identity as a group. Although the Burusho community living in different valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan, like, Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin, speak a different regional dialect and represent three different religious sects, Ismaili, ehl-e-tashi, and ehle-sunnat, they are bound by one common Burusho identity that makes them distinct as a group. Even those Burushaski speakers who have moved to other places within the country and those who have moved abroad share certain traits that set them apart not only from the communities outside GB but also from the other communities within Gilgit-Baltistan. Majority of the key-informants irrespective of their regional identity and their gender talked about Burusho being a close-knit community showing group solidarity. According to most of the key-informants, because of being a close-knit community, the Burushos go out of the way to help each other. One of the female key-informants, Mariam, who speaks the Nagar dialect of Burushaski and studies in Islamic History department, shared how her community members helped her family when her father was jobless:Burusho ek duusre ki bohat madad karte he’~ ye chiiz me’~ ne xud bhi experience ki he’ jab baba ki job ka kuchh masala tha taqriiban chaar ya paa~ch saal tak to hame~ feel hi nahi~ hua ke baba ki job nahi~ he’ itna cooperate kiya ke hame~ pata vaaqai nai chala.[Burushos help their community members a lot. I have also experienced it myself when my father was jobless for almost 4 or 5 years. We did not have this feeling that he has no job. The Burusho community cooperated to such an extent that we didn’t feel any financial crisis]Besides being a close-knit community and helping their community members, especially those who share the same sect, the key-informants also talked about the element of hospitality and sacrifice found in the Burushos which they think makes their community distinct from others. Moreover, Jawwad, a male key-informant from Hunza where a vast majority of Burushos are followers of Prince Kareem Aga Khan, proudly mentioned: “We are diverse, more accepting and tolerant; more educated and politically strong”. When asked what he meant by being ‘politically strong’, he not only gave examples of the past rulers of GB who belonged to the Burusho community but also contemporary politicians of his area including the current governor of GB who belongs to the Burusho community.This male key-informant’s reasoning for the uniqueness of the Burusho community is in harmony with some other male key-informants’ reasoning which is indicative of the sense of superiority that the male Burushos have with regard to their community. Like Jawwad, Sarmad, a male key-informant from Yasin valley proudly spoke about the distinctiveness of the Burusho community, saying: logo~ me mohabbat he’, mehmaan navaazi he’ aur bahaadur bi h’e~ ye un ki pehchaan he’ aur baaki duusra jo maadi culture he’ us me~ bi ek alag xubsuurti he’ Topi aur choGha pehnna ye kisi duusre culture se bilkul alag kar deti he’[There is love among the people; there is hospitality and also bravery. This is their identity and within the material culture also there is a unique beauty, like wearing a cap and a traditional gown. All this distinguishes one from other cultures]Although both the male and female key-informants shared the uniqueness of the Burusho community, there was an obvious gender difference in the traits of the Burusho community they identified as unique which reflects a difference in their thought patterns. While the males talked about the uniqueness of both abstract and material culture of the Burusho community, the female key-informants mostly talked about the abstract Burusho culture. One of the female key-informants, Maheen, who is settled in Karachi with her family for the last ten years proudly mentioned: “Like er.... ke’si bhi situation ho vo kabhi haar nahi maante. This is truth. er...They will never beg er... hard working hote he’~ bohat zyaada” [Whatever the situation, they never give up.....they are very hard-working]. Despite gender differences in the key-informants’ identification of the uniqueness of their own community, one thing was found to be common in their discourse and that is the use of the ‘they code’ instead of the ‘we code’, which implies the key-informants’ detachment rather than attachment with their own community. Majority of the key-informants, irrespective of their gender, used the ‘they code’ while referring to the Burusho community as if they themselves are not part of that community, which is quite striking. What was found to be even more striking, however, was some participants’ complete indifference towards the uniqueness of the Burusho community. Two male key-informants, Ameer and Hammad, one from Yasin valley the other from Nagar, for instance, failed to share uniqueness of the Burusho community saying: “kabhi Ghaur nai kiya” [Have never paid attention to it]. One can understand Hammad’s inability to talk about the uniqueness of the Burusho community as being born and brought up in Karachi, he claimed not to have enough knowledge about his own language and culture, but Ameer’s indifference is thought-provoking, as he was born in Yasin valley and spent his childhood in his native town. Since Ameer came to Karachi for higher education only four years ago, he is expected to have sufficient knowledge about the distinctiveness of the Burusho community that he belongs to. Nevertheless, whether one is born in one’s native town or anywhere else, parents can transmit the cultural knowledge to their children if they want to. The response of both the male key-informants, Ameer and Hammad, reflects their sheer indifference towards their own community and its culture and this indifference reflects their parents’ inability to transfer the required cultural knowledge that is needed for a distinctive group identity. Indifference towards the uniqueness of one’s community is one of the strong signs of cultural detachment that is often found in the minority groups that start living in urban centres. Not only do they become geographically but also culturally isolated from their native towns and the norms and values associated with them unless there is a continuous struggle to maintain ties with the native language and culture. 8.4.7 Key-informants’ reasons behind the fondness for one’s favourite language People’s likes and dislikes regarding different languages reveal their underlying language attitudes to a great extent and when this involves one’s mother tongue, it not only uncovers people’s attitude towards their native language but also their sense of subjective ethno-linguistic vitality as members of a particular community. As discussed in chapter 7 based on the questionnaire analysis, the participants of this study were asked to select the language they like the most to see how attached they are with their mother tongue. The options included Burushaski (the mother tongue of the participants), Balti, Shina (two major languages of Gilgit-Baltistan), Urdu, and English. The participants were also given the freedom to specify any other language in case they like it more than the ones provided as options. According to the results of the questionnaire, six different languages with varying percentage emerged as the most favourite language of the participants, with Burushaski being selected by the majority, followed by English, Urdu, Persian, Shina, and Pashto. Majority of the Burusho participants’ selection of Burushaski as their most favourite language manifests their highly positive attitude towards their mother tongue which is indicative of the strong sense of ethnolinguistic vitality the Burushos have. However, this majority constitutes less than 50% of the Burusho participants, as revealed by the results of the questionnaire (For details, see chapter 7, section 7.4.4). When the participants selected as key-informants were interviewed, they were asked to provide reasons behind their fondness for their most favourite language. Among the 30 key-informants who were interviewed, majority of the key-informants had selected English as their most favourite language and the reasons they gave for their fondness for English reflected the contemporary ideology abut language choices based on material benefits. Most of the key-informants, irrespective of their gender, for instance justified their choice by saying that it is an international as well as an official language and that there are many opportunities for those who have mastered English. Somya, one of the female key-informants, for instance, was of the view that in today’s world of technology only those people progress who know good English as it is the language of technology. She used the expression ‘bechaari’ (poor) for Urdu and her own mother tongue Burushaski as she believed that these languages cannot compete with English. The choice of the lexical item ‘bechaari’ reflects how she perceives Urdu and Burushaski (her mother tongue) in contrast to English which she considers to be a prerequisite for success. Like Somya, Jawwad, one of the male key-informants, gave a somewhat similar justification for his fondness for English. In Jawwad’s own words: I like English because it is a international language. You have opportunities if you speak English. Of course you get good money if you speak good English. This is one reason. Another reason is my spiritual guide’s instructions to learn and excel in English. Since this key-informant from Hunza is the follower of Prince Karim Agha Khan, who is the spiritual leader of the Ismailis, Jawwad takes his spiritual leader’s instructions very seriously. Although Jawwad was not the only key-informant representing Ismailis, he was the only one who referred to his spiritual leader’s instructions regarding English. Jawwad’s and the other key-informants’ selection of English because of its socio-economic prestige carries a very strong message for the policy makers, who should look at the possibility of elevating the status of indigenous languages by providing them constitutional support. This may develop interest among the speakers of indigenous languages in learning and retaining the use of their mother tongue along with English. Since the indigenous language speakers cannot access the domains of power unless they know the dominant language, only a few language loyalists show fondness for their mother tongue in the contemporary world. Those key-informants who selected Burushaski, as their most favourite language, for instance, gave more or less the same reason for their fondness for it and that is their emotional attachment with their native language. One of the male key-informants, Naveed, from Nagar valley said: “meri ma jo zabaan bolti he’ vahi me~ bolta hu~ is se ek ajiib lagaao he’ jo bayaan nahi~ kya ja sakta.” [I speak the same language that my mother speaks. There is a strange attachment with it (Burushaski) that cannot be explained in words]. Another male interviewee, Saif, who also sings Burushaski songs and performs in cultural events stated: “Burushaski ilfaaz bhi achchhe lagte he’~ aur Burushaski me~ gaana gaane me~ jo he’ na maza aata he’” [I like Burushaski words as well and enjoy singing in Burushaski]. Saif’s reason for liking Burushaski indicates his attachment with Burushaski music. It was quite interesting to discover that even those key-informants who selected a language other than Burushaski as their most favourite language expressed their fondness for Burushaski songs and music. The key-informants also shared the names of their favourite singers who sing in Burushaski, like Shahid Qalandari, Mehboob Jan Yasini, and Wajahat Soz.It cannot be denied that music can be an effective means to establish a strong connection with any language and culture. This point is proved by the choice of Shina as the most favourite language of one of the Burusho male key-informants, Zain, from Karachi University Business School (KUBS). This key-informant claimed to like Shina the most primarily because of his fondness for Shina songs. Another reason he gave for his fondness for Shina is his friendship with Shina speakers. Attachment with a certain language because of being a native speaker of it is natural but the kind of attachment with a non-native language which is not even prestigious in an urban centre like Karachi, is quite unique. One of the male key-informants, Shakir, from Physics department, for instance, mentioned Pashto as his most favourite language and justified this fondness for Pashto because of his friendship with Pashto speakers. In fact, his friendship with Pashto speakers, according to him, is not just limited to his fondness for Pashto language but is also extended to his fondness for the Pakhtuns and their culture, as he said with a certain degree of amusement in his tone: “bachpan se hi mujhe Pathaan bohat pasand he’~ mere automatically Pathaan dost ban jaate he’~ is liye mujhe Pashto language bhi achhhi lagti he’, Peshaavri chappal bhi achchhi lagti he’ aur paThaano~ ka dressing style bhi.” [I am fond of Pashto language since my childhood. Pathaans automatically become my friends therefore I also like Pashto language, Peshaavri slippers, as well as the dressing style of Pathaans]. This key-informant’s reasoning implies that fondness for a language is not necessarily based on its socio-economic status in society. People may like a language even if it does not carry any material benefit for them. However, there are very few people who do not use socio-economic parameters for liking or disliking a certain language. It must be mentioned here that Shina and Pashto were selected as the most favourite languages only by a few male participants. None of the female participants selected these languages as their most favourite. Besides, Pashto and Shina, two key-informants, one male and one female had also selected Persian as their most favourite language. The female key-informant, Mariam, from Islamic History department, likes Persian because in her point of view there is a certain kind of sweetness in Persian which resembles Burushaski, her mother tongue. Mariam likes Persian so much that she has also taken admission in the Persian language course offered by the Department of Persian, Karachi University. Although the male key-informant, Hammad, who is from Persian department, also considers Persian a sweet language, he shared other reasons as well for his admiration for Persian language. According to him,“ek to ye ke aasaan zabaan he’, duusra matlab is me~ ek miThaas he’,Thiik he’! jazab karne ka jo he’ ek hunar he’ is zabaan ke andar.” [One reason is that it is an easy language, secondly, there is a certain kind of sweetness in it. Right! There is an ability to absorb in this language]. Comparing Burushaski with Persian he commented: “Burushaski me~ jaazabiyat nahi~ he.” [Burushaski does not have the element of absorption]. Being a student of Persian Literature and language, his justification for his favourite language is different from other key-informants’ reasoning. Unlike Hammad’s and a few other key-informants’ reasons for the fondness for their most favourite language, the rest of the key-informants’ reasons behind the selection of their favourite language reflected their materialistic approach focusing on either the actual or the perceived benefits associated with it. Two male key-informants who had selected Urdu, for instance, admitted that they like it because it helps them communicate with people outside their own community as a result of which a great deal of their work gets done. One of the male key-informants, Hamid, also shared another reason for his fondness for Urdu language and that is his exposure to it through the programmes broadcast on Radio Pakistan which he used to listen to even before moving to Karachi. His response implies that exposure to any language through media can play a very effective role in inculcating fondness for that language, especially if the language is used in such a refined way that it appeals to one’s aesthetic sense. There is no denying the fact that the Urdu used in the programmes broadcast on Radio Pakistan is a treat to the ears and is in sharp contrast to the kind of Urdu that is used by the radio jockeys on other channels, like FM 99, FM-100, FM-107, to name a few. However, the fondness for Urdu on the part of the non-native Urdu speakers cannot be attributed to their exposure to pure Urdu alone. In addition to its being a lingua franca among the masses throughout the country, Urdu also enjoys the status of being the only national language of Pakistan, as a result of which it has an edge over all other indigenous languages of the country. Those indigenous language speakers, who have moved to urban centres and those born in cities, especially in Karachi, are particularly fond of this language, as they can speak it more fluently than their mother tongue. 8.4.8 Difference between the Burusho community living in Gilgit-Baltistan and the one living in Karachi in the eyes of the key-informants Although, according to the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis, speakers of different languages differ in their perception of reality and thus differ in their ‘Weltanschauung’ that is ‘worldview’, this worldview is not dependent on language alone. The geographical as well as the socio-cultural environment play an equally pivotal role in shaping people’s worldview which ultimately affects their entire life style, including their eating habits, their dressing style and above all their communication style. When people move from their native town to an urban centre or move to another country, after spending a considerable period of time away from their native environment and culture, not only is there a risk of language shift but also cultural shift. This happens especially in case of indigenous language minorities whose cultural traditions are very different from that of the place they have moved to. Since Burushaski speakers are not just confined to a few valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan now but are settled in different cities throughout the country, particularly in Karachi, it was important to ask the key-informants whether they notice any difference between the Burushos living in their native town and those settled in Karachi. Since in case of the Burusho community, there are many cultural traditions that are deeply rooted in the geography of the area the Burushos belong to, the key-informants who had spent their childhood and a considerable period of their adulthood in their native town found many differences between the Burusho families settled in Karachi and the ones still living in their home town. One of the female key-informants, Huda, a Hunza-born Burusho, who had come to Karachi for higher education nine years ago and is now married and settled here feels that the Burushos born and brought up in Karachi do not value relations as much as those born and brought up in Hunza and other valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan. She said in a complaining tone: “The children who are born in Hunza, they know much more about norms and values. The children who are born in Karachi are much more extrovert but ... in logo~ ko na rishto~ ki qadar nai he’” [These people (the Burushos born in Karachi) do not value relations].Although Huda finds a huge difference between the young generation of Burushaski speakers living in Hunza and those living in Karachi, she does not entirely blame the youngsters living in Karachi for not valuing relations the way they are expected to. In fact, she considers parents responsible for not transmitting the cultural values to their children. She was of the view that the parents here are so much busy in earning money that they do it at the cost of teaching traditional norms and values to their children. Besides highlighting the differences in the norms and values of the Burushos living in two different geographical settings, Huda also talked about the difference in the accent with which Burushaski is spoken in her hometown and in Karachi. According to her observation, the Burushos born and brought up in Karachi are able to speak Burushaski, but their accent is different. Moreover, they insert many Urdu and English words in their Burushaski discourse. She used the expression ‘Urduvized Burushaski’ to describe the kind of Burushaski Karachi-born Burushos speak. The same difference was pointed out by the local Burusho community living in Karimabad, Gojal, and Altit village that I had informal interaction with during my visit to Hunza. Like Huda, the Burushaski speakers I talked to in Hunza feel that those Burushaski speakers who are studying in Karachi have become more proficient in Urdu. One of the local hotel managers in Karimabad (Central Hunza) said: “un ki Urdu itni achchhi ho jaati he’ ke vo Burushaski bolte bolte Urdu bolne lagte he’~” [They become so fluent in Urdu that they start using Urdu while speaking in Burushaski]. Differences among the Burushos living in GB and those in Karachi and other cities was not only felt by the locals in Hunza or those Burushos who have spent a considerable period of time in their hometown, but was also felt by the key-informants born in Karachi. The Karachi-born Burushos were also able to talk about differences between the Burusho families living in Gilgit-Baltistan and those living in urban centres, like Karachi, as they claimed to have visited their hometown more than once. However, the differences they shared were mostly related to surface culture, like dressing style, food items, language, etc., instead of deep culture that includes traditional beliefs and concepts. One of the male key-informants, Afnan from Hunza, who was born in Karachi, for instance, talked about the simplicity of the people of Hunza and their use of Burushaski language in all the domains which he finds missing in the Burusho families settled in Karachi. His complete interview transcript is attached in Appendix# D along with the transcripts of other key-informants. According to Afnan: vaha~ bikkul saadgi he’ yaha~ aake un ka re’hne ka style change ho jaata he’ Burushaski bohat kam boli jaati he’ maa baap bol lete he’~ lekin bachche bohat kam bolte he’~ vaha~ Urdu kachchi bolte he’~ Burushaski hi boli jaati he’.[There is absolute simplicity there (in Hunza). When they (the Burushos) come here, there is a change in their life style. Here Burushaski is spoken less frequently. Parents speak Burushaski but their children speak it rarely. Urdu is not spoken fluently there. Only Burushaski is spoken]. Another male key-informant, Sarmad from Yasin valley who had spent five months in Karachi at the time of the interview also noticed difference in the use of Burushaski among those Burushos living in his home town, i.e., Yasin valley and the ones settled in Karachi. According to Sarmad, “aksar ye hota he’ ke … zyaada tar vo Bururshaski me~ interest nahi lete aur un ki Burushaski sust bi hoti he’ aur vo baat bi karte he’~ to zyaada tar Urdu me~ hi baat karte he’~”. [Often it happens that the Burushos living in Karachi mostly do not take interest in Burushaski and their Burushaski is also weak and even when they speak, they mostly speak in Urdu]. Like these male key-informants, some of the female key-informants also talked about the difference in the use of Burushaski among the Burusho families living in their home town and those settled in Karachi. Moreover, other than lamenting the decline in the use of Burushaski among the Burusho community in Karachi, one of the female key-informants, Somya, was particularly critical of the limited proficiency of the young generation of Burushos born and brought up in Karachi. She used the expression ‘gulaabi Burushaski’ to describe the Burushaski mixed with Urdu and English that the young Burushos speak in Karachi. Somya, who had been in Karachi for the last 4 months at the time of the interview, also lamented the cultural assimilation of the Burusho community in Karachi, as she said: “inho~ ne yaha~ ka jo culture he’ vo adopt kar liya he’. ye log aaj kal apni zubaan bhuul chuke he’~ apne Burushaski vaalo~ ke saath bhi Burushaski nahi~ bolte.” [They have adopted the culture of Karachi. They have forgotten their language these days. They do not speak in Burushaski even with their own Burusho community members]. Like Somya, another female key-informant, Romana, also lamented the cultural assimilation of the Burusho community living in Karachi. While talking about the major difference between the Burushos living in her hometown and those settled in Karachi, Romana said: Hunza me~ jo hote he’~ vo totally typical type ke hote he’~ matlab culture-based hote he’~ yaha~ pe jo re’hte he’~ na matlab vo log culture ko itna support karte nahi he’~ vo log jo he’~ yaha~ ke lifestyle ke mutaabiq re’hte he~ [Those in Hunza are totally typical type, means they are culture-based. Those who live here (in Karachi) do not support culture that much. They live according to the life-style practised here].Romana’s observation is true to a great extent not only for her own Burusho community but also for other indigenous linguistic minorities settled in Karachi. 8.4.9 Key-informants’ reasons behind Burushaski/Urdu and Burushaski/English code-switchingCode-switching, which has become very common in language contact situations, can be compared to a road that leads to the territory of the mainstream language either leaving the native language on the way or carrying it along in a fragmentary fashion. Jamai (2004) sees code-switching as an “indicator of language shift in an immigrant minority context” (p. 257). He gives example of the Moroccan community in Britain that code-switch between Moroccan Arabic and English which is perceived to be a sign of language shift. The same trend is reported by the young Burusho community in Karachi as all the participants claimed to use Burushaski/Urdu or Burushaski/English code-switching with varying degrees in their intragroup communication even in the home domain.When the key-informants were asked about the reasons behind this code-switching, majority of them, irrespective of their gender, reported that they do it unconsciously. Most of them were of the view that since they have become habitual of using Urdu/English code-switching in Karachi, the same habit is transferred to their use of Burushaski. One of the male key-informants, Shakir, from Yasin valley, who had been in Karachi for two years at the time of the interview, said in an uncertain tone: “Habitual ho gaye he’~ ham ya ho sakta he’ ham Burushaski ke bohat se ilfaaz bhuul gaye he’~” [We have become habitual or there is a possibility that we have forgotten many words of Burushaski]. This lack of certainty about one’s proficiency in the mother tongue is alarming which, if ignored, can lead to L1 attrition in individuals. If Shakir who has only spent two years in Karachi fears forgetting many Burushaski words because of not speaking it in a variety of domains, the ones who have been away from their hometown for a decade or more are likely to have become far less proficient in their native language. This is not just an assumption but a fact as there were quite a few key-informants who were not reluctant to admit that they have noticed a decline in their proficiency in Burushaski and that often it is their inability to recall Burushaski words that compels them to switch to Urdu or insert English in their Burushaski discourse which is mostly confined to the home domain in Karachi. Unlike other key-informants, Jawwad shared a very different reason for code-switching. He revealed that he switches from Burushaski to Urdu or English whenever he is in anger or is under pressure. In contrast to the male key-informants, however, there was no diversity in the female key-informants’ responses regarding the reasons behind Burushaski/Urdu or Burushaski/English code-switching. All of them claimed that it mostly happens unintentionally but sometimes they deliberately switch to Urdu or English either because of their inability to recall some words in Burushaski or their lack of command in Burushaski, as all of them claimed not to be aware of pure Burushaski that their parents and grandparents speak. From the key-informants’ reasons behind Burushaski/Urdu or Burushaski/English code-switching, one can view multilingualism as a bridge leading to either monolingualism or bilingualism in the mainstream languages, that is Urdu and English, resulting in the native language loss, in this case, Burushaski language loss. 8.4.10 Relationship between the length of residence in Karachi and mother tongue usage in view of the key-informants Majority of the participants including the key-informants interviewed believed that their use of Burushaski has declined because of their stay in Karachi which proves that the more time one spends away from one’s native environment, the greater are the chances of language shift from the native language to the mainstream language(s). The key-informants’ length of residence in Karachi and the decline in their use of Burushaski which they have themselves reported show clear signs of Burushaski language shift which according to some key-informants, have also resulted in their loss of proficiency in Burushaski to a certain extent. When asked if there is a strong connection between the length of residence in Karachi and the decline in the use of mother tongue, majority of the key-informants answered in affirmative. One of the female key-informants, Roohi, who had been in Karachi with her family for two years revealed: “my family abi ... kam kardya e’ Burushaski bolna...abi muje pure Burushaski ke words nai pata.” [My family has reduced the use of Burushaski …now I do not know pure Burushaski words]. She was honest enough to disclose: “We don’t speak that much Burushaski.”Many key-informants were of the view that one has to find opportunities to speak in Burushaski in Karachi and such opportunities are hardly available in a city like Karachi where because of rich linguistic diversity Urdu is used as a lingua franca in most of the domains. The result is that with the passage of time one begins to feel more comfortable using Urdu. This seems to hold true in case of indigenous language groups in large cities which can also be called ‘melting pots’ as there comes a stage in the life of minority language groups, who have migrated from different parts of the country or from different countries, when these groups assimilate with the dominant language group. In case of the Burushos in Karachi, however, complete assimilation seems to be unlikely because of their features and physical appearance which is also the case with other ethno-linguistic groups from Gilgit-Baltistan and some other parts of the country. Although a majority of the key-informants believed that the length of residence in a non-native setting does have a negative effect on their mother tongue usage, not all the key-informants answered in affirmative. In fact, some of the key-informants who had been in Karachi for more than five years were of the view that there is hardly any decline in their proficiency in Burushaski language as they mostly use Burushaski in the home domain in Karachi. One of the male key-informants, Zakir, for instance, who had been in Karachi for seven years at the time of the interview disclosed: “Burushaski ke speakers hame~ yaha~ (Karachi) available he’~ ham apne circle me~ kaafi had tak rehte he’~ aur aapas me~ Burushaski me~ hi communicate karte he’~”. [Burushaski speakers are available in Karachi. We stay close to our circle to a certain extent and communicate in Burushaski with each other]. Like Zakir, there were some other key-informants as well, who believed that it is possible to maintain fluency in Burushaski as long as the Burushos continue using it for intragroup communication. In fact, one of the female key-informants, Mariam, who was born and brought up in Karachi, claimed that she mostly speaks Burushaski at home. Although her family has been in Karachi for more than three decades, her parents have successfully transmitted their native language to their children, which is evident of the fact that the length of residence in a non-native environment does not always imply abandoning one’s mother tongue altogether. Like Mariam, Hammad and Afnan, who are also Karachi-born Burushos and have been brought up in Karachi, are also able to speak Burushaski though they did not claim to be as fluent as those who were born and raised in the native environment. Besides these Karachi-born Burushos, some of the female key-informants who reported living in the girls’ hostel on the campus also claimed to use Burushaski, often if not always, with their Burusho hostel mates. They also reported interacting with their family members, relatives and Burusho friends through text messages in Burushaski using Roman script. Furthermore, because of the presence of a large number of Burusho families that are permanently settled in Karachi, there are certain residential areas in Karachi where many Burusho families live as a close-knit community. Those Burushos who live in these areas manage to find as well as create opportunities for interaction in Burushaski. 