The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE and the Decline of Ku Klux ...



Of all Southern states, the role of the Klan in overthrowing Republican control was greatest in Georgia, where intimidation was instrumental in reversing the will of the electoral majority.[?] Although also active in the Black belt county of Warren, Klan activity was centered in the upland counties along the northwest Alabama border, and in the upper cotton belt between Atlanta and Augusta.[?] It absorbed armed bands of ex-Confederate cavalry that had beaten, mutilated and murdered freedmen in rural Georgia in the aftermath of the Civil War.[?] During Reconstruction, vigilantes killed 31 people, shot 43, stabbed five and beat or whipped at least 55 in Aug-October 1868.[?] Klansmen endeavored to blow up a Republican meeting in Valdosta and were deeply implicated in the murder of Columbus Republican leader George W. Ashburn.[?] Vigilantes murdered or attempted to murder forty-six blacks around Albany.[?] Suppressing the black vote during the 1868 elections with 31 killings, forty-three shootings, five stabbings, fifty-five beatings and eight whippings, terrorists murdered three times as many blacks per month after the election.[?]

Between August and October 1868, Klan dens organized by prominent Georgia Democrats burned churches and launched at least 142 attacks against blacks, including thirty-one murders, even as Democratic representatives convinced moderate white Republicans to expel black members from the state Legislature. One week after the September explulsions, white men in the south Georgia town of Camilla killed or wounded scores of Republicans. In the Piedmont area of Green County, where freedmen had controlled the 1867 election, reveled in the streets and organized a militia, Klansmen beat a black man to death and a pregnant black woman to miscarriage, because they had complained to the freedman’s Bureau about their employers.[?] Led by prominent members of the community and the Democratic Party, the group could muster 50- 200 armed and mounted men on a few hours notice.[?] In 1869, they burned houses, beat dozens and murdered several freedmen. A company of sixty-five soldiers sent by federal authorities failed to repress the violence, but twenty-five armed blacks attacked the home of a Klan leader after a freedman was murdered, wounding him I a gunfight. On October 29, 1869, 27 Klansmen kidnapped State Representative Abram Colby, took turns whipping him and left him for dead. Colby survived but continuing attacks forced him to flee in 1871.[?] By this point, perhaps 1500-1600 blacks had been killed by the Klan.[?] Of the twenty-one blacks elected to the Constitutional Convention or the state legislature between 1868 and 1872, sixty-nine were threatened, intimidated, attacked or killed.[?]

In Warren County, where the 1870 population was 59% black, Klan terror Democratic electoral victories after 1868.[?] After Warren County black sharecropper returned fire at six attacking nightriders, Klansmen shot his bedridden son eleven times and hanged his wife. Before catching and killing four of the five remaining male members of the family who had fled.[?] Klansman lynched a Doctor who had been arrested for murdering a Klansman who had edited a Democratic newspaper, as well as white Republican State Senator Joseph Adkins, who had sought military intervention from Congress. Troops suppressed violence but no convictions resulted.[?]

Violence also occurred in the twleve surrounding counties, with legislators whipped in Greene, Hancock, Columbia and Clarke Counties.[?] Congress responded in December by placing Georgia, the only state where this happened, under congressionally directed military rule. The Army reinstated black legislators and purged former-Confederates who lacked pardons, allowing for ratification of the 15th Amendment and restoration to the Union in July 1870.[?]

During the elections of 1870, however, the Klan responded with violence on a greater scale than in 1868, destroying Reconstruction in the state. Intimidation and murder took place throughout the state but was most intense in the Northwest, East-Central and Southwest areas, and probably centered in Wilkes County. The Klan targeted black landowners, educational institutions and elected politicians. One Legislator was murdered, and another barely escaped as seven of his comrades were killed.[?] Terror continued after the election, in the nine counties of the northwest, a well as those east of Atlanta, focusing more on revenge for sexual transgressions, and social and economic repression of freemen and in some cases, their employers.[?] Klan violence had done more to subvert Reconstruction in Georgia than any other state, and it “lay down a blueprint for terrorism that would continue randomly and effectively for generations.”[?]

Reconstruction thus succumbed most quickly and most completely in Georgia, making it the “least reconstructed state” of the former Confederacy. The election of 1872 witnessed violence in Atlanta, Savannah, and Wilkenson County, as well as Macon, where a gunfight between blacks and whites resulted in four deaths and Klansmen suppressed black political activity, land ownership and education over the next two decades. Georgia would lead the nation in lynchings between 1883 and 1932.[?]

Lynchings accelerated in response to black assertiveness during 1915-1916, as the second Ku Klux Klan was founded. Thirteen blacks were lynched in 1915 and another sixteen in 1916. After a brief respite due to fears about labor migration particularly brutal lynch mobs took nineteen more victims in 1919. Red Summer marked the most extensive wave of Klan terror since Reconstruction, as white supremacists began to characterize activism as Bolshevik-inspired subversion and mobs attacked on black communities.[?] Lynchings, beatings, whippings and mob attacks subsided only slightly in 1920-1922.[?] Vigilantes whipped more than 100 people in 1921, [?] and mobs burned alive two black men in 1921-1922.[?] In Columbus, the mayor’s house was dynamited.[?]

