THE STATE OF MICROFINANCE REFORM IN MODERN JAMAICA: CULTURAL ...
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THE STATE OF MICROFINANCE REFORM IN MODERN
JAMAICA: CULTURAL BARRIERS, CLIENTELISM,
DISPARATE LENDING PRACTICES, AND THE FORGOTTEN
FEMALE ENTREPRENEUR
By: Courtney A. Hollander*
I believe that we can create a poverty-free world because poverty is
not created by poor people. It has been created and sustained by the
economic and social system that we have designed for ourselves; the
institutions and concepts that make up that system; the policies that
we pursue.1
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................514
I.
FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP GLOBALLY AND IN JAMAICA,
INCLUDING A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE..............................................517
A. Developing a Global Context: Comprehensive Influences on
Female Entrepreneurs ...................................................................518
B. Breaking Down the Local Numbers: Female Entrepreneurs in
Jamaica .........................................................................................521
C. Jamaican History: The House on the Hill and Control by the
Resident Don ................................................................................522
II.
INSTITUTIONAL BARRIERS TO FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN
JAMAICA ...............................................................................................525
A. Access to Microfinance Loans .....................................................525
1. Microfinance Lending, Generally ..........................................525
2. Seeking a Double Bottom Line ..............................................526
3. The Jamaica Microfinance System by the Numbers ..............527
4. The Negative Impact of Political Persuasion on
Repayment Loans ...................................................................527
5. Sources of Development: If Not Microfinance, Where and
* Courtney A. Hollander, Wisconsin Journal of Law, Gender & Society, J.D.
Candidate, University of Wisconsin Law School, 2014; A.B., Ripon College, 2011. The
author wishes to thank Heidi Thole and Abby Churchill for their copy editing assistance.
1. Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize Lecture (Dec. 10, 2006), available at
. Yunus
was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 in conjunction with Grameen Bank. Id. Grameen
Bank is located in Bangladesh and gives ¡°collateral-free income generating, housing, student
and micro-enterprise loans to the poor families.¡± Id. Yunus created Grameen Bank in 1983,
and as of 2006, Grameen Bank had loaned $6 billion at a repayment rate of 99 percent. Id.
Seven million people have benefited from Grameen Bank loans, 97 percent of which were
women. Id. Since receiving loans from Grameen Bank, 58 percent of borrowers have crossed
the poverty line. Id.
513
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What Business Model? ...........................................................528
B. Lack of Credit Reporting and Microfinance.................................529
III.
LEGISLATIVE SOLUTIONS: ADDRESSING THE BARRIERS VS.
IGNORING THE BARRIERS .....................................................................531
A. Current Inhibitors: Clientelism and the Lack of Regulation ........531
B. Current Inhibitors: Gender as a Legislative Influence ..................532
C. Pending Legislation: The Micro Credit Act .................................534
D. Pending Legislation: An Analysis ................................................536
E. Credit Reporting Bureaus .............................................................537
F. Thinking Outside of Microfinance Box: Crowdfunding
Through .....................................................538
G. Microfinance Tax Incentives: The Creation of a New Entity.......539
CONCLUSION....................................................................................................540
INTRODUCTION
Microfinance, in its simplest terms, is the lending of small amounts of
money, which commercial banking institutions consider trivial, to unbankable2
but entrepreneurial citizens throughout the world.3 Generally speaking,
microfinance lenders seek to serve the world¡¯s poorest citizens, 70 percent of
whom are women.4 Incidentally, 85 percent of microfinance loan recipients
throughout the world are women.5 Microfinance loan applicants typically have
no access to physical collateral, effectively closing the doors to commercial
banks.6 In sum, microfinance is the developing world¡¯s response to
entrepreneurs being cut off from traditional financial channels. This response,
however, is imperfect and cannot be considered a standalone solution.
When microfinance institutions (MFIs) took hold in the 1980s, they were
touted as the cure to world poverty.7 More than thirty years later progress
toward a poverty-free world has been made, but the altruistic vision presented
2. The author uses the term unbankable throughout this article to refer to individuals
who are unable, for economic reasons, to utilize the services of a traditional bank either
because they would not qualify for traditional services or because their financial needs are
considered too small-scale to be profitable.
3. See Eoin Wrenn, Micro-Finance Literature Review 1, available at
.
4. Small Change, Big Changes: Women and Microfinance, INT¡¯L LAB. OFF. ¨C GENEVA,
¡ª-dgreports/¡ª
gender/documents/meetingdocument/
wcms_091581.pdf.