8.4.11 Key informants’ prediction about the future of Burushaski and the reasons behind their predictionThe vitality of a language depends on a variety of factors, some of which include, the frequency of its usage in a variety of domains, the prestige associated with that language, the constitutional support it enjoys, its literary heritage as well as literacy in the language. However, these are not the only means to determine the vitality of a language, for it also depends on how the indigenous language speakers view and judge the vitality of their own language. Although UNESCO has included Burushaski in the list of endangered languages, keeping the importance of the native speakers’ own evaluation about their language, it was important to find out how they look at the status of Burushaski. It was necessary to know whether the young Burushos themselves consider their mother tongue endangered or not. For this reason, the key-informants were not only asked about how they view the current status of their language but were also asked to predict its future and justify their prediction. The Key-informants’ responses regarding the status of Burushaski can be arranged on a continuum ranging from one extreme to the other with their uncertainty about the future of Burushaski in between. In other words, the key-informants’ opinion about the current status of Burushaski and its future reflects three different approaches: highly optimistic approach, realistic approach, and extremely pessimistic approach. Besides the emergence of these three approaches, there were gender differences in the key-informants’ evaluation of the status of Burushaski language and their prediction about its future. There were quite a few male key-informants who were very optimistic with regard to the status of Burushaski language. In contrast to the seven male key-informants who had a highly optimistic approach towards Burushaski language, for instance, only 3 female key-informants expressed high optimism. Moreover, the degree of optimism displayed by the male participants was much higher than the female participants’ optimism. One of the male key-informants, Naveed, from Nagar valley who had been in Karachi for the last four years, went to the extent of saying: “Burushaski bilkul xatam nai hogi dunya Gharq nai hogi jab tak.” [Burushaski will not die at all unless the world comes to an end]. Despite the fact that Saman, a female key-informant, who had been in Karachi for the last 3.5 years, was equally optimistic about Burushaski’s future, as she said, “As long as the Burushaski speakers are alive, it (Burushaski) will not disappear”, Naveed’s discourse is far more emotionally loaded than Saman’s, which is also a reflection of his intense love for his mother tongue. The intensity of his love for Burushaski can also be determined from another statement that he made in the earlier part of his interview when he talked about his fondness for Burushaski saying: “kyu~ke meri ma Burushaski bolti he’ is liye mujhe Burushaski pasand he. jo meri ma bolti he’ vahi me~ bolta hu~”. [Because my mother speaks Burushaski, I’m fond of Burushaski. I speak what my mother speaks]. In contrast to Naveed’s emotional discourse, Saman offered a logical justification not only for her fondness for Burushaski saying that it is easier for her to communicate in it, but also for her being optimistic about its future. She said in an optimistic tone: “In Hunza, they are starting new universities, they are planning to have a medical college there …if all the facilities are there, the students will remain there.” Saman was of the view that the Burushos will stop moving to the urban centres once the basic facilities are provided in Gilgit-Baltistan. She believed that being in the linguistic ecology of GB, the Burushos will not have any reason to abandon their own language the way they do when they move to an urban setting. Although Samna’s arguments cannot be completely refuted, they can be challenged at a certain level. For the influx of local and foreign tourists in GB, particularly in Hunza throughout the year, and the number of educational institutions have led to the exposure of the Burushos to Urdu and English, resulting in creating a ‘linguistic landscape’--- the written manifestation of language(s) in public spaces, displayed on shops, hotels, restaurants, posters, billboards, road side boards for guiding travelers, etc. (Blommaert, 2013; Gorter, 2006; Jaworski, 2010)---which is very similar to the linguistic landscape observed in urban centres in the country. While travelling from Islamabad to Hunza by road, one can observe the linguistic landscape of the small towns and valleys of GB, where both Urdu and English are used in public spaces. Since Hunza has the highest literacy rate in Pakistan, English can be seen in majority of the shops, restaurants, hotels, and other public spaces. The linguistic landscape of Hunza and Nagar districts that I observed during my trip to GB is symbolic and points towards linguistic imperialism. Considering the absence of Burushaski in the linguistic landscape of Hunza, Nagar and other valleys of GB where the Burusho community lives in majority, one can have reservations regarding its future. Being oblivious of the absence of Burushaski and other indigenous languages in the linguistic landscape of GB, Mariam, a Karachi-born female key-informant expressed her optimism for the bright future of Burushaski by referring to the Pak-China economic corridor, which she thinks can motivate the Burushos settled in Karachi to move back to Gilgit-Baltistan. She gave an example of a few Burusho families who have already moved back to their home town because of the future prospects tied to the business of gems and stones which is flourishing in GB. She was very confident that since many developmental projects have begun in GB, the Burusho families settled in Karachi and other cities will go back to their native towns as a result of which those Burushos who have abandoned or minimized the use of Burushaski in urban centres will again start using it. However, not every female key-informant was optimistic like Saman and Mariam. One of the female key-informants, Sadia, on being asked if Burushaski is likely to disappear in future, predicted with a certain degree of uncertainty: When people switch from their culture to different cultures they want to adjust themselves with those cultures.....mostly yaha~ pe especially girls me~ e’sa hota he’ ke vo log shaayad er...bolna hi nai chaahte Burushaski kisi aur ke saamne vo log even Burushaski bolne vaalo~ ke saath bi Urdu hi bolte he’~.....is vajah se shaayad Burushaski xatam ho jaae ..... lekin e’sa shaayad na ho kyu~ke hamaare Burusho community me~ ese bhi log he’~ jo Burushaski language ke liye bohat efforts kar rae he’~[When people switch from their culture to different cultures they want to adjust themselves with those cultures....It mostly happens here in case of girls. Probably er...they do not want to speak Burushaski in front of anyone. Even with the Burushos they speak Urdu. This may lead to the extinction of Burushaski...but this may not happen there are also people in our Burusho community who are making lots of efforts for Burushaski language].Sadia, who had spent almost nine months in Karachi, at the time of the data-collection, has a different background than other key-informants. She was born in Karachi but after her birth her family moved back to Hunza where she received her formal education till Intermediate. She returned to Karachi nine months ago with the purpose of receiving higher education and took admission in Psychology Department. Although she had spent only 9 months away from her native town, she was not reluctant to admit that she has already begun to notice decline in her proficiency in Burushaski. She was of the view that if the Burushos who leave their hometown to study or work in cities decide to settle in urban centres on permanent basis, there are strong chances that they will abandon Burushaski to adopt Urdu and English in order to be acceptable in the urban culture. There were quite a few key-informants, both male and female, who were extremely pessimistic about the future of Burushaski. In fact, one of the male key-informants, Shakir, was also dissatisfied with the current status of Burushaski saying that it is hundred percent endangered. According to Shakir, “us (Burushaski) ke jo speakers he’~ … matlab kam hote ja rae he’~ un ki tavajja duusri languages ki taraf he’. mera apna bhatiija he’ ghar me~ vo Urdu aur English bolta he’” [The speakers of Burushaski are declining, means, their focus is shifted to other languages. My own nephew speaks Urdu and English instead of Burushaski at home].Another male key-informant, Jamshed, from Hunza valley, was also equally pessimistic about the future of Burushaski and considered it an endangered language. He gave two major reasons for justifying his views regarding the endangered status of Burushaski language: contact of the Burushos with foreigners who visit Hunza and other valleys of GB and intermarriages. According to Jamshed’s observation, it is not only the young Burushos living in Karachi who have minimized the use of Burushaski, even the old people in Hunza have also started using Urdu and English instead of using only Burushaski. Even Hunza me~ jo buzurg hazraat bi he’~ jo besahk uneducated he’~ but they are trying to speak English….. aap Hunza me~ ja ke kisi se interview le~ ge vo beshak uneducated ho but they are mostly use English words and Urdu words. [Even the old people in Hunza though uneducated are trying to speak English…..If you go to Hunza to interview people, even if they are uneducated, but they are mostly use English words and Urdu words]. On being asked about the reasons behind the old Burushos’ ability to speak English and Urdu, despite living in their hometown, Jamshed, whose interview transcript is attached in Appendix # D, said: “ek vajah ye he’ ke foreign log aaate the guumne to shaayad is liye vaha~ ke logo~ ko English aati he’, duusre reason ye he’ ke aksar logo~ ne duusri communities me~ shaadia~ karna shuru kar di he’~” [One reason is that foreigners used to visit that place and probably that’s why people over there know English. Another reason is that people have started marrying outside their community]. If Jamshed does not consider the future of Burushaski bright, he has strong reasons for being pessimistic about its status. His response also indicates that language shift is not just the result of migration from rural to urban centers but a community can also undergo language shift without physically moving to another community. Language contact situations can arise within one’s own community as a result of contact with speakers of other languages through a variety of means, including intermarriages as well as the outsiders’ visits to that area either for trade or tourism. It is also possible through media as pointed out by Hammad, another male key-informant, during his interview. Moreover, it is not just the young generation of indigenous language speakers whose language shows signs of shift from the mother tongue to the other tongue. The same can also be observed in case of the old generation of indigenous language speakers, though with a lesser degree of shift. .8.4.12 Factors responsible for the decline in the use of Burushaski and the loss of proficiency in it among the young generation as seen from the key-informants’ eyesDespite the fact that many key-informants appeared to be optimistic regarding their prediction about the future of Burushaski language, there were many who also lamented the decline in its usage among the young Burushos, particularly among those who are either born and brought up in Karachi or have been in Karachi or other cities for several years. Almost all the key-informants were conscious of the fact that the young generation of Burusho community living in urban centres is gradually moving away from Burushaski language and culture. Most of them also admitted that their own use of Burushaski language has declined to a great extent while living in Karachi which according to some of the key-informants has also resulted in their loss of proficiency in Burushaski language. While lamenting the decline in the use of and proficiency in Burushaski among the young generation of Burushaski speakers, including themselves, the key-informants shared different reasons.One of the major reasons shared by some male key-informants, for instance, is urbanization. They were of the view that because of the lack of facilities as well as opportunities in remote rural areas, people are compelled to move to urban centres. Because of this movement, their language suffers as they are bound to adopt the mainstream language of the area they move to. This seems to be a very strong reason causing a major change in the indigenous language speakers’ linguistic choices. It becomes far more difficult to resist language shift for those indigenous language speakers that live in dispersed areas as compared to those who live together as a close-knit community. Although there are some areas in Karachi, like Garden, Karimabad, Super Highway, Lines Area, Hazara GoTh, etc., where Burusho families live as a close-knit community, many Burushaski speakers, especially young Burushos who have moved to Karachi for education purpose and are living without their families, reside in those areas of Karachi where there is a great deal of linguistic and cultural diversity. Hence, the linguistic ecology they are exposed to is not always favourable for native language maintenance. Besides urbanization, another reason that some of the male as well as female key-informants pointed out, includes friendship with the non-Burushos, that is inter-group friendships. One of the male key-informants, Saif, who had been in Karachi for the last ten years, while sharing the reason behind the decline in his own use of Burushaski, said: “zyaada tar Karachi me~ yaar dost saare Urdu speakers he’~ is liye Urdu me~ hi baat chiit hoti he’ jis ki vaja se mujhe Burushaski me~ bolne ka mauqa hi nahi~ milta.” [Most of the friends in Karachi are Urdu speakers therefore the interaction takes place in Urdu because of which I do not get a chance to speak in Burushaski]. Like Saif, a female key-informant, Sara, from the Faculty of Education, who had spent eight years in Karachi, shared the same reason saying: “er...I think due to the social circle, due to the friends, we mostly prefer to speak in Urdu or English and that’s why we are also prefer Urdu or English language at our home, and with our relatives.” Like Saif, Sara who has also spent several years in Karachi has many non-Burusho friends. She, therefore, thinks that the decline in her and her fellow Burushos’ use of Burushaski and their proficiency in it can be attributed to their interaction with the non-Burusho friends as a result of which they become habitual of using Urdu or English even in the home domain for intragroup communication. The key-informants in general consider the linguistic ecology of Karachi as one of the major factors that has contributed towards the decline of the use of Burushaski among the Burusho community, gradually leading to the loss of native language proficiency. One of the female key-informants, Rehana, who had moved to Karachi two years ago, for instance, said: "ham jaha~ beThte he’~ usi jaga ki saqaafat aur zabaan ko apnaate he’~” (Wherever we sit, we adopt the culture and language of that area). Rehana’s opinion holds true to a great extent as it is generally observed that people maximize the use of the mainstream language in order to assimilate linguistically as well as culturally in the new setting and it mostly happens at the expense of minimizing the use of one’s mother tongue, especially when that mother tongue lacks prestige. However, the young generation of Burushaski speakers alone should not be entirely blamed for the decline in the use of their mother tongue. In some key-informants’ point of view, in case of many families settled in Karachi for several years, parents have stopped encouraging their children to use Burushaski even in the home domain, because they want their children to learn Urdu and English. Roohi, a female key-informant, who speaks the Hunza dialect of Burushaski, revealed that her family has lessened the use of Burushaski because most of her family members and relatives are educated and therefore they prefer to speak Urdu and English most of the times even at home. She considers education to be a major factor behind the decline in the use of indigenous languages in general, including the use of Burushaski. Giving example of the linguistic choices of the Burusho community settled in Karachi, Mariam comments: ab… parents chaahte he’~ ke un ke bachcho~ ki Urdu achchhi ho ya un ki English achchhi ho aur agar vo Gilgiti zabaan bhi siikhe~ ge to un ki zabaan me~ change aaye ga aur un ka lehja xaraab ho jaae ga.[Now parents want their children’s Urdu to be good, their English to be good and if they also learn Gilgiti language, a change will occur in their language and their accent will be distorted]. It must be mentioned here that ‘Gilgiti’ is used as an umbrella term to refer to the languages spoken in Gilgit-Baltistan. In this context, however, it is used to refer to Burushaski alone. Mariam’s words carry several implications. Her opinion points out signs of attitudinal shift in parents’ ideology regarding intergenerational transmission. It also reflects attitude towards traces of mother tongue accent, which in a way is a reflection of the negative attitude towards one’s mother tongue in contrast to a highly positive attitude towards Urdu and English, because of the prestige attached to these languages. How parents’ attitude towards the heritage language can influence children’s language ideology has been studied extensively, especially in case of immigrant families (Becker, 2013; Farruggio, 2010; Lao, 2004; Park & Sarkar, 2007; Wang, 2009; Wong-Fillmore, 2003; Yan, 2003). Like Mariam, another female key-informant, Samina, who had been in Karachi for the last three years, believes that the young Burushos have reduced the use of Burushaski to remove traces of Burushaski accent while speaking Urdu and English. She thinks that parents are responsible for inculcating this belief in their children’s mind. She gave example of her father saying that whenever she visits Hunza during her summer vacations, instead of speaking in Burushaski her father speaks in English with her, as he believes that if his children keep using Burushaski, they will speak English with Burushaski accent and will not become proficient in English.Besides parents’ attitude, another reason behind the decline in the use of Burushaski, identified by a Karachi-born male key-informant, Hammad, is the influence of Indian and other TV channels. He is of the view that the decline in the use of Burushaski and the loss of proficiency in it is not only the result of exposure to Urdu and English alone but also the result of excessive exposure to Hindi through Indian TV channels and it is not only observed in Karachi but also in Nagar where people now have access to these cable channels. Hammad narrated a brief episode of his visit to Nagar, his home-town, where he went in 2013 to attend his cousin’s wedding ----an episode that aptly sums up young indigenous language speakers’ journey from the native to the non-native language(s). me’~ 2013 me~ last time gaya tha baai ki shaadi pe to us me~ jab meri jo xaala zaad behan he’~ us se baat hui.....to ab unho~ ne jo ilfaaz istemaal kiye je’se ...‘vishvaas’ ka lafz me’~ ne first time vaha~ pe suna tha... isi tarha ke tiin chaar ilfaaz jo the me’~ ne first time sune the jab unho~ ne Burushaski me~ vo istimaal kiye...me’~ ne un ka maaini puuchha to vo mujh pe ha~sne lage ke in ke ma’aine aap ko nai pata..... jab me’~ ne puuchha ke aap ne kaha~ se siikha to bola India ke Draamo~ se. [Last time I visited my hometown in 2013 to attend my brother’s wedding where I had an interaction with my maternal cousin. She used words like ‘vishvaas’ (trust) which I had heard for the first time and then there were three or four more such words which she used while speaking in Burushaski which were new to me. When I asked her their meaning, she laughed at me and was almost shocked to know that I am not aware of their meaning. On asking where she had learned those words from, her response was ‘from Indian Dramas’]. Hammad’s narration of this brief episode is a clear message that it is not only Urdu or English that is posing a threat to the indigenous languages. Hindi language that has entered almost every house owing to the exposure to Indian channels through cable network is also a major source of linguistic contamination as it has an adverse effect on the purity of the indigenous languages. Moreover, the penetration of Hindi language in the linguistic repertoire of young indigenous language speakers is not limited to those living away from their native towns but is also negatively affecting the indigenous language speakers’ use of their native language in their home town as is evident from the brief episode that Hammad shared during the interview. For reading the complete transcript of Hammad’s interview, turn to Appendix # D. 8.4.13Key informants’ proposed steps to preserve and promote BurushaskiSome of the positive signs found among the majority of Burushaski speakers who participated in the study were their fondness for Burushaski language, their pride in the Burusho identity, and above all their desire for intergenerational transmission of Burushaski (which they revealed in the questionnaire) indicating their high sense of ethnolinguistic vitality. There were many Key-informants who also expressed their concern for the future of Burushaski language. Considering the emotional attachment of the key-informants with their language and culture, they were asked to propose the steps that can be take for the preservation and promotion of Burushaski language and culture, especially in Karachi. Majority of the male key-informants considered media to be a powerful tool to enhance awareness for preserving and promoting Burushaski language and culture, especially among the young generation of Burushos living in urban centres, like Karachi. Both, the male and the female key-informants who considered media to be the most effective means to promote Burushaski emphasized the need to telecast programmes based on the history and culture of the Burusho community by making documentaries not only in Urdu and English but also in Burushaski language. Hadi, one of the male key-informants from Nagar, was of the view that media is the best source to provide exposure of Burushaski language and culture, especially to those who cannot afford to travel to those valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan where Burushaski is spoken. Another male key-informant, Baqir, while expressing his views informed: Karachi me~ saal me~ kamazkam tiin chaar baar to hamaare ha~ cultural shows hote he’~...muxtalif halls me~…..media projection ke zariye logo~ ko Burusho culture ka pata chale ga. Media hi to vo source he jis ke through koi bhi culture koi bi chiiz ho promote ho sakta he’. [Our (Burusho) cultural shows are organized at least three or four times in Karachi in different halls. People will get to know about Burusho culture through media projection. Media is that source through which any culture, in fact, anything can be promoted]. According to some of the key-informants, there is a private local channel with the name Sujo Hunzo that telecasts Burushaski programmes in some of the valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan, but there is a need to start telecasting Burushaski programmes on PTV so that those Burushos who have moved away from their native towns and are living in urban centres can stay connected with their language and culture through media. While some of the key-informants proposed telecasting Burushaski programmes on PTV, there were a few who also proposed the idea of an exclusive Burushaski channel. Sarmad, one of the male key-informants from Yasin, for instance, was of the view that just as there are separate channels in some local languages, there should also be a separate channel in Burushaski language so that a variety of programmes, ranging from documentaries to dramas as well as news, can be telecast in Burushaski. This step, if taken, can be a great source of bringing the Burusho community together on one platform. A separate channel telecasting programmes exclusively in Burushaski cannot only help promote Burushaski language and culture but can also empower the Burushos, particularly the young Burushaski speakers, who can also have access to the job opportunities in that channel. However, it is extremely important to take care of the content of the programmes so that the Burushaski speakers’ sense of ethnolinguistic vitality is enhanced further which is very important for a positive self-image. Shakir, another male key-informant, also talked about the role that both print and electronic media can play in the preservation and promotion of Burushaski language. He said in a complaining tone, “PTV pe Shina aur Balti me~ news telecast hoti he’ lekin Burushaski me~ nai. Burushaski me~ bhi news telescast honi chaahiye” [PTV telecasts news in Shina and Balti but not in Burushaski. News should also be telecast in Burushaski]. Shakir’s complaint is a reflection of the sense of discrimination that the indigenous minority groups may feel when their language is ignored in important domains and this sense of discrimination may give birth to long-term resentment, leading to ethno-linguistic conflicts. It would not be an exaggeration to state that ignoring an indigenous language is equivalent to ignoring the indigenous group identity as linguistic identity is strongly tied to ethnic identity. Not acknowledging any group’s language implies not acknowledging their identity as a group which may have serious repercussions. Pakistan has already suffered the consequences of not giving constitutional support to Bengali language and has also witnessed the bloody riots in Karachi owing to Sindhi-Urdu controversy. Although the Burushos and other indigenous language groups, excluding Saraiki speakers, have not made any demand for giving constitutional support to their language, neglecting their language in all the domains of power is a violation of their linguistic rights. Besides media projection, two of the key-informants, Huda and Naveed, also proposed designing a syllabus to teach Burushaski language to promote mother-tongue literacy as they considered it to be the most effective means to increase the life span of any language. Naveed, particularly talked about providing mother-tongue education to the Burusho children born and brought-up in Karachi, who he believed cannot even speak Burushaski fluently. Considering the limited proficiency of the young Karachi-born Burushos, one of the female key-informants, Samina, who speaks the Hunza dialect of Burushaski, suggested establishing Burushaski language institute in Karachi where not only the Burushos but the non-Burushos can only take admission to learn Burushaski language. Moreover, there were a few key-informants who also suggested the preservation and promotion of Burusho culture through tourism. One of the male key-informants, Hamid, a student of English Literature, talked about preserving and promoting Burushaski language through poetry. It must be mentioned here that the Burushos are very fond of poetry and love to listen to Burushaski songs. Quite a few participants who claimed to be literate in Burushaski mentioned in the questionnaire that they read Burushaski poetry, mostly divine poetry (which they call ‘gayaan’). Besides this, a vast majority of the participants claimed that they listen to Burushaski songs. The key-informants also mentioned the names of their favourite Burushaski singers. Shahid Qalandri is one of the singers who most of the key-informants mentioned as their favourite poet and singer during their interview. Since the Burushos are interested in poetry, Hamid’s suggestion to exploit this literary genre to the fullest to promote the language sounds appealing. Not only is there a great deal of diversity in the key-informants’ proposed steps for the preservation and promotion of Burushaski language, but also is there a diversity based on gender. Unlike the male key-informants, most of who proposed the idea of promoting Burushaski language and culture through media, majority of the female participants, including the key-informants considered celebration of the cultural festivals as the most effective way of preserving and promoting Burushaski language and culture. This gender difference in the key-informants’ responses reflects a difference in their way of thinking, manifesting gender ideology. The female participants’ idea to preserve and promote their native language and culture through celebrating their cultural festivals is a reflection of their keen interest in expanding their social network by thinking of availing themselves of the opportunities to establish direct contact with the other members of their community on such occasions. Unlike the male key-informants, who consider utilizing media to save their native language and culture, the female key-informants consider establishing and utilizing social networks through cultural festivals an effective means of preserving the native culture and language. 8.5 Scholars’ Perspective In order to see the extent to which the key-informants’ point of view regarding the state of Burushaski is valid, ‘elite interviews’ of four scholars were also conducted. This section presents the scholars’ point of view regarding the current position of Burushaski and the steps that are taken to save the language. 8.5.1 Scholars’ views on the current state of Burushaski and the reasons behind itAll four scholars who were interviewed, in general, lamented the decline in the language proficiency of the young generation in their native language and considered globalization as a major factor in discouraging the young generation to use their mother tongue in public domains. Dr Shahnaz Hunzai, the Director of Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi, stated during the interview that: “In urban centres, young generation has stopped thinking about native language as an identity marker.” Like Dr Shahnaz, Dr Parveen Ashraf from Burushaski Research Academy, Islamabad, felt the same and complained about ‘the flood of other cultures’. She was of the view that the uniqueness of distinctive group identity is lost to a great extent as a result of the influence of other cultures. In Dr Parveen’s words, “Now we are global children.” It is quite ironical that globalization which has brought people from diverse linguistic backgrounds on one platform, has also alienated linguistic minorities from their own ethno-linguistic roots. This alienation from one’s ethno-linguistic roots is leading to the issues of identity in case of linguistic minorities, particularly in case of those who are also geographically displaced and are living in urban settings away from the native environment. Not only does their ethno-linguistic identity suffer, their fluency in the native language also gets affected.Dr Parveen, who is a native speaker of Burushaski, confessed that her proficiency in her mother tongue declined when she lived in Karachi for five years. She recalls that phase and considers herself equally responsible for the loss: “When I spent five years in Karachi, and then went back to Hunza, I could not speak Burushaski fluently because I had completely stopped using it in Karachi.”Dr Parveen’s candid confession regarding her loss of proficiency in Burushaski because of being away from her native town for five years is a reinforcement of the belief that some of the key-informants shared during their interview--- a belief that emphasizes the importance of the native environment for retaining native language fluency. In the light of Dr Parveen’s as well as some of the key-informants’ claim regarding a decline in their proficiency because of being away from their hometown, it would not be an exaggeration to state that one’s proficiency in the mother tongue is likely to decline in the other tongue environment, especially if the linguistic ecology of the new environment does not offer opportunities to use one’s mother tongue. One striking point mentioned by a scholar, Mr Muhammad Pervesh Shaheen, who was interviewed on phone, is the connection between education and language shift. In his words, “asal zubaan to pahaaRo~ aur daryaao~ me~ re’hne vaale bolte he’~ paRhe likhe log to zubaan xaraab karte he’~” [Real language is spoken by those living in mountains and rivers. Literate people spoil language]. Mr Pervesh Shaheen’s views synchronize with the purists’ school of thought as the purists believe in the uncontaminated use of language. However, in the current age, because of excessive exposure to other languages and cultures, particularly through media, people find it difficult to resist insertion of words from other languages in their native language discourse despite the availability of equivalents in their mother tongue. The use of this kind of insertion is more common in the discourse of those indigenous language speakers who are educated. It is this class of society that Mr Pervesh Shaheen considers responsible for spoiling the beauty of the indigenous languages. When asked about the current state of Burushaski language and its usage among the young Burushos living in urban centres, like Karachi and Islamabad, the scholars were not very optimistic. They lamented young urban Burushos’ lack of proficiency in Burushaski. Mr Pervesh Shaheen, for instance, expressed his regret over the gradual loss of the Burushos’ linguistic heritage, saying: “jo Karachi me~ Burusho he’~ un me~ to sirf das fiisad asli Burushaski bachi he’ navve fiisad to ye bhuul chuke he’~” [Only 10% of the real Burushaski is left among the Burushos living in Karachi; they have forgotten 90% of it]. He used the expression “yatiim zabaan” (an orphan language) for Burushaski, an expression which many Burushaski speakers may not like but he justified the use of this expression by another comment: “ye log baRe tez hogae he’~ paRhne me~ is liye apni zabaan taqriiban chhoR chuke he’~” [They have become very sharp in studies. Therefore, they have almost abandoned their language]. His words imply that the more people get higher education, which is always in the mainstream language, the greater is the tendency to shift from the mother tongue to the other tongue.Like Mr Pervesh Shaheen, Dr Shahnaz Hunzai also lamented the current state of Burushaski. According to her observation, the Burushaski speakers settled in Karachi or those who have come to study in Karachi are not literate enough in Burushaski. Dr Shahnaz considers Burusho parents responsible for their children’s lack of literacy in Burushaski. She reminisced that the Burusho community she witnessed in the 80s and 90s was very eager and keen to advance its language but now that enthusiasm seems to have diminished. Commenting on the biggest challenge that the Burusho community face while living in Karachi, Dr Shahnaz stated: I think literacy in me~ missing he’ apni zubaan ko sambhaalna aur us ke baare me~ apni aane vaali nasal ko awareness dena, I think this is the biggest challenge for them here. They try their best that their kids learn Urdu and English and if any capacity is left over they try to learn French or Spanish taake unhe~ baahar nikalne ka mauqa mile. Burushaski sikhaana un ki priority nahi~ he’[I think literacy is missing in them. Preserving their language and giving awareness to the coming generation.....Teaching Burushaski is not their priority]Dr Shahnaz Hunzai also lamented the lack of proficiency among the young Burushos living in Karachi, who according to her observation mix Urdu and English words excessively in Burushaski. According to Dr Parveen’s observation, however, even in Hunza the young Burusho speakers mix Urdu and English words while speaking Burushaski. In her words: I think even 5% Burushaski is not left behind. Youngsters are influenced by other languages. They now try to use Urdu and English. Allama Buzurgvaar (referring to Allama Nasir Hunzai to show reverence) tells us that only 5% is alive of the original Burushaski language. Even my little niece...I try to speak with her in Burushaski but she answers me in English. The focus is on Urdu and English so the language is dying. Even the old ladies exposed to media have started using Urdu and English words in Burushaski.Dr Parveen feels sad that Burushaski is in danger. She recalls her childhood saying: “When I was in school we used to recite duaaya kalaam (prayers) in Burushaski but now things have changed.” Despite feeling nostalgic of the past glory of Burushaski, she is quite optimistic about the fact that there are still poets writing in Burushaski. Although she does not like the modern Burusho poets’ use of Urdu vocabulary in Burushaski poems, she appreciates the fact they are at least trying to produce literature in their mother tongue. She also feels hopeful with reference to the efforts made by the Burushaski Research Academy to preserve and promote Burushaski language. 