The Klan became a political force, with fifteen thousand members joining in Atlanta.[?] Although never as organized as in the southwestern states, Georgia was beset by numerous waves of flogging organized at the local level. In March 1926, Klansmen killed two men while raiding a home in Royston, and whipped two men to death in Toombs County.[?] In Macon, home of Dixie Klan # 33, vigilantes attacked a black physician in 1921 and in 1922, kidnapped and pistol-whipped a white doctor whom they accused of adultery, and kidnapped and flogged an elderly interracial couple. A series of floggings and two lynchings, in Houston and Bleckly counties, followed a public mass-induction of 400 Macon residents by several hundred Klansmen in June 1922. Two floggers were caught in the act, leading to further arrests, but a City Judge “effectively quashed the cases” against all but vigilante crew leader C. A. Yarbrough, who gained an acquittal, and two mistrials. A conviction was obtained in a separate case, but the Georgia Governor, without seeking approval from the prison commission, pardoned the convict after he had served only two months of a six month sentence, due to the intercession of Yarbrough, who had made campaign contributions in the past.[?] Indeed, the Klan had become a political factor in Bibb County by this time, with controversies over Klan support for US Representative candidates, a US Senate candidate, and a Gubenatorial candidate dominating the 1924 elections.[?] By 1926-1927 however, as press attacks gained a hearing and state authorities began to crack down on floggers, the Klan began to decline in political power and membership.

The Klan collapsed in the wake of national scandal and by was forced to sell its Peachtree mansion due to financial shortfalls. Lynchings also declined after this, due to the economic effects of the Great Migration as well as fear of federal interference, but sympathy for Klan ideology continued to exist as vigilantes targeted union organizers during the Depression years.[?] After all, “sixty-five thousand Georgians, including twenty thousand Atlantans” had joined the Klan between 1915 and 1944, “more than in any other Southern State except Texas.”[?]

Due to African American litigation, poll tax elimination, Supreme Court decisions and voter campaigns from 1940-1947 black registration rose from 20,000 to 125,000.[?] Coupled with black activism and support from liberal and moderate whites in the wake of the horrors of World War II, black voting provoked fraud, chicanery, intimidation and three lynchings, as well as a formal revival of Klan organizing.[?] CIO organizing also provoked reaction, and in 1945-1946 the Klan helped defeat union-drive.[?] Klansmen also employed violence, including a bombing, to thwart housing desegregation.[?] In Atlanta, where policemen joined the order, Klansmen murdered a black cab driver and committed numerous floggings. Vigilantes executed four blacks outside Monroe.[?] Klan terror completely suppressed the black vote in Wrightsville during the 1948 primaries and “figured preeminently” in the Gubenatorial election that fall.[?] Violence continued after the election, as two Columbus black youths who’d participated in an NAACP-sponsored brotherhood week were abducted and beaten in Phoenix City Alabama, and blacks were flogged in Swainsboro and near Dublin. Black men were lynched in Irwinton and and Xainbridge.[?]

Towns such as Wrightsville and Macon outlawed public mask wearing, while Columbus outlawed cross burning,[?] the sherrif of and Lt. Governor Melvin Thompson did prosecute vigilantes in 1948, but floggings, cross burning, and lynchings continued to occur. Klansmen also bombed a black family in Atlanta[?] and a journalist who had exposed corruption in the Talmage administration.[?] As Gubenatorial candidate Herman Talmage courted the Klan during the 1948 primary election campaign,[?] Klansmen prevented blacks from voting in Wrightsville and Swainsboro, and an Alton vigilante killed a black man who had voted.[?] In exchange for this support, Talmage appointed Grand Dragon Sam Roper to head of the Georgia Bureau of Investigation.[?] Two whites were indicted for killing prosperous black farmer Robert Mallard, who was ambushed and shot to death soon after the general election, but neither was convicted.[?] In 1953, whites threw a tear gas bomb on a bus in Augusta, injuring six blacks.[?]

During this same period however, “due mainly to black initiatives,” more whites began supporting black initiatives, especially in Atlanta.[?] Journalist Stetson Kennedy exposed internal Klan operations in Georgia, prompting some Klansmen to resign.[?] The State government also began investigating Klan activity, and in 1946, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation infiltrated the Klan to collect evidence about floggings.[?] No prosecutions resulted,[?] but Georgia revoked the Klan charter.[?] In July 1951, the second ranking Klan officer in Sam Roper’s Association of Georgia Klans Charles H. Klein and another man were indicted in connection with a March 24 bombing of a black man’s house in Atlanta.[?] The State Senate, now backed by the Talmage machine, also outlawed mask wearing, cross burning, and intimidation.[?] During the 1954 elections, although two Ocilla policemen who picked up and fired a shot at a black city council candidate to intimidate him were not prosecuted, twenty-two Culbert blacks deprived of their voting rights won $880 in damages from registrars, who promptly resigned. Despite official obstacles, black registration rose from 145,000 in 1952 to 163,000 in 1956.[?]

The Federal government was also slow to respond. Despite evidence of police-Klan fraternization during the 1948 election violence, the FBI had launched no investigation.[?] Neither did it investigate a February 1949 kidnapping, interstate transport, and whipping of three black high school students by Georgia Klansmen.[?] Change occurred however, after black landowner Mamie Clay complained to the Justice Department the Dade County sheriff had arrested seven black men who were protecting her against Klan-police harassment and turned them over to Klansmen for a whipping in April 1949. An FBI investigation provided information for a federal grand jury. Despite direct acquittals by the Judge and a declaration of a mistrial, a second jury-trial convicted two law enforcement officers, who received the maximum sentence of one year in prison and a $1000 fine.[?]

The landmark conviction marked a culmination in a slow but increasing cooperation between the FBI and State law-enforcement authorities during the Truman Administration. When Governor Arnal had moved to revoke the Klan charter in 1946,[?] an FBI investigation had uncovered a Klan plot on his life.[?] In December 1947, the Attorney general placed the Klan on his subversive list.[?] Federal tax Lien.[?]—add from Dom Tranq.