5. Id.
6. See, e.g., PHILIP BOND & ASHOK RAI, COLLATERAL SUBSTITUTES IN MICROFINANCE
1 (2002), available at .
7. See Claire Provost, The Rise and Fall of Microfinance, GUARDIAN (Nov. 21, 2012,
11:16
pm),
.
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above has not been fully realized due in part to four unfortunate, but
nonetheless realistic, economic realities.8
First, increasing income is not necessarily conducive to decreasing
poverty.9 If that increased income is spent on gambling, alcohol or any plethora
of thriftless expenditures, decreased incidences of poverty will not necessarily
follow from an increase in income.10 Personal budget allocation is not
discussed in this article but can result in further economic disparities for both
male and female11 entrepreneurs in developing countries.12
Second, microfinance funding falls in line with a basic financial concept:
money lent to different parties will not yield a constant result.13 In the simplest
example of this concept, consider a loan of $500 given to both Party A and
Party B. Party A sees a potential business opportunity and invests its money
into a basket-weaving business, a much-needed service in the local community.
Party A has substantial success in the community, repays its loan and realizes a
net gain in its business. Meanwhile, Party B invests its money in tools and
starts a general repair business. However, Party B does not realize the members
of its community do their own in-home repairs and do not require a
repairperson. Party B cannot make its loan repayments and its business runs a
net loss. Both parties, after receiving the same amount of money, have seen a
substantially different result. Thus, the effect of a microfinance loan becomes
8. In 2011, 17 percent of people in the developing world lived on or less than $1.25 a
day. This compares to 43 percent in 1990 and 52 percent in 1981. Even with a sustained
decrease in poverty incidence, an estimated 1 billion people will still live on or less than
BANK,
$1.25
a
day
in
2015.
Poverty
Overview,
WORLD
(last updated Oct. 8, 2014).
9. Wrenn, supra note 4, at 4-5.
10. Id.
11. The author would like to acknowledge that her use of the terms female
and woman are used interchangeably due to a lack of distinction between the two in her
sources. This does not reflect her personal understanding of the difference between
biological sex and gender, nor is it meant to exclude transgender and genderqueer
individuals from the scope of her research.
12. For more information on budget allocation in developing countries, see generally
INT¡¯L FOOD POLICY RESEARCH INST., INTRAHOUSEHOLD RESOURCE ALLOCATION IN
DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: MODELS, METHODS, AND POLICY (Lawrence Haddad et al. eds.,
1997). From a purely gendered standpoint, budgetary distinctions between male and female
spending should reduce the impact of this economic reality: ¡°[i]t is widely perceived that
men spend a higher share of their income on goods for their personal consumption than do
women. Alcohol, cigarettes, status consumer goods, and even ¡®female companionship¡¯ have
been noted. In contrast, women are believed to be more likely to purchase goods for children
and for general household consumption.¡± John Hoddinott et al., Testing Competing Models
of Intrahousehold Allocation, in INTRAHOUSEHOLD RESOURCE ALLOCATION IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES: MODELS, METHODS, AND POLICY 129,130 (Lawrence Haddad et al. eds., 1997).
13. DAVID ROODMAN, DUE DILIGENCE: AN IMPERTINENT INQUIRY INTO MICROFINANCE
140-41 (2012) (noting that ¡°[i]f you lend three friends $1,000 each, they will do different
things with the money and achieve different outcomes by luck or skill. . . . Among the
millions of borrowers, microcredit no doubt lifts some out of poverty even as it leaves others
worse off.¡±). ¡°Microcredit¡± is a specific type of microfinance defined as ¡°loans of $50$1,000. . . given to people typically earning no more than $2 per day.¡± Id. at 1.
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contingent on the economic climate, the individual lendee, and their business
choices.
Third, statistical inequities and shortcomings indicate that measuring the
ability of microfinance to lift lendees out of poverty is difficult, if not
altogether unavailing.14 Four factors are said to make the measurement of
microfinance problematic:
1.) Different people use microfinance [in] different ways, 2.) Even
people who use it in the same way can experience different
outcomes, 3.) Families, villages, and neighborhoods are complex
webs of causal relationships, which are hard to disentangle, [and] 4.)