8.5.2 What is being done to save Burushaski and other indigenous languages in Pakistan?Efforts made to save indigenous languages not only imply saving linguistic diversity but also cultural diversity, which is at the risk of being devoured by the monster called globalization. Due to the implementation of assimilationist language policies in several multilingual countries, including Pakistan, heritage languages and the cultures they embody are in danger. The scholars’ views on the current state of Burushaski language, for instance, also hold true for other indigenous languages of Pakistan. In order to find out what is being done to save the linguistic and cultural heritage of the country, particularly Burushaski language and culture, the scholars were asked to share the details about what has already been done and what is currently being done in this regard. They were also asked to share the details of the projects that they plan to work on in the near future. Despite the absence of any support from the government, there are some non-profit organizations working for the preservation of local languages in Pakistan which is highly commendable. Burushaski Research Academy is one of them. It must be mentioned here that the Burushaski Research Academy in collaboration with the University of Karachi has already published a Burushaski-Urdu bilingual dictionary in three volumes. A formal launching ceremony of the third volume of Burushaski-Urdu dictionary was held on Oct 22, 2016 at Alliance Francaise, Karachi. This bilingual dictionary is the result of the efforts of a team of eight members (‘research officers’ in Dr Shahnaz’s words) including Dr Shahnaz Hunzai, who worked diligently to achieve the target. Besides the publication of Burushaski-Urdu dictionary, Allama Nasir Hunzai’s work from 1940 till present, which was mostly in the form of loose papers, as reported by Dr Shahnaz, has also been published in the form of nine books by the Burushaski Research Academy, Karachi.During her interview, Dr Shahnaz also shared the academy’s plan to launch public education programmes in the near future to raise awareness among the Burusho community, living in Karachi, about the importance of their language and culture. Dr Shahnaz also talked about the efforts the academy made in the past by organizing quite a few public programmes in which Burusho families were invited. Since the aim was to educate them and raise awareness, they were not even charged any fee. When Dr Parveen was asked about the efforts the academy is making to save Burushaski, she not only shared the details of some of the projects that the academy is currently working on but also talked about the future projects during the interview. One of the future plans she mentioned has to do with the establishment of Burushaski Department either in the University of Karachi, Karakoram International University in Gilgit, National University of Modern Languages (NUML) or Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, once the prose material is prepared in Burushaski, which, according to her the academy is currently working on.Other projects that the academy plans to work on in the near future, according to Dr Parveen, include translation of Allama Nasir Hunzai’s Urdu work in Burushaski, research on the presence of borrowed words from different languages in Burushaski, and Burushaski grammar. Currently, however, the academy is working on Burushaski pictorial dictionary for children titled: Qaimdaad Dictionary for Kids.It was discovered during my interaction with both Dr Shahnaz and Dr Perveen, that Allama Nasir Hunzai’s friends and students provide financial assistance to run the academy and whatever work is done in the academy is all voluntary work. The academy is not provided funding from any organization.Nevertheless, Burushaski Research Academy is not the only academy that is the recipient of indifference when it comes to funding from different donor agencies. There are quite a few other organizations working on local languages that also lack funding, particularly, from local donor agencies. Forum for Language Initiatives (FLI) is one such example. It was established in the year 2002 and is not as old as Burushaski Research Academy, but the work that is being done through this platform is of immense significance and is much broader in its scope as it deals with the documentation of more than one indigenous languages of Pakistan, particularly the languages spoken in the northern areas, with the aim to preserve the rich linguistic and cultural heritage of the country. Mr Naseem Haider, who works in FLI, revealed: “ham Gilgit-Baltistan aur KPK ki aThaais zubaano~ pe kaam kar rahe he~.” (We are working on twenty-eight languages of GB and KPK). Although FLI is working on the local languages of GB as well, not all the languages spoken in GB are currently being dealt with as the major focus is on the ones spoken in KPK. However, Mr Naseem Haider shared that in future FLI plans to work on Burushaski as well, as he stated: “Burushaski pe abhi ham ne koi baqaaida kaam start nahi~ kia lekin iraada he’.” [We have not started any formal work on Burushaski but we intend to do so]. One of the greatest achievements of the Forum for Language Initiatives (FLI) is the Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education (MTBMLE) programme which was initiated in 2005. As the name suggests, the purpose of this programme is to provide children their linguistic rights through educating them in their mother-tongue before providing literacy in the mainstream languages. Currently, FLI is running Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education (MTBMLE) programme in six indigenous languages of KPK that include: Gawri, Hindko, Indus Kohistani, Khowar, Palula, and Torwali. Initially pre-school education under the MTBMLE programme started with three languages, Palula, Gawri, and Torwali in 2008 and then it began to be provided in the remaining three languages, Khowar, Indus Kohistani, and Hindko in 2014. The material in all these languages is prepared by the native-speakers of these languages working in the Community-based organizations (CBOs). When asked about the nature of material prepared for pre-school education in these languages, Mr Haider informed that there are alphabet books, primers, books on songs and rhymes, short story books with pictorial illustrations and books on basic Mathematics. According to Mr Haider, pre-school education is provided in these local languages to the native speakers for two years and then it is bridged with Urdu and English.Besides the work done under FLI and Burushaski Research Academy for the preservation and promotion of local languages, there are some scholars who are also working in their own capacity as individuals for saving the local languages of Pakistan and Mr Pervesh Shaheen (who was also interviewed) is one of them. 8.6 ConclusionThe interview analysis presented in this chapter provides insights into the beliefs the young Burushaski speakers living in Karachi have developed because of the linguistic ecology of the city. The linguistic beliefs of the Burushos living in Karachi are also shaped by the city’s linguistic landscape, which gives no room to any indigenous language including Burushaski. It would not be wrong to state that the Burushos’ linguistic beliefs have to a large extent affected the use of their native language in Karachi showing obvious signs of language shift. Since Burushaski is a minority language in Karachi, many young Burushaski speakers have declined its use which has also affected their native language proficiency as reported by many of the key-informants during the interview. The interview analysis not only highlights a decline in the use of Burushaski and the loss of proficiency in it among the generation in Karachi but also throws light on the lack of awareness about the Burusho culture in case of majority of the key-informants, especially among those born in Karachi. Despite the fact that a majority of the key-informants claimed to be proud of their Burusho identity showing a high degree of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality, traces of Burushaski language shift are obvious as they report using Urdu and English as opposed to Burushaski in a variety of domains in Karachi. The chapter not only provides a critical evaluation of the key-informants’ point of view regarding their linguistic choices and the reasons behind those choices, but also unveils gender differences regarding the key-informants’ linguistic beliefs and awareness about Burushaski language and culture. Moreover, it provides the readers with a chance to see how the key-informants’ point of view differ from the scholars’ perspective. Unlike many key-informants’ excessive optimism regarding the future of Burushaski language, the scholars consider Burushaski an endangered language for a variety of reasons, the biggest being globalization, which is perceived to be major threat to the linguistic diversity in multilingual settings worldwide. The chapter ends with a description of the work that is done and the efforts that are being made to preserve and promote Burushaski followed by the last chapter that presents the findings of the entire study based on the results of the questionnaire analysis as well as the interview analysis.CHAPTER NINEFINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMMENDATIONS9.0 IntroductionThe first section of this chapter encapsulates the findings of the entire study based on the analysis of the SEV questionnaire and interview data by answering the all the research questions, whereas in the second section I have presented the conclusion which is followed by a few recommendations for reversing Burushaski language shift in urban settings, particularly in Karachi, where it is a minority language. The chapter ends with recommendations for future researchers who intend to work on Burushaski or any other indigenous language of Pakistan. 9.1 Research Questions RevisitedThe study sought to provide answers to the following questions: What are the linguistic choices of the young Burushaski speakers in different domains in Karachi? What factors are responsible for the linguistic choices of this indigenous minority group? What is the degree of language shift/maintenance and ethnolinguistic vitality of Burushaski speakers in Karachi?Are there any gender differences in their language choice and ethnolinguistic vitality?9.1.1 Findings The data based on both the questionnaire and the interviews of the key-informants reveal that the young Burushaski speakers living in Karachi have minimized the use of Burushaski in general to the extent that it is mostly limited to the home domain. Moreover, Burushaski is claimed to be used in the home domain only in case of those Burushaski speakers who are settled with their family members or are living with their relatives in Karachi, whereas those students who are living in a hostel or in an apartment where there are students belonging to other linguistic background as well, the use of Burushaski is further reduced as the students are compelled to use Urdu for intergroup communication. Some of the research participants also reported their preference for using Urdu or English instead of Burushaski even for intragroup communication to improve their proficiency in both the mainstream languages. Since Burushaski is not a mainstream language in Karachi, the Burushos also prefer to use Urdu and English in the public domains, which is indicative of their desire for assimilation in the mainstream society. The linguistic choices of the young Burushaski speakers who participated in this study show clear signs of language shift as they have also reported using Urdu and English along with Burushaski even in the home domain where there is no compulsion to use Urdu and English and this trend is more common among those Burushaski speakers who have been in Karachi for a considerable period of time. Most of them have also decided to permanently settle in Karachi to avail themselves of better job opportunities instead of going back to Gilgit-Baltistan and therefore they are compelled to use Urdu and English instead of Burushaski in a majority of domains. It is interesting to discover that both ‘elective’ and ‘circumstantial’ bilingualism exist in case of the Burusho community in Karachi as they not only claimed to use Urdu and English out of sheer compulsion in public domains but many of them also reported the frequent use of mainstream languages in the home domain. The key-informants who were interviewed also revealed that a vast majority of the school going Burusho children who are born and brought up in Karachi either have extremely limited proficiency in Burushaski or cannot speak it at all as their parents interact with them either in Urdu or English. Most of the participants also reported a certain degree of decline in their own proficiency in Burushaski because of their limited use of Burushaski in Karachi. The factors responsible behind Burushaski language shift that the key-informants identified during their interview in this study include, urbanization, migration, Burushaski-Urdu-English code-switching, length of time spent away from the hometown, contact with other linguistic groups, friendship with the non-Burushos, attitudinal shift regarding intergenerational transmission in case of the Burusho parents settled in Karachi, intermarriages, especially among the young generation of Burushos settled in Karachi, the linguistic landscape of Karachi and the influence of media, particularly Indian channels through which Hindi words have also become a part of young Burushos’ discourse. Besides these factors that the key-informants shared during the interview, the scholars who were interviewed also identified globalization, lack of literacy in Burushaski and education in the mainstream languages, Urdu and English as the major factors responsible for the decline in the use of and proficiency in Burushaski among the young generation. On the basis of the data analysis, it is evident that the use of Burushaski has declined among the Burushos, particularly among the young generation, in Karachi like the use of mother tongue among the other indigenous language groups because of the linguistic ecology of the city. However, despite the available evidence indicating Burushaski language shift in process, Burushaski’s future is not bleak like the future of other endangered languages in the country. In other words, Burushaski is not severely endangered as all the Burushos who participated in this study claimed to have the ability to speak Burushaski though with varying degrees of fluency. Not only did they claim to have the ability to speak Burushaski but a small number of Burushos also claimed to be literate in their mother tongue. Besides this, a vast majority of the participants, with a few exceptions, claimed to take pride in their Burusho identity which implies a high sense of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality. Although the data show signs of language shift in process, complete shift is unlikely in the near future because there are still many Burusho families in Karachi where intergenerational transmission of Burushaski has not completely stopped. Almost all the Burushaski speakers, with a few exceptions, irrespective of their gender, favoured the idea of transmitting their heritage language to the next generation because they considered it a mark of their Burusho identity. Considering the emotional attachment of the Burushos with their ethno-linguistic identity, one can hope for the possibility of reversing Burushaski language shift. There are many Burushaski speakers living as a close-knit community in some pockets in Karachi, where there are better chances of maintaining Burushaski language. Moreover, there are some organizations in Karachi that organize different events including cultural festivals for the Burusho community as well as the other ethnolinguistic groups of Gilgit-Baltistan, including Balti and Shina speakers, so that the young generation can get opportunities for intragroup communication. Such opportunities for intragroup communication are necessary for staying connected with one’s language and culture, especially in a non-native environment. There were significant gender differences in the participants’ responses on the questionnaire including the responses of the key-informants to the interview questions, which reflect the difference in their gender ideology. In contrast to very few male participants, there were quite a few female participants who claimed to always use Burushaski with other Burushos in Karachi implying a higher degree of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality. Besides this, there were more female Burushos who favoured mother tongue education at all levels as opposed to the male participants, majority of who favoured it at primary level only. Overall the female participants displayed more positive attitude towards Burushaski language and culture which was reflected through the degree of importance they attributed to the ability to speak Burushaski and have knowledge of the Burusho culture especially in an urban centre. A vast majority of the female participants also claimed to take extreme pride in being called a Burusho which is a further reinforcement of their high sense of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality. In contrast to the male participants’ familiarity with a local channel ‘Sujo Hunzo’ that telecasts programmes in Burushaski in Hunza and other valleys of GB, there was a high percentage of female Burushos who showed familiarity with this local channel. Nevertheless, despite their strong emotional attachment with Burushaski, the female participants claimed to use Burushaski/Urdu and Burushaski/English code-switching more frequently than their male counterparts. It is true that code-switching has become a normal practice in bilingual and multilingual communities, but it is equally true that if switching occurs between the mother tongue and a mainstream language that is considered more prestigious, it can result in complete abandonment of the mother tongue at one point. Some of the female key-informants admitted in their interview that they have forgotten many Burushaski words that they knew earlier because they have become habitual of using Urdu and English words even when they speak Burushaski with their Burusho friends in Karachi. Forgetting L1 lexicon is a sign of language attrition that can play a decisive role in the process of language shift. If people start losing proficiency in their native language, they tend to minimize its use. A vast majority of the participants, irrespective of their gender, expressed the desire to permanently settle and work in Karachi which could be taken as an indication of complete language shift among the Burusho community in Karachi in the next few decades. But the participants’ desire for intergenerational transmission of Burushaski prevents from making such predictions as a majority of the Burushos including both male and female research participants expressed the desire for passing on Burushaski language to the next generation. There was hardly any gender difference in case of the participants’ lack of awareness about the existence of Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi and what I found more striking was their sheer indifference towards it. When they were told about the presence of the Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi, they did not express any interest in visiting the academy. Except a few participants, majority of the participants irrespective of their gender, were not very keen of reading and/or writing in Burushaski. In fact, among those who claimed to have the ability to write in Burushaski disclosed that what they write in Burushaski is limited to the messages they type in the Roman script. Majority of them were neither familiar with the Burushaski alphabets introduced by Allama Naseer Hunzai nor were they familiar with the ones introduced by Ghulam Ghulamuddin Hunzai. The absence of literacy in the mother tongue on the part of the majority of the young Burushos has serious repercussions because the literature that is available in Burushaski will remain unread by the young Burusho community. Not only are there weak chances of retaining and maintaining any language that lacks widespread literacy but also are there weaker chances of preventing such a language from becoming endangered.9.1.2 Conclusion Through the findings of the study presented in the previous section, it can be concluded that the Burusho community in Karachi has developed conflicting ideologies regarding its heritage language, Burushaski. It is evident from the findings of the study that the participants, despite being aware of the absence of material benefits of using Burushaski, wish to preserve and promote it by expressing their desire to transfer their native language to the next generation. However, despite having a highly positive attitude towards Burushaski and their Burusho identity, they have reduced the use of Burushaski in different domains in Karachi. It is evident from the findings of the study that the compulsion to use Urdu and English in place of Burushaski by a majority of the Burushos in Karachi is largely triggered by economic needs. Although the results of the study show that the Burushos have a strong sense of ethnolinguistic vitality and take pride in their linguistic and cultural identity, with a few exceptions, they do not consider it necessary to manifest this pride through the use of Burushaski in Karachi. For many of them, there are several non-linguistic reasons to be proud of Burusho identity, which they have shared in their interview, ranging from the aspects related to material and abstract culture. The study not only highlights the process of Burushaski language shift among those seeking higher education in Karachi, but also provides information about the linguistic choices of the Burusho families settled in Karachi, from the insights gained through the key-informants during the interviews. Despite the fact that the study does not focus on language attrition, the information gained from the questionnaire also indicates a general decline in Burushaski language proficiency as reported by a majority of the participants, which shows a strong connection between the two forms of language loss. The study also indicates the possibility of native language shift despite the presence of a high sense of subjective ethnolinguistic vitality on the part of the Burusho community. The results of the study have important implications for both researchers and policy makers for the findings cannot only be utilized to understand the reasons behind languages undergoing shift and other forms of loss including attrition but can also be utilized for designing an effective language policy to stop heritage language loss. 9.2 Recommendations for the preservation and promotion of Burushaski language and culture Since languages are transmitters of cultures, preserving them is tantamount to the celebration of both linguistic and cultural diversity. Their preservation is not only important for the linguistic and cultural ecology of multilingual nations but is also important for the bio-diversity of the whole world, as according to Crystal (2000), hundreds and thousands of plants and herbs having medicinal properties can become useless if the languages that have a name for them are lost. The same holds true for other species on the planet that are unique to a particular geographical area with a specific name in the local language, the loss of which can result in the loss of the entire knowledge embodied in that language. Considering the importance of diversity, particularly linguistic diversity, it is necessary to take steps for the preservation and promotion of indigenous languages at the government as well as the community level. Moreover, efforts are also required at individual level for saving our rich linguistic heritage. If we critically analyze the sociolinguistic situation of Pakistan, majority of the languages of Pakistan are minority languages manifesting linguistic inequality. Although linguistic equality is more a myth than a reality, the kind of linguistic inequality that is currently witnessed in Pakistan is unique. For in Pakistan, linguistic inequality is not the result of overt suppression of the linguistic minorities at the government level alone, but is also the result of a covert suppression in the form of sheer indifference towards the indigenous languages. One of the proofs of this indifference is the absence of census data on a majority of the indigenous languages including Burushaski in the past census reports. Besides presenting the number of speakers and their percentage in case of a few major regional languages in the previous census data, a vast majority of the indigenous languages are grouped together as minority languages to show their percentage. The data presented in the last census that was conducted in 1998 is dubious as well as vague, especially in case of the indigenous language speakers. Moreover, there was no census for more than a decade which is another proof of the government’s indifference. Although the current government succeeded in conducting the census this year, i.e. in 2017, different political parties and organizations have voiced their reservations against the dubious procedure that has been followed to conduct the census, which has already made the whole process controversial and has raised many questions on the authenticity of the collected data. The census data should provide detailed information on each indigenous ethnolinguistic group so that the data can be utilized for designing an effective language policy. One of the major flaws in the 2017 census form that was distributed was the absence of provision for the minority languages. Like the previous census, minority languages are also neglected in this census, which is likely to yield incomplete data. Since the official results of the census are yet to be announced, no further comment can be made on it. However, it cannot be denied that whatever language planning policies are designed without authentic census data, they are bound to give rise to ethno-linguistic conflicts. Not only is there a cold indifference with regard to the framing of an effective language policy at the government level but also is there a sheer negligence regarding one’s linguistic rights at the community level. Except a few indigenous minorities that demand mother tongue education and constitutional support for their native language, majority of the ethno-linguistic groups consider mother-tongue education an additional burden which reflects lack of awareness on their part. Moreover, many indigenous language speakers have confined the use of their mother tongue to the home domain only, showing strong signs of language shift which is a further reinforcement of their negligence regarding the importance of maintaining one’s mother tongue. Since the study show signs of language shift among the Burushos in Karachi, I propose the following steps to reverse Burushaski language shift:The government should start working on revising the existing language policy of Pakistan to make room for the indigenous languages in the constitution. Unless the indigenous languages are given constitutional support, the young generation of native speakers may lose interest in adhering to their native language and culture. Giving constitutional support to the indigenous languages can have a positive psychological impact on the indigenous language communities, especially the young generation that currently seem to have developed a negative self-image. In order to design an effective language policy, there is a need to form a team of policy makers consisting of linguists, research scholars, and educationists from different fields. All the political leaders should move beyond party politic s and assign the task of framing the language policy of the country to those who have the background knowledge and the vision needed for designing an effective policy which can be implemented keeping the Pakistani context in mind. Like the language policy of the country, the education policy also needs to be reformulated. The current education policy of Pakistan has no provision for mother tongue education as a result of which majority of indigenous language speakers remain deprived of the rich literary heritage that is available in their mother tongue. Through initiating mother tongue literacy programme in schools, children’s linguistic and cognitive skills can be developed further, which in turn can also increase the life-span of indigenous languages. Besides this, mother-tongue literacy can also alleviate the rate of unemployment, providing incentives to the indigenous language speakers to become literate in their mother tongue for availing themselves of the job opportunities for teaching local languages to the children belonging to their community. Since the policies are designed to benefit people, parents should be first made to realize the importance of mother tongue education in their children’s cognitive development. Once parents are convinced that mother tongue education along with education in the mainstream languages can lead to economic prosperity they will not consider it a burden for their children. Thus, a massive campaigning is required through media to bring attitudinal shift, as none of the proposed recommendations can work unless the masses are taken into confidence.Language proficiency certificate courses focusing on the indigenous languages of Pakistan, including Burushaski language certificate course should be conducted especially in those urban centers where there is a considerable population of the native speakers of these languages. These courses can be organized in both public and private sector universities. One such initiative was taken by the University of Karachi in the year 2011 when the then Registrar of Karachi University, Prof Dr Kaleem Raza Khan announced the beginning of Balochi language Certificate Course while addressing the students on Baloch Culture Day that is celebrated by the Balochi students on the university campus every year. The course is successfully running up till now. Such an initiative can also be taken to introduce certificate courses in Burushaski and other indigenous languages in different universities. This way, job opportunities can be created for the speakers of the indigenous languages who have excellent proficiency in their mother tongue. Not only can this step increase employment opportunities for the minority language speakers but can also enhance awareness about the importance of linguistic and cultural knowledge that is essential for the formation of a plurilingual society where people not only tolerate diversity but also celebrate it. It is pertinent to mention here that the recommendations I have given are in addition to the ones shared by the research participants and the scholars I interviewed for this research. Since their recommendations are already shared in chapter eight based on interview analysis, I have not included them here to avoid repetition. It must also be mentioned here that although the study is exclusively related to the use of Burushaski among the Burushos in Karachi, the proposed recommendations can also be considered for the preservation and promotion of other minority languages of Pakistan. 9.3 Recommendations for Future Research No research can be considered flawless and complete as the possibilities of investigating a research problem and the ways of finding answers to research questions are endless. Although I have made an effort to gather data using more than one tool to arrive at reliable results and have succeeded in finding answers to the research questions posed in the study, being a non-Burusho I could not judge my participants’ self-claimed proficiency in Burushaski. So, I had to rely on the information they provided regarding both their proficiency in Burushaski and the decline in their proficiency because of their being away from the native environment. Since language attrition was not the focus of my study, I did not have to cross-check the validity of the participants’ claims regarding their proficiency in their mother tongue. However, the native speakers’ self-perception of their proficiency in their mother tongue and the decline in its proficiency can be an interesting topic for those future researchers who are native speakers of the language they plan to work on.Another possibility is to do a comparative study on language shift/maintenance among the young Burushos living in urban centers and those living in their home town. A comparative study can also be undertaken to explore similarities and differences found in the language and culture of the Burushos living in urban settings and those living in their native towns. Another possibility of conducting a comparative study is to measure the ethnolinguistic vitality of the Burusho community across different age groups. 