The Civil Rights Act of 1957 that established a Commission on Civil Rights within the Justice Department had weak enforcement powers, but did allow for suits against voting rights infringements. After five blacks, four of them college graduates, attempted to register in Terrell County and were denied on grounds of illiteracy, a successful Justice Department suit prompted a Federal injunction against separate registration tests for blacks and whites.[?] After passage of the Civil Rights act of 1960, the federal government acted against segregated polling places in Homerville and Macon, Fayette and Peach Counties.[?]

Alone among five states of the lower South in failure to develop a viable organized segregationist movement.[?] Although no viable movement of massive resistance ever developed in Georgia in the wake of Brown,[?] a paint sprayer at Atlanta’s GM Fisher Body plant named Eldon Edwards revitalized the Klan in the wake of Brown. Under the rubric of “U.S. Klans, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan,” Edwards absorbed remaining AGK Klaverns and recruited thousands, gaining a membership of 12-15,000 in 1957-1958.[?] While factions thrived in sections of Georgia, more concentrated in areas in and around Atlanta.[?] 5400 Atlanta UAW members from three union locals joined.[?] Horn activates almost 100 units in 1956-1957, up from 2.[?] In Macon, city authorities cancelled a Klan rally at the auditorium, but 2000 people attended when the site was moved south of the city.[?] Eighteen bombings in Atlanta between 1957 and 1960, and a black activist’s wife was killed in November 1957 when her Ringold home was bombed.[?] Bombings in Americus, Macon, Albany, two in Columbus, and four in Atlanta, 1957-8.[?] New AGK, not affil w old, defunkt AGK, was formed in Spring 1960, affiliated w NKKKK, patterned on old US Klan. localized around Bloomingdale and Savannah.[?]

In response to the 1958 bombing of an Atlanta Synagog that failed to result in a conviction, Police captain Everette Little set up an intelligence operation aimed at preventing future bombings. He created a dossier of about 60 racist militants, infiltrated at least one secret bomb-making school in South Georgia, and, as integration approached in 1961, conducted a 24 hour overt surveillance operation on the ten most active men in his file. Although one Elementary School was bombed, Atlanta desegregated in relative peace.[?] Georgia’s opinion molders and politicians had begun to abandon massive resistance and adopted a local, voluntary type of desegregation that resembled the pattern of geographically based segregation prevalent in the North.[?]

This entailed suppression of mob violence, as well as endorsement of local option plans for desegregation by the Governor. In January 1961 eight Klansmen and one other white man were arrested, and thirteen students suspended, for rioting during a failed attempt to block the admission of two black students into the University of Georgia. Police used fire hoses and tear gas to disperse a mob of 2000. Although the new students experienced harassment, other Georgia Colleges soon desegregated, with little opposition.[?] Atlanta began token desegregation of four high schools that August, but since the mayor, police chief and school superintendent took a strong position for law and order, an organized movement by housewives was able to keep schools open, despite some minor intimidation campaigns. On opening day police arrested five youths include one claiming to be a Klan member. An American Nazi Party member named Bill Gene Cody was convicted of creating disturbances and received a 30 day jail sentence. Stringent pupil placement plans thwarted significant integration, but a “stair step” plan accelerated in 1964 was abandoned in 1965. By 1967 all grades had integrated.[?] Elsewhere in Georgia desegregation “proceeded at a glacial pace,” as white students transferred to private institutions, or to segregated schools in other counties. In Talliferro County, Klansmen harassed black students who attempted to board buses carrying such students.[?]

Although desegregation of Atlanta’s buses proceeded through a court decree following a test by local ministers in the wake of the Montgomery Alabama boycott, all other public facilities remained segregated. Anticipating sit-in demonstrations in February 1960, the State legislature quickly passed an anti trespassing law, but on March 15, the South’s “largest and best-organized” sit-ins began in Atlanta, prompting hundreds of Klansmen to counter-picket. Despite arrests of activists, the protests spread until eating establishments desegregated in three Georgia cities in August 1961.[?] In counties surrounding Atlanta however, vigilante violence continued. In October 1960, Klansmen were implicated the floggings of two blacks in Carroll County.[?] In the Gwinnett County town of Buford, whites attempted to suppress black demands for desegregation, equal opportunities and voting rights, resulting in 42 arrests in August 1961.[?] In July 1962, one hundred Georgia state troopers and DeKalb County police used tear gas and clubs to prevent 500 Klansmen, led by Alabama Klan leader Robert Shelton, from holding a rally on State land at Stone Mountain. Klansmen threw rocks and stones at police. One Klansman’s nose was broken and another was charged with having non-tax-paid whiskey and being "under the influence.”[?]

One white youth was killed when blacks struck back against vigilantes in Augusta,[?] and black vigilantes shot at a Klan caravan near Roswell (WHERE IS THIS?),[?] but Southwest Georgia was particularly violent. Despite the fact that Southwest Georgia’s largest city of Albany had been unaffected by sit-ins, white vigilantes drove through the black Albany State College and fired shots, while white men sexually harassed black females in their dormitories.[?] With the arrival of SNCC activists and freedom riders that fall, the town became a center of black protest. Police Chief Laurie Pritchett made mass arrests of demonstrators and police brutality provoked riots in July 1962, but since federal agents investigated protesters rather than officials, movement activists became disenchanted with the federal government.[?]