Average effects depend as much on the ability of microfinance
institutions to select those most likely to use finance as well as it
does on the potential effects on each user.15
These factors make it difficult to affirmatively measure the ability of
microfinance loans to alleviate poverty-ridden citizens, and all four factors are
considered in this article.16
Finally, several critics point to the commercialization of microfinance: the
shift from an emphasis on bringing citizens out of poverty to the sustainability
and profit of the lending institutions themselves.17 Critics here note the
existence of a profit-driven mission drift18 creating a ¡°sort of zero-sum game:
more profit = less service and, implicitly, fewer benefits to clients.¡±19 While it
would seem counter-intuitive that more profit leads to a reduction in services,
the method for creating higher profits is suspect in this analysis: ¡°. . . efforts to
reach a significant scale by securing financial sustainability may lead to a
tendency to provide larger loans to less poor clients and to employ stricter loan
screening procedures. In other words, scale-up could lead to a drift from an
14. Id. at 143-71 (noting the existence of mere correlation between lending money
and poverty reduction and not addressing causation, selection bias, and further statistical
issues).
15. ROODMAN, supra note 14, at 172.
16. Factors 1 and 2 are addressed above at pp. 2-3. Factor 3 is specifically addressed
infra Parts II.A and III.A. Factor 4 is addressed infra Part II.
17. See, e.g., Road to Redemption: The Industry is Starting to Revive, ECONOMIST
(Jan. 12, 2013), available at .
18. In general, mission drift ¡°occurs when an institution experiences an ¡®unplanned or
hidden change in preferences and resulting behaviors¡¯.¡± MARC MOSER, COMMERCIAL
INVESTMENTS AND MISSION DRIFT IN MICROFINANCE 64 (HAUPT BERNE 2013). Microfinance
mission drift is ¡°the de-emphasis of the social mission in pursuit of higher financial returns.¡±
Id.
19. Robert Peck Christen & Deborah Drake, Commercialization: The New Reality of
Microfinance, in THE COMMERCIALIZATION OF MICROFINANCE: BALANCING BUSINESS AND
DEVELOPMENT 2, 2- 4 (Deborah Drake & Elizabeth Rhyne, eds. 2002) (further noting that
¡°[n]ot only are traditional nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) dedicated to microfinance
transforming into licensed banks and non-bank financial intermediaries in order to access
public funds or small savings deposits, but some banks and finance companies are noticing
the potential of microcredit to enhance their product mix and bottom line.¡±).
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MFI¡¯s poverty alleviation mission.¡±20 Quite simply, when these profit-driven
motives of traditional lending institutions take hold, microfinance quickly
strays from the altruistic poverty-reduction model, and nascent, unbankable
entrepreneurs get left behind.21
Using female entrepreneurs in Jamaica as an example, this article points
out one country¡¯s shortcomings in microfinance lending due to the four
economic realities expressed above as well as country-specific influences
hindering its microfinance development. Legislative solutions to ameliorate
these shortcomings will keep Jamaican MFIs on track with their altruistic
origin. Because both entrepreneurial structures and the success of MFIs vary
from country to country, it is important to realize that solving microfinance
problems will not be a one-size-fits-all solution. However, a Jamaica-specific
solution is necessary because Jamaica¡¯s female entrepreneurs are being left
behind in favor of furthering both cultures of old and cultures of young: the
indoctrinated, paternalistic Jamaican social culture of old and the troubled
Jamaican political culture of young. These two Jamaican cultures work together
to limit access to microfinance loans, placing the female entrepreneur in an
economically untenable position.22
Part I of this note outlines A) comprehensive influences on female
entrepreneurs across the globe, B) female entrepreneurs in Jamaica by the
numbers, and C) Jamaican history necessary to understand how the political
and social climate affects microfinance lending initiatives. Part II outlines the
existing barriers to a flourishing entrepreneurial environment in Jamaica,
including limited access to microfinance loans and the lack of credit reporting.
Part III addresses legislative solutions to these barriers, including existing
legislation, pending legislation, and solutions not being considered but which
are viable. Part III ultimately concludes the end-goal of microfinance, as the
panacea for world poverty, is not lost. Despite facing some serious barriers, the
end-goal can be realized at least in part by developing legislative solutions to
the problems that have arisen.
I. FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP GLOBALLY AND IN JAMAICA, INCLUDING A
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
Jamaica¡¯s precarious entrepreneurial environment is best understood by
first gaining a bird¡¯s eye view of the comprehensive influences on female
entrepreneurs across the world. This bird¡¯s eye view is followed by a tailored,
country-specific overview on female entrepreneurship in Jamaica, including
Jamaica¡¯s relevant history.
20. Opportunity Int¡¯l. What is Mission Drift in the context of the microfinance
industry?,ALL PARTY PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON MICROFINANCE (Mar. 2007), available at
.
21. Christen & Drake, supra note 20, at 4 (describing ¡°commercialization as a process
of something that ¡®loses quality to gain profit¡¯¡±).
22. See infra Part III.B.
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