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London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.APPENDICESAPPENDIX (A)Profile of the Female Burushaski Speakers who participated in the StudyPseudonymsPlace of BirthDialectNumber of months/years spent in KarachiArea of Residence in KarachiDepartment/Research CentreAcademic year1AlizaGilgitHunza1 monthGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)PsychologyM.A (Previous)2AmmaraKarimabad, HunzaHunza02 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)SociologyBA (Hons) II3AnumKarimabad, HunzaHunza05 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)PhysicsMSc(Final)4ArfaGilgitHunza04 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalSociologyBA (Hons) III5AsmaHunzaHunza03 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)PsychologyM.A (Final)6AtiyaAliabad, HunzaHunza04 yearsSuper HighwayHPESSMSc (Final)7BeenishHunzaHunza03 yearsGardenMathsBSc (Final)8BilqeesMurtazabad, HunzaHunza1.2 yearGirls’ Hostel (K.U Campus)HPESSMSc(Final)9FareehaAhmadabad, HunzaHunza1.5 yearNew GolimarSocial WorkM.A (Final)10Gul-e-RanaHunzaHunza1.5 yearGirls’ Hostel (K.U Campus)CEWSM.A (Final)11Gul-e-ZehraGilgitHunza04 yearsSuper HighwayHPESSBSc(II)12HadiaHunzaHunza01 yearKarimabad ColonyHPESSBSc(II)13Hania Karimabad,HunzaHunza14 yearsSuper HighwayHPESSBSc(II)14HareemHunzaHunza07 yearsGirls’ Hostel (K.U Campus)SociologyM.A (Previous)15HibaKarimabad,HunzaHunza2.5 yearsGulshan-e-HijriZoologyBSc (Hons) III16HiraSultanabad, GilgitHunza02 monthsGarden WestUrduM.A (Previous)17HudaHunzaHunza09 yearsSuper HighwayFood Science & TechPh. D. Scholar18Jahan AraGilgit04 yearsGirls’ Hostel (K.U Campus)BiochemistryMSc(Final)19KashishGilgitHunza04 monthsMain Super HighwayPersianB.A(Hons)I20LaibaGilgitHunza05 yearsMausmiyaatEconomicsM.A (Previous)21MaheenGilgitHunza10 yearsAyesha ManzilInternational RelationsM.A (Final)22MariamKarachiNagar30 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalIslamic HistoryM.A (Previous)23MeharGilgitHunza04 yearsF.B AreaUrduM.A Final24MubinaHunzaHunza02 yearsSuper HighwaySocial WorkM.A Final25Nabia Gojal, HunzaHunza 04 monthsAisha ManzilEconomicsM.A (Previous)26Narmeen Karimabad, HunzaHunza02 yearsGirls’ Hostel (K.U Campus)UrduM.A FinalPseudonymsPlace of BirthDialectNumber of months/years spent in KarachiArea of Residence in KarachiDepartment/Research CentreAcademic year27NadiaHunzaHunza03 monthsRahim ViewStatisticsMSc (Prev)28NajiaKarachiHunza25 yearsMain Super HighwayEnglish (EP)M.A Final29NidaHunzaHunza04 yearsGulshan-e-NoorSociologyB.A (Hons) II30NosheenGilgitHunza03 yearsAliabad Colony, F.B AreaEnglishB.A(Hons)I31NooriGilgitHunza01 yearGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)EconomicsM.A (Previous)32NuzhatHunzaHunza02 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)CEWSM.A Final33ParveenGilgitHunza05 yearsMetroville SiteZoologyBSc (Hons) III34RafiaAttabad, HunzaHunza02 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)SociologyB.A(Hons) III35RehanaSostHunza02yearsF.B Area, KarimabadPakistan Study CentreM.A Final36RomanaKarachiHunza1.5 yearGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)PersianB.A (II)37RoohiGilgitHunza02 yearsJiwani HeightsSociologyB.A (II)38RukhsanaOshikhandas(Gilgit)Hunza01 monthSuper HighwayIslamic HistoryM.A (Previous)39RuqayyaGilgitHunza02 yearsSuper HighwaySocial WorkM.A Final40SabaHunzaHunza6 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)EducationM.A Final41SadiaKarachiHunza09 monthsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)PsychologyM.A (Prev)42SalehaKarachiNagar20 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)UrduB.A (Hons)43SamanKarimabad, HunzaHunza3.5 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalAgriculture & BusinessBS IV44SaminaHunzaHunza03 yearsGulshan-e-NoorEnglish (EP)B.A (Hons) III45SanoberHunzaHunza10 monthsNear Water PumpHPESSBSc(Hons) III46SaraMurtazabad, HunzaHunza08 yearsMausmiyaatEducationM.A (Final)47ShafiaHunzaHunza03 monthsRahim ViewStatisticsMSc (Prev)48ShahgulKarachiNagar20 yearsGulistan-e-JauharSociology (EP)B.A (Hons) II49ShahinaGilgitHunza03 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)Pakistan Study CentreM.A Final50ShamaHunzaHunza04 monthsGulshan-e-IqbalEconomicsM.A (Prev)51ShanilaHunzaHunza05 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)StatisticsMSc(Final)52ShardaGilgitHunza1.5 yearsKarimabad ColonySociologyB.A (Hons) II53ShaziaKarimabad, HunzaHunza02 yearsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)SociologyB.A (Hons) II54SomiyaGilgitHunza04 monthsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)SociologyB.A (Hons) I55SoniaHunzaHunza04 yearsSUPARCO RoadSocial WorkM.A Final56SufiaSultanabadHunza04 monthsF.B AreaUrduM.A (Prev)57SumayyaSost, GilgitHunza02 monthsGirls’ Hostel(K.U Campus)ZoologyMSc (Prev)58TasneemNasirabad, GilgitHunza05 yearsGarden WestPakistan Study CentreM.A FinalProfile of the Male Burushaski Speakers who participated in the StudyPseudonymsPlace of BirthDialectNumber of months/years spent in KarachiArea of Residence in KarachiDepartment/Research CentreAcademic year1AfnanKarachiHunzasince birthGulshan-e-IqbalSociologyB.A (Hons) II2AhmedBarkolti, YasinYasin1.3 yearGarden WestUrduM.A (Fnal)3AlviNagarNagar06 yearsGulistan-e-JauharIslamic LearningB.A (Hons) II4AmeerYasinYasin04 yearsGarden EastApplied PhysicsBS IV5AmjadGilgitYasin07 yearsGulistan-e-JauharPakistan Study CentreM.A (Final)6AsadHunzaHunza06 yearsGardenZoologyBSc(Hons) III7ArsalanHundur, YasinYasin03 yearsSuper HighwayChemistryMSc (Final)8AunKarachiNagarsince birth(24 years)Gulshan-e-HadeedEnvironmental StudiesBS IV9AzmatNomal, GilgitHunza09 yearsNazimabadEnvironmental StudiesBS IV10BaqirNagarNagar1.5 yearsHussain Hazara GoThSociologyB.A (Hons) II11BaseerBarkolti, YasinYasin03 yearsAyesha Manzil, Federal B AreaPakistan Study CentreM.A (Final)12HadiHoper, NagarNagar04 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalPhysicsBSc (II)13HamidGilgitNagar04 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalEnglishM.A (Prev)14HammadKarachiNagarsince birth(22 years)Gulistan-e-JauharPersianM.A (Final)15ImtiazYasinYasin01 yearSuper HighwayPakistan Study CentreM.A (Previous)16IkhlaqChalatNagar18 yearsGulistan-e-JauharEnvironmental StudiesBS III17IqrarGilgitNagar02 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalEconomicsB.A(Hons)II18IkramNagarNagar19 yearsSoldier BazarEnglishM.A Final (Ling)19IshaqGilgitNagar04 yearsGulistan-e-JauharSociologyB.A(Hons)II20JahanzebGilgitNagar03 yearsGulistan-e-JauharPersianB.A(Hons)II21JamshedAliabad, HunzaHunza3.5 yearsnear MausmiyaatEducationM.A Final22JawwadHunzaHunza08 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalEnglishM.A (Final)23KabirKarimabad, HunzaHunza04 yearsAyesha Manzil, Federal B AreaHPESSBSc (Final)24MujtabaNagarNagar04 yearsGulistan-e-JauharChemistryMSc (Previous)25MunawwarYasinYasin06 yearsGardenPakistan Study CentreM.A (Previous)26MunsifNagar 2, GilgitNagar15 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalEnglishM.A (Linguistics)PseudonymsPlace of BirthDialect Number of months/years spent in KarachiArea of Residence in KarachiDepartment/Research CentreAcademic year27MurtazaGilgitYasin02 yearsGulshanSociologyB.A(Hons)II28MusarratGilgitNagar03 yearsGulistan-e-JauharPersianB.A(Hons)II29MussavirHoper, NagarNagar03 monthsGulshan-e-IqbalPersianB.A (Hons)I30MustafaSummayar, NagarNagar01 yearGulshan-e-Iqbal, Block IIPersianB.A(Hons)II31NaseemGilgitHunza03 yearsGardenZoologyBSc (Hons) III32NaseerGilgitNagar05 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalPSCM.A (Final)33NaushadGilgit Hunza08 yearsGardenInternational RelationsBS IV34NaveedNagar valleyNagar04 yearsGulistan-e-JauharHEJ (ICCBS)MS (First year)35NazeerSummayar, NagarNagar02 monthsGulshan-e-IqbalSociologyB.A(Hons) I36NumairHunzaHunza12 yearsFederal B AreaSociologyM.A(Final)37NusratGilgitHunza04 yearsGardenEconomicsBA(Hons) II38QasimSummayar, NagarNagar07 monthsGulshan-e-Iqbal,Block4 SociologyB.A(Hons) I39RaheelKarachiNagarLeft Karachi at the age of 5 & then returned after 8 years. Have been in Karachi for 11 years now.PECHS, Block II.EnglishBS IV (Lit)40SaifHunzaHunza10 yearsSuhanabad Colony, New GolimarCEWSB.A (Hons) III41SaimGilgitHunza04 yearsGardenStatisticsMSc(Final)42SajjadKarachiNagarSince birthLines AreaGeologyMSc(Previous)43SaqlainGilgitYasin03 yearsGulshan-e-Noor, MausmiyaatEnglishBS IV44SaleemThole, NagarNagar07 yearsGulistan-e-JauharNNRCM. Phil 45SarmadYasinYasin05 monthsGardenSocial WorkM.A (Previous)46Shahid Summayar, NagarNagar12 yearsA.B.Cinia LineHPESSBSc(Hons)I47ShakirGilgitYasin02 yearsnear MausmiyaatPhysicsBS IV48ShamshadGilgitHunza07 yearsFederal B AreaHPESSBSc (Hons) III49ShariqGilgitHunza12 yearsnear MausmiyaatSociologyM.A (Final)50ShehbazHunzaHunza06 yearsSuper HighwaySociologyB.A(Hons)II51SulemanGilgitNagar10 yearsGardenZoologyMSc(Final)52TahirSikandar-abad, NagarNagar07 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalPakistan Study CentreM.A (Previous)PseudonymsPlace of BirthDialect Number of months/years spent in KarachiArea of Residence in KarachiDepartment/Research CentreAcademic year53TalhaHunzaHunza10 yearsGulzar-e-HijriSociologyB.A(Hons)II54TauseefDanyore, GilgitHunza21 yearsGarden EastStatisticsBSc(Hons)I55WajidNagarNagar04 yearsGulistan-e-JauharGeologyBSc(Hons)III56WasifNagarNagar05 yearsGulshan-e-IqbalSociologyB.A(Hons)I57YahyaGilgitNagar09 yearsGulistan-e-JauharIslamic LearningM.A(Final)58YasirNagar 2, GilgitNagar09 yearsGulistan-e-JauharPetroleum TechnologyMSc (Prev)59ZaheerYasin valleyYasin01 yearGardenPersianB.A(Hons)I60ZainNagar valleyNagar20 yearsMaripur RoadKUBSBBA (I)61ZakirYasin valleyYasin07 yearsSuper HighwaySchool of LawBS III62ZubairGilgitYasin05 yearsGardenPakistan Study CentreM.A(Final)Note: The pseudonyms of the thirty key-informants who were interviewed have been typed in bold. APPENDIX ‘B’Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality Questionnaire The aim of this questionnaire is to determine the ethnolinguistic vitality of Brushaski speakers studying at the University of Karachi. The participants are requested to provide accurate information to avoid contamination of data. It is assured that the identity of the participants will be kept confidential. The questionnaire is based on four sections. Please read the instructions carefully before filling in each section of the questionnaire. Instruction: Please provide accurate information asked for in the right hand side column.Name (optional)GenderEmail addressPlace of Birth Age Marital Status Place of Primary Education(mention the city/village and Board)Place of Secondary Education (mention the city/village and the Board)Place of Tertiary Education (Intermediate)(mention the city/village and the Board)Current Department/Centre/InstituteAcademic YearType of Residence in Karachi(apartment; bungalow; house; hostel, shared room)Area of Residence in KarachiNumber of months/years spent in KarachiFather’s Qualification Father’s ProfessionMother’s Native Language Mother’s Qualification Mother’s ProfessionNumber of Siblings (brothers & sisters)Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality Questionnaire (SECTION A)Instruction: Please answer the following by putting a tick in the relevant column. YesNoCan you speak Burushaski? Can you understand the dialects of Burushaski other than your own?Do you switch to any other language while speaking Burushaski? Is your father literate in Burushaski?Is your mother literate in Burushaski? Can you read in Burushaski? Do you read in Burushaski? Do you write in Burushaski? Do you know any proverbs in Burushaski? Do you know any folk tale(s) in Burushaski?Do you read Burushaski poetry? Do you know who Baba-e-Burushaski is? Do you listen to Burushaski songs? Are there any Burushaski newspapers? Are you familiar with any magazine published in Burushaski? Do you watch any regional language TV channel?Do you know if there is any local TV channel that broadcasts programmes in Burushaski? Have you ever visited Burushaski Language Academy in Karachi?Are you in touch with other Burushaski speakers studying in your Department/ Research Institute?If you permanently settle in Karachi, will you expose your children to Burushaski language?Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality Questionnair (SECTION B)Instruction: Respond to the questions selecting the options that apply to you. Skip those questions that are not applicable in your case. PoorLimitedSatisfactoryGoodExcellentHow do you rate your oral proficiency in Burushaski?How do you rate your written proficiency in Burushaski?Which settings do you use Burushaski in and what is the frequency of its usage?AlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverHomeHostel(if applicable)NeighbourhoodClassroomLab(if applicable)LibraryCanteenWorkplace (in case you work)Market placesWhat people do you use Burushaski with and what is the frequency of its usage?AlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverGrandparentsParentsSpouse (in case you are married)SiblingsRelatives in Karachi (in case you have relatives in Karachi)NeighboursHostel mates(in case you are staying in a hostel)ClassmatesFriendsAcquaintances sharing Burusho backgroundAlwaysMostlyOftenRarelyNeverHow often do you switch to Urdu while speaking Burushaski in Karachi? How often do you switch to English while speaking Burushaski in Karachi? Subjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality Questionnaire (SECTION C)Instruction: Please read each question carefully and tick the option that is applicable in your case. You can select more than one option for Q#3 and Q#6.How often do you interact with your family members (through phone call or text messaging) living in your hometown? a. everyday b. every weekend c. every fortnight d. once in a month e. rarely How often do you visit your hometown?a. every semester breakb. every yearc. every alternate year d. not regularly e. rarely What response do you receive from fellow students when you interact with your Burusho friends in Burushaski on the campus? a. They stare at us b. They make fun of us c. They keep us at a distance d. They ask us to speak in Urdue. They are indifferent 4. Which language do you personally like the most?a. Burushaskib. Baltic. Urdud. English e. Any other? Please Specify____________What do you consider to be the strongest symbol of Brusho identity? Burushaski language Local food Traditional dress d. Cultural festivals e. Any other? Please Specify_________________6. Which symbol(s) do you find missing among the Brusho living in Karachi? Burushaski language Local food Traditional dress d. Cultural festivals e. Any other? Please Specify_________________7. What in your point of view can be the most effective means of promoting Burushaski language and culture in Karachi? Media projectionCultural festivalsTourism industryMother tongue educationBrushaski language certificate coursesAt what level should mother tongue education be provided?PrimarySecondaryTertiaryAll levelsNot at any levelSubjective Ethnolinguistic Vitality Questionnaire (SECTION D)Instructions: Rate the following by encircling one of the numbers on the scale. Number 1 indicates the lowest while number 5 indicates the highest on the rating scale. In case of complete negation, select X.How important is the ability to speak Burushaski for a Burusho living in Karachi in your point of view? X----------------1-----------------2------------------3---------------4-----------------5How important is it for a Burusho to have knowledge of Burushaski culture? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent do you take pride in being called a Burusho? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent is Burusho culture different from the culture of the other linguistic groups of Gilgit, Baltistan? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent do the speakers of other languages in Gilgit-Baltistan learn Burushaski as their second language? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent do the Burusho people marry outside their own community?X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent has the usage of Brushaski declined among the young Burusho living in Karachi? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent has the usage of Brushaski declined among the old Burusho living in Karachi? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent do you think one’s proficiency in the mother tongue declines because of being away from the native environment? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5To what extent do you think your proficiency in Burushaski has declined because of being away from your hometown? X----------------1------------------2------------------3---------------4---------------5APPENDIX ‘C’Common Interview Questions asked to all the key-informants What, in your point of view is the biggest advantage of having knowledge of one’s mother tongue? What do you consider to be the biggest drawback (if any) of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue? How important is it to be literate in one’s mother tongue? Give reason(s).Why did you choose to get higher education in Karachi? What did you find the most challenging thing when you came to Karachi for the first time? What changes have you noticed in yourself in general and your communication style in particular after spending a certain period of time in Karachi?When you visit your home town do you face any difficulty in communicating with the locals there? You mentioned switching back and forth between Burushaski and Urdu and sometimes between Burushaski and English in your daily interactions in Karachi. Is it deliberate or does it happen unconsciously? Are Burusho parents passing on the language ton their children? Do you think the Burusho children born in Karachi can speak Burushaski fluently? What, in your point of view, is unique about the Burusho community which makes it different from other communities? What difference(s) do you find among the Burushos living in your home town and the ones who have settled in Karachi? What in your point of view are the reasons behind the decline in the use of Burushaski among the Burushos living in Karachi?UNESCO has declared Burushaski an endangered language. How do you look at the status of Burushaski? Give reason(s). What can be the most effective means of promoting Burushaski language and culture and why do you consider it to be the most effective means of promoting the language?Note: Specific questions that different key informants were asked were generated on the basis of their responses to the common interview questions and are not given here. They are found in the interview transcripts attached in Appendix ‘D’. APPENDIX ‘D’TRANSCRIPTS OF THE KEY-INFORMANTSHuda’s Interview (a Female Key-informant)First of all I would like to formally thank you for sparing your time for the interview despite your busy schedule. It’s my pleasure. Thank you! There are a couple of questions directly related to your responses to the questions in the questionnaire, while others are related to the Burusho community. You have come all the way from Hunza to Karachi and have been here for several years. Almost nine years. Ok! So how many times er…have you visited Hunza in all these 9 years? Every two years I used to visit during my graduate studies but when I got admission in PhD then it was not regular. During these nine years, I visit my village 4 to 5 times. When you came here for the first time in Karachi like…nine years ago, what kind of challenges did you face here? Well, I think er… I don’t feel any you know major challenge over here…people in the university are very welcoming and I don’t feel any you know even…problem in interaction …or anything else like that which will drag me but one thing I face is ke people here you know (she laughs) they are er…very difficult to understand OK! If you talk about us, especially Burushaski speaking Hunzais, we are straightforward. … but people here are controversial, they are diplomats. If I go with positive attribute, I will call them diplomat, if I go with a negative word in anger, I would call them controversial. Controversial in what sense? Like, if you are making friendship with someone then you should be straightforward. You should tell his or her mistakes on his face rather than backbiting. Here when people come in front of you, you can find them a good friend of you but afterward you would hear something against you….You know these things …agar ham je’se logo~ ki baat kare~ jo pure culture se aae he’~ ham norm aur values ko bohat e’hmiat dete he’~ jab ham ke’hte he’~ rishta avval to ham banaate nahi~ par jab banaate he~ to nibhaate bhi he’~ So you people are basically straightforward! Yes, Masha’Allah I have just completed my PhD but still I found so many people and it creates you know so much difficult situation for me to handle such people and to interact with such people…er…I want to stay away from those people but sometimes situation makes you meet them and you can’t do anything. Yes! You are compelled to meet them. Exactly! You are compelled to meet such people. Right! That’s true! Another thing that often makes me wonder is why you people come all the way from Hunza to Karachi? Well, (laughs) this is a fascinating question. You know this Karachi is a diversified city I would say. Here a person from our area, when he or she come over here she can interact with multicultural, multi-ethnic, …even ethical values are different , the way of speaking and the way of interaction, …it goes to another level. So you mean to say that you are exposed to diverse cultures in Karachi! Yes! This is the fascinating thing about Karachi that the diversity over here compels you to move towards Karachi. Did you face any difficulty in interacting in Urdu with people when you came to Karachi because of having Burushaski background? Accent obviously matters but other than that I don’t face any difficulty in interacting with people here, with my classmates and friends. So language is not a barrier! No, no. I don’t find it a barrier. Even in Urdu subject I used to be the highest scorer. Accent is you know it comes in your way. It can drag you or push you. True! The traces of accent cannot be easily eradicated. Exactly, because it’s inborn. You have mentioned in the questionnaire that you can read and write in Burushaski. Where did you get this mother literacy from? I think it’s inborn capacity. We did not visit any institute. So, you did not learn to read and write in it formally! Even there is no formal institute for learning to read and write in Burushaski. This means you started writing er…in Burushaski at home! Yes! What do you write in Burushaski? We interact with our friends and relatives in Burushaski through SMS. We use Roman alphabets for writing text messages in Burushaski. I haven’t found specific Urdu type writing for Burushaski. But there are books in Burushaski using Persian-Arabic script. Oh! By the way, other than text messages what else do you write in Burushaski? I used to write poetry. Once I write a poetry for my mother in my own language It was hardly of three or four verses but it was poetry for me…in standard I guess eight or nine. Amazing! Tell me what in your point of view is the biggest advantage of being literate in one’s mother tongue? Basic advantage is that as I told you earlier, the more closer we are to our language the more closer we are to the norms and values of our culture. This is the thing that if you want to promote your culture in its own original beauty then this is the way you can do it. Right! You mentioned in the questionnaire that you often switch to Urdu and English while speaking Burushaski in Karachi. Any specific occasion when you switch? It happens unconsciously because … our family you know….half of our family members are born here in Karachi. Oh really! Yeah! They are born here, they are grown up here…They can’t speak pure Burushaski and when we use to talk to them we have to you know…we er…compelled to speak Urdu words. Sometimes the whole communication went in Urdu to…this is the reason you know. All right! Even my mother, she is an illiterate woman. She is a housewife but when she used to speak Burushaski with us we people are talking with each other sometimes in Urdu sometimes in English so my mama used to capture some words from English and used to speak them (laughs) Interesting! Where is she now? In Hunza? Yes! You mentioned that half of your family members are in Karachi! Especially, my in-laws And since how long have they been here? Fifteen to twenty years. You mentioned that you have a child. Was he born in Karachi? Yes Since you have been in Karachi for the last nine years, what difference do you notice between those Burushos living in Hunza and those settled in Karachi? Hmm...Basic difference I found here is…the respect we used to give to our elders. The children who are born in Hunza they know much more about norms and values, about their culture, about their elders. But the children who are born in Karachi, they are not much aware of those values. They are much more extrovert I would say…..majority are born here and half of us are born in Hunza to when we used to interact with each other the basic…each time we used to argue on the same point….in logo~ ko na rishto~ ki kadar nai he’ and this is a bitter fact. What about language? Can they speak Burushaski fluently? They do, they do speak fluent Burushaski but their accent is different. You know it’s a Urdu mixed accent. They speak Urduvized Burushaski (laughs). That’s interesting! Those Burushos who have recently come from Hunza speak Burushaskivized Urdu but those who are here speak Urduvized Burushaski. Ok! You have mentioned that the young Burushos living in Karachi are not that much aware of the norms and values. What do you think could be the reason? I guess because here parents are much busy in their professional life, in their earning…. They don’t concentrate on their children that much … and you know obviously the society, the social hemisphere these people are getting is entirely different….we are surrounded by you know….as I said that diversity is you know…you can count diversity as a positive attribute as well as a negative attribute for us. Ok! Now it depends on us how he keeps his values and move and take that diversity in the positive sense. That’s true! What do you think is the biggest advantage of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue especially in an urban setting? It gives the sense of security because it’s your identity…This identity makes you different from others …Identity is something which can’t be snatched from you and this identity makes you different from others Right! and I would say that whenever we are sitting in an urban gathering and sometimes as being educated I would say that….to either we speak English… majority times we speak Urdu…..er…sometimes while speaking to our elders especially er, er…the age of my father or grandmother when we mistakenly speak Urdu word or English word they used to say…..paRh likh ke baRi hogai apni zubaan bhi bhuul gai.. achchha! to ye chiize~ you know to avoid these things. Obviously hame bhi achchha nai lagta. I don’t find it pleasant. It doesn’t give you that you know warmth which is provided by your own language while you are talking in a urban circle. sahi! The way of communication and the way of delivery it changes by itself. ….the words, the expressions you are given, they are entirely different ….we can’t feel in you know speaking other languages. sahi! aur aap ne ye bhi kaha ke jo baRe he’~ vo bura manaate he’~ aur maanna bhi chaahiye. Even mere paas vo Burushaski nahi jo mere parents aur mere susar bolte he’~ me’~ xud bhi is chiiz ko feel karti hu~ ….they don’t mix other languages un ke phrases aur un ke idioms hame~ samajhne me~ mushkil pesh aati he’ aap ko apni Burushaski ki ravaangi aur us ke istemaal me~ koi farq mehsuus hua itna arsa Karachi me~ guzaarne ke baad? itna farq mehsuus nahi hua kiyu~ke I used to live in hostel to there were so many Burushaski speakers…..we used to interact in our own language…we never went for Urdu. This is a requirement for us (laughs) that when we are in the university or in department we are compelled to use er…Urdu. If you are talking about myself, then I’m more interested in er…speaking Burushaski. This means you are basically emotionally attached to Burushaski. Yes, I’m emotionally attached to my identity. That’s wonderful! You have also mentioned in the questionnaire that you are proud of being called a Burusho. What is the source of your pride in being a Burusho? As I told you that identity is you know it can’t be explained in words….Why I’m proud of being called a Burusho? Everyone loves their identity. If I’m Burusho, I’m proud to be a Burusho and I will be a Burusho forever. Ok! It’s inborn and the most important thing is that major literacy rate in Hunza is due to Burusho and the element of pride comes from that way too. So, basically Burushos are highly educated! Highly educated and one of the most dominant caste in form of elite. All right! There have been many Burusho rulers as well. All the rulers are Burusho. Mir Ghazanfar Ali is a Burusho. All the royal families come from Burusho. Even my in-laws belong to the royal family. Ok! Can you tell me what is unique about the Burusho culture? Uniqueness er…in sense of culture, our dress, our food, our way of living, our way of caring, loving, and… the most important thing is that ke valuing the relations. These are the major…I think I’m much I’m much you know (laughs) illustrating the positive attributes of my own culture (laughs). That’s very good! You are talking about the dressing style, the way of living… and the pure food we eat there Do you miss that food in Karachi? Exactly! You know it used to be so organic and so delicious! You must have heard that Hunza people used to survive more than 100 years even now. Yes! I have watched a few documentaries. This is the reason. The food is the reason. Apricots and other than that there are some traditional food items that our mothers used to cook er…. we call it Burusshapik er… we never went for cooking oil and all this. We majorly used…either almond oil, walnut oil or … apricot oil, especially in winters, and other than that the mutton, beef or especially chicken over there is also pure. The major thing today in Pakistan people are facing is cardiovascular diseases but Alhamdolillah people of our region are less prone to these diseases. So, the diet of the Burushos is also unique. Is it this diet that gives the Burusho community a long life? Yes Can you name a few traditional dresses or jewelry the Burusho women wear? Dressing is same shalwar kameez but along with that our elders, old women wear a cap, silsila Is silsila the name of the cap? No, no! It is the name of the jewelry that is worn on special occasions on the cap. It is worn especially at nikah ceremony. achchha! Have you heard of UNESCO? Yes, it’s related to United Nations Right! UNESCO has issued a list of endangered languages and Burushaski is also included in that list. What is your personal opinion about the current status of Burushaski? er…I guess, it should not be that endangered. It is a shocking news for me that it is included in the list of endangered languages. So, you don’t consider it an endangered language? If I look at my own village and especially include my family and my in-laws, and other relatives, I don’t consider it an endangered language because all of us speak it at home with our family members. I would not like my language to be endangered. What about Burusho children? Are Burusho parents transmitting Burushaski language to their children? Not all the parents in Karachi but in Hunza, yes. What can be done to preserve and further promote Burushaski? One initiative that we can take is that we can make it part of the syllabus up till secondary level. In Gilgit-Baltistan? Obviously, initiative can be taken from my own area to promote our language to preserve our own language. If I specifically talk about Burushaski, there are many scholars who are working on it. Even at international level, Burushaski language you know is a highly researched language…er…it is one of the languages which can be you know er…can be part of major communication in coming years if literacy is provided in it. All right! Thank you very much again for your responses to the interview questions especially for your recommendations for the reservation and promotion of Burushaski! Roohi’s Interview (a Female Key-informant)Thank you very much for your time and for your willingness to be a part of this research. You are welcome! Ok, most of the interview questions I’ll be asking are based on the responses you gave on the questionnaire. Ok! First of all tell me what in your point of view is the biggest advantage of being able to speak one’s mother tongue? What? sab se zyada faaida kya he’ apni maadri zubaan bolne ka? er…faaida like… is that we can understand easily. agar ham bolte he’~ to phir ye promote hota he’… like my family abi kam kardiya he’bolna to promote nai hora abi muje clear words nahi pata Burushaski ke…to I think it should be used. to promote karne ke liye zaruurui he’ aap ke xayaal me~? Continue or preserve rakhne ke liye aur promote karne ke liye achchha! aap ko lagta he’ ke aap ki family ka qusuur he’ ke unho~ ne aap ko zyaada Burushaski nahi sikhaai? er…no! My father speaks Burushaski, my mother speaks another language. She speaks Shina. So, this is the main reason I think so and another is that my family background is so developed like… they are more educated. In each home there are doctors. So, that’s why. All right! Since your mother is a Shina speaker, can you speak Shina? Yes, I can even understand other languages of Gilgit like Wakhi and Khowar. Amazing! Do you think there is any advantage of being literate in one’s mother tongue? Yes because …because being literate in the mother tongue means that… you are learning a history. That’s why I think it is important. I was just going through your responses on the questionnaire in which you claimed that you cannot read and write in Burushaski. Do you ever regret not being able to read and write in Burushaski? No! I don’t regret. Because Burushaski is my language….but we are transferred from Hunza to Gilgit main city and my family don’t use that much Burushaski at home. Ok! So, even