In fall nightriders shot into black homes in ‘Terrible Terrell’ County, where police had beaten a black man to death in 1958 and SNCC activist Ralph Allen was beaten and terrorized repeatedly.[?] In September, Rebecca Wilson shot a .22 through a crack in her door, killing one man, after masked white men, including the Dallas City Clerk, fired shotgun into her mothers’ home when she opened the door. The men were charged with attempted murder and violation of state’s anti-masking law.[?] In 1962, arsonists destroyed a church.[?] On August 31 however, Klansmen shot into four homes housing SNCC activists in Leesburg. Nightriders wounded two volunteers in Dawson on September 5, and arsonists burned churches in Sasser, Leesburg, Dawson and Chickasawhatchee. FBI agents investigated, and arrested a white man for assaulting agent Paul Mohr, but a grand jury refused to indict. Agents also turned over four confessed arsonists to local authorities, but no prosecution resulted. On Labor Day, and UKA rally in Albany attracted 6000 people.[?] All this in Zinn 23-5, 35 too.

In Atlanta, where officeholders maintained close ties to the business community and a substantial black middle class formed a dominant political coalition with upper income whites, a shift toward compliance with school desegregation had occurred by 1961. Since the State political leadership was also retreating from massive resistance, local segregationists received little outside help, the many Klan chapters just outside the city were vulnerable to state repression.[?] Klan picketing may have slowed the pace of change pressuring downtown business to resist integration for a year, but dominant economic interests prompted police to keep violent whites under control and eventually brokered a settlement.[?]

Despite the sit-in victory in eating establishments however, segregation remained in Atlanta until passage of the Civil Rights Act, and Klansmen repeatedly attacked sit-in demonstrators there in January 1964. After passage, Klansmen also targeted an integrated group attending a theater in Americus.[?] The next day, a white man attacked three young black and one white SNCC member with metal chairs, and threw them over a five foot lading, during a mass rally addressed by Gov. Ross Barnett, Craig and Maddox.[?] In August 64 one man was injured and two arrested in a brick and bottle throwing incident that occurred after police fatally shot black man in Albany.[?]

The worst violence took place near Athens, where Klansmen open fraternized and traded firearms with local police. An agent of the Georgia Bureau of Investigation had even been awarded a pistol for his successful recruitment of Klan members.[?] Klansmen were frustrated however, because counterpicketing had failed to prevent the desegregation of hotels, motels, restaurants and swimming pools, the token desegregation of schools and the hiring of four blacks on the city police force. Klan membership had declined drastically, from 400 to only 29, and the remaining hard-core engaging terrorism. On June 21, 1964 following a Klan rally near Covington, two carloads of Klansmen shot into a black housing development, blinding one man and wounding a girl.[?] Athens Klansmen Herbert Guest and Paul Strickland were convicted of firing guns within city limits, but since the chare of assault with intent to murder was dropped, they received only a $105 fine.[?] The subsequent shotgun shooting into another house and a black laundry was part of a campaign of terror that culminated in the killing of Lt. Col. Lemuel Penn.[?] Penn was killed in the early morning hours of July 2, when Klansmen opened fire on a car occupied by three black men near Colbert.[?] Attorney General Robert Kennedy ordered a full-scale FBI investigation, and Assistant Director J.J. Casper and 20 agents went to Athens. On Aug 6, they arrested Guest and three other members of the Clarke County Klavern, James lackey, Cecil Myers and Joseph Sims.[?] Lackey and Guest confessed, implicating Sims and Myers as the shooters[?] The Clarke County Klavern dissolved, with members moving to Oglethorpe Klavern # 224 and Walton County’s Vinegar Hill Klavern No 53, where Meyers and Sims joined. .Shelton sent a letter to all UKA klaverns in seven soutehrn states requesting donations for the defense, allowing Athens EC Tom Whitehead to collect $3000 for the defense of Myers and Sims.[?] A grand jury indicted L, M, and S, naming G as an unindicted accessory. By the time of the trial, in Danielsvile trial on sept 2 1964, both lackey and guest had recanted their confessions, accusing the FBI of coercion, The defense produced alibis, enabling an aquittal of Sims and Myers on Sept 4. The prosecuter shook hands with the defendants as they left the courtroom and the madison County sherrif attened a victory banquet.[?] James lackey’s case was dropped in the wake of the aquittal. Myers and Sims remained active in the Vinegar klavern, then left for the the NKs and soon enlisted in a faction led by Earle Holcombe and Colbert mcgriff, expelled from the UKA after a shooting incident in Griffin, known as the Black Shirts. On 16 october a federal gj returned indictments against Guest, lakey, Myes, Sims and Klansmen Denver Philips and george Turner.-for conspiracy to violate c rights. Fed judge Wm Bootle dismissed the charges on Dec 19, claiming lack of federal jurisdiction. In Oct 65, Myers and Sims twice arrested for assaulting blacks at Crawfordville. US Supreme Court revresed Bottle in 28 march 1966.[?] 8 July Myers and Sims convicted, others aquitted. Sentenced to ten year maximum.[?] This does not mean that racial killings ended, however. On January 29 1967, assailants shot and killed the wife of an Atlanta minister on her doorstep, one day after an arson attempt on their church.[?]

Crawfordville GA : school board had transferred all 165 white students to schools in surrounding counties, in unique rebuff to 72 freedom of choice applications, Negro students tried to board special busses with transfers and repulsed daily by police and State troopers. Klansmen demonstrated against protesters. Oct 5 Myers and Sims broke from hecklers to pummel stragglers in 200 person march led by SCLC’s Willie Bolden.[?]