your FAMILY does not use that much Burushaski at home! Not that much. They use Burushaski but not pure words and er…sounds of Burushaski. So, which language do they use mostly? They use Urdu and English mostly. You have mentioned that you received your early education in Gilgit-Baltistan. Which language was used as the medium of instruction in your school and college? My primary education was in Aga Khan Diamond Jubilee School. So it was English medium school. Mostly Urdu and English were used there and in college mostly Urdu. You have been in Karachi for the last two years! Yes What difficulties did you face when you came to Karachi two years ago? er…muje itni difficulties face nai hui~ achchha! ha~ kyu~ ke jaha~ me’~ rehti hu~ Gilgit me~ Karachi ke Defence jesa he’ Gilgit ka vo area…phir meri family aksar jo he’ Islamabad Murree je’se areas me~ aati jaati rahi he’ to un ke saath aana jaana hota tha …aur Army life me~ bhi dekha he’ ye sab to phir mujhe koi problem nai hui OK! Are you living here with your family or relatives? I’m living here with my family. Some family members are here, some are in Gilgit and some are in Islamabad. They are all scattered. All right! So, do you plan to stay here or go back to your hometown? I plan to go back. They need me, Gilgit need me. According to your response to one of the questions on the questionnaire, you claimed to know proverbs and folktales in Burushaski. Not that much but I know some of them. Very few. Where did you learn them from? From… I don’t know where I learnt but I know some of them. Do your family members use proverbs at home? No, no! I just hear them from friends. Can you tell me the names of a few folktales in Burushaski? kahaania~ aati he’~ naam nai aate(laughs) bhuul gai hu~ pe’hle daada sunaate the You mentioned that most of your family members are educated so they don’t use that much Burushaski. Yes, that’s the main reason. So can we say that er…if people get higher education they move away from their mother tongue? Yes! No, no! The main reason is the higher you get education you migrate from one place to another place. This is the main reason why you leave your mother tongue and everything behind. Ok! Are you in touch with Burusho community living in Karachi? Yes, my friends are from Hunza. They are Burushaski speakers. Do they use Burushaski in their everyday conversation or have they completely abandoned Burushaski? No, they speak Urdu and Burushaski too er...When we are all together with friends sometimes we speak for fun in Burushaski. So you speak Burushaski for fun? Yes and another reason is if we want to share a secret. You have mentioned in the questionnaire that you switch to Urdu and English while speaking Burushaski. Is there any reason for doing this? Kiyu~ ke Burushaski words itne nai aate is liye. You also mentioned in the questionnaire that you don’t consider yourself very proficient in Burushaski. Yes. Why is that so? Because…because I don’t use that much Burushaski. This is the main reason. You mentioned English as your most favourite language. What are the reasons behind this fondness for English? Because the main reason is it is international language. Second reason is… this language is becoming the official language. So to learn more English, to conversate more in English that’s why I’m interested in English. All right! So you are interested in improving your proficiency in English because it is an international language? Yes Can you tell me the cultural festivals celebrated by the Burusho community? You are from Hunza. Right? Yes but my parents migrated from Hunza to Gilgit city. I am migrated from Gilgit to Karachi. Ok! What was the question actually? What cultural festivals are celebrated by the Burusho community? The most effective culture is the music of Hunza and the cap. It’s every where. koi e’se festival ka naam bata sakti he’~ jo Burusho community me~ bohat josh-o-xarosh se manaaya jaata he’? Burusho community me~ …ab muje vo word yaad nai aara jab fasle~ dubaara ugti he’~ to …phir celebration hoti he’ yaha~ pe nai hota ye festival? yaha~ festivals hote he~ lekin ye vaala nai koi e’se cultural food items ke naam bata sakti he’~ jo Karachi me~ available nahi? Some items jo me’~ xud bi nai bana sakti ya vo chiize~ available nai naam nai aata. ek to giyaal he’ vo to me’~ bana sakti hu~ Giyaal kya he’? Giyaal is like pancake. is ke ilaava naam nai aate muje aap ki nazar me~ kya farq he’ Karachi ki Burusho community me~ aur jo Gilgit-Baltistan me~ Burusho community he’? jo sab se prominent farq he’ vo language ka aata he’ achchha! language ka farq kis havaale se? Burushaski to yaha~ vaale Burusho community ke logo~ ko bhi aati he’! Burushaski to bolte he’~ lekin Urdu mix kar ke English mix karke…vaha~ vaale Burushaski fluently bol sakte he’~ is ki kya vaja he’? Kiyu~ ke society ke saath jo he’ change ho gae he’~… society me~ apne aap ko Daal diya he’ jo bachche yaha~ pe’da hue un ka jo maahaul he’ vo Urdu vaala he’ That’s why. aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke aap ko Burusho ke’hlaane me~ baRa faxr he’ to is faxr ki kya vajah he? What is the reason behind this pride in being called a Burusho? I can say that abi Hunza ko jo he’ na bohat like…beautiful place matlab xubsuurat jaga maana jaata he’ aur vaha~ har natural chiiz he’ aur vaha~ pe sab se zyaada tourist aate he’~ puuri country ke puure world ke sorry … aur vaha~ literacy rate sab se zyaada he’,… poverty nai he’ in sab reasons ki vaja se I’m proud. All right! Tell me what is unique about the Burusho community? Cooperative bohat he’. Cooperative aur developed. Developed kis sense me~? Developed is sense me~ he’ ke Burushaski main Hunza ke log bolte he’~ aur Hunza ke log…un ko har chiiz ka pata he’. If there is a farmer, he completely know what to do, how to farm…sab kuchh pata he’ aur unhe~ har chiiz ki importance pata he’ is ki kya importance he aur taaliim ki kya importance he’ … aur har farmer ka bachcha er… educated he’. achchha! Amazing! jitne bhi duusri languages ke he’~ Gilgit-Baltistan ke vo itne educated nai he’~ achchha! ye bataae~ ke jo Gilgit-Baltistan me~ non-Buruhsos he’~ unhe~ aati he Burushaski? Bohat se scholars ka xayaal he’ ke Burushaski bohat mushkil zubaan he’. ji bohat mushkil zabaan he’ but vo log siikh sakte he’~ jin ke friends Burushaski bolte he’~ aur jo interested ho~ baqaul aap ke aap ki Burushaski zabaan ke istemaal aur us ki ravaangi me~ kaafi kami aagai he’. is ki kya vajah he’? hm…ji maahaul ka asar kabhi dil nai chaaha Burushaski me~ likhna paRhna siikhne ka? nai starting se interest nai. aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kya ke mother tongue education primary level pe honi chaahiye. is ki kya vaja he’? Primary level pe…the main reason is er…aaTh saal ka jo bachcha hota he’ us ko aaTh zubaaane~ bi sikhaai jaae to vo siikhta he’ ye aap ki zaati raae he’? nai me’~ actually ek trained teacher bi hu~ is lehaaz se muje pata he’ is liye aap ko lagta he’ ke primary level pe mother tongue education honi chaahiye! ji aap Burushaski songs sunti he~? bohat kam Who is your favourite Burushaski singer? ek he’(…..) Shahid Qalandar achchha! ye bataae~ aap ko kya chiiz ki kami mehsuus hoti he’ Karachi me~ re’hne vaale Burusho community ke logo~ me~? er… kami…kami ye hoti he’ ke er…Burushaski itna sai se nai bolte sab achchha to zubaan ke havaale se kami mehsuus hoti he’ aap ko! ha~ Urdu use karte he’~ is tarha ke festivals me~ bhi Urdu use hota he’ Burushaski ki jaga. achchha! UNESCO ka naam suna hua he’? ha~ UNESCO ne ek fehrist jaari ki thi maxduush zabaano~ ki chand saal qabl. us fehrist me~ Pakistan ki taqriiban aThaais zubaane~ shaamil h’~ aur Burushaski bhi us me~ shaamil he’. aap ke xayaal me~ Burushaski ko endangered language mera matlab maxduush zubaan kaha ja sakta he’? Yes because vaha~ se jo log migrate jis number pe hote he’~ different countries me~ different cities me~ us lehaaz se dekha jaae to ho sakta he’ kyu~ke vaha~ …education ke liye apni country se baahar bhi nikle hue he’~ log aur cities bhi change kar rahe he’~…aur vaha~ ke logo~ ki xususiat ye he’ ke education ke liye agar apni zamiin bhi bechni paRe to vo log bechte he’~ achchha! taaliim ke liye vo kuchh bi kar sakte he’~ ek hi university he’ Gilgit me~ aur us me~ bhi zyaada subjects nahi he’~ engineering nahi he’, medical nahi he’, nursing nai he’ medical facilities he’~ lekin koi institute nai he’…to vo in sab ke liye baahir aate he’~ achchha! baahir aate he’~ to phir apni language ko bhuulne lagte he’~ aur different languages er… choose karte he’~ mostly English use karte he’~ mostly Urdu use karte he’~ to hosakta he’ ke er…Burushaski xatam ho jaae agar is pe kaam na ho. So you feel that Burushaski’s future is not safe! Right! Just a few more questions. You mentioned that if Burushaski is to be promoted in Karachi, it can be done through cultural festivals. Hmm So what can be the means of arranging these festivals in Karachi? ye hote re’hte he’~ cultural festivals achchha! Yes, jimxaana, Garden me~ he’ vaha~ hote he’~ Arts Council me~ sometimes…aur duusri yaha~ jo re’hte he~ Northern areas vaale different areas ki picnics pe le jaate he’~ achchha! organizations he~ yaha~ hamaare jo arrange karaati he~ is tarha ki activities to aap kabhi… is tarha ki activities me~ kabhi participate kiya he’? Yes I have joined, me’~ ne join kiya tha ek dafa to parks me~ jaate he’~….vaha~ pe cultural chiize~ hoti he’~ music hota he’ yaha~ system set he’ music ka system set he’. Burushaski ke singers he’~ jo aate jaate re’hte he’~ Thank you very much again for your valuable input and time! Saman’s Interview (a Female Key-informant)Thank you for being here for the interview! I really appreciate your willingness to be a part of this research. You are welcome! According to the information you have provided in the questionnaire, you have been in Karachi for the last 3.5 years. Yeah! And you are basically from Hunza. Yeah! Hunza. Are you living with your family in Karachi? Yeah, I’m with my whole family, my parents and my siblings. Ok! Why did your family decide to move to Karachi? For my education, for my brother’s education as well as for the job purpose of my father. So basically you people moved to Karachi...because of job opportunities and education. Yeah Can you tell me details of your initial struggle when you came to Karachi three and a half years ago, I mean the challenges you had to face in terms of making adjustments after coming to Karachi? Ok! First of all it was difficult for me to adjust with the students, with the teachers, to understand their language. First of all when I was here it was difficult for me to to understand the Urdu they were speaking with the fluency here...I was not able to understand that fully and I have er...much more time I think six months or more to understand all that. This was the first problem I faced. This means language was one of the basic problems! Yeah, yeah, yeah! Next thing was no one is used to speak English here. What we used to do in Hunza at Aga Khan Higher Secondary school, we used to speak English in all subjects except in Urdu and Islamiyat and... that’s it. No more problem. So only language was a barrier! One more thing! I was in the evening programme first, so coming and going was a problem because of darkness and being late. In day time I am not afraid of snatching and other cases. There is no such thing as snatching, rape, or any other crime in the Hunza. What about your family? Did they face any problem? er... for my mother I think no problem....but still she has the problem of language. She is unable to understand hundred percent Urdu and she is unable to speak it hundred percent. So does she mostly speak Burushaski at home? Yes, but she wants us to speak Urdu at home so that she can understand it more and she would be able to er...respond more in Urdu. What about your father? He was living here with his friends. He was in Army earlier. I don’t think he had any difficulty speaking Urdu. All right! How many times have you visited your home town in the last three and a half years? Once Only once! Yeah! Last year for internship with my father. Why did you choose to go there for internship? er... I’m studying in er... in Applied subjects so I have to go there in future to apply all the things I have studied here so before ending my my this last year I wanted to know what are the problems they are facing there related to the agriculture and ...what is their success level? So I wanted to know all the things about them. So basically you plan to go back to your hometown! Not now because I’m working here but I will be going there insha’Allah very soon (laughs). All right! There is one thing that I found very striking in the questionnaire you filled. You have claimed in the questionnaire that you can understand other dialects of Burushaski, the one spoken in Nagar and the one spoken in Yasin. Yeah, yeah, yeah! How is that possible? er... because one of my mother’s relative were there in Yasin and they used to speak that Burushaski when they visited us...and the Nagar dialect is much similar than us OK! and we have class fellows at Aga Khan Higher secondary school...and my brother friends are also the Nagar ones. achchha! So because of the interaction with them you are able to understand other dialects of Burushaski! Yeah, yeah! But you don’t write in Burushaski, right! No! I can read but I can’t write. Ok! Tell me what in your point of view is the advantage of having the ability to speak one’s mother tongue? er...it is very important to interact with the people of that area. For example, if I’m doing a job there, I have to convince the people er... it would be difficult for an Urdu speaking guy to make them say yes and agree with them, but it would be easy for me to make them say yes to anything (laughs). So you mean to say that in order to interact with the community members it is important? Yes, very important. Any other advantage? Another advantage is that it is my identity. Language is my identity and I should know it. I should know how to speak it, how to write it. Unfortunately I can’t write (laughs). Why is it important to be literate in one’s mother tongue? er...again it is very important for expressing anything, to to ...to expressing your ideas to a lot of population(.....) through a book or a novel...It can be read by a lot of population there in your native town. If you are not able to write anything it is not er...possible to transfer what you want. You have also mentioned that mother tongue education should be provided at all levels. Why is it necessary to teach it at all levels? Anyone studying anywhere, they should know how to write it, how to read it, and how to speak it properly. I can say many words are there in Burushaski that I don’t know. I...I use Urdu words instead. If I was given education at primary level or at the secondary level in my mother tongue in Hunza, it would be helpful for me. You have mentioned in the questionnaire that your oral proficiency in Burushaski is good. Now that you have spent three and a half years in Karachi, do you find any change in your proficiency in Burushaski? (Laughs) To some extent it may be declined. Because last year I visited Hunza and I saw that a lot of changes has occurred in my language. When I was talking to them I used to shift to Urdu. That was a problem. I frequently used Urdu words, English words while speaking to the elder ones. It does not show a good impression. What was their response? er...they did not show anything to me but I think they did not like it. This means you have become habitual of switching because of being in Karachi. Yeah very true! Do you switch to Urdu consciously or unconsciously? Unconsciously! Ok! Are you in touch with other Burushos in Karachi? Yeah! In the colony where I’m living there are Burusho speakers. Which colony is it? Evershine Evershine! How many Burusho families are living in Evershine? er...twenty to thirty may be. Do people living in the colony interact with each other? Yeah, they do, they do. Do you visit each other? Yeah! We visit each other, we go for the lunch, we go for the dinner, we celebrate the days with each other. So when you are together, which language do you use? Burushaski mostly but Urdu as well and whenever we are in the university we speak Burushaski when we don’t want other students sitting with us to know what we are discussing. So, this is yet another advantage that nobody can understand what you speak in Burushaski. Very true! It is the same at home because my mom can’t understand English so whenever me and my brother have to say something or speak with father we say it in English so my mother can’t understand what we are planning to do (laughs). You mentioned that you are familiar with Burushaski proverbs and folktales. Where did you learn them from? From my parents and from grandparents. While speaking to each other in Hunza with friends. Where are your grandparents? My grandfather is in Hunza but my grandmother is not alive now. Can your grandfather speak Urdu? er...Yeah! He was a tourist guide which means he can. Have you observed Burusho children living in Karachi? Yeah! Can they speak Burushaski? Yeah, but they are not that much fluent in Burushaski as much as they are in er...Urdu...whenever we interact with them we feel they are not Burushaski speakers they are from the Karachi and they are living here and they are Urdu speaking you know! Is it because of their accent? Yeah, it is because of their accent and whenever you talk to them in Burushaski they respond to you in Urdu. I have teached a lot of er...students here who are living here by birth or when they were from three to four years, they used to respond me in Urdu. They they don’t want to speak in Burushaski. I don’t know why (laughs). They just don’t want to because most of their fellows whenever we speak to each other our sounds, our pronunciation, they they er...matlab vo na us ko ek joke samajte he’~. They give names to them. So they make fun of their own language! Yeah! No, no. Their friends used to make fun of the language of Burushaski so the Burushaski speakers shift to er...and prefer to speak Urdu rather than Burushaski What age group are you talking about? Seven, eight years, nine, ten years. Ok! You mean to say that because of peer pressure their attitudes have changed. Yeah! Very much changed. Strange! You have mentioned that you like Burushaski the most. What is the reason behind this fondness for Burushaski? (Laughs) er... because it is my mother tongue. It was the first language that I knew it. My family used to talk it. I can interact with my all the relative, my parents in this language and it is very easy for me to express myself and er...this is the reason I like it. Because my mom language is this. This is the reason. So because of the fact that it’s your mother tongue and it is easy for you to communicate in it, you like it! Yeah And you are also very proud of being called a Burusho according to your response in the questionnaire! I want to know the source of this pride? What is the reason behind this pride? (Laughs) It is the same pride in Hunza also because there are different families who give a lot of ...a lot of you know respect to the Burusho speakers. What is unique about the Burusho community? Their history, their history. Can you tell a little bit about its history? You know what happened. It is very ancient story. Can I speak in Urdu so that I can tell in detail? Sure, you are free to use Urdu. matlab ye hua tha ke ek zamaane me~ puure Hunza me~ ek kehat aai thi er...us zamane me~ kya hua tha ke ek hamaara Burusho banda tha Thiik he’! vo bohat chhoTa tha....to us zamaane me~ baadshah ne us ke haath se grain ko cast karvaaya tha jis ki vaja se first time vo grains vaGhera ug gaye the..to is vaja se ab bhi koi kaam start kya jaata he’ to they start with the Burusho. achchha! So Burushos are considered a sign of good omen! Yeah, yeah, yeah that’s the reason and jab bi matlab koi hukuuamt ki he’ Hunza me~ ya phir jo bi higher post pe log rahe he’~ they all were Burusho not the other ones. Ok! aur is tara jis tara jo duusri families hoti thi~ un ke nokar hote the pehle zamaane me~ jab vo Miir hote the and they were vaziir of the area aur is ke ilaava they used to beat the drum vo music vaGera bajaate the jo lower families hoti thi~ lekin Burusho nai karte the er... abi esa nahi he kyu~ke Burusho bhi yahi kaam abi karne lage he~ (laughs). Now there is no difference (laughs) but still we are proud of the history. That’s interesting! So, one reason is history. Any other reason? That’s the main reason. You mentioned in the questionnaire that the Burushos avoid marrying non-Burushos. Yeah they don’t marry non-Burusho What is the reason behind the reluctance to marry the non-Burushos? Again it is the history that they see themselves at the top (laughs). We are the superior (laughs) you are not supposed to marry anyone inferior. So you mean to say that the Burushos have a superiority complex! (Laughs) Yeah! Ok! What are the cultural festivals you celebrate? Ginaani and er...nauroz.. I don’t know any other... nauroz is a religious as well as a cultural festival. Who is your favourite Burushaski poet? er...kya naam he’ us ka .... Allama Naseer. Once he was but not now. Why isn’t he your favourite poet anymore? It was some conflicts you know but I don’t know much. I just heard from the people. Ok! You mentioned in the questionnaire that haven’t visited Burushaski Research Academy in Karachi. No, never heard of it. Do you think the Burusho families settled in Karachi are passing on Burushaski to their children? Burushaski language er...yeah! You know they wish to see their children speaking fluent in Burushaski and they wish to do it but er...unfortunately they are not that much fluent in Burushaski as we are. So you mean to say that the Burusho children living in Karachi, especially those born here are not very fluent in Burushaski? Yeah! They are not that fluent. When you speak Burushaski in the university with your Burusho friends they make fun of you. So how do you feel? Whenever I’m in the university with my Burusho group I use Burushaski but when the third person use to say ‘Oh my God” I want to grab that person’s neck. So you feel bad? Yeah Have you heard of UNESCO? Yeah! UNESCO has issued a list of endangered languages. Are you familiar with the term endangered languages? Yeah, the one that is going to be ended. Exactly! So, UNESCO prepared a list of such languages and from Pakistan they have included twenty-seven languages that are declared endangered...and Burushaski is one of them. Do you think that Burushaski is likely to disappear in future? No (laughs). It will never disappear because it is the language of some people. It will happen if the people who speak Burushaski disappear but whenever they are alive in the world ...the Burushaski speakers will be less in the amount but it will never disappear. But you mentioned earlier during the interview that the children in urban centres have started using er...Urdu more than Burushaski, so do you think if they keep doing it, Burushaski will disappear in future? It will, it will but at some point er...I think it will not because in Hunza, they are starting new universities, they are planning to have a medical college there and…if all the facilities will be there in Hunza, then this will not happen. The students will remain there, the students from all around the world and from other cities of Pakistan will visit Hunza and er...they will know how to speak Burushaski....if these facilities will be there it will not disappear, if not then it will disappear. So you are hopeful about its future! Yeah! All right! Thank you very much! Maheen’s Interview (a Female Key-informant)You have mentioned in the questionnaire that you have been in Karachi for the last 10 years. Yes ma’am When did your family actually move to Karachi? er...vo bhi das saal pe’hle hi move hui he’~. Actually mere father yaha~ par the er...kaafi time se like... biis saal se yaha~ pe the to fir 2005 me~ ham shift hue Why did your parents decide to settle in Karachi instead of staying in their native town? er... koi reason nai he ‘er... the reason is ke mere father ki job yaha~ par thi is liye ham yaha~ pe shift hue baaqi duusra koi reason nai he’ What does your father do? Private employee he’~ So just because of your father’s job, your entire family moved to Karachi! Yes! Tell me, what in your point of view is the biggest advantage of having knowledge of one’s mother tongue? You can conversate with them easily ya fir ... achchha lagta he’ ke ek extra language aap ko aati he’ Ok! And how important is it to be literate in one’s mother tongue? mujhe lagta he’ zaruuri he’, aap ki ek tarah se vo identity he’ aap ko apni identity barqaraar rakhne ke liye agar aap likh bhi sakte he’~ to fir vo aap ke liye ek extra advantage he’ There was a question in the questionnaire that at what level mother tongue education should be provided and you have mentioned that it should be taught at secondary level. Any reason for this? ha~... agar koi area e’sa he’ jaha~ pe mother tongue same he’ like mere area me~ Burushaski bi bolte he’~ Shina bi bolte he’~ Thiik he’! sahi agar ek language ko prefer karte he’~ to us ki origin xatam nai honi chaahiye even me’~ Burushaski bolne jaati hu~ to mujhe samajh me~ nai aati kuchh words e’se he’~ jo samjah nai aate to agar Burushaski paRhaai jaae to ho sakta he’ vo be’htar samajh me~ aa jaae aur barqaraar rahe So you are in favour of mother tongue education for... for sustaining language All right! You mentioned in the questionnaire that you have six siblings including you. Hmm Can they all speak Burushaski? Yeah And you have mentioned that you cannot understand other dialects of Burushaski! er.... Burushaski basically bohat difficult language he’ to is liye er... mujhe lagta he’ ke bohat saare logo~ ko nahi aate duusre dialects Oh! So, when you came to Karachi ten years ago did you face any difficulty in communication? er... in Urdu? Yes nai, because I used to speak in Urdu in school er...with my friends According to your information in the questionnaire, your primary education is in Gilgit and you used to speak Urdu there as well! Yes So, did you use Urdu with your family at home as well in Gilgit? No we spoke in Burushaski. And what is the situation now? We still speak in Burushaski in our home. All the time? Not all the time but most of the time What was the most challenging thing when you came to Karachi ten years ago? Can you recall your initial experience? (Laughs)... yeah ... mujhe matlab nae logo~ se communicate karne me~ thoRa ...hesitation hoti thi ye tha baaqi er... language ke hisaab se koi er...difficulty me~ ne face nai ki Was there any er... problem regarding difference in culture? er ... cultural difference to bohat he’ lekin er... jis tarha ki family me~ shaayad me’~ baRi hui hu~ mujhe yaha~ pe aake cutural difference face karna thoRa mujhe problem nai hui Ok! Now that you have spent almost ten years in Karachi, what differences or may be changes have you noticed in your communication style? er... bohat ziyaada Can you specify those changes? er ... matlab Urdu language jo he’ na vo thoRa vo ke’hte he’~ na thoRa aa gai he’ zubaan pe ve’se ham aapas me~ siblings me~ Burushaski me~ communicate karte he’~ lekin kabi kabi Urdu aa jaati he’ biich me~ Any other change? Change in your life style may be? er nai ..er ... me’~ asal me~ meri family Giglit me~ thi jab to fir me’~ apne uncle ke saath me~ rehti thi in Bhawalnagar. In Punjab? ha~ he was an Army officer to un ki posting vaha~ pe thi me’~ un ke saath re’hti thi ek se deRh saal mera un ke saath guzra aur fir direct me’~ Karachi me~ shift ho gai So how many years have you spent in Gilgit? er ...twelve years. The first 12 years of your life! Yeah, the first twelve years. That’s interesting! So, how many times have you visited your hometown in the last 10 years? er.... five to six times. Which means you don’t go there every semester break? No, I don’t. Any reason for these less frequent visits? Hm...I think my family is here aur mujhe vaha~ pe jaane ki zaruurat kam paRti he’ I have heard some students from Gilgit-Baltistan that they visit their home town either every year or every semester break! ha~ like meri cousin he’ yaha~ pe mere saath us ki family us ke parents yaha~ pe nai he’~ to vo har semester jaati he’ Do you remember when you visited your hometown last time? Last year in June July. Did you face any difficulty in communicating with the locals when you went there last year after spending so much time in Karachi? er ...no I don’t think there is any big change in language but their culture is different from Karachi. kiyu~ ke agar ham Karachi se Gilgit jaate he’~ na to hame sar pe dupaTTa oRhna he’ and all that ye difference aaya he’ ek to ye farq he’. Any other difference that you have noticed? ha~ yahi he’ na vaha~ ka culture ye he’ na ke ghar se baahir nikalte vaqt dupaTTa oRhna he’ yaha~ pe nai ham log itna prefer karte aur koi cultural difference? nai is ke ilaava koi difference nai he’ culture me~ matlab er.. agar culture me~ jo shaadi aur e’si chiize~ he’~ na to vaha~ pe jo shaadi he’ na vo thoRa different he’ kis lihaaz se different he’? Like yaha~ pe shaadi jo he’ hall me~ agar hoti he’ to raat me~ ham log jaate he’~ tayyaar ho ke lekin vaha~ pe shaadi subha se start ho jaati he’ je’se ... like I’m Agha Khani, Ismaili Thiik he’! sahi! ha~ to hamaari jo nikah ceremony hoti he’ na vo jamaat xaane me~ hoti he’. Thiik he’! Ok! to subha dula dulhan tayyaar ho ke lunch jo he’ dulhan ke ghar pe hota he’ aur fir dulhan baraat ke saath dulhe ke ghar pe jaati he’ aur dinner vaha~ pe hota he’ Does this happen in Gilgit-Baltistan among all the Ismaili communities or does it happen there in other communities as well ? ha~ (....) other communities as well. bas ye difference he’ ke un ka nikah ceremony jo he’ vo ghar pe hi hoti he’ achchha! ji! Ok! You mentioned in the questionnaire that you mostly switch to Urdu while speaking B in Karachi. So is there any specific reason for this switching? Yeah yeah it’s unconscious. je’se me’~ ne aap ko bataaya ...agar me’~ siblings ke saath bhi conversation kar rai hoti hu~ to switch kar leti hu~ vo ... vo unintentionally ho jaata he’ And if you are speaking in Urdu does it happen that you switch to Burushaski? Yeah, if there is any er... (laughs) Burushaski person in front of me (laughs) You have mentioned in the Questionnaire that you often switch to English as well. On what occasions do you switch to English? er... kabi kabi jab koi Burushaski aur Urdu me~ difficult words hote he’~ ham log English me~ zyaada samajah sakte he’~ to us vaqt You mentioned in the questionnaire that your oral proficiency in Burushaski is limited. Why is that so? Yeah, er...kiyu~ ke ham zyaada....er.... Burushaski thoRi difficult language he’ agar ham usko paRhne bi jaate he’~ na to we can’t read ..me’~ ne dekha he’ is generation ke jitne bi log he’~ na vo bohat kam matlab er... words bolte he’~(.....) hmm jo puraane log he’~ na vo achchhi bolte he’~ jab vo bolte he’~ na to hame aksar samajh nahi aati kyu~ ke vo thoRi standard Burushaski bolte he’~ So, sometimes you switch because you fall short of words in Burushaski? ha~ yeah Is it because er .....you have been in Karachi for ten years? May be! ha~ this may be a reason. ha~ e’sa ho sakta he’ lekin vaha~ pe .... fir se vahi baat aati he’ ke is generation ke jitne bi log he’~ un me~ kam he’vocabulary Burushaski ki as compared to Urdu is ki kya vajah he’? shaayad bolna kam kiya he’ ....kiyu~ ke jab school jaate he’~ vo log to native language ko prefer nai karte vaha~ pe Urdu aur English bolte he’~ You don’t write in Burushaski, but can you? er...no You mentioned that you know some proverbs and folktales in Burushaski . Where did you learn these proverbs and folktales from from? er ... ghar me~ hi ha~ Who uses these proverbs at home? mere grand father , mere father use karte he’~ Does your grandfather live with you in Karachi? No, he is in Gilgit, but even my father uses these proverbs And what about folktales? When were you introduced to these folktales? er... Gilgit me~ hi ... matlab vo sunte he’~ vaha~ pe na achchha! Can you tell me the names of a few folk tales? I can’t tell you the names but we used to listen these folk tales in Gilgit.. kyu~ ke hamaare jo Literature ki jo books matlab hoti he’~ na us me~ jo folk songs aur ye sab aata he’ to sunte he’~ matlab ham log You mentioned cultural festivals as the strongest symbols of Burusho identity in the questionnaire. Can you name a few cultural festivals that are unique to Burusho culture? er... cultural festivals me~ like ....vo jo er...ek hota he’ jo July ke end me~ manaate he’~ (she laughs) mujhe us ka naam is vaqat yaad nai he’ Karachi me~ nahi~ manaate? nai Karachi me~ nai manaate ginaani bolte he’~ I guess. us me~ gandum vaGhera ki kaTaai shaayad celebrate hoti he’ Have you ever participated in that festival? er... no, I have never (laughs) Then how do you know about it? me’~ ne suna he’ aur fir Karachi ki jo community he’ na vaha~ pe Burushaski ke jitne bhi Hunzai log the unho~ ne mil ke ek dafa gathering ki thi bas e’se hi ..... properly je’se Gilgit me~ hota he ve’sa nai tha bas us ko celebrate kiya tha e’se hi yaha~ pe OK! You have already admitted that your proficiency in Burushaski is limited and you sometimes er...fall short of Burushaski words and you have also mentioned that you have noticed this among other er.... Burusho people of your generation. Especially this generation. Right! So, what could be the reasons behind this decline in the use of Burushaski and its proficiency among the young generation? er...their families actually don’t prefer to ... ha~....speak their mother tongue. kiyu~ ke agar vo school me~ jaate he’~ to vo they should learn Urdu aur English.is liye vo phir Burushaski nai bolte...bohat kam bolte he’~ is ke ilaava koi vajah? nai is ke ilaava koi vajah nahi kyu~ ke agar ghar me~ hote he’~ to Burushaski hi bolte he’~ matlab mostly families ko me’~ ne dekha he’... jitne bhi Hunzai families he’~ vo ghar pe Burushaski bolte he’~ lekin fir jab baahar jaate he’~ school me~ jaate he’~ to phir they don’t speak Burushaski er...nai bolte vo fir Burushaski Ok, but you have selected Burushaski as your most favourite language! Yes What is the reason? Because it’s my mother tongue and I like to conversate in my mother tongue. And according to your response in the questionnaire, you take extreme pride in being called a Burusho. Any specific reason? Because ..... er...Once my father told