Although Georgia was not a focus of civil rights demonstrations when the FBI launched COINTELPRO in September 1964, only two backers of President Johnson, Rep. Charles L. Welter, and Rep. Phil M. Landrum, had been elected to Congress. In the Atlanta suburb of East Point, UKA Grand Dragon Calvin Craig had lost a battle for State Senate nomination by less than 500 votes.[?] Klan organizing thus remained a major problem in the State. Over the past few years, Craig had mobilized counter demonstrations, utilizing the resultant publicity over racial tension to attract new recruits. Criag had brought about 500 Georgia Klansmen into the UKA in 1961 and was elected Grand Dragon in 1963.[?] As of January 1967 he had signed up 1400 members, mostly among skilled and semi-skilled workers. The House Un-American Activities Committee identified fifty-seven Georgia klaverns that had operated at one time or another between 1964 and 1967, most of them located in the Piedmont area north of Macon and centering on Atlanta, with some others in the Southeast.[?] No Klan chapters in Dougherty County and very few in SW GA generally, with only two within a 20 mile radius of Albany.[?]

As COINTELPRO got underway, Klaverns in the vicinity of Savannah were relatively weak. As of October 1964, Klavern #41 Savannah, which had sponsored one failed rally in summer 1964, had an average 6 attendance of only six. By January 1965, internal bickering and lack of an effective leadership had reduced it to 3-4 members. Similar situations existed in Klavern #314 Swainsboro and #310 in Waynesboro, with the latter attracting only 8-10 members at monthly meetings. Agents put Counterintelligence on hold, as they concentrated on acquiring information about the activities of five Klavern members in connection with a Federal case.

By June 1965, dissention over Robert Shelton’s leadership had led to factionalism and the ousting of a provocative dissenter. COINTELPRO helped to aggravate dissention over financial matters in Klavern #301 Washington to such a degree that the EC could drum up sufficient members to hold a meeting only rarely. Neglected by the State organization, remaining members unanimously decided not to send any more dues and returned charter in December. Of more concern was the Altamaha Men’s Club # 72 of Baxley, with 16 active members. Here, an ousted EC who had launched a paramilitary unit, causing several members to quit.[?] In early 1965 FBI agents were able to develop informants within this Klavern, by carefully interviewing Klansmen without antagonizing them.[?]

INSERT HUAC

Clayton County Unit meeting attendance declined from more than 100, to less than a dozen people after HUAC charged that members received training in explosives.[?]

By March 1966, Savannah agents had obtained the addresses of 100 active and inactive Klansmen.[?] As of May, the UKA administered six klaverns, having added one at Crawfordville. Savannah #41, which had engaged in no activity since the Civil Rights Act save for one rally in 1965, continued to attract little interest. The few new initiates included a potential informant who complained about drinking habits, escapades and police records among the older members, and alleged a misuse of funds. The Baxley Klavern, which had lost its meeting place and gone for a month without meeting, had about ten members, most of whom had been voting against taking any action. Swainsboro and Waynesboro had engaged no activity except for an annual joint rally for the last three to four years. Waynesboro Klansmen had burned a number of crosses in summer 1963-1964 but did little in 1965 save for one street walk, and planned walks were twice cancelled due to lack of attendance in early 1966. Factionalism had split the twenty-five member Crawfordville klavern in two.[?]

Agents in the Atlanta division had greater concerns, because during a strategy session with Klan officers from seven states in February 1965, in the wake of closing of George Maddox’s restaurant, Robert Shelton had declared that Klan would “take gloves off” in a “direct action” attack against integrationists.[?] An attempt to exploit the fact that [4] was “extremely bitter” that Craig had opposed his failed bid to become Imperial Klokard and had asked [8] to join him in an effort to oust the Grand Dragon apparently came to nothing.[?] Searches for personal weaknesses and idiosyncrasies on the part of Calvin Craig had proved fruitless,[?] and agents would find no evidence that he drank, womanized, or otherwise engaged in any immoral, dishonest or unethical behavior.[?] Income tax reports, which Bureau executives obtained from the IRS,[?] contained no potential for counterintelligence either.[?]

“Circumspect and judicious,” agents launched only three COINTELPRO operations during 1965, because informant development “could be adversely affected by counterintelligence, which creates tightened security.”[?] They provided a copy of “The Ku Klux Klan Today” (described in chapter X above), to Atlanta Constitution staff writer Ralph McGill, a “staunch and proven friend of the Bureau.” In addition to using it extensively for his own series, McGill passed it on to a correspondent for the Saturday Evening Post, which used it in the January 1965 issue?.[?] Agents mailed the Post article to the mayors of Buford, Canton, Cleveland, Winder, Monroe, Lawrenceville, Jonesboro, Covington, Doraville, Lithonia, Jackson, Barnesville, and College Park, along with note from “A Concerned Citizen. ” The note warned of a potential for Klan violence in their towns, and advised them of the identities of local Klan leaders and Klan meeting places.[?] The second operation concerned [6], a Province 4 Klan officer and frequent speaker at Klan rallies who had skipped town, leaving unpaid bills of several hundred dollars. Agents sent anonymous letters containing his residential and employment address to [7], and to a Monroe Georgia credit bureau.[?] Finally, after an informant told County Police Chief Howard Smith, who tipped the FBI, agents tipped off the Federal Aviation Administration that the landlord for their Jonesboro office was a Clayton County Klan unit. The FAA broke a $225 a-month lease.[?]

On October 4 Crawfordville police arrested Calvin Craig and charged him with assaulting a black teenager during a civil rights march. Craig insisted that he had acted to prevent the youth from hitting a state trooper and charged a political ‘frame-up’ arranged by Gov. Carl E. Sanders.[?] A few weeks later, in the wake of a school desegregation march by 200 children marched in protest against school segregation in that town,[?] the Talaferro County Sheriff arrested seven members of the recently-formed “Blackshirts,” including Myers and Sims. Confiscating guns, he charged them with forcing a black farmer off the road and pointing guns at him.[?] Claiming that the UKA adhered to a policy of non-violence, Craig disassociated his Klan from the suspects.[?]

In mid-June, Savannah agents sent 20 copies of the first NCDT letter to members of six UKA Klaverns, as well as some AGK members. On July 5 they sent the second NCDT letter to this group, plus 30 others. They sent the first postcard to fifty Klansmen, and the second postcard to 76.[?] Three members of #41 were “shaken up” from receipt of the cards. The Crawfordville Klavern, which was breaking up due to opposition from the local citizenry, received “a generous number” of letters and cards, after which interest and attendance dropped further, with only five Klansmen attending a recent rally. Washington Klavern members dismissed the NCDT as a “fake” organization, but wondered how the NCDT had acquired their names. At Klavern #72 Altamaha, “everybody” had become “quite upset,” and four Klansmen stopped attending meetings.[?] Six Waynesboro #310 Klansmen whose attendance had already been sparse, received pink postcard. Some blamed another Klansman while others blamed the government, and, after receipt of he second card, “Communists.”[?] Atlanta agents noted that recipients of the first NCDT letter in their division had also become very upset, and showed the letters to numerous other Klan associates.[?]

Even before the launching of these notional-communication operations, open hostility had existed between two Waynesboro #310 unit members, with [6] “see[ing] FBI agents and HCUA Representatives behind every bush” and “mak[ing] members nervous and irritable with constant warnings to be careful.”[?] In late August, Savannah agents sent letters postmarked Wren Georgia and purportedly signed by a Waynesboro #310 officer, to all twenty Klansmen who had attended meetings during the previous six months except for one. To increase friction between [11], who owned a roofing business, and [13], the letter castigated another Klansmen for poor attendance and alleged that his interest in the Klan was pecuniary. Several weeks later agents sent a second letter to the same group, plus the alleged writer of the first letter. Purportedly written by [19], it blamed [5] for the attendance problem, and alleged that he was seeking power.[?]

Along with cards, [11]’s denial of responsibility for the letter got the Klavern membership stirred up. Several traveled to Thompson Georgia to talk to 11 about the letter. Many came to suspect that [6/7], who had resigned from his klavern and from his position of [9] for the purpose of joining Klavern #314 was responsible.[?] In October, Waynesboro klavern members took the letter and the Pink postcards to a handwriting expert, who judged them to have been written by the same person, so they blamed an ex-Klavern member.[?] Klavern attendance fell.[?] At this point, all Savannah division klaverns were suffering poor attendance and most were encountering financial problems.[?] For the next seven months none of these klaverns engaged in any activity. The Washington Klavern even considered disbanding.[?] Although Georgia juries desegregated in late March, due in part t Justice Department pressure in Terrell and Baker counties,[?] and 500 people attended an April Fool’s Day rally in Atlanta,[?] interviews of Klan members regarding bombings in other areas continued to reduce membership and finances and all Klaverns remained ineffective and inactive throughout 1967.[?] No further growth occurred over the next few months, as 3 of the 5 klaverns began to seriously consider discontinuing activities or associating with more active Klaverns.[?] In April 1968, the Washington Klavern shut down.[?]

By September only three klaverns remained. Interview of an active Savannah Klanman in May had caused him to stop attending, reducing attendance to four and precluding organizaiton of a rally.[?] Only three people showed up to a Folkston recruitment session sponsored by a Thomasville Klansman.[?] By December, the Thomasville was dissolving and the Savannah quartet had lost their meeting hall. The four-five active-member Baxley Klavern was attracting an average of 10 people to meetings.[?] By April 1970 only one active klavern, which had never been a source of trouble, remained.[?]

In late 1969, Savannah agents had briefly turned their attention to [18], a “self-styled Black Panther Party organizer” in Augusta.[?] In May 1970,[?] Augusta police shot six blacks in the back and killed them, after looting broke out and white motorists were attacked during violent protests over the killing of a retarded black youth in jail.[?] Within days, Gov. Maddox would send 200 National Guard at to deal with similar disorders in Athens.[?] Despite the unrest, no Klan of Black nationalist organizing occurred in the area, and COINTELPRO faded away.[?]

July 1969 ‘very strained relationship between two UKA leaders. 6 feels 6 is trying to take over the UKA” and was “bleeding” the UKA of funds.[?]

Violence: anon letter from Klan wife: appeal to rank and file to cause soul searching. cause wives to exert pressures on husbands to drop Klan ffil. set forth unhappy family life experienced. home life impaired, husband stopped attending church, mistreated children, lost interest in his work, marriage nearly ended in divorce.--join Christianity and Americanism. hierarchy parasites. violence Negro army officer serving his country. one of tried shot his own wife in face. Luizzo demonstrator ride w negro but no right to take life left 5 children motherless. Brewster not a demonstrator, conviction. recently killed himself in public brawl. I am Christan and American. because of that have to resign my K oath. "quote already used K not C or Am. not used cause not want to flood mails, but reveals thinking about rank and file[?]