me a story that when British attacked Hunza and Nagar too er....Hunzais were the only people who celebrated their defeat to er...ek English writer ne ye kaha ke ye log kabhi haar nai maane~ ge they are proud of themselves aur ye log apne haar ko bi celebrate karte he’~ e’sa unho~ ne mujhe story sunai thi may be it’s in our blood. Is it the only reason that you are proud of your identity? I think everyone is proud of their ...er... identity Is it really the case that everybody is proud of his or her identity? I have come across groups that hide their identity. Really! I don’t think so. So you are proud of your identity and one reason is the story that your father told you. Yeah (laughs) What is unique about Burusho identity which you don’t find among others? Like er.... kesi bhi situation ho vo kabhi haar nahi maante. This is truth. er...They will never beg. er... hard working hote he’ ~ bohat zyaada er... ye ho sakta he’ aur Hunza me~ Ok! everyone is in their own work, har koi kaam karta he’ aur phir bas yahi reason he’ achchha! Have you heard Allama Nasir Hunzai’s name? Yes! In what context? Kuchh scandals aae the un ke against. un ki poetry to paRhi he’ me’~ ne kiyu~ ke he is Agha Khani too. How do you find him as a poet? He is a best poet I can (laughs) say So basically you can read Burushaski but can’t write it. I can’t write matlab puura me’~ nai ...paR nai sakti like...us ne jo sufiaana kalaam likhi he’ sunne ke baad agar paRhti hu~ to samajh me~ aata he’ There was a question regarding the willingness to transmit Burushaski to your children and you gave a positive response. Any reason for the positive response? muje lagta he’ siikhna chaaihye kyu~ke Urdu aur English aap kabi bi siikh sakte ho lekin Burushaski is very difficult. It’s very strange for me to know that you find Burushaski difficult although you are a native speaker of Burushaski! It is difficult for me as well (laughs). How is it difficult for the native speakers of Burushaski? er... Kuchh words ya kuchh er...e’se he’~ jo ham pronounce nahi kar sakte like jo Urdu... us ke jo sounds he’~ na vo Urdu aur English ke sounds se different hoti he’~ to is vaja se pronounce karne me~ un ko thoRa difficulty hoti he’ Native Speakers ko bhi mushkil hoti he’? nai agar vo usi area me~ ...agar bachpan se he’~ to they can easily speak it but agar vo thoRa baahar rahe he’~ to un ko mushkil ho jaati he’ This means because of living in Karachi... Yeah! One of my cousins is twenty-two years old to vo Karachi me~ hi pe’da hui he’ she can speak Burushaski but us ke liye vahi jo words me’~ aap ko bol rai hu~ to vo nai pronounce kar sakti un ko achchha! Any idea how many Burusho families have settled in Karachi? Families to bohat ziyaada he’~ ham log milte re’hte he’~ taqriiban kitni families se aap ka mel jol he’? me’~ exactly bata nai sakti kiyu~ ke ham log community me~ milte he’~ er...sirf Burusho nai duusre bhi log hote he~ jo Islamili community ke he’~ to jab aap log community me~ milte he’~ to kaun si zabaan me~ baat chiit karte he’~ ? zyaada tar Urdu hi bolte he’~ je’sa ke me’~ ne bataaya ke Burushaski speakers ke ilaava bi log hote he’~ Have you heard of UNESCO? Yes! UNESCO has declared Burushaski an endangered language along with some other Pakistani languages. Do you consider Burushaski an endangered language? Yes, ha~ this is what I was talking about. SO, do you think Burushaski is likely to er.... disappear in future? Yeah, even my cousins can’t speak Burushaski. Which age group do they belong to? er... they are six or seven. They can’t speak Burushaski because they never been to Gilgit. They are here in Karachi. That’s why they can’t. So do you think in order to speak one’s mother tongue, one has to be in the native environment? er ... yes because the environment in which they are living er .....there mostly everyone is Urdu speaker. yo yahi vajah ho sakti he environment bohat eham role ada karti he kisi language ko siikhne ke liye What steps should be taken to preserve and promote Burushaski? I think mother tongue education is necessary us se ye faaida hoga ke hamaari generation ko Burushaski literature paRhne ka mauka mile ga. All right! Thank you very much for your cooperation! Somya’s Interview (a female Key-informant) sab se pe’hle to aap ka bohat shukrya ke aapne apna vaqt nikaala is interview ke liye. Do you remember you filled a questionnaire earlier? Yes! Good! So most of the questions will be related to the responses you gave on the questionnaire. Thiik aap ke xayaal me~ kisi ke liye bhi apni maadri zabaan bolne ka sab se baRa faaida kya ho sakta he’? us me~ ye hota he’ ma’am ke ham apni maadri zabaan ko aage tak le ja sakte he’~ jab koi bhi speak karta he’ to hame pata chalta he’ ke vo kis culture se he’...to ye baRa faaida hota he’ aur us se apni feelings vaGhera share kar sakte he’~ to ek faaida feelings share karna he! ha~ achchha! aap ne ye bhi kaha ke aap ise aage le ja sakte he’~ to aage kis tarha se le ja sakte he’~? aage is tarha ma’am ke ham...ab zaairi baat he’ jab ham duusri duusri environment me~ jaate he’~ je’se cities me~ education ke liye jaate he’~...to majority yaha~ apni community vaale nai hote par koshish karne se mil jaate he’~ to agar ham apne vaalo~ ko jaane~ er...to ham saare mil ke Thiik he na! Hmm apna koi cultural event ho gaya saath celebrate karna, matlab us me~ hamaara cultural food aa jaata he’ dress aajaata he’... agar ham sab chiiz present kare~ us environment me~ ja ke tab hi ham us ko aage le ja sakte he’~ achchha ye bataae~ ke kisi ke liye bhi apni maadri zabaan me~ likhne aur paRhne ka kya faaida ho sakta he’? er...agar ham chhoTi umar se apni zabaan likhna chaahe~ to is me~ faaida ye he’ ke agar e’si jaga pe jaana paRhe jaha~ ke log Urdu nahi jaante Thiik he’ na! Right! tab ham apni zabaan write down kar sakte he’~ je’se hamaare majority gaao~ ke log Urdu nai jaante to vo apni zabaan ko hi aage write down karte he’~ to isi liye phir faaida he’ aana laazmi he’ to aap ne kyu~ nahi siikha likhna paRhna Burushaski me~?aap ne questionnaire me zikr kya ke aap Burushaksi me~ jo kitaabe~ he~ vo nai paRh sakti~! kuchh words aa jaate he’~ lekin recently me’~ ne siikhna shuru kiya he’ kyu~ ke mere jo bai he’~ vo singer he’~ achchha! ha~ bachpan se...seven years se unho~ ne singing shuru kiya he’ aur ab vo Hunza ke matlab top ten singers me~ se he’~ kya naam he aap ke bhaai ka? Wajahat Soz. ab vo jo gaane likhte he’~ to me’~ paRh ke likhne ki koshish karti hu~ achchha! ha~ aap ne questionnaire me~ likha ke aap ko Karachi aae taqriiban das mahiine ho gaye he’~! ha~ to in das mahiino~ me~ aap ko apni Burushaki ke istimaal aur ravaangi me~koi tabdiili mehsuus hui? ha~ tabdiili mehsuus ye hogai ke...ab zaairi baat he hostel me~ bhi Urdu bolna paRhta he university aao to Urdu English.to...ab gar vaale call karte he’~ do tiin din baad to ye hota he’ ke apna zubaan kam aur Urdu words zyaada istimaal hote he’~ ab nuqsaan ye hogaya he’ (laughs) aap ke ghar vaalo~ ko Urdu aati he’? ha~ sab ko aati he’ kyu~ ke sab city me~ he’~ ...ham he’~ to Hunza ke lekin main city Gilgit me~ hi re’hte he’~ achchha ye bataae~ aap ki nazar me~ Karachi me~ jo Burushaski community re’hti he’ un me~ aur Gilgit-Baltistan me~ jo Burushaski speakers he’~ un me~ kya farq lagta he’? fark ye he’ ke un ke hmm...culture me~ difference aagaya he’ un ka re’han se’han har chiiz me~ kyu~ ke hamaari community vaale majority jo girls he’~ vo apne hi community matlab Burushaski logo~ ko ignore karte he’~ ke’hte he’~ ham Karachi me~ re’hte he’~ to ham Karachi vaale hi he’~ achchha! to ye masla ho gaya he’ duusri ye he’ ke un ke dresses ...yaani jab starting me~ Gilgit vaale aate he’~ to un ke dresses simple hote he’~ ...kuchh months ke baad yaha~ ka jo culture he’ vo adopt karte he’~. parents bhejte he’~ lekin ye log....limits cross karte he’~ Limits cross karne se kya muraad he’ aap ki? matlab ye ke hamaare jo Gilgit me~ jo culture he’ vo ye he’ ke aap simple shalwaar kamiiz pe’hnte he~ aap limit me~ logo~ se baat kare~.........lekin hamaare majority jo laRkya~ he’~ to vo bilkul e’sa nai karti~......even hamare jo apne brothers yaha~ pe hote he’~ community ke Thiik he’ na! to un ko bi salaam nai karti he’~ ... apne logo~ ko ignore karti he’~ laRkiya~ aa ke to ye baRa difference he’ aap hostel ki laRkio~ ki baat kar rahi he’~? nai sab ki. un ki bi jo hostel ke baahir re’hti he~ achchha! zabaan ke havaale se koi farq mehsuus kiya? bas ye he’ ke aaj kal log apni zabaan bhuul chuke he’~ majority saare achchha! aur aap? me’~ to har ek se Burushaksi bolne ki koshish karti hu~ Hostel me~ jo laRkiya~ he’~ un se baat chiit he’? ha~ meri saaro~ se baat chiit he’ me’~ social zyaada hu~ jab me’~ Gilgit me~ thi to social camps me~ zyaada jaaati thi is liye mujhe har ek ka culture pata he’ achchha ye bataao er...Burusho culture me~ kya infiraadiyat he’ jo ke Gilgit Baltistan ki duusri communities me~ nahi~? e’si kya chiiz he’ Burusho community me~ ke aap kobohat faxr hota he’ Burusho kehlaane me~? us me~ sab se baat ye he’ ke ... ke er...jo hamaara jo Gilgit me~ transport system he’ China se jo maal aata he’ import export vo sab kuchh Highway jo bana he’ Thiik he’! Hmm vo hamaara Hunza ka hi raasta he’...duusri baat ye he’ ke hamaare jo log he’~ vo zyaada me’hnat karte he’~ safaai pasand log he’~ aur ziyaada tar majority educated he’~ kiyu~ ke vo log matric ke baad down side bhejte he’~ apne bachcho~ ko paRhe ke liye...koi bi e’sa bachcha nai he’ jo matric ke baad Pindi, Islamabd, Karachi me~ na ho achchha! majority saare yaha~ pe he’~ aur duusri baat ye ke vaha~ pe raja pe’hle re’hte the je’se Mir Ghazanfar vo saare Hunza me~ hi re’hte the.....Hunza me~ jo Raja families re’hte the to duusre jo Skardu vaale he’~ vo saare log aake hamaare Hunza me~ hi kaam karte the jo sab resource the sab kuchh Hunza me~ hi maujuud he~ yaha~ tak ke kiimati patthar jo is time bohat saare idaare kaam kar rae he’~ Hunza me~ je’se Aga Khan health service, Diamond Jubilee schools vaGhe’ra ho gae aur duusra ye ke vaha~ ki jo history he’ to Aga Khan Trust for Culture vo saare Hunza me~ hi kaam kar rahe he’~ yaani bohat si vujuhaat he’~ Burusho kehlaane me~ faxr mehsuus karne ki! ha~ aur duusri ye ke Rakaposhi aur Lady finger jo pahaaR vaGhe’ra he’~ vo sab Hunza me~ hi maujuud he’~ aap ne kaha ke Hunza ke log apne bachcho~ ko Islamabad, Karachi aur duusre she’hro~ me~ bhejte he’~ education ke liye to aap ne Karachi kiyu~ chuna? (Laughs) ye tha ke me’~ Pindi me~ do saal rahi Inter me’~ ne vaha~ se kiya he’ achchha! ha~ lekin ye tha ke me’~ darmyaan me~ apne ghar aai hui thi kiyu~ ke hostel ka khaana mujhe suit nai ho raha tha to mujhe Gilgit jaana paRa to me’~ coaching Gilgit me~ paRhti thi lekin papers ke liye dubaara Pindi chali gai thi to vaha~ ka environment ye tha ke jo mere saath room-mates the vo mere cousins hi the to jab unho~ ne Masters complete kar liya to meri care ke liye koi nai tha. to jab mere bhaai ki engagement ho gai to baabi yaha~ Karachi me~ paRhti thi aur vo bi aksar biimaar hoti he’~ to ek duusre ki care ke liye ham yaha~ he’~ aap ki bhaabi kaun se department me~ hoti he’~ ? Sociology me~ hi achchha! aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kya ke aap Karachi me~ Burushaski bolte vaqt Urdu aur angrezi ke ilfaaz bhi mix karti he’~ kaafi had tak to e’sa kis mauqe pe hota he’? ha~ je’se ham log khaana vaGhera banaate he’~ to achaanak kuchh masaale vaGhe’ra ke words kabi nai aata to Urdu ya English me~ bata dete he’~ ya kabi kapRo~ ki silaai vaGhe’ra karna ho tailor ko bataana ho ya agar koi word Burushaski ka yaad na aae to Urdu aur English ke words mix kar lete he’~ yaani Ghe’r iraadi taur pe nai nai nai nai baqaul aap ke javaab ke jo aap ne questionnaire me~ diya aap ki pasandiida zabaan English he’. is ki vaja? ye ke ab zaairi baat he’ technology ka jo daur aaraha he’ zaairi baat he’ ek hi language ko zyaada maan diya jaata he’ ab Urdu reh gai bichaari maadri zabaan ki tara piichhe hi kiyu~ ke ab har chiiz me~ competition he’...log ke’hte he’~ ke jis ko best English aata he’ vohi aage baRe ga isi liye me’~ koshish karti hu~ ke English bolu~ lekin itna confidence nai to English sirf is liye pasand he’ ke ye technology ki zubaan he? Technology ki zabaan he’ aur duusri ye ke jab ham scholarship ke liye apply karte he’~ out of country ...ya koi baRe scholars hamaare saamne aajaate he’~ ya koi seminar hota he’ to zaairi baat he’ English ko zyaada importance diya jaata he’ aap ne questionnaire me~ is baat ka bhi izhaar kiya ke maadri zabaan me~ taaliim har level pe honi chaahiye. to aap ke xayaal me~ har level pe kyu~ honi chaahiye? ye ke ab ham zaairi baat he’ different languages me~ paRhte he’~ Thiike he’ na! hmm to piichhe re’ gai maadri zabaan to vo ham bhuul jaae~ ge is liye me’~ ye chaahti hu~ ke koi e’sa subject ho je’se Sindh me~ Sindhi ek subject he’ Thiik he na! ab zaairi baat he’ unho~ ne bachpan se Sindhi zabaan siikh li ab vo log araam se apna language me~ likh sakte he’~ lekin aap majority dekho koi bi apni language me~ even apna naam sai tariike se nai likh sakta ...to ham proud jab kare~ ge jab hame apni zabaan me~ likhna aae bolna aae Thiik he na! Right! duusre ko ham bata de~ ke hame~ likhna bhi aata he’ paRhna bi aata he’ aur hame bolna bi aata he’ ...isi liye me’~ keh rai thi ke koi e’sa subject ho jis me~ hamaari maadri zabaan bi include ho sahi! achchha ye bataae~ ke aap ko Burushaski me~ jo kahaavate~ aur lok kahaania~ aati he’~ ye kaha~ se siikhi~ aur kab siikhi~? ye me’~ ne matric tak siikhi thi~ kiyu~ bachpan se ye hota he’ ke hamaari daadiy~ jo he’~ hame apne paas biThaati he’~ hamaare culture me ye hota he’ ke jab pote potia~ thoRi baRi hoti he’~ to daadiya~ unhe apne saath sulaati he’~ ....jab gar me~ koi me’hfil vaGhe’ra ho ya koi funny ya serious baat ho to ham kahaavato~ se bata dete he’~ to gar me~ bolte bolte siikh lete he’~ to abhi bhi yaad he’~ kuchh kahaavate~? ha~ koi lok kahaani ka naam yaad he’? is me~ ek kahaani he’ Shorti aur Borti naam ki kahaaani he’ ye do friends hoti he’~ dono~ be’hno~ ki tarha hoti he’~ lekin in ke parents in ke darmiyaan misunderstanding pe’da karte he’~...to dono~ bilkul juda hoti he’~ lekin dono~ ek saath last me~ suicide karti he’~ ...ye kahaani bot mashuur he’ ye jo lok kahaania~ he~ kya ye kitaabo~ ki shakl me~ shaaya ho chuki he’~? ye nai pata achchha pichchhle das mahiino~ se aap yaha~ pe ho chhuTTio~ me~ apne aabaai ilaaqe jaana hua? nai abhi tak nai hua next July me~ jaau~ gi aap ne questionnaire me~ is baat se ittefaaq kya ke agar aap apne aabai ilaaqe se duur chale jaate ho to aap ki maadri zabaan ke istimaal aur ravaangi me~ kami aajaati he’. is ki kya vaja hosakti he’? ye hota he’ ke jab ham duur chale jaate he’~ avval to ham kisi ko jaante nai he’~ zaairi baat he’ ham ek dam kisi se apni mother tongue nai bol sakte ...phir sab se Urdu me~ baat chiit kar kar ke kami peshi to aa jaati he’ kaafi time ke baad muje pata laga ke mere relatives yaha~ he’~ us se pe’hle mujhe pata nai tha ke kaun kaha~ he’ to ye masala hota he’ sahi kiyu~ ke hamaare Burushaski bi aae~ na to hame pata nai chalta ke ye hamaari community ke he’~ kiyu~ke un ka dressing is type ka hota he’ un ka uThna be’Thna sab kuchh bilkul different hota he’ isi liye confuse ho jaate he’~ aap jab das mahiine pe’hle Karachi aai~ thi~ to kya mushkilaat pesh aai~? bohat mushkilaat hui~ kyu~ ke environment me~ bohat difference he’ aur meri baabi se bi itni baat chiit nai thi shuru me~ kiyu~ ke me’~ ne unhe~ pehli baar engagement pe hi dekha tha is ke ilaava mujhe nai pata tha ke kaun apna he’, kaun kaha~ ka he’ er... phir friends banaana, hostel me~ adjust karna, xud khaana banaana har chiiz manage karna budget banaana ye sab kuchh mere liye bohat mushkil tha aur zabaan ke havaale se koi mushkil pesh aai? shuru me~ to me’~ har ek se Urdu me~ hi baat karti thi phir aahista aahista jab baat chiit shuru hui to pata chala ye is zabaan ka he’ ye us zabaan ka he’ achchha! aap Burushaksi shairi bhi paRhti he’~? ha~ kiyu~ ke mera bhai singer he’ us ne muje kaha tha ke aap mere saath singing kare~ lekin family vaalo~ ne kaha nai achchha nai lagta. hamaare ha~ sirf do laRkiya~ singer he’~ ek Gojaal ki he’ aur ek Hunza ki he’ ek Wakhi bolti he’aur ek Burushaski. achchha aap ke pasandiida Burushaski shaair kaun he’~? mera apna bhai, Wajahat Soz. vo to singer he’~ na? likhte bhi he’~ achchha! bhai ke ilaava aur kaunsa shaair pasand he’? ek Shina language ke he’~ Jabir khan Jabir. aap ko Shina zabaan bhi aati he’? mujhe majority saari zabaane~ aati he’~ Gilgit-Baltistan ki. Shina bhi aati he’ kisi Burushaski scholar ka naam bataae~ gi? ha~ Fida Ali. ye religious scholar he’~ Allama Nasir Hunzai ka naam suna he’ aap ne? ji Kis havaale se? qasaaid ke havaale se kya aap ke ilm me~ ye baat he’ ke Burushaski zabaan me~ Quran ka bhi tarjuma ho chukka he’? ha~ ye Allama Nasir ne kiya he’ ek aur scholar he’~ Ghulam Ghulamuddin Hunzai jinho~ ne Quran ka tarjuma Burushaksi me~ kiya he’ ha~ vo upper Hunza ke he’~ kabhi ittifaaq hua un se mulaaqaat karne ka? nai lekin by face dekha he’ youth sessions me~ Youth sessions kis tarha ke hote he’~ aap ke ha~? is me~ hame har chiiz ka history bataaya jaata he’ to ye kis zabaan me~ hote he’~ sessions? agar gaao~ me~ ho~ to un ki zabaan me~ kiya jaata he’ agar she’har me~ ho~ to Urdu me~ hi hota he’ aap ke ha~ cultural festivals jo saqaafati tehvaar he’~ vo bohat manaae jaate he’~ ha~ bohat ziyaada kuchh tehvaaro~ ke naam bataaye~ gi? sab se pe’hle ek hota he’ giyaara July ko giyaara July ko kya hota he’? giyaara July ko jo Aga Khan he’~ ye Imaam bane the in ki taxt nashiini hui thi, tera December in ka birthday aata he’ aur twenty-six October me~ inho~ ne GB ka visit kiya tha is ke ilaava ham log manaate he’~ ji ...first March First March ko kya manaate he’~? yaani gandum ki kaTaai aur is ka koi naam he’? ginaani naam he’ aur ye baRe joshoxarosh se manaaya jaata he’ Dol vaalo~ ko laaya jaata he’ aur jo Chief guest hota he’ us ko khet me~ leke jaate he’~ aur jo desi ghee hota he’ use gandum pe lagaate he’~ aur saare mil ke dua karte he’~ phir Chief guest us ko kaaTta he’ phir us ke baad bas vaha~ Dol vaGe’ra hota he’ celebration ke liye. yaha~ Karachi me~ jo Burusho log he’~ vo manaate he’~ apne saqaafati te’hvaar? bohat kam bohat kam manaaate he’~ kuchh .... ye Garden side me~ bas manaate he’~ aap ke jo rishtedaar Karachi me~ he’~ vo kis ilaaqe me~ re’hte he’~? ye ...Garden, Ayesha Manzil aur Highway ki side me~ re’hte he’~ er. Jiwaani Heights me~ ye Higway ke paas bungalows aur flats he’~ vaha~ bohat se Burushos re’hte he~ puure majority saare, yaani us ko Hunza ka naam diya he’ ham ne (laughs) chhoTa Hunza rakha he’ us ka naam aap ke rishtedaar kitne arse se Karachi me he’~? kisi ke das saal ho rae he’~ kisi ke aaTh saal ho rae he’~ aap ke rishtedaaro~ ke jo school-going bachche Karachi me~ he’~ un ki Burushaski ke’si he’? puuchhe~ hi nai bilkul...un ko to hamaari zabaan aati nai he’ aae bi na aada Urdu aada English aada apna zubaan bilkul gulaabi Burushaski bolte he’~ gulaabi Burushaski matlab? yaani jis me~ monas muzakkar ka farq hi nai hota bikul difference nai hota ye jo hostel me~ Burushaski speakers he’~ ye aapas me~ Burushaski me~ baat karti he’~? hamaare wing me~ jo Burusho he’~ vo aksar Burushaski me~ karti he’~ baat aap ne is questionnaire me~ kaha ke agar aap Karachi me~ settle ho jaae~ gi to apne bachcho~ ko Burushaski nahi sikhaae~ gi is ki kya vaja he’? is liye kiyu~ke ab zaairi baat he’ ab ham log zyaada tar majority educated log saare job pe jaate he’~ to ab zaairi baat he’ piichhe bachcho~ ki care ke liye koi hoga nai...zaairi baat he’ ab bachche day care jaate he’~ to vaha~ pe bachcho~ ki learning advance me~ ho chuki hoti he’to mere xayaal me~ vo interest nai le~ ge maadri zabaan me~ UNESCO ka naam suna hua he’? ha~ UNESCO ne kuchh arsa pe’hle ek fe’hrist jaari ki thi maxduush zabaano~ ki. us fe’hrist me~ Pakistan ki taqriiban sataais ya aThaais zabaane~ shaaamil he’~ aur un zubaano~ me~ Burushaski ka naam bhi shaamil he’. achchha! to aap ke xayaal me~ kya hoga Burushaski ka mustaqbil? ye hoga kyu~ ke ab zaairi baat he’ majority jo new generation he’ saaro~ ka maan hota he’ ke down chale jaae~ down chale jaae~ Down matlab? yaani Islamabad, Karachi in erio~ me~ chale jaae~... kiyu~ke ab ham yaha~ se Gilgit bhi jaae~ na to bachche ke’hte he’~ hame bhi Karachi jaana he’, Pindi jaana he’ bilkul chhoTe chhoTe bachche class eight ke hote he’~...ab saare zaairi baat he’ cities me jaae~ ge to xudbaxud zabaan xatam ho jaae gi piichhe re’h gae buuRhe to zaairi baat he’ vo apne darmyaan kitna kare~ ge kiyu~ ke ab majority families yaha~ pe settle ho rai he’~ to aap ke xayaal me~ Burushaski mqxduush zabaan he’? ha~ ve’se yaha~ kitni Burusho families ho~ gi Karachi me~ kuchh andaaza he’? bohat he’~ taqriiban? taqriiban sixty percent se above families down vaGhe’ra me~ re’hti he’~ Karachi, Islamabad, Pindi, vaGhe’ra aap is baat se mutaffiq he’~ ke Burushaski ek maxduush zabaan he’ aur jo young Burusho community he’ vo Burushaski se duur hoti ja rahi he’ to aap ke nazdiik Burushaski zabaan ki tarraqi ke liye kya karna chaahiye? us ke liye to Burushaski zabaan me~ taaalim zaruuri he’ je’sa ke me’~ ne pe’hle bhi kaha ke jab Sindhi zabaan me~ taaliim di ja sakti he’ to baaki zabaano~ me~ bhi honi chaahiye. ek baar phir aap ka bohat shukrya ke aap ne apna vaqt nikaala aur apne xyalaat ka izhaar kiya. Jamshed’s Interview Transcript (A male key-informant)sab se pehle to aap ki bohat mashkuur hu~ me’~ ke aap apna vaqt nikaal ke yaha~ aae is interview ke liye welcome ma’am! sab se pe’hle to ye bataae~ kisi ke liye bhi apni maadri zabaan jaanne ka sab se baRa faaida kya he’? Ma’am sab se baRi baat to pe’chaan he’... agar me’~ apna language bol leta hu~ to log ek dam se muje pe’hchaan le~ ge ke ye falaana jaga ka he’ aur falaana zubaan bol leta he’ ..aur Karachi me~ agar me’~ apni zabaan bolu~ even university me~ to fori ek trust hoga ma’am aur meri zubaan bolne vaale vo laazmi he’ ke mujh se mile~ ge aur puuchhe~ ge ke kis jaga ke ho...even jo female ho ya male ho is base pe hona chaahiye ek achchhi pe’hchaan he’ achchha! is ke ilaava kya faaida he’? zaahir baat he’ faaida hi he ma’am ....agar different countries me~ matlab har er...school aur college me~ apna ek subject hota he’ jis tara Sindh me~ Sindhi paRhaate he’~...agar Hunza me~ bhi koi Burushaski zubaan me~ koi subject paRhaae~ to us havaale se bhi faaida he’ aap ke xayaal me~ maadri zabaan me~ likhna aur paRhne ka kya faaida he’? Ma’am er...example ma’am China vaala he’ China vaala apne zubaan use kar leta he’ apni zubaan me~ har material un ke paas maujuud he’to easily ma’am vo samjah sakte he’~ banisbat duusri language ke ...agar hamaara apna language me~ vo mavaad jo ham paRhte he~ ma’am Arts paRhte he’~ ya Science paRhte he’~ ya diigar jitni bi chiize~ he’~ to ham easily samajh sakte he’~ achchha! yaani aap maadri zabaan me~ taaliim ke haq me~ he’~! honi chaahiye must honi chaahiye! Development tab hi hoga ma’am jab apni language me~ education mile gi ham to ma’am Ghulaam ki zindagi guzaar rae he’~ duusri langauge me~ ham paRhte he’~ sahi! achchha aap ko yaha~ Karachi me~ aae taqriiban saaRe tiin saal ho gae he’~! Yes ma’am in saaRe tiin saalo~ me aap kitni baar Hunza gae? chaar baar ja chukka hu~ aur kitne arse ke baad jaate he’~? After nine months, one year Ok! Last time kab gae the? Ma’am abi recently ho ke aaya hu~ achchha! to aap ko Hunza me~ re’hne vaale Burusho communtiy ke logo~ me~ aur Karachi me~ re’hne vaali Burusho community me~ kya farq me’hsuus hota he’? Ma’am un me~ ...ye farak he’ ke jo log zyaada tar idar aate he’~ ya to vo job karte he’~ ya to universities me~ jaate he’~ ...vo log jab idar aate he’~ to fir vo apni jo language he’ us me~ fir Urdu ya English words bolna shuru kar dete he’~...ziyaadaa tar vo use hote he’~ achchha! even ham bi je’se jaate he’~ gar me~ to apni Burushaksi zubaan bolte bolte tiin chaar Urdu do tiin English words use karlete he’~ ye bohat baRa difference hota he’ to kya vaha~ Hunza vaale esa nahi~ karte? nai Hunza vaale jo hamaare jo buzurg hazraat he’~ ya vo jo udar hi re’te he’~ zyaada tar vo apni hi language use karte he’~ achchha! jab aap saaRe tiin saal pehle Karachi me~ aae to kya mushkilaat pesh aai~? mujhe koi xaas mushkilaat to nai hui~ kiyu~ ke is se pehle me’~ Punjab me~ Islamabad me~ hota tha vaha~ kitna arsa rahe aap? udar me’~ nau saal raha hu~ achchha! yaani aap taqriiban baara saaRe baara saal pehle Hunza se aa gae the! Ma’am me’~ ...jab fifth me~ tha us vakt me’~ ne chhoRa Hunza! to aap ki secondary education jo he’ vo Hunza ki nai he’? Hunza ki he’ ma’am lekin Hunza vaalo~ ne hamaare liye ek opportunity rakha hua tha ... ke papers ja ke ham Hunza me~ de~ lekin ham ne vo education Islamabad me~ beTh ke haasil kya he’ kyu~ ke sardi me~ hamaara jo er...chhuTiya~ he’~ vo zyaada hoti h’e~ to is vaja se unho~ ne kya kia tha vo sardi vaala bi udar hi paRha bas paper Hunza me~ diye baaqi sab kuchh env ironment, paRhaai sab kuchh Islamabad me~ hi haasil kia yaani aap pichhle baara saalo~ se er...Islamabad aur Karachi me~ rehaaish paziir he’~! bilkul ma’am to aap ko apni Burushaski zabaan ke istimaal aur ravaangi me~ koi kami mehsuus hoti he’? bilkul ma’am bilkul is me~ koi shak nai he’ ma’am abi me’~ aksar bolte bolte Urdu hi bolna shuru kar deta hu~ baaio~ se abbu se ammi se .... kiyu~ke idar ham bohat kam bolte he’~ apna zubaan yaha~ saare Urdu hi bolte he’~ in ke saat bol bol ke Urdu ki hi aadat ho gai he’ sahi! achchha yaha~ Karachi me~ aap apni family ke saath re’h rae he’~? nai ma’am family ke saath to nai re’ rae lekin hamaara jo community ne hame hostel provide kya hua he’us ke andar ham re’te he’~ us me~ ek hi family ke bachche re’te he’~...udar bi ham language to apna Burushaski hi bol lete he’~ lekin ma’am zyaada tar Urdu words use karte he’~ ya English words use karte he’~ ...ya to fir ma’am Urdu hi bol lete he’~ agar Burushaski bole~ bi to mix hota he’ us me~ English aur Urdu achchha! aap ne zikr kiya ke aap Burushaki me~ Urdu aur English mix karte ho to ye kisi xaas mauqe pe karte ho ya Ghe’r iraadi taur pe? nai nai bas fluently bolte he’~ to fir us me~ aa jaata he’ English words aa jaate he’~ Urdu words aa jaate he’~ ...matlab koi ham ye nai sochte ke idar Urdu bole~ ge bas nikalta he’ mu~ se aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke aap maadri zabaan me~ taalim dene ke haq me~ he’~ ! me’~ to ke’hta hu~ college level pe even university level pe jitna bi official document he’ je’se soft ware ban jaate he’~ vo bi hamaara apni language me~ banna chaahiye je’se ma’am China me~ apni language me~ software bana hua he’ to vo easily har chiiz samaj sakte he’~ banisbat hamaare aap likhna aur paRhna bhi jaante ho Burushaski me~! likhna to itna nai lekin ...paRhna to xe’r kaafi had tak Kya paRhte ho aap Burushaski me~ ? sher-o-shaairi paRh lete he’~ aur diigar jo hamaari history ki kitaabe~ ek do likhi hui he’~ vo paRh lete he’~ Burushaski me~ koi newspaper nai he’! is ki kya vaja he’? Ma’am is ka ek... mera jo soch he’ us ke mutaabiq har koi abi Urdu jaanta he’ har koi English jaanta he’ ma’am to har jaga Urdu aur English me~ mavaad net pe available he’ diigar magazines he’~ ...to saare Urdu paRhna jaante he’~...to is liye is pe shaayad kisi ne interest nai diya hoga achchha! aur Gilgit-Baltistan me~ bhi log Urdu paRh lete he’~? Ma’am har koi Urdu paRh leta he’ achchha aap ka favourite Burushaski shaair kaun he’? mera jo favourite shaair he’ vo mera apna chaacha Sher Baz Khan he’ ma’am achchha! vo is zabaan ka matlab hero maana jaata he’aur taqriiban jitne bi ...songs he’~ ma’am aur diigar jitne bi manqabaat aur naatxwaani he’ un ka all in all he’ aur ye mera favourite he’ ma’am...aur har koi gaane vaala taqriiban sau me’~ se ma’am kya bataau~ aap ko taqriiban ninety -nine percent usi ka shaairi he’ udar ye kaha~ pe hote he’~? Hunza me~ kabi Karachi aate’ he~ ye? Ma’am Karachi to ...aata nai he’ lekin jis tara se chauda agast ko jo function hote he’~ ya diigar Pakistan ke havaale se jo national level pe programme hote he’~ us me~ us ko invite kar lete he’~ ...abi recently chauda agast ke liye Islamabad me~ gya hua tha kya aap ke ilm me~ he’ ke Burushaski zabaan me~ Quran ka bhi tarjuma kiya gya he’? ji ek scholar ne kiya he’ aap jaante he’~ un ka naam? naam to yaad nai but he belong to Hunza. vo Karimabad ka he’ aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke aap ko Burushaski kahaavate~ aur lok kahania~ bhi aati he’~ to ye aap ne kab aur kaha~ se siikhi~? ye bas bachpan se hamaare jo daadi he’ ya daada he’...ya jo aapas me~ jab koi ilaakaai be’Thak hoti he’ vaha~ buzurg hazraat e’se mahaavre use kar lete he’~ bas sune sunaae mahaavre aate he’~...kisi se me’~ ne special classes to nai li~ aap ko yaad he’~ kuchh kahaavate~? er... ek do to aate he’~ ma’am aur lok kahaania~? ek do kahaani to xe’r muje pata he’~ achchha yaha~ pe Karachi me~ aap kitni Burusho families ko jaante he~? Burusho families.... families to xe’r idar bohat saara he’~ lekin jin ke saath hamaara vaasta he’ vo er...hamaari Barcha family he’. Barcha family ke andar ...hamaari chaar families he’~ hamaara jo dada Barcha tha us ke chaar beTe the un chaar beTo~ me~ se alag alag ek family he’ un saaro~ ke saath hamaara vaasta he’ ye sab Karachi me~ he’~ ? sab Karachi me~ nai he’~ ma’am lekin bohat se hamaare log hostel me~ he’~ aur is ke ilaava duusri families he’~ jinke saath hamaara relation he’ kiyu~ke aapas me~ shaadia~ kar lete he’~ to is base pe un ke saath bi hamaara vaasta he’ kabi kabi mil lete he’~ achchha! ye jo Karachi me~ Burusho families he’~ in ke bachcho~ ko Burushsaski aati he’? ye... kaafi saaro~ ko aa jaati he’ lekin zyaada tar bachche mix kar lete he’~ focus zyaada Urdu pe hota he’ kyu~ ke environment un ko Urdu ki hi milti he’ to fir ye er...Urdu hi zyaada bolte he’~ lekin Burushaski bi sikhaate he’~ achchha aap ne questionnaire me~ bataaya ke aap ki sab se zyaada pasanadiida zabaan Burushaski he’. is ki kya vajah he’? Ma’am us ki vajah ye he’ ke is me~ jo sher-o-shaairi hoti he’ vo ...maze ki hoti he’ achchhaa! aur duusri baat ye ke jab ham bolte he’~ to log kehte he’~ ke aap you are Persian, aap Persian bolte ho? ... ya kuchh log kehte he~ aap Chinese bolte ho? achchha! to mostly hame faaida hota he’ to ham kehte he’~ ha~ we are Persians to kabi kabi log kehte he’~ aap Iran ke ho? to matlab is liye muje achchha lagta he’ ke logo~ ko pata nai chalta ke kaunsi zubaan bolte he’~ duusri baat ye ke is ki jo sher-o-shairi he’ vo interested hoti h’e to...is vajah se pasand he’ Hunza vaali Burushaski aur jo Nagar aur Yasin me~ boli jaati he’ un me~ kya farq he’? in me~ ma’am bas uniis biis ka faraq he’ itna faraq nai he’ lekin jo Yasin side me~ boli jaati he’ vo kaafi had tak different he’ vo samjah me~ to aajaata he’ lekin thoRa Ghaur se sunne ke baad samajh aata he’ achchha! aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kya ke aap ko Burusho kehlaane me~ bohat faxr mehsuus hota he’ e’sa kyu~ he’? ek to ye ke hamaara ma’am do ya tiin families he’~ to Burusho families ne in pe raaj kiya hua he’...aur duusra is liye me’~ aksar er...proudfully bol leta hu~ kyu~ ke Hunza ka area ka jo qadiim ...jo ek hazaar saal complete ho chuka he’ ma’am us community se mera ta’aluq he’ achchha! jaha~ se Hunza ka abaadi shuru hoti he’ vo meri community se hoti he’ uska naam Ginesh he’ aur usi ilaaqe se mera ta’aluq he’ vaha’~ pe mera gar he’. usi se puure Hunza ki diigar jitni bi aabaadi he vo start hoti he’ ....to ek historywise ma’am vo sab se oldest e ... Hunza me~ starting jo aabadi he vo hamaari he us ka ek hazaar saal complete ho chukka he’ sahi! to ye vajah he’ aap ke faxr ki! Historical significance he’ us jaga ki! Historically hamaari isi community me~.... diigar Hunza ke aur communities thi~ aur jitni families thi~ vo jab koi ...masle me~ aajaate the to us masle ke fe’sle ham pe chhoRte the...to usi Ginesh ke hi er... cha~d log chand families the vahi~ un ke masle ko dekh ke decide kar lete the ...matlab ek court tha us zamaane me~ to aaj tak vahi he’ sahi! sahi! to aaj tak bi koi e’sa er... misaal ke taur pe zamiin ka ya koi e’sa case hota he’ aksar do communities ke biich ya do families ke biich to ab bi ma’am vo log aake ke’hte he’~... ek point of view un ka ye he’ ke ye puraane log he’~ to in ko zyaada pata he’ ke ye zamiin kis ki he’ kis ki nai he’ sahi aur hamaara history me~ ...matlab bahaadur log hua karte the is liye ma’am boundary side pe Ginesh community ke log paae jaate he’~ kiyu~ jo raja ka nizaam tha us time me~ bhi in logo~ ko war aur in chiizo~ pe bohat mahaarat hoti thi to jo Burusho community he’ is me~ aur Balti aur Shina communities me~ kya difference he’? Ma’am in me~...matlab ye ke Burushaksi vaalo~ ka alag history he’, Balti vaalo~ ka ek alag history he’ aur Gilgit vaalo~ ka alag history he’. Overall muje Burusho community ka to pata nai he’ lekin hamaari family ka jo he’... hamaara jo daada he’ vo Iran se aaya hua he’ Iran se aake us ne us jage ko abaad kiya aur fir us ke baad Hunza ki abaadi baRhi. Hunza me~ sab se zyaada jo garaane he’~ vo Barcha family ke he’~ Barcha community ki infiraadiyat kya he’? Ma’am in me~ ye he’ ke ma’am ye log qurbaani dene vaale log he’~ achchha! ye Navy me~ he’~ Army me~ he’~...hamaari Barcha family se kai log shahiid ho chuke he’~ even Kargil me~ shahiid ho chuke he’~ er... Pakistan me~ jitne bi er er...wars ho gai he’~ ma’am duusre areas ki nisbat hamaari community me~ shahiid zyaada he’~ achchha! aur saqaafat ke e’tabaar se kya infraadiat he’? I mean culture ke havaale se? er...culture to taqriiban Hunza vaalo~ ke saath jo duusre communites he’~ hamaara same hi he’ ye ke thoRa matlab shaadi ki jo rasm-o-rivaaj he’~...basically jo Genish community he’ zyaada tar is ke andar ehl-e-tashi ke zyaada log he’~ to ...thoRa difference he’ thoRa matlab ye ke kuchh log khul ke shaadia~ karte he’~ Dhol Dhamaake me~ kuchh log simple se karte he’~ baaqi culture same he’ Cultural festivals kaun se manaate he’~ aap ke ha~? hamaara ek jo festival hota he’ ginaani naam se... vo March ke mahiine me~ hota he’ abi er... jab ye phuul khilte he’~ er... jab bahaar ka mausam aata he’ to ye shauq ke saath manaate he’~ achchha! aur ye aaj kal government level pe manaaya jaata he’ Hunza me~ government ki taraf se bhi funds shaayad dete he’~ achchha! aur ye ginaani festival Balti aur Shina speakers bhi manaate he’~ ya sirf Burushaski speakers hi manaate he’~? nai ye sirf Hunza me~ hi he’ kyu~ ke Burusho me~ zyaada tar Hunza ke hi log aate he’~ ... xe’r language ke hisaab se dekha jaae to Nagar aur Yasin vaale bhi Burushaski bolte he’~ sahi! lekin ye jo ginaani festival he’ ye Hunza hi ke logo~ ki pehchaan he’ Karachi me~ jo Burusho community ke log he’~ xaas taur pe Hunza se, kya vo ye festival manaate he’~ Karachi me~? bilkul ma’am ye idar bi manaate he’~ lekin udar jo manaate he’~ us lehaaz se idar nai manaate lekin ginaani festival me~ yaha~ log bas nae kapRe kar lete he’~, culture dishes banaate he’~ idar udar guumne shuumne jaate he’~... lekin udar ye hota he’ ke puure ground me~ log jama hote he’~ muxtalif cultural dishes banaate he’~ cultural dance hota he’ cultural sher-o-shaairi hoti he’ aur matlab shauq se manaate he’~ aur is me~ male aur female dono~ shaamil hote he’~ zabardast! achchha aap ne qurestionnaire me~ zikr kiya tha ke ek local TV channel he’ Hunza me~ jo Burushaski me~ programme nashr karta he’? us ka naam kya he? Sujo Hunza he’ ma’am Is it a news channel ? News channel to nai he’ lekin is pe ma’am jitne bi advertisement hote he’~ local jo events hote he’~ ...us ki jo documentary hoti he’ vo Burushaski me~ hoti he’ aap itne arse se Karachi me~ he’~ lekin aap ne questionnaire me~ admit kiya Burushaski Research Academy aap ka kabhi jaana nai hua? nai kabi is ke baare me~ suna hi nai aap ne UNESCO ka naam to suna hoga? UNESCO ka naam to suna he’ lekin is ke havaale se koi xaas information nai UNESCO ne kuchh arsa pe’hle maxduush zabaano~ ki fehrist jaari ki thi jis me~ Pakistan ki aThaais zabaane~ shaamil he’~ aur un me~ ek Bururshaski bhi he’. aap ke xayaal me~ Burushaski ka mustaqbil ke’sa he’? Ma’am mere xayaal me~ to is ka future er... bright to nai he’ is ka future... even Hunza me~ jo buzurg hazraat bi he’~ jo besahk uneducated he’~ but they are trying to speak English. Really! Yes ma’am! Me’~ Punjab aur Sindh ke jitne ilaake he’~ saaro~ me~ guuma hu~ Urdu bot kam jaante he’~... ab Sindh ya Punjab me~ jaao to jo buzurg hazraat he’~ un ke saath ham Urdu ya English nai bol sakte agar kisi ke gar me’~ ya gaao~ me~ ja ke interview lo to vo ya to Punajbi me~ bole ga ya Sindi me~ is ki nisbat aap Hunza me~ ja ke kisi se interview le~ ge vo beshak uneducated ho but they are mostly use English words and Urdu words vo use kar lete he’~ achchha! to kya vaja he’ is ki? is ki ek vajah ye he’ ke ma’am education he’ kyu~ke gar me~ agar baap uneducated he’ ma uneducated he but un ke jo bachche he’~ vo ya to koi Masters he’ ya to koi… matlab un ke bachche ma’am har koi laazmi us me~ achchhi xaasi English aur Urdu ki er… samjah bujjh hoti he’ Literacy rate bhi to bohat high he’ na vaha~? ji ma’am taqriiban hundred percent he’ to shayyad ye vajah hoga aur duusri vajah ye ke xubsuurti ke liye mashhuur he’ foreign log aaate the guumne to shaayad is liye vaha~ ke logo~ ko English aati he’ sahi koi bi ma’am hospital jaata he’ doctor Urdu ya English me~ baat karle ga, office me~ jaao, police me~ jaha~ bi kisi administration side jaao to ma’am...even banks me~ schools me~ ya to English bol lete he’~ ya Urdu bol lete he’~ ya to ye Hunza vaalo~ ki majbuuri he’ siikhna paRhta he’ un ko to aap ke xayaal me er... chu~ ke Hunza vaale log jo he’~ Urdu aur a~grezi bolne lage he’~ is liye aap ko Burushaski ka mustaqbil taariik lag ra he’? zaairi baat he’ ma’am seriously yai hoga aur duusri reason ye he’ ke aksar ab logo~ ne duusri communities me~ shaadia~ karna shuru kar diya he’ achchha! Even meri family me~…chaar ya paa~ch shaadiya~ jo he’ mahaajir community me~ hua he’ Really! ji! Punjab se to vo aksar kar lete he’~ ab jab ammi in ki mother jo hoti he’ Urdu speaking hoti he’ achchha! ya koi aur language speaking hoti he’ to phir bachche’ to ma’am er...automatically ammi ko hi follow kar lete he’~ to ye bi ek reason he’ ma’am aap ka matlab intermarriages ki vajah se? Yes! intermarriages ye bi ek reason he’ even meri jo baRi sister he vo Kashmiri er.. Malik family me~ he’ achchha! vo Urdu bi bol lete he’~ lekin meri sister ne koshish kar ke Burushaski bi sikaaya he’ab vo dono~ language bol lete he’~ ab mere baanje freely Urdu bi bol lete he’~ aur Burushaski bi achchha! lekin zyaada tar vo tarjih dete he’~ Urdu ko shaayad ek ye bi reason he’ ke Burushaski ka future bright na ho hmm! achchha ek scholar he~ un se meri baat hui thi maadri zabaano~ ke havaale se xaas taur pe Burushaski ke havaale se unho~ ne ek ajiib si baat kahi ke zabaane~ jo he’~ paRhe likhe log xaraab kar dete he’~baqaul un ke daryaao~ aur pahaaRo~ pe re’hne vaale log jo he’~ vo sahi zabaan bolte he’~~aap ki is baare me~ kya raae he’? bilkul ma’am sai kaha he’ us ne me’~ hundred percent us se agree karta hu~ ma’am...abi agar mere bachche hote to me’~ zyaada tar Urdu me~ ya English me~ baat karu~ ga even hamaare idar log hote he’~ ya to vo er...apni personality show off karne le liye kar lete he’~ ya duusri vo ...jaan buujh ke kar lete he’~ ya to vo sochte he’~ ke un ke bachcho~ ko Urdu siikhna chaahiye kiyu~ ke ham ne siikha nai to kam se kam ye to sai siikhe~ sahi ya to ye ek reason hota he’ idar Karachi me~ jitne bi log he’~ vo apne bachcho~ ke saath bohat kam Burushaski bolte he’~ achchha! achchha gar aap ko mauqa mile Burushaski zabaan promote karne ka apni taaliim mukammal karne ke baad to aap ne questionnaire me~ kaha ke tourism ke zariye Burushaski zabaan ko promote kiya ja sakta he’ to aap kis tarha se use mumkin bana sakte he’~ vo matlab... is tara kar sakte he’~ ma’am ... agar Hunza me~ koi cultural event hota he’ to...is baar city ilaake se jo log aae mera abba administration me~ hota he’ vo bata rae the ke das laakh logo~ ki entry hui northern areas me~ achchha! ab ma’am un ka ye ke udar jab aajaate he’~ to udar jo cultural programme hote he’~ even jo sher-o-shaairi hota he’ vo apni zubaan me~ hota he’ aur... jitne bi events hote’ he~ vo pure Burushaksi me~ hote he’~ ma’am to ye ek ho sakta he’ ma’am is tarha promote ho sakta he’ yaani tourism ke zariye promote kar sakte he’~ Burushaski! zaahiri baat he’ ma’am agar ham apna culture ko is tara peak par leke jaae~ log dekhe~ fir communication easily ho sakta he’ logo~ ko pata lage ga ke Burushaski ek zabaan he’...fir information ma’am overall fir fel jaata he’ to ho sakta he’ is tara hamaara language thoRa secure ho Once again thank you very much for sharing your views! You’re welcome ma’am!Jawaad’s Interview Transcript (a male key-informant)First of all I would like to thank you for your cooperation! Thank you so much for sparing your time for the interview! You’re most welcome! The very first thing tha I want to know is the reason behind leaving your hometown? Education Only education? And economic support as well because we do not have that much of economic opportunities in our native town. Why did you choose Karachi? Why not any other city? Well, there are many students from Hunza who are in Lahore, Peshawar and Pindi but… I chose Karachi because my cousin was here. This was the main basic reason. I lived with my cousin. After some time he left but initially he provided me support. So you came here because you needed some support at that time. Yes What did you find the most challenging thing when you came to Karachi for the first time eight years ago? er…the most challenging thing was to me… I mean I was away from educational institutions. I had to work and study privately. Though it was not that much challenging for me but I was very interested in studying as a regular student but er…I was a private student that’s why I was a bit hurt. I could not score very good marks because of work but it was not a hurdle. So there was no such hurdle! May be it is a hurdle for some people to work and study together but I don’t find any hurdle. Ok, tell me what changes you have noticed in yourself in general and your communication style in particular after spending eight years in Karachi? I think… a bit different not that much. Back in Hunza I was not that much weak in communication. I used to watch many Urdu dramas from the childhood and used to copy them. I just developed good Urdu communication that way. achchha! Whenever I used to communicate with tourists they used to comment that like …you have got good accent in Urdu and I loved Urdu literature as well. I used to study like Ghalib and Iqbal. After coming to Karachi, I developed to a great extent. Since I am exposed to literature, so I got some good literary ways to express my ideas. I I feel a bit developed. From the point of view of language, you feel you have become more proficient? Yes But proficient in which language? In both English and Urdu and secondly I I found… that I have got these abilities in me to do different things at a time since I worked and studied, and secondly as time passed I started doing different part time jobs to earn money. So you had to struggle hard to survive in Karachi and you needed money! Yes! How many times have you visited your home town in these eight years? Two or three times. Three times. In eight years only three times! Any reason for not visiting it frequently? er…One reason is the problem of finance and secondly distance. It’s like it is so hard to travel for forty-eight hours and like someone would say that no, no problem I would travel next year. Distance and finance. So these are the main reasons! Don’t your parents er… you know force you to come on regular basis every semester break or at least every year? No, no, they don’t force me. They in fact suggest me to do whatever is best for me. They say if you wanna come, come. If you don’t feel like coming and feel like doing something else, you should do that. My father sometimes in winter visits me. Last year my father, brother and sister-in-law came and met me. Now I am thinking whether in Ramzan should I go or not. Ok! So, you reside in Gulshan? Yes, Gulshan, near Mausmiaat. In a shared apartment? Yes, shared apartment. We are eight students living together on rent. Are they also Burushaski speakers? No! You mentioned in the questionnaire that you switch to Urdu and English while speaking Burushaski in Karachi. hmm hmm Do you do it deliberately or does it happen unconsciously? Whenever I am like ... angry, when I feel angry or when I am under pressure I start speaking in Urdu or English. I forget to speak in Burushaski. This means when you are angry you forget to speak in Burushaski! That’s very strange! Almost! I don’t know why when I am angry I start speaking Urdu or English. In fact, my Burusho friends say why I’m speaking in Urdu and English but I find it easy to speak er…Urdu and English as compared to Burushaski when I am in anger or under pressure.....But I love speaking er…Burushaski. I really like it. So did it happen in er…your hometown eight years ago? Not that much! Like, of course, there I used to speak only Burushaski. Even when you used to get angry? Yes, even in anger. Which language do you switch towards more while speaking Burushaski? I think both Urdu and English with the same frequency. What in your point of view is the biggest advantage of having knowledge of one’s mother tongue? Like you are aware of your own identity. This is it. And since I’m a student of Literature, I would say that everything, your culture, your folklore, everything is in your own language. You should know that language in order to know yourself. That’s the main er… benefit. So you associate language with identity? Self-identity? Yes, yes. Like, there is not much of that financial benefit in it but you feel like er…easy or like happy to speak in your own language. I used to speak Urdu all the time when I was living in Garden. I had no one to speak in Burushaski. Ok! But in Garden there are many Brushaski speakers? There are many people, but …I was not in contact with them because I used to go to office in the morning, after that I used to go to a class. In office and class there are Urdu speakers. I used to come back at home, I used to like…live with a friend of mine. He was Urdu speaker. So you mean to say that you never got a chance to speak Burushaski! I never got a chance. Very rarely I got a chance at jamaat xaana where I used to go on Fridays and Sundays. Are there any jamaat xaanas for Burusho community? Not for Burusho only but for all the Ismailis in general. We do not have that much differentiation in our community. There are Gujratis, Afghanis, Kachchhis, Chitralis. We are followers of one Imam actually. You believe that identity is better expressed if we know our mother tongue. So, how important is it to be literate in one’s mother tongue? Because having knowledge of one’s mother tongue is one thing and being literate in it is another. Like…like if you are able to read in your own language then you can feel literary happiness. Like, like … if you just speak but are unable to read or write in your own language you don’t feel feel connected in the real sense. But I think that being a student I would like to read some literature in my own language and for that purpose I should be literate in that language. Like … er…for people like me it is important. But what about those who do not study literature? Is literacy in one’s mother tongue equally important for them? I would say it is important for them because it connects them with their identity, culture and family. May be their parents do not speak other languages but you always have to contact with your parents or grandparents and they always speak their language. Whenever they speak some hard words of course you need some explanation for that and … that’s why in order to have a good communication with your elders you should know the language. You mentioned in the questionnaire that mother tongue education should be provided at the primary level. Any reason? er…that’s because…one reason is that many educational researches has proved that for educational development of a child it is important to educate him or her in er…the mother tongue. Right! For that purpose I suggested that education should be provided at the primary level. If you keep teaching them at secondary or higher secondary, of course, he or she will feel difficulties to cope with the passage of development in the world because everything cannot be translated…but if you get a strong base, studying in your mother tongue, it will be beneficial. You have mentioned in the questionnaire that you are very proud of being called a Burusho. What is unique about the Burusho community? We are diverse and …we are er much… like ready to accept people. And what do you mean by being diverse? By being diverse I mean Burushaski speakers but different dialects. Like Yasin, Hunza, Nagar dialect? Yes and we are also diverse in terms of religion as other than Ismailis, there are Shia’h and Sunni Burushos as well. Right! and secondly we are more accepting . …I find ourselves more tolerant as compared to others. Because you can observe recently what happened to our Islamilis in bus. Forty-five of them killed. In Karachi? Yeah, in Karachi … But we have so close connections with our sect. We Burusho speakers felt the same pain that their family members felt. But we didn’t reacted in an angry way you know! Right! We could we could just explode that Karakoram highway there. And we could say that why government did not secure or community members. If you are working er…for your economic development in such a place from Gawadar from where you are going to do your business is of Ismailis. Gawadar was bought by Shah Karim Hussaini the er…grandfather of Prince Karim Aga Khan and he gifted it to Pakistan and most of the people there are Ismailis and you are not providing security to our community. You should secure our community. You are doing business from Ismaili’s land in your country but not providing security. Basically you mean to say that you er…are peace loving! Yes, and it’s because of the guidance of our Imam. He doesn’t want us to fight and react angrily… so this is religious and spiritual teaching that has made us tolerant. Not only Burushaski speakers but all the Ismaili members you will find them tolerant. About Burushaski community you are talking about being tolerant, diverse? Anything else that makes YOUR community different from other communties? Acceptance we have and …others? agar me’~ compare karu~ to kis se karu~ Other means what is the most unique thing about the Burusho community ? Let’s put it this way. If I er…compare Burushaski speakers with others within the circle of Hunza or Northern areas or Gilgit-Baltistan, I would say that we are more educated as compared to others and …we have had a great impact in politics. Really! Yes, right now the Governor of Gilgit-Baltistan is Burusho speaker. Ok! The previous Speaker of Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly was Burusho speaker and the King who ruled Hunza was Burusho speaker. All right! The Mayor of Hunza is a Burusho speaker, so we always had ruled Hunza. Burusho speakers have ruled Hunza. So, in that case you are more powerful, I mean politically more powerful! Yes, politically we are more powerful and in relations to other countries and communities. Whenever these foreigners come they come to Burusho speaking places. The personal relations of Burusho speakers as compared to other communities are stronger. That’s interesting! Another interesting thing you mentioned in the questionnaire was that intermarriages are pretty common in your community. What do you think could be the reasons behind the Burusho people’s choice to marry outside their community? It’s because we call ourselves one community on the basis of being Ismaili. We do not actually call ourselves one community on the basis of one language. We are the believers of one Imam. So, if you are a Burusho there is no restriction on getting married to a non-Burusho as long as the person is an Ismaili. Right! Right! You mentioned in the questionnaire that you know Burushaski proverbs and folktales. When and where did you learn them from? Like, an uncle of mine. He used to tell us Burushaski stories. In Hunza? Yes, in Hunza when I was very young. We used to go to him er…after dinner and he would tell us one story. There was an Urdu teacher as well who used to tell us big legends in our own Burushaski. is tariiqe se mujhe exposure mila sunne ka. But Burushaski is not taught at any level in Hunza! No Did the teachers then use it as the language of communication in schools? They are forced to speak English and Urdu, English mostly but of course Burushaski is there. What difference(s) do you find among the Burusho living in your home town and the ones who have settled in Karachi? Now that you have been in Karachi for eight years, you must have observed and interacted with different Burusho speakers. Like, the culture and geographical er…you can say situations are a bit different. For that reason their er (.....)way of thinking is bit different. Like, we are living in such a place though we are bit developed as compared to other communities, but we are still living in a bit backward area, in a mountainous area and the way of thinking of people is a bit congested …as compared to er (.....) people living in Karachi. What do you mean by being congested? Like in in my village in Hunza women like girls would feel fear to … to go alone in a market place. They would find their friend, a girl or their brother to accompany them but here they er…travel alone in public buses. Right! So, in your point of view it is the environment that is different? Yes, environment is different. Are Burusho people living in Karachi passing on the language to their children? I have seen one parent who said that I have to make my child speak Burushaski. I have to teach him Burushaski…. He himself will learn Urdu and English but it is my responsibility to teach him Burushaski and his child was speaking very nice Burushaski. This means in Karachi also the Burusho are passing the language to their children! Not all of them but yes there are quite a few who are passing it. Do you think most of the Burusho children in Karachi can speak Burushaski fluently? They don’t speak it that fluently but they do speak it. One reason for this is that the mothers who are not that much educated, their children speak Burushaski because they have to speak in Burushaski with their mothers. So not educating the mothers is a blessing in disguise! In this case yes (laughs). Despite your belief that the young Burushos in Karachi can speak Burushaski, in the questionnaire you indicated a certain degree of decline in the use of Burushaski in Karachi. What, in your point of view, are the reasons behind the decline in the use of Burushaski among the young Burusho living in Karachi? Like, their exposure to other languages and education. So in a way the more educated you are, the… the weaker the ties with the mother tongue! Yeah it happens. Because as I told you that like I I…whenever I am angry I start speaking Urdu. Why? I don’t know. Because I am exposed to it and I am more like aadi hogaya hu~ bolne ka logo~ ke saath… mujhe ehsaas bhi nahi hota he’ ke me’~ Urdu bol raha hu~ phir mujhe feel hota he’ ke me’~ Urdu me~ aagaya hu~ phir I go back to my own language, …to sometimes ye hota he’ So it’s education, exposure! Could there be any other reason? er…may be the individual interest of the person. Like one finds himself nice and happy speaking English and the other finds himself nice and happy (laughs) speaking Burushaski… Ok! Like I have seen some people… a friend of mine who was born in Karachi and he loves to speak in Burushaski. Whenever he meets us he starts speaking Burushaski. His birth is in Karachi but he loves Hunza, he loves his language. His father made a domicile of Sindh for him. He rejected that. I want to go back to Hunza. He went to Hunza to get his domicile from Hunza and has Hunza address in his ID card. Does he still live in Karachi? He lives in Karachi. He has got his own house. His wife is a psychiatrist and is also a Burusho. She has done her PhD in Psychology from Karachi University. So, there are people like these as well. This means living away from the native environment does not necessarily mean you move away from the native language. Of course, not! Like the Burushaski Research Academy is in Karachi. Why is it in Karachi? Right! Why is it in Karachi? It means there are people who want to speak Burushaski in Karachi. It shows that. Ok! You mentioned in the questionnaire that you haven’t been to the Burushaski Research Academy. Not interested? What’s the reason? The reason is that like…I am not interested in doing research in Burushaski language. May be I’m busy in doing other things. Like ….. I got some opportunities to join them but … I didn’t join them. My heart, my conscience you know didn’t allow me. Is it because of the difference in religious ideology? Yes! Naturally I feel like staying away from them. I don’t want to go into details. All right! I won’t force you to do so. By the way, have you read any of the books by Allama Nasir Hunzai? Not directly but yes indirectly through other scholars er…they mention wise things that come from his books. Who is your favourite poet in Burushaski? ek he’…Sherbaaz Is he a contemporary poet? Yes! us ki kaafi umar hogai he’ but he is a nice poet because us ka jo andaz-e-bia~ he’ na vo Ghalib je’sa he’. Where does he live? Hunza. Is he published poet? Yes, but I listen to his poetry on internet. Just a couple of more questions! You mentioned in the questionnaire that you like English the most. Why do you like English the most? em… like me’~ kya reason du~…(laughs) I like English because it is a universal language. You have opportunities if you speak English. Of course you can earn good money if you speak good English er… this is one reason. Another reason is again my spiritual guide’s words. He once said: Speak in English, Think in English, dream in English.” Ok! How do you feel when people stare at you when you are speaking Burushaski? I just smile. I don’t feel any shyness or awkwardness. This means their staring doesn’t prevent you from speaking in your language. No! Why they stare? They stare because of the pronunciation of some words, the way of speaking may be. It’s strange for them. It’s new for them. They are like what language we are speaking. It’s not Pashto, it’s not Balochi…so they are er…curious about knowing what language we are speaking. Do you know that UNESCO has declared Burushaski an endangered language? Really! I didn’t know. Do YOU consider it an endangered language? I don’t think so. Because of course, we are er… more educated people of Burushaski speakers…they are educated, they are moving to other countries and universities, but that doesn’t mean they will forget speaking their own language. If my family moves here, my brother’s family lives in Hunza. Like, people of Hunza are not going to leave Hunza forever. Ok! Some or the other will live there and will be speaking the same language. Of course they will not switch completely to Urdu or English. Like, we feel proud in speaking Burushaski. We have connection with our Burushaski and even if in case, if if …this danger comes that our language will fade away some day, of course our Aga Khan Development network and other institutions will definitely work to er…defend our language. That’s interesting!We have like many institutions for each work. There is one called Aga Khan Initiative for Music. If Aga Khan is working to er…like secure your music then he can also work for securing your languages because he always focuses on preservation of identity, culture, and history. All right! So, you have this confidence that it won’t disappear. It won’t. Even if it is going to disappear there are many institutions that can work to preserve it. You consider media projection to be the most effective means of promoting Burushaski language and culture in Karachi according to your response in the questionnaire. What role can media play in this regard? Like if we telecast some of the legends and tales in our language, people would love to watch them. We have a local channel in Hunza on cable network. Like ye local channel he’ jis me~ Burushaski programmes dikhaate he’~ All right! So it telecasts programmes only in Burushaski! Yes, songs, qasaaids, aur is ke ilaava Persian qasaaids bhi kiyu~ke hamaari community me~ Persian Literature ka bohat influence he’ aur hamaari language me~ bhi Persian ka bohot influence he’ . We love speaking Persian we love listening Persian. Can you speak Persian language as well? I do not but many of us speak Persian language. I love listening Persian qasaaid. More than listening qasaaid in Burushaski, I listen them in Persian. So, by media projection you mean some programmes should be telecast in Burushaski even in urban centers. Yes! All right! Thank you very much again for all the information you have provided and for being so open in expressing your views. Hammad’s Interview Transcript (a male key-informant)sab se pe’hle to aap ka shukriya ke aap ne is interview ke liye vaqt nikaala koi masala nahi~ aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kya ke aap Karachi me~ peda hue! ji to ab tak aap kitni baar apna aabaai ilaaqa visit kar chuke he~? chaar ya paa~ch dafa yaani ikkiis saalo~ me~ sirf chaar ya paa~ch dafa ji itna kam jaane ki vajah? ek to duur bohat he’ duusra studies ki vajah se itna time nai milta achchha! ye bataae~ ke jab vaha~ jaate ho aap to kya difference mehsuus karte ho…xaas taur pe Burushaski ke istimaal ke havaale se? hamaara jo he’ shikasta he’ complete nai he’ xaalis bhi nai he’ un ka thoRa sa pure he’ achchha! to xaalis se kya muraad he’ aap ki? vo qadiimi ilfaaz istimaal karte he’~ hamaare is me~ Urdu saath mix hota he’ Burushaski me~ pure nai hota yaani aap Karachi me~ pe’da hone ki vajah se pure Burushaski nahi bol sakte! nai mix hota he’ agar kare~ bhi to grammar aage piichhe hota he’ sahi! to ghar me~ zyaada tar kaunsi zabaan istimaal karte he’~ ? Parents ke saath Burushaksi me~ baaqi behan bhai ke saath Urdu me~ ve’se aap ke chhoTe behan bhaaio~ ko aati he’ Burushaski? ji aati he’ balke vo zyaada achchhi bol sakte he’~ achchha! is ki kya vajah he’? is ki vajah ye he’ ke bachche chiize~ jaldi catch kar lete he’~ aur vo regularly jaate he’~ har saal me’~ university ki vajah se nai ja paata ve’se aap ko apne aabaai ilaaqe me~ jaana pasand he’? er…chhuTTio~ ki had tak to sahi he’ us ke ilaava nai is ki kya vajah he’? vo…vasaail ki kami he’ proper bijli nai he’, is ke ilaava gas ka na hona aur bohat masaail he’~…travelling issue he’ aap ke parents kab shift hue Karachi? Parents … taqriiban eighties me~ aae Karachi kya vajah thi parents ke Kaarchi aane ki? vaalid education ki vaja se aae the us time… paRhne ke liye aae the phir job bi yahi~ karne lage aap ka bhi iraada Karachi me~hi kaam karne ka he’? ji aap ne questionnaire me~ is baat ka iqraar kiya ke aap Burusho ke’hlaane me~ bilkul faxr mehsuus nahi karte. is ki kya vajah he’? is ke piichhe jo he’ vo rivaayaat ka matlab …je’se mere ilm me~ nahi he’ maazi me~ kya chala… kis nasl se mera taaluq he’ kis ra~g se mera taaluq he’ mujhe pata hi nahi to faxar kyu~ karu~? lekin aap ko ye to pata he’ na ke aap Burusho ho! Burusho hone se koi … farq nai paRta mujhe apni Burusho history aur culture to nai pata to aapne kabhi jaanne ki bhi koshish nahi ki? asal me~ vaha~ jo chiiz dekhne ko mila vo sirf dance ke ilaava kuchh mila hi nahi …rivaayati raqs ke ilaava kuchh dikha hi nahi us se kya siikhu~sirf raqs siikhu~ ? to aap ke xayaal me~ Burusho culture me~ sirf raqs he’, un ka folk dance he’ bas! nai is ke ilaava diigar chiize~ he’~ jis se culture transfer hota he’ matlab … har mulk me~ balke Pakistan ke diigar suubo~ me~ je’se Sindhi culture he’, Balochi culture yaani baaqaida parents ya jo aur buzurg he’~ xaandaan ke un ke zariye sikhaaya jaata he’ ye hamaare aadaab-o-rasuumaat he’~ Thiik he’! ye chiiz hamaare is me~ … kamazkam mujhe mere xaandaan me~ nai mila to is me~ phir aap ke xayaal me~ qusuur Burusho culture ka he’ ya xaandan ka he’? xaandaan …balke lack of awareness ka he’, lack of education ka he’ achchha aap ke xayaal me~ er… sab se zyaada kya faaida ho sakta he’ apni maadri zabaan jaanne ka? er… zabaan ki apni ehmiat he’ me~ ek rivaayat PaRh raha tha pichhle dino~ jisne jitni zyaada zabaane~ siikhi~ us ne utni zyaada zindagiya~ ji~ har tehziib har zabaan me~ ek zindagi he’ lekin xasuusan maadri zabaan siikhne ka kya faaida he’ aap ki nazar me~? us ki pe’hchaan he’... zabaan ka taaluq pehchaan se he’ Thiik he’! agar apni zabaan koi siikhe ga to apni pehchaan bataae ga dunya me~ yaani sab se baRa faiida maadri zabaan siihkne ka ye he’ ke us se aap ki pehchaan vaabasta he’! ji aap ko lagta he’ ke Karachi me~ jo Brurushaski speakers he’~… kya vo apne bachcho~ ko Burushaksi sikha rahe he’~ ? bas sirf guftugu ki had tak sikhaaya ja raha he’ … yaha~ pe bhi categories he’~ kuchh educated families he’~ kuchh bilkul taaliim se duur Thiik he’! Thiik! jo er…taalimyaafta he’~ vo Burushaski ki ehmiat jaanne ke baavajuud zyaada tar Urdu aur English sikhaate he’~ baaqi jo uneducated he~’ un ko Urdu nai aati vo majbuuran Burushaski hi bolte he~’ apne bachcho~ se yaani aap ke xayaal me~ jo uneducated families he’~ vo majbuuran Burushaski hi bolti he’~ aur jo educated families he’~ vo Burushaski nahi~ sikhaate! Burushaski bhi sikhaa rahe he’~ …vo un ki pehchaan he’ lekin Urdu aur English ke muqaable me~ kam aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kya ke jo young Burushaski speakers he’~ un ke Burushaski ke istimaal me~ kaafi had tak kami aagai he’. is ki aap ke xayaal me~ kya vajah ho sakti e’ ? is me~ kai matlab vujuuhaat ho sakti he’~ ek to Urdu ko saaf karne ki Thiik he’! duusra maashre se majbuur insaan … ek society ke andar jaha~ sirf Urdu hi bola jaaraha he’ to us ne vahi siikhna he’ Thiik he’! Thiik! phir jaha~us ko us ki community ke bohat kam log mile~ matalb bolne ke liye to xudbaxud us ki zubaan se jo he’~ ilfaaz kam ho jaae~ ge to sab se er…baRi vaja aap ke xayaal me ~ ye he’ ke moaashre me~ zaruurat jis zabaan ki he’ vo zyaada boli jaati he’ ji bilkul me~’ phir se questionnaire ka havaala du~ gi. aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke aap ko Burushaski bolna to aata he’ lekin aap Burushaski likh paRh nai sakte! ji to kabhi shauq nai hua ke apni maadri zubaan me~ likhna paRhna bhi siikha jaae? nai lekin aap ne questionnaire me~ kaha ke mother tongue education primary level pe honi chaahiye! Awareness … muje nai pata Thiik he’! me~’ samjhta hu~ kamzam kam mere liye hona chaahiye tha tabhi to me~’ apni zabaan se bohat duur hu~ maadri zabaan me~ taaliim haasil karne ke kya faaide he~’ aap ki nazar me~? ek bachcha chiizo~ ko easily siikh leta he’ maadri zabaan me~ achchha! misaal ke taur pe agar kisi ka taaluq Burushaski se tha aur vo Gilgit-Baltistan me~ rehta tha Thiik he’! agar use Karachi laaya jaata ya vahi~ ke skuulo~ me~ to kisi chiiz ko samajhne ke liye pehle use Urdu ko samajhna paRta Thiik he’! hmm phir us chiiz ko aage …us subject ko siikhne me~ vo time lagaata….is ki misaal hamaare paas Germany ki he’, Iran, China, Japan, Thiik he’! un ko apni zabaan me~ sikhaaya gaya unho~ ne kam vaqat me~ zyaada tarraqi ki hmm sahi aur hamaara Pakistan jo he’ muxtalif suubo~ se hamaara taaluq he’ ham pe’hle Urdu siikhne me~ time laga dete he ‘~ baaqi time English siikhne me~ zaaya ho jaaata he’ Thiik he’? Right! jab siikhne ka vaqt aata he’ hamaari umar hi guzar jaati he’ sahi! achchha aap ne kaha aap Urdu aur a~grezi kaafi mix karte ho pure Burushaki nahi aap bol sakte to ye jo Urdu aur English ke ilfaaz mix karte ho Burushaski me~ ye… Ghe’riraadi taur pe hota he ya phir…? aksar to Ghe’riraadi taur pe hota he’ ek lafz me~ jab me’~ phas jaata hu~ to Urdu mix karta hu~ kya mushkilaat hoti he’~ local Burushaski speakers se communicate karne me~ jab aap apne aabaai ilaaqe me~ jaate ho? avaail me~ kuchh din zabaan ko thoRa sa chalne me~ used to hone me~ thoRa sa problem hota he lekin ek do hafte baad phir routine me~ aajaata he’…definitely vaha~ Urdu bolne vaale afraad nai hote kitne din re’hte ho jab jaate ho apne aabaai ilaaqe me~? ek mahiina ek mahina pandra din yaani DeDh mahiina aap ka taaluq Nagar se he’ to Nagar ki Burushaski aur Hunza ki Burushaski me~ kya farq he’? jaha~ tak me~’ jaanta hu~ sirf le’hje ka farq he’ aur kuchh vocabs ka farq he’ aur Yasin ki variety? us ka nai pata suna hi nai he’ kabi aap ne questionnaire me~ bataaya ke aap ne Burushaski Research Academy kabhi bhi visit nahi ki! aap interested ho visit karne me~? nai abhi time hi nai he’ (laughs) sahi shahi! Allama Naseer Hunzai ka naam suna hua he’? ji kis havaale se? Ismaili community ke mazhabi peshva he’~ aap ne kaha aap Burushaski poetry bhi nahi paRhte , na aap ko Burushaski ki kahavate~ maaluum he’~ na lok kahaania~… aap ko lagta he’ kuchh kami he’ aap ki Burusho community ke havaale se maalumaat ke baare me~ kyu~ ke aap Karachi me~ peda hue ya koi aur vaja he’? is me~ asal me~ … baat education pe aati he’ education ka vo mayaar nai he’ vaha~ pe er…nasl-e- javaan me~ to chalo taaliimi ratio abhi behtar he’ ninety plus he’….lekin buzurgiin me~ vo chiiz nahi he’ unho~ ne culture promote nahi kia to aap ko lagta he’ ke buzurg qussurvaar he’~ kyu~ke unho~ ne culture promote nahi kia! chiize~ likhne se qe’d hojaati he’~ Thiik he’! sahi culture ka zaahiri re’han se’han ke ilaava kitaabo~ me~ qe’d hona zaruuri he’ har culture ka ta’aluq kitaabo~ se raha he’ Thiik he! bayaan hua he’ kitaabo~ me~ lekin Burusho culture Hunza ke kuchh afraad ke ilaava kamazkam Nagar community me~ bohat kam kaam hua us par taqriiban na hone ke baraabar… to chiize~ sahi maano~ me~transfer hi nahi hui~ kabhi bhi shauq nai hua Burushaski ki shaairi paRhne ka ya jo lok kahaania~ he~ unhe~ paRhne ka? bachpan me~ ammi ko kehta tha ke kahaani sunaae~ lekin ab yaad nai aap ne bataaya ke aap ke vaalid saahab scholar he’~ ji to vo Burushaski likhna paRhna jaante he~? kabhi puuchha nai albatta ye ke vaaild lecture deliver Burushaski me~ karte he’~ achchha kaha~ pe lecture deliver karte he~? yahi~ Karachi me~ Islamic education dete he’~ baqaul aap ke questionnaire me~ javaab ke mutaabiq aap ko Persian sab se zyaada pasand he’. koi xaas vajah? ye ke ek aasaan zabaan he’ … duusra is me~ miThaas he’ jazab karne ka jo he’ ek …ek hunar he’ is zabaan ke andar aur taasiir is zabaan me~ zyaada milta he’. aasaan kis lehaaz se he’? har lehaaz se matlab agar me~’ apni koi baat samjhaana chaahu~ us lehaz se bhi aasaan he’, paRhna chaahu~ us lehaaz se bhi aasaan he’, siikhna chaahu~ us lehaaz se bhi aasaan he’ Persian bolni aati he aap ko? ji kaha~ se siikhi? ek to University life me~ bhi siikhi is ke ilaava kyu~ke mazhabi taaluq raha he’ shia aqaaid ka phir Iran aane jaane se bi kaafi had tak siikhi to aap ko zaati taur pe Burushaski nai pasand? mujhe zaati taur pe na Burushaski pasand he’ na Urdu. jaazbiat nai he’ in zabaano~ ke andar achchha! agar aap ko personally Burushaski nai pasand to aap ne kiu~ kaha ke aap apne bachcho~ ko Burushaski sikhaao ge? sikhaana to he’ pehchaan he’ lekin jo chiiz … misaal ke taur pe agar mere vaalid Allah na kare criminal he’ bura he’ lekin mera vaalid he’ na! meri pehchaan Ghalat he’ to jo bhi he’ meri pehchaan he’ accept karna chaahiye. sahi! kabhi ittifaaq hua K.U me~ jo Burusho community he’ us se interaction ka? bohat kam lekin hua he’ meri mangetar bhi K.U me~ hi paRhti he’ vo bi Burusho he’ achchha! aap ne questionnaire me~ bataaya ke jab aap Burushaski me~ baat karte he’~ Karachi me~ to log aap ko ghuurte he’~ to us vaqt aap ka kya reaction hota he’? Reaction … vo depend karta he’ gathering kis nauiyyat ki he’…kabi kabi hame~ bi bura lagta he’ ke ye apni zubaan kiyu~ bol raha he’ yanni situation pe depend he’ ke er… kya chal raha he’ aap ne interview ke shuru me~ kaha ke aap ne Burusho culture me~ sirf raqs hi dekha he’! raqs ke saath khaana rivaayati khaana achchha! rivaayati khaane jo he~ aap ke vo xaas Burusho community ke havaale se he’~ ya Gilgit-Baltistan ki duusri communities ke log bi vahi khaate he’~? muje ittifaaq se kal ke din hi pata chala Hunza se taaluq rakhne vaali laRkiya~ discuss kar rai thi~ kisi Gilgit citizen se to pata chala ke kuchh xoraak sirf Burusho community ke paas he’ Central Gilgit vaalo~ ke paas nai. vo kya he’? je’se ek sharbat vo aaTe se banta he’ is ka me’~ ne suna tha ke vo unke paas nai he’ hamaare paas he’ achchha! Burusho culture ke havaale se jo tehvaar he’~ un ke naam bataao ge? Cultural festivals ke naam to nai aate bas ye ke eid-nauroz manaaya jaata he’ aap ki nazar me~ kya infraadiyat he’ Burusho community ki jo aap ko kisi aur community me~ nahi~ nazar aati? er... kabhi Ghaur nai kiya Really! ji chale~ ye bataae~ aap ne UNESCO ka naam suna he’? ji UNESCSO ne Burushaski zabaan ko maxduush zabaan qaraar diya he’. maxduush matlab? maxduush se muraad endangered yaani e’si zabaan jis ke bolne vaale bohat kam re’h gae ho~ ya vo zabaan jin ke bolne vaale apni zabaan ko tark kar ke duusri zabaane~ bolne lage~ UNESCO ke mutaabiqq Burushaski ka shumaar esi zubaano~ me~ hota he’. aap ki kya raae he’ Burushaski ke havaale se? agar ye maujuuda situation jaari rahe to ho sakti he’ xatam. aur maujuuda situation kya he’? matlab yahi ke avaam ka interest na lena je’se yaha~ pe to society ki vajah se majbuur he’~ vaha~ pe Indian channels ki vajah se in ki zubaan me~ tabdiili aa rai he’ achchha! vaha~ Hunza-Nagar me~? ha~ me’~ vaaqya ek sunaau~ aaj do hazaar tera me~ last time gaya tha baai ki shaadi pe to us me~ jab meri jo xaala zaad behan he’~ us se baat hui chhoTi behan thi... to ab unho~ ne jo ilfaaz istimaal kiye je’se ...‘vishvaas’ ka lafz me’~ ne first time vaha~ pe suna tha... isi tarha ke tiin chaar ilfaaz jo the me’~ ne first time sune the jab unho~ ne Burushaski me~ vo istimaal kiye...me’~ ne un ka maaini puuchha to vo mujh pe ha~sne lage ke in ke maaine aap ko nai pata me’~ ne kaha nai to bole is ka matlab ye is ka matlab ye he’... jab me’~ ne puuchha ke aap ne kaha~ se siikha to bola India ke Draamo~ se. to aap ko lagta he’ ke sirf Karachi me~ rehne vaale Burushaski speakers ki zabaan me~ hi tabdiili nai aarai cable ki vaja se Hunza-Nagar me~ bhi Burushaski zabaan ke istimaal me~ tabdiili aarahi he’ jis ki vaja se Burushaski ke istimaal me~ kami aasaskti he’? ji bilkul ek aaxri savaal! aap ke xayaal me~ Burushhaski zabaan ke faroGh ke liye kya karna chaahiye? phir vahi baat kahu~ ga ke Burushaski zubaan me~ taaliim yaani maadri zabaan me~ taaliim ki zaruurat he’ je’se ke me’~ ne pe’hle Germany or Japan ki misaal di ek baar phir aap ka bohat shukriya ke aap ne is interview ke liye vaqt nikaala aur savaalo~ ke javaab diye! Afnan’s Interview Transcript (a male key-informant)sab se pe’hle to aap ka bohat shukriya aap ne vaqt nikaala is interview ke liye! koi masla nai ma’am! achchha ye bataae~ ke aap ke xayaal me~ kisi ke liye bhi apni maadri zabaan jaanne ka sab se baRa faaida kya hosakta he’? er ...sab se baRa faida ye hosakta he’ ke …ham apne relatives vaGhe’ra ke saath hamaare jo daadi jo bi he’…un se baat karne me~ easy ho sakta he’ sahi kiyu~ke ham un ke saat Urdu me~ baat nai kar sakte un ke saath phir…un ki apni language Burushaksi me~ baat karna laazmi he’ varna phir mushkil ho jaata he’ samajhna aur samjhaana achchha aur apni maadri zabaan me~ likhna aur parhna kitna e’ham he’? hmm…e’ham to he’ par ham ne … itna nai siikha…matlab likh lete he’~ Roman me~ baaqi us ki jo real language he’ us me~ ham nai likh sakte koi faaida he’ maadri zabaan me~ likhne aur paRhne ka aap ki nazar me~? faaida… ho sakta he’ kya faaaida ho sakta he’? faaida… yahi ke bas logo~ se matlab contact karne me~ aasaani ho sakti he’… matalb aaj kal jis tariike se ham mobile pe baat karte he’~ to abhi bhi kuchh e’se he’~ me’~ apne rishtedaaro ki bat karu~ ga hmm jo Urdu nai bol sakte to me’~ un se agar texting pe bhi baat karta hu~ to ya hm hm call pe to ve’se hi Burushaksi me~ baat jarta hu~ agar message pe bhi baat karta hu~ to Burushaski me~ hi baat karta hu~ to likhni aani chaahiye achchha! aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke aap Karachi me~ pe’da hue to ab tak aap kitni baar apne aabaai ilaaqe me~ ja chuke he’~? me’~ …chaar paa~ch baar ja chuka hu~ chaar paa~ch baar! vo bhi ek do months fifteen days isi tara Last time kab gae the? me’~ gya tha koi…..three point five years ke baad tiin saaRe tiin saal baad achchha chu~ke aap yahi~ Karachi me~ pe’da hue to vaha~ ki Burusho community me~ aur Karachi me~ jo Burushaski speakers he’~ un me~ kya farq mehsuus hota he’? me’~ jis vaqt gya tha to me’~ ne dekha tha ke vaha~ bilkul saadgi he’ yaha~ aajaao to families me~~ matlab udar se bohat change lagta he’ yaha~ re’hne ka style change ho jaata he’ thoRi aur tafsiil se bataae~ ge? matalb gar me …vaha~ hamesha Burushaski boli jaati he’ sahi aur yaha~ pe Urdu speaking ya us ke ilaava bas Urdu speaking ya English kisi garaane me~ aur Burushaksi bohat kam boli jaati he’ ma baap bolte he’~ lekin bachche jo hote he’~ yaha~ pe vo Urdu hi bolte he’~ Burushaski to un ki maadri zabaan he’ vaha~ to yai boli jaati he’…..Urdu bol lete he’~par kachchi bolte he’~ e’si bolte he’~ ke bas un ka accent Burushaski je’sa hota he’ lekin yaha~ e’sa nai is ke ilaava kya farq he’? is ke ilaava fark…er…vahi un ka re’han se’han aur baaqi un ki dressing dekh lo ye saari chiize~ achchha aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kya ke aap ko Burushaski ki kahaavate~ bhi aate he’~jo proverbs hote he’~ ? hm kaha~ se siikhi~? yahi kuchh kuchh kitaabe~ ek do paRh li thi~ achchha to Burushaski me~ kitaabe~ paRh lete he’~ aap! ha~ paRh leta hu~ aur lok kahaania~ koi nai aati~? nai kabhi bhi daada daadi ya nana naani se kahaania~ sunne ka ittifaaq nai hua? nai un ke saath hamaara matlab zyaada beThna nai hua ve’se kaha~ rehte he’~ vo? vahi~ gaao~ me~ aur baaqi puuri family yaha~ Karachi me~ he’? ji baaki puuri family yahi~ he’ achchha baqaul aap ke questionnqaire me~ javaab ke aap Burushaski shaairi bhi paRh lete he’~ kaun he’~ aap ke pasandiida Burushaski shaair? Dero Iqbal.naam ka he’ us ki shaairi muje achchhi lagti he’ aur is ke ilaava? is ke ilaava Shahid Qalanadri he’aur dusri language ke bhi he’~ un ki bhi shaairi achcchi lagti he’ Shina vaGhe’ra aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke koi local TV channel he’ jo Burushaski me~ programme nashr karta he’. us local channel ka naam bataae~ ge? Sujo Hunzo ke naam se he’ Sujo Hunzo! ji achchha! to kis qism ke programmaes is me~ nashr hote he’~? us me~ …yai koi shaadi biyah ke dikha de~ge ya us ke ilaava koi …matlab cultural ya religious event hota he vo dikha dete he’~ achchha! Events ki coverage hoti he’! ha~ cultural dance vaGhera aur jo shaadia~ kis taariike se hoti he’~ ye saare nashriaat is me~ aati he’ aap ki jo Burusho community he’ us me~ kis qism ke cultural festivals manaae jaate he’~? us me~…ginaani ke’hte he’~ ….jis me~ jo gandum hote he’~ .us ke ugne ke baad ek celebration hoti he’ us ki kaTaai se pe’hle to ginaani ke’hte he’~ us ko to Karachi me~ celebrate karte he’~ ye festival Burusho community vaale? nai! yaha~ pe kheti baaRi kaha~ hoti he (laughs) aap ne bataaya ke jab aap Karachi me~ Burushaski me ~ baat karte ho to us me~ Urdu ke ya English ke ilfaaz bhi shaamil hote he’~ to kya ye Ghe’riraadi taur pe ho jaata he’ ya kisi xaas mauqe pe? er…mera jo xayaal he’ ke aaj kal koi bi matlab pure Burushaski nai bolta achchha! ha~ na …me’~ ne gaao~` ke youth me~ dekha ye bohat kam Hunza me~ bi nai? Hunza me bi nai vo bi yai kachchi pakki bol lete he’~ achchha! aur yaha~ pe to xe’r aade se zyaada hi Urdu mix kar lete he’ yaha~ to aksar Urdu hi boli jaati he’ logo~ ke saath to phir apni zabaan ghar ke ilaava aur dost yaar ke ilaava baahar nai bolte is liye jab bolte he’~ to pata hi nai chalta kab Urdu biich me~ aajaati he’ achchha baqaul aap ke aap ki sab se pasandiida zabaan Urdu he’! ha~ is ki Kya vajah he’? pasandiida zabaan to … Burushaski bi he’ par agar ham she’har me~ re rae he’~ to phir Burushaski ham matlab…har kisi ke saat to baat nai kar sakte na apne jo gaao~ ke ho~ge ya gar ke sahi us ke ilaava baaqi jab hame duusre logo~ ke saath milna he’ to zahir si baat he’ ham ne shuru se Urdu hi boli he’ aur Urdu hi hamaare kaam bhi aai he’ hamaari national language hi yahi he’ ab kya kar sakte he’~ kaash English hoti! (laughs) aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke maadri zabaan me~ taalim primary level pe honi chaahiye to is ki koi xaas vajah? me’~ apni baat karu~ ga mujhe ye nai pata ke me’~ Burushaski ke’se bolta hu~ pehli baat to ye he’ sahi kiyu~ke ham nahi jaane ke baraabar apne ghar jaate he’gaao~ matlab sahi sahi vo bhi paa~ch saal me~ ek baar vo bi das din ke liye to vo jaana nai hota bas ghar vaalo se mil kar aana …to mere xayaal se primary level tak hona chaahiye achchha aap ko Burusho ke’hlaane me~ bohat faxr he’! ji to is faxr ki kya vajah he’ ? har kisi ko apni community hi achchhi lagti he aur apni zabaan hi achchhi lagti he’ (Laughs)lekin koi e’si xaas baat Burusho community ki jo aap ke liye baais-e-faxar ho? saari hi xaas he’~ is me~ to baate~ maslan? vahi hamaara culture … matlab jo bi hamaari saqaafate~ hoti he’vo saari hame lagta he’ ke ham sab se alag he’~ yaha~ ki banisbat dekhe~ ge shehro~ ki shaadi aur gaao~ ki shaadi me~ bolte he’~ bohat farq hota he’ sahi sahi par jab apne jo …ham jo Hunza ke log he’~ yaha~ pe karte he~ na shaadi hm hm us me~ bi aur jo yaha~ ka banda karta he’ us me~ bi bohat difference hota he’ matlab hamaara jo dance jo bhi hamaari chiize~ he’~ hame baRa faxar hota he’ yaani saqaafat ki vajah se faxr hota he’! ji aur history ke havaale se? History nai jaanta achchha chand aur savaalaat he~ aap ka zyaada vaqt nai lu~ gi. aap ka er…Burushaski families jo Karachi me rehti he~ un se meljol he’? ji jo young Burusho speakers he’~ Karachi me~ xaas taur pe school-going bachche vo ke’si Burushaski bolte he’~ ? aaj kal …. aaj kal ke bachche itni achchhi Burushaski nai bol sakte lekin vaha~ ke bachche to xe’r …esi bolte he’~ ke lagta ham se baRa he’ vo achchha! koi tiin chaar saal ke bachche ki baat kar raha hu~ ham se achchhi Burushaski bol leta he’ yaha~ re’hne vaale se achchhi bolta he’ Hunza ka bachcha Hm! achchha aap ne questionnaire me~ is baat se ittifiaaq kiya ke agar aap apne aabaai ilaaqe se duur chale jaate he’~ to aap ki maadri zabaan ke istimaal me~’ aur us ki ravaangi me~ kami aasakti he’ ji to is ki kya vujuuhaat ho sakti he’~? ab… is me~ ye he’ ke je’se farz kare~ me’~ Hunza me~ re’hta hu~ Thiik he’! sahi aur me’~ paRhne ke liye yaha~ pe aagaya hu~ ya Lahore ya Islamabad kahi~ bhi chala gaya hu~ hm hm to vaha~ har kisi se Urdu ya English me~ baat karna paRta he’ Urdu me~ baaat kar kar ke kar kar ke kar kar ke apni zabaan kam bol ke to phir… apna jo accent he’ na vo is chiiz pe aajaata he’ phir jab ham apni zabaan keh’te he’~ na phir vo thoRi change ho jaati he’ achchha! ya me’~ yaha~ reh ke gaao~ jaau~ je’se do saal pehle …do saal tak me’~ apne ghar se alag raha tha to jo hamaari gathering thi ham sab jo cousins the matlab sab Burushaski hi bolte the vo matlab is taraf aae hi nai the Karachi ki baat kar rahe he’~? nai me’~ Abbottabad ki baat kar raha hu~…vaha~ jo hamaara ghar ka vo tha maahaul us me~ xaali bas ham Burushaski hi bolte the sahi Karachi ki taraf vo aae hue nai the mere jo cousins he’~ to vo itni Urdu nai bolte the bol lete the par thoRi thoRi to me’~ un ke saath Brushaski me~ baat kar kar ke jab me’~ vaha~ se faariGh ho ke aagaya vaapis to mere gar vaale muje ke’h rahe the ‘tu Urdu bolta he’ to lagta he’ Burushaski me~ baat kar ra he’ achchha! mere saath e’sa hua tha (laughs) to aap Karachi se er…Abbottabad paRhne gae the! ha~ va~ chala gaya tha me’~ paRhne is ki kya vajah he’? bas yaha~ thoRe masale ho gae the to ghar vaalo~ ne vaha~ bhej diya tha . yaha~ mere do tiin saal zaaya hogaye the phir cousin force kar ke vaha~ le ke gaya vaha~ paRhne vaala maahaul tha phir me’~ line pe aagaya tha achchha! aap ko is baat ka ilm he’ ke PTV se news telecast hota he’ Balti aur Shina me~ lekin Burushaski me~ esa nai hota? nai aap ko ilm he’ ke Burushaski zabaan me~ Quran ka tarjuma ho chukka he’? ji kis ne ki he’ translation? ye nai pata kabhi ittifaaq nai hua us translation ko dekhne ya paRhne ka? nai achchha ye bataao ke er… Karachi me~ jo Burusho community he’ us me~ aap ko kis chiiz ki kami mehsuus hoti he’? kami …is chiiz ki mehsuus hoti he’ ke jo Karachi me~ kuchh Burusho families he’~ vo matlab apne culture zyaada matlab vo apne culture ke hisaab se nai chalte achchha! ha~ jo matlab starting se re rae he’~ vo apne culture ko saath le ke nai chalte… je’se ab ek Burushaski laRki he’ ab us ki … shaadi agar koi baahir ke matlab community se baahir ho jaae to phir us me~ un ke culture zyaada adopt ho jaata he’ achchha! to community se baahir shaadiyaa~ hoti he~! ha~ hoti he’~ je’se koi hamaare xud ke us me~ hamaari bhaabi vaGhera he’ vo Burushaski nai Urdu speaking he’ achchha! to phir vo jab aata he’ to phir un ka khaana change ho jaata he’, un ka pe’hanna change ho jaata he’ to hamaare gar vaale matlab zaairi baat he’ jab ek hi gar me~ rahe~ ge to vo chiiz matlab adopt ho jaati he’ to aap ke bhai ki wife Urdu speaking he’~! ji kitne bachchhe he’ aap ke bhaai ke? ek beTi he’ kitne saal ki he’ un ki beTi? bachchi ki age ho gi koi six years to Burushaski bolti he’ vo? bachchi to English bolti he’ xe’r Kuwait me~ jo peda hui achchha! to aap ke bhai Kuwait me~ re’hte he’~! ji! Kaafi saalo~ se vahi~ pe he’~ apni family ke saath UNESCO ka naam suna he’ aap ne? ji bilkul suna he’ UNESCO ne kuchh saaal pe’hle ek fehrist jaari ki thi maxduush zabaano~ ki yaani un zabaano~ ki jo xatm hone ke dar pe he’~ us fe’hrist ke mutaabi Burushaski bhi maxduush zabaano~ me shaamil he’. aap ko lagta he’ ke Burushaski ka mustaqbil safe nahi he’? Hmm… safe ho bhi sakta he’ aur nahi bhi ye hamaari youth pe depend he’ achchha! kiyu~ ke aaj kal jis tariike se hamaare bachche re’hte he’~ jo bi he’ xud ko matlab Burushaski nai bolte …matlab ke’hte he’~ ham Burushaski nai ham Urdu bolte he’~ matlab apne aap ko …pe’hle jab vo vaha~ hote he’~ to apne aap ko vo Burusho ke’hte he’~…jab vo yaha~ aajaate he’~ pata nai un ko kya ho jaata he’ …agar e’se hi chalta raha to ham piichhe re’ jaae~ ge hm hm aur apni zabaan bhuul jaae~ ge aur jo hamaara culture he’ us ko bhuul jaae~ ge aagar ise ham apna saath le ke nai chale~ ge to sahi! achchha agar aap ko mauqa mile Karachi me~ Burushaski zabaan ko promote karne ka aur Burushaski culture ko promote karne ka to aap kis tarha se chaaho ge use promote? vahi media ke through. Media se to achchha koi option hi nai he’ je’se morning shows kaafi aate he’~ jis me~ hamaara Burushaski culture dikhaate he’~ dance dikhaate he’~ shaadi dikhaate he’~ balke shaadi kar ke hi dikha dete he’~ matlab is tariike se shaadi hoti he’ … matlab media ke through ham logo~ ko apna culture dikha sakte he’~ aur is ke ilaava hame agar opportunity mile to ham Burushaski language me~ bhi programme bana sakte he’~ Thank you very much again for your time and for responding to the questions! You are welcome ma’am!Shakir’s Interview Transcript (a male key-informant) sab se pe’hle to aap ka bohat shukrya ke aap ne vaqt nikaala is interview ke liye! koi baat nai zyaada tar savaalaat questionnaire me~ jo aap ke javaab he’~ un hi se related he’~ Thiik he’ achchha pe’hle to mujhe ye bataae~ ke aap itni duur se Karachi hi kiyu~ aae taaliim haasil karne? asal me~ vaha~ pe ye he’ ke zyaada facilities nahi he’~ Gilgit-Baltistan me~ Inter level tak to xe’r achhchhi he’ sahi to me’~ ne do hazaar aaTh me~ matric kiya us ke baad do hazaar das me~ me’~ ne Karachi se hi FSC kiya tha us ke baad admission ke liye kaafi muje problems ka saamna karna paRa Karachi University me~ muje admission nai mila kiyu~ ke er…percentage itni zyaada nai thi to fir mujhe Abbottabad jaana paRa er… B. Sc. ke liye achchha! sahi! vaha~ se BSc kar ke fir me’~ ne Karachi University me~ admission liya kiyu~ke Masters ke liye aasaani se mil jaata he’ xaas taur pe Science faculty me~ is liye feasible mere liye Karachi he’ is liye ke yaha~ pe mere baRe baai log mere saath he’~ yaani aap Intermediate ke liye pe’hle Karachi rahe do saal? ji! phir do saal ke liye Abbottabad chale gae? ji B. Sc. ke liye sahi! achchha jab aap shuru shuru me Karachi aae to kis qism ki mushkilaat pesh aai~? er… sab se pe’hle ye ke jab ek nai environment me~ aate he’~ to us maahaul ke saath aap ko adjust hona paRta he’ us me~ kaafi time lagta he’ jab aap adjust ho jaae~ to fir aap ko koi problem nai hoti ek to ye ke me’~ akela nai tha mere baRe baai log mere saat the to muje itna problem nai tha lekin jo bilkul akela jo kabi apne she’har se baahir na nikla ho hm hm pardesi ke liye un ke liye bohat saare matlab masaail ka saamna karna paRta he’ to jab me’~ Kaarchi aaya to itne mere saath masaail nai the kyu~ke mere baai mere saath the muje guide kar rae the vaktan favaktan to itne masaail ka saamna nai karna paRa aur zabaan ke havaale se koi mushkil pesh aai? ha~ zabaan vo to ye ke ham er…matric tak to ham Urdu hi sai nai bol sakte the achchha! yaha~ pe ye ke Urdu ham college me~ coaching centre me~ duusre yaar dost mile to er…Urdu hi ab use karte he’~ to shuru shuru me~ aap ko mushlkil hui communication ke havaale se! bilkul … ek to ye ke vaha~ pe hamaare jo local schools he’~ Yasin me~ vaha~ pe koi Urdu language istimaal nahi karte the local language hi istimaal karte the ham er… yaha~ tak ke paa~ch class tak to hame~ Urdu bolna hi nai aati thi to school me~ kaunsi local zubaan istimaal hoti thi? Burushaski hi istimaal karte the Urdu karte hi nai the Yasin me~ to totally Burushaski he’ aap ke bhaai kitne arse se Karachi me~ he’~? er…mera jo sab se er…baRa baai he’ us ne do hazaar aaTh me~ Masters kiya tha English Literature me~ Greenwich University se achchha! fir yaha~ pe lecturer raha Agha Khan College me~ yahi~ Karachi. jab me’~ ne FSC complete kiya to fir us ki posting ho gai to vo chala gaya Gilgit er… taqriiban Chhe saat saal us ne vahi~ service kiya abi M. Phil. Ke liye vaapis aaya he’ M.Phil kar ra he’ Agha Khan University se er…Education me~ Ok! abi us ka M. Phil. chal ra he’ us se chhoTa baai Abbas aaya tha do hazaar paa~ch me~ Karachi us ke baad me’~ aaya do hazaar aaTh me~ lekin fir do saal baad chala gaya ab yahi~ pe hu~ is vaqt aap samet aap ke kitne bhaai Karachi me~ he’~? abi Karachi me~ ham chaar baai he’~ aur baaqi kaha~ he’~? baaki ke … ek to abi insha’Allah Saudia jaae ga kyu~ ke vo Army me~ he’ duusra baRa bai Police me~ he’ jo ASI he’ Gilgit-Baltistan me~ …tiisra baai business kar raha he kyu~ke vo Army se retired he’ aur be’hne~? be’hne~ do he’~ un ki shaadi ho gai he’ to kaha~ rehti he’~ behne~ aap ki? ek Yasin me~ he’ aur ek yahi~ Karachi me~ dono~ ki shaadi Burusho community me~ hui he’? ji achchha ye bataae~ ke kisi ke liye bhi apni maadri zabaan jaanne ka sab se baRa faaida kya hosakta he’? er… sab se baRa to faaida ye he’ ke er… apne parents se baat karne ke liye zaruuri he’ xaas taur pe un parents ke saath baat karne ke liye jo illiterate ho~ aur duusre vo log jo er…Urdu aur English nai jaante un se baat karne ke liye zaruuri he’ aur maadri zabaan me~ paRhna likhna jaanne ka kya faaida he’? er… ek to ye ke hamaara jo zabaan he’ vo famous ho jaae gi duusre agar ham koi kitaab likhte he’~ Buruushaski me~ agar duusra koi interested hoga to paRhe ga us ko to un ko pata chale ga ke Burushaski bi koi language he’ sahi mostly logo~ ko pata nai he’ ke Burushaski naam ki koi language he’ mostly log samjahte he’~ bas Gilgiti ek zubaan he’ lekin Gilgit me~ saat languages he’~ agar koi kitaab likhe ga Burushaski me~ to fir log Burushaski siikhe~ ge ye hamaari language he’ us ko ham ne aage tak leke jaana he’ yaani aap ke xayaal me~ maadri zabaan me~ likhne paRhne ka ye faaida he ke ise promote kiya ja sakta he’ kitaabo~ ke zariye! ji promote karne ke liye likhna paRhna zaruuri he’ achccha jo Gilgit-Baltistan me~ duusre log he’~ mera matlab Shina aur duusri zubaano~ ke log ye Burushaski siikhte he’? siikhte he’~ bilkul magar ye nai ke jise Brushaski aati he’ use aur koi zabaan nai aati ab …me’~ jo hu~ Khowar samajh aati he’ muje hundred percent aur me’~ fifty percent bol bi sakta hu~` isi tara Shina bi bol sakta hu~ ek Burushaski bi he’ achchha! ab vaha~ pe diversity he’ Gilgit city me~ xaas kar diversity he’vaha~ pe Yasin se bi aate he’~ Hunza se bi aate he’~ Diamer se bi aate he’~ jitne bi districts he’~… taqriiban das districts he’~ Gilgit-Baltistan ke un ka capital jo he’ Gilgit city he’ sahi! vahi pe log ate he’~ mostly un ke business vahi~ pe he’ mostly un ke gar var vahi~ pe he’ kyu~ ke remote areas he’~ na to itni facilities nai he’~ is liye log aage aane ki koshish kar rae he’~ achchha! to vaha~ pe vo siikh jaate he’~ ab dekhe~ mere jo cousins he’~ bohat chhoTi umar me~ Gilgit city aae to un ko Shina bi aati he’ achchha un ko Balti bi aati he’ un ko Kohwar bi aati he’ Gilgit me~ re’hne ki vajah se? ha~ kyu~ ke vaha~ diversity he’ vaha~ Balti bolne vaala bi aata he’ Wakhi bolne vaala bi aata he’ har kisam ke speakers vaha~ pe aate he’~ sahi! achchha aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kiya ke aap ko Burushaksi me~ paRhna likhna bhi aata he’! ha~ to aap kya likhte he’~ Burushaski me~? Burushaski songs jo mash’huur he’~ vo songs likhte he’~ achchha! aur paRhte kya ho aap Burushaski me~? Poetry paRhte he’~ aur kahaania~ kisi lok kahaani ka naam bataae~ ge? kahaani to bohat saare he’~ er… ek to…mere ze’han se nikal gaya he’ (laughs). kaha~ se suni thi~ ye kahaania? hamaare jo baap dada jo elders he’~ na vo sunaate the aur baqaul aap ke proverbs bhi aap ko aate he’~ Burushaski ke? ha~ vo kahaa~ se siikhe? vo bi vo puraane logo~ ki he’~ baate~ to Burushaski proverbs yaad he~ kuchh? er… yaad he’~ lekin abi ze’han se nikal gaya baad me~ bata du~ ga (laughs) aap ne bataaya yaha~Karachi me~ aap apne bhaaiyo~ ke saath re’h rae ho Mausmiyaat ke paas! ha~ vaha~ pe ek colony he’ me’~ basically belong karta hu~ Ismaili community se OK! vaha~ pe hundred percent Ismaili community ke he’~! baahar ke log er… duusri jo communities he~ vo allow nai. achchha! to aap jis colony me~ re’hte ho vaha~ pe aap Burushaski me~ hi baat karte ho? nai nai yaha~ pe Burushaski bohat kam he’~ yaha~ pe mostly Sindhi he~, khoje he’~ phir Karachi ke re’hne vaale Urdu speaking he’~ aur vo sab Ismaili community ke he’? Hundred percent Ismaili community ke achchha! to zyaada tar community me~ aap log kaunsi zabaan istimaal karte ho? er…yaha~ pe…apne jo bande milte he’~ un ke saath Burushaski istimaal karte he’~ baaqi jo he’~ un se Urdu me~ baat karte he’~ achchha! zara ye bataae~ ke Karachi me~ jo Burusho community he’ aur joYasin me~ he’ ya Gilgit me~ re’hte he’~ un me~ aap ko kya farq lagta he’? er… ek to ye ke yaha~ koi local Burusho community nai migrate ho ke aae he’~ … ab vo log jo matlab bohat pe’hle aae he’~ faraz kare~ me’~ misaal du~ ga vo log jin ke ma baap starting me~ Karachi me aae he’~ aur vo bachche jo yahi~ pe’da hue he’~ jis tara ham Burushaski bolte he’~ bilkul fluency ke saath un ko vo fluency nai aati achchha! un ko baaz e’si chiize~ he’~ Burushaski me~ jin ka un ko naam tak nai pata he’ kiyu~ke Karachi me~ re’hne ki vajah se hm kiyu~ ke yaha~ Urdu chalti he’ to pure Burushaksi un ko nai aati he’ jo yahaa~ peda hue Burusho? ha~ asal Burushaski un ko nai aati un ka ek nuqsaan ye he’ ke un ki Burushaski thoRi kamzor he’ achchha! me’~ apne gar ki misaal du~ ga mere gar me ~ mere baRe baai ka jo beTa he’ ab us ke saath us ki ammi bi, abbu bi English bolte he’~… Burushaski us ko bilkul bi nai aati. vaaqai! ji achchha culture ke lihaaz se koi difference he’? Culture bi ye ke tabdiil hoti ja rai he’ achchha! ab vaha~ se ham jo aarahe he’~ aur jo yahi~ pe pe’da hue kaafi differences he’~ culture me~ maslan? Dressing ka style duusra vaha~ pe bohat saari sakaafate~ he’~ Thiik he’! Traditions he’~ jis tara ham er… fasal bote he’~ hal chalaate he’~ duusra Polo khelte he’~ fir cultural dishes banaate he’~ tehvaaro~ pe vo yaha~ pe nai he’ yaani yaha~ us tarha se cultural festivals nahi manaate je’se Gilgit-Baltistan me~ manaae jaate he’~! ji achchha ye bataae~ ke Karachi me re’hte hue aap sab se zyaada kya chiiz miss karte he’~? vaha~ ka mausam vaha~ ham sab dost aur rishtedaar kaTThe hote the guumne jaate the ab ye chiize~ yaha~ pe nai he’~ agar ho bi to yaha~ ke laRko~ ke saath hame itna maza nai aata sahi aur duusri ye ke hamaare buzurg he’~ un se ham er… kaafi duur he’~ un ko kaafi miss karte he’~ un ke saath ham gap shap lagaate the vo hame~ nasiihate~ karte the ye chiize~ yaha~ nai he’~ aur zubaan ke havaale se yaha kuchh kami mehsuus hoti he’? bohat kami he’ zubaan ke havaale se bi. Burushaski yaha~ ham bohat kam bolte he’~ Karachi me~ Karachi me~ Burushaski ke istimaal me~ kami ki sab se baRi vaja kya he’ aap ki nazar me~? er…vo jo he’ apna maahaul pe depend karta he’ environment pe vo ke’se ? er… yaha~ ke jo log he’~ vo universities me~ jaate he’~ to vaha~ pe English bolte he’~ Urdu bolte he’~ pir garo~ me~ bi vai Urdu bolte he’~ English bolte he’~ er…is ki vajah se Burushaski ko zyaada importance nai dete vo ke’te he’ in future hame English chaahiya. hame need he’ English ki to duusri languages ki vajah se Burushaski ko tavajja nai dete aap ke kehne ka matlab ye he’ Burusho community vaale apni zubaan pe tavajjo nai dete! ha~ lekin ye nai ke hundred percent nai dete baaz ese bi he’~ jo bohat kaTar he’ facebook pe bhi agar comment karte he~ to Buruhsaski me~ karte he’~ messages bi Burushaski me~ likhte he’~ e’se log bi he’~ achchha! aap ne questionnaire me~ zikr kya ke aap Karachi me~ Burushaki bolte vaqt Urdu aur English mix karte ho to ye kisi xaas vajah ya Ghe’r iraadi taur pe? er…Ghe’riraadi taur pe kiyu~ke aadi hogae he’~ na ham Urdu bol bol ke ya ho sakta he’ ham bhuul gae ho~ ge to ham replace karte he’~ Burushaski me~ koi lafz bhuul jaate he’~ to ham replace karte he’~ Urdu aur English words ke saath achchha! ye bataae~ pichhle chand saalo~ me~ aap ko apni Burushaski zubaan ke istimaal me~ koi kami mehsuus hui? kami to hoti re’hti he’ jab constantly aap apni zubaan se duur rahe~ to kis nauiyyat ki kami aai he’ aap ki Burushaski proficiency me~? Vocabulary er… chiizo~ ke naam sahi lekin vaha~ Yasin me~ jab hote he’~ to hundred percent pure Burushaski bolte he’~ ab yaha~ pe bohat kam he’ hamaari Brushaksi language usage. aap kaafi arse se Kaarchi me~ ho is dauraan Yasin jaane ka ittifaq kitni baar hua? do saalo~ me~ ek baar hi gaya kab gaye the last time? me’~ pichhhle saal gaya tha. itna kam jaane ki vajah? ek to bohat duur he’ sahi safar kaafi he’ yahaa~ se Islamabad chaubis ghanTe fir fir vaha~ se aage maziid aThaara biis ghanTe …duusra time…fir ye ke hamaari university ki jo activities he’~ vo suffer hoti he’~ paRhaai suffer hota he’.is liye ham zyaada travel nai karte sahi! achchha baqaul aap ke maadri zabaan me~ taaliim har level pe honi chaahiye. is ki kya vaja he’? er… abi me’~ ne suna tha ke hamaari Gilgit-Baltistan ki jo qaanuun saaz Assembly he’ us me ek bill pass hua he’ us me~ er… jo hamaari local languages he’~ us ka ek subject unho~ ne laazmi karaar de diya he’ ye implement ho gaya he’ bill? Bill to pass ho gaya he’ lekin implement dekhe~ kaab hoti he’ er… mere xayaal me~ hona chaahiye maadri zabaan har level pe honi chaahiye… kyu~ke is tara hamaari language ko promotion mil jaae gi sahi! e’se maahiriin bi he’~ jine Burushaski zarrabazarra pata he’ e’se logo~ ki raae shumaar kar ke ek kitaab banaani chaahiye aur use as a nisaab istimaal karna chaahiye sahi! achchha aap ne questionnaire me~ bataaya ke aap ko Burusho ke’hlaane me~ bohat faxar he’! is ki kya vajah he’? ek to ye ke har koi apna language apna jo sakaafat he us pe faxar hota he’ aap ko bi hoga jo bi aap ka language he’ kiyu~ ke er… jo bi ho apna language apna culture aziiz hota he’ isi liye ham faxar karte he’~ hamaari ek munfarid shanaaxt hoti he’ jaha~ pe bi jaate he’~ log pehchaante he’~ ye Gilgiti he’ to e’si kya munfarid shanaaxt he’ Burusho community ki? Burusho community ki ye ke aap ko laRke mile~ ge to us ke sar pe Topi mile ga university me~ nai pe’hante lekin jo hamaare elders he’~ vo to hundred percent pe’hante he’~ is ke ilaava kya infradiyat he’? er… us me~ ye ke hamaari mehmaan navaazi. Kaarchi me~ is ka concept nai…. is maamle me~ er… mehmaan navaazi pe hame faxar he’. aap ne questionnaire me~ likha ke aap ki pasandiida zabaan Pashto he’. is ki kya vajah he’? ek to ye he’ ke starting se hamaare jo friends he’~ vo zyaada tar Pashto speaking he’~ achchha! us ke ilaava me~ taqriiban do saal paThaano~ ke saath raha starting se hi muje bohat pasand he’~ pata nai kiyu~ to isi vajah se aap ne Pashto speaking dost banaae? bachpan se hi mujhe Pathaan bohat pasand he~ mere automatically Pathaan dost ban jaate he’~ is liye mujhe Pashto language bhi achhhi lagti he’, Peshaavri chappal bhi achchhi lagti he’ aur paThaano~ ka dressing style bhi achchha! ek to ye he’ ke hamaara culture aur un ka culture taqriiban same he’. achchha! kya similarities he’~ ve’se? ek to dressing duusri ham jo te’hvaar manaate he’~ aur shaadi vaGhe’ra ki jo rasme~ he’~ vo bi takriiban same he’ koi difference nai he’ zyaada. to Pashto bol sakte he’~ aap? Pashto bol nai sakta lekin samajh aati he’ haalk halka ab koshish kar ra hu~ ke Pashto siikhu~ achchha! abhi aap ne cultural festivals ka havaal diya. kuchh e’se cultural festivals ke naam mujhe bata sakte he’~ jo Burusho community me~ xaas taur pe manaae jaate he’~? er(.....) ek he’ jise Burushaski me~ boh ke’hte he~ us me~ ye hota he’ jab ham fasal bote he’~ is me~ ye ke special dishes banaate he’~ vo dishes le ke ham apne er...rishtedaaro~ ke garo~ me bhejte he’~ sahi farz kare~ me’~ xud bi leke jaau~ ga jitna bi duur kiyu~ na ho me’~ le ke jaau~ ga us ko ke’te he’~ boh kya ke’hte he’~? boh aur duusri jo hoti he’ ramadaan ke mahiine me~ achchha! vo jo hamaare ancestors is dunya me~ nai he’~ to un ki yaad me~ ham khaana banaate he’~ iftaar ke time pe jitne bi hamaare family ke log he’~ aur family ke baair bi jitne bi Burushaski ho’~ un ko apne gar me~ daavat dete he’~ aur sab mil ke khaana khaate he’~ achchha! is ke ilaava ek he’ thameshi jab ham saare fasal close karte he’~ to kaTaai kar ke gandum jama karte he’~ sahi us me~ ek special jo dish hota he’ us ko Ghulmadi ke’hte he~ achchha! bas chand aur savaalaat he’~ ! ye bataae~ UNESCO ka naam sun rakha he’ aap ne? ji UNESCO ne chand er…arsa qabl ek fe’hrist jaari kit hi maxduush zabaano~ ki jo endangered langauages he’~ aur us me~ Pakistan ki aThaais zubaane~ shaamil he’ jis me~ er… Burushaski bhi he’ to aap ko lagta he’ ke Burushaski ek maxduush mera matlab endangered zabaan he’ ? er… is se pe’hle jo me’~ ne baate~ ki us se pata chalta he’ ke endanger he’ Ok! meri nazar me~ ye he’ ke is us ke jo speakers he’~ matlab er… kam hote ja rae he’~ kam ye ke un ki jo tavajja he’ vo duusri languages ki taraf he’ jis tara me’~ ne aap ko misaal diya mera apna batiija he’ jo Urdu aur English bolta he’ Burushaski nai bolta sahi! to is ko dekha jaae to Burushaski endangered ho sakta he’ agar ham Burushaski ko sahi tariike se er… promote kare~ to vo endanger nahi hoga er… ham is ko bacha sakte he’~ kis tarha bachaaya ja sakta he’ ? vo ye ke ham ek nisaab banaae~ duusri ek bazaabta risaala bi Burushaksi me~ nikaal sakte he’~ isi tara agar steps ham uThaae~ ge to Burushaski maziid promote ho sakta he’ aap ne questionnaire me~ media ka bhi havaala diya to media ke zariye ke’se promote kiya ja sakta he’ Burushaski ko? PTV pe Shina aur Balti me~ news cast hoti he lekin Burushaski me~ nai hoti is ki kya vajah he’? us me~ ye ke logo~ ki tavajjo ki baat aati he’ jab Burushaski speakers aage aae~ ge to kiyu~ nai ho sakti promote jab Shina aur Balti me~ news dikha sakte he’~ to Burushaski me~ bi dikha sakte he’~ ek baar phir aap ke ta’avun ka bohat shukriya! ................
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