5/15/66 Calvin F. Craig, grand Dragon, UKA, Inc., was guest on radio "Open Line program" Bureau authorized three questions of an embarrassing nature to be asked of Craig, but unable to get through on tied up lines.[?] WQXI. but klansmen had tied up lines with favorable calls and questions[?] moderator asks many questions FBI would have asked if had gotten thru to radio [ie. media not used by FBI but agreed consensus on what's imp. Judo, training admit, etc.[?]

As of March 1966, the Atlanta office had acquired names and addresses for 350 Klansmen in the various Klan groups.[?] 4/20/66 B gave 20 NCDT letters.[?] Cartoons mailed Atlanta division caused anger, and recipients of the NCDT letter became very upset.[?]

April 1966, Governor Sanders sent in 36 state troopers to patrol Cordele Louisiana, after Georgia Grand Dragon Calvin Craig announced that he would conduct a Klan rally in response to an incident where black demonstrators protesting school conditions ripped down the Courthouse flag.[?] Black State Senator Leroy Johnson protested the Fulton Chief registrar’s comment that he “had no answer” to Grand Dragon Calvin Craig’s demand that klansmen be sworn in as deputy Voting Registrars, in the wake of his deputization of 200 blacks. While conceding tht individual klansmen could not be prevented from becoming deputies, he denounced the idea of deputizing Klansmen “as a group” as “unthinkable” given “that this organization has been declared subversive and many of its members have been indicted, others convicted and sentenced for acts of violence . . .”[?] June 28 1966 Cordele GA w-b shootout.[?] July 17 66 Cordele GA seven Klansmen arrested for illegal possession of riot equipment at a Klan rally.[?] July 18 1966 seven charged with carrying concealed weapons after search of cars conducted by 100 state troopers and sheriff’s officers, including black jacks, night sticks, tear gas, and pistols in their cars at a KKK rally 7/18 attended by 500 Klan sympathizers as Craig levied verbal attacks at the police.[?] 9/10-12 1966 after two white gunmen killed a black youth in a drive-by shooting, riots resulted in 20 injuries and five reports of firebombing.[?]

Riots broke out in Atlanta on Labor Day 1966, after Stokely Carmichael urged blacks to ignore the Atlanta mayor’s appeal for calm in the wake of a police shooting.[?]

7/67 Clayton County #52 broke away from UKA, one of largest and most active units in GA broke away from UKA.[?]

A July 4 1967 rally in support of Vietnam soldiers at Stone Mountain managed to attract 2000 robed Klansmen and 300 uniformed security guards and 1000 more.[?]

4/68 Firebombers struck KKK HQ in AT during MLK assasination riots.[?] Gov. Maddox acknowleged that he had issued orders to state troopers to shoot demonstrators if they attempted to enter GA Capitol Building, which he had refused to close during funeral march for Dr. MLK by 200,000.[?] Supreme Court upholds convictions of four white men accused of beating up three blacks after patronized restaurant in Braselton lat year. 64 CRA can be used to punish “conspiracies by outside hoodlums to assault Negroes.”[?]

1968: agents sent a long letter to Klansmen in Georgia and Alabama, as well as about 10 Klansmen in each of the states of North Carolina, Mississippi, South Florida and Virginia. Sent to Klan officers, Klansmen who had expressed dissatisfaction with Shelton’s leadership, Klansmen who could be expected to inform Shelton about the letter, and poor Klansmen, the letter attacked Robert Shelton and other Imperial Officers for misusing UKA income. The letter alleged that they were using UKA money to support four families, providing them with “fine homes, automobiles, a private airplane, and paid vacations to Florida.”[?] The letter pointed out that Shelton’s home klavern at Tuscaloosa Alabama, “is almost inactive,” and asked, “Did you know that many of the klaverns in Alabama have folded up and are inactive?” “Many of [the UKA’s] most valuable leaders,” it declared, “have resigned in disgust.”[?]

6/68 SNCC office in Atlanta practically closed down, reduced to five staff members.[?]

July 1970 request to put Donalsonville #3 out of existence and free up informant to join another Klavern. (ie run by informant?). at time when outdoor rallies normally occur, only one UKA and one NKKKK.[?] Still trying to do this in 4/71.[?] Also, attendance at John B. Gordon klavern #91 has gradually fallen off and when State HQ building was sold, klavern lost meeting place.[?] 10/14/70 request permission to put out of existence. Eatonton GA racial violence over labor day weekend, so resident agent confers wihth police chief, sheriff, and local GBI agent. Resident Agent also contacted various Klansmen including owner of rally site to persuade to cancel. Unclear if cancelled.[?] Yet: Emergency situation, Labor Day racial violence, advised that Eagle #441 Klavern, UKA was to stage a rally and cros burning in Eatonton GA on 9/11 Resident Agent went ahead wo Bureau authority 9/8/70 and conferred with police chief, sheriff, and the local Agent of the Georgia Bureau of Investigation. Agent had these offices contact klansmen to persuade them to cancel the rally in the interests of public peace and safety.[?]

Sept 1970 Craig says is forming militant secret group like weathermen that would be neither anti-black nor anti-Jew.[?] He left the Klan shortly after publication of Sims’ book.[?]

4/15/71. Newly activated klavern and considering intrviews. Fiery Cross #113 is inactive-has held no meetings since 11/10/70.[?]

1975 Klan ha several meetings near Macon, Eatonton and Stone Mountian, where a black journalist was beaten up. 1978 two Atlanta based cr workers beaten. 1979 marches in Macon and Columbus. GA assembly passes law against paramilitary training in 1981. That yar Klan burn cross at pearson, harassed Hispanic workers in Cedartown, painted swastikas on Jewish mailboxes in Marietta and counterdemonstrated against a civil-rights march in walton County. Membership grew to almost 1000 in 1982. May 15, hundred march at laGrange, and 5-600 attend rally. More rallies at Stockbridge, Carrollton. Activity noted in Jonesboro, Darien, Millen, Hogansville, and columbus. 300 attend rally at Stone Mtn in sept. Spaulding County seat of Grifin became center of activity with Klan floats in 1980 4 July and Christmas parades.[?] June GJ indict 3 on cros burning at homes of b man and his white attorney 1983 new Gov Joe Frank Harris set up GBI anti-terror squad. Dis-unified and declined rest 80s. by 86 GBI estimates 250 in five factions. bans in Hartwell and Danielsville in summer 86 and unsuccessful attempts to ban as ACLU helps in Augusta, and in 1987, College Park, where 200 marched. Late 1980s and 1990s Gainesville center w IE GT Daniel Carver.. 289 marhch as 250 state plice cordon of 1500 countrdemonstrators.[?] Racial incidents include mail bombings by racist tht killed white fed judge in AL, Savannah cr attorney and city councilman by Leroy Moody of rex GA. July 1990 son of clayton county community leadr arrested for firbombing that gutted local NAACP HQ.[?] 1990 about dozen incidents including two firebombings of AT NAACP offices and black familiy’s home, cross burnings and vandalism.[?]

POST:

1980 Wrightsville, small town of 2000 50 miles west of Macon, where segregation of public facilities, employment discrimination remained, law enforcement officers encouraged and participated in an attack against demonstrators, by a mob of 200 whites armed with clubs and chains. As J.B. Stoner and Wilkinson’s Knights arrived in town, State Police were called in to separate about 300 demonstrators from a mob of about 100 whites.[?]

1982 Millen City Council refuses permit to Klan to distribute literature at Court of Appeals in town where white woman lost custody of her white child because she had a child by a black man out of wedlock.[?]

5 GA Klansmen indicted in 2 assaults. Broke into homes to attack interracial couple in Tallapoosa, fracturing man’s skull and whippping ww believed to be associating w blacks w belt in Waco.[?]

1987 Cumming, Forsythe County 400 hostile counter-demonstrators include J. B. stoner and Dave Holland’s Southern White Knights and supporters throwing rocks bottles and mud stop group of 90 anti-intimidation marchers according to GBI. Stoner passed out literature describing AIDS as a black disease.[?] County’s 38,000 residents all white had lynched black men and driven out black pop in 1912 after alleged rape.[?] 20000 b and w led by Hosea Wiliams and protected by 1000-1500 nat Guard and 6-700 pd officers 1 1/2 mi route. 100 jeer/curiosity seek march.[?] 56 had been arrested in Forsyth march. Two weeks later AT suburb of College Park 125 Invisible Knights Ed Stephens marchers protesting slaying of white youth in Dec, allegedly by four blacks met by almost twice as many demonstrators.[?] 7 indicted in Forsyth events on charges from carrying deadly weapon to impersonating pd officer.[?]

200 robed protest proposal to posthumously pardon leo frank in marietta. 300 include City Council counterdemonstrate.[?]

Extra:

ADL claim 7000 as of 1965.[?]

Sept 66 AT riot black power chant and pummel cars w rocks concrete chunks two nights of rioting sparked by shooting of black teen.[?]

[1] Trelease, White Terror, 385, 419.

[2] Trelease, White Terror, 64, 79, 118; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 16.

[3] Donald L. Grant, The Way It Was in the South: The Black Experience in Georgia, (New York: Carol Publishing, 1993), 92.

[4] Trelease, White Terror, 117.

[5] Grant, The Way It Was, 105; Trelease, White Terror, 7678

[6] Grant, The Way It Was, 116.

[7] Grant, The Way It Was, 118-119.

[8] Jonathan M. Bryant, “‘We Have No Chance of Justice before the Courts,”: The Freedmen’s Struggle for Power in Greene County, Georgia, 1865-1874,” in John C. Inscoe ed., Georgia in Black and White: Explorations in the Race Relations of a Southern State, 1865-1950, (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994), 15-17, 23, 43, 77; Bryant, How Curious a Land, 126-128; Grant, The Way It Was, 117.

[9] Jonathan M. Bryant, How Curious a Land: Conflict and Change in Greene County, 1850-1885, (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996), 120-121.

[10] Bryant, “‘We Have No Chance,” 13-14, 23-29; Bryant, How Curious a Land, 129-133.

[11] Bryant, “‘We Have No Chance,” 43-44.

[12] Grant, The Way It Was, 121.

[13] Trelease, White Terror, 226-228.

[14] Grant, The Way It Was, 117-118; Trelease, White Terror, 228-230.

[15] Grant, The Way It Was, 119; Trelease, White Terror, 230-238.

[16] Grant, The Way It Was, 119-120; Trelease, White Terror, 235, 238-.

[17] Grant, The Way It Was, 120-121.

[18] Trelease, White Terror, 240-244; Grant, The Way It Was, 122-123, 139, 222.

[19] Trelease, White Terror, 318-335.

[20] Grant, 124-125 (quote).

[21] Grant, The Way It Was, 124-125, 228-229; Andrew M. Manis, Macon Black and White: An Unutterable Separation in the American Century, (Macon: Mercer University Press, 2004), 19.

[22] Grant, The Way It Was, 314-318; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 29-30.

[23] Grant, The Way It Was, 318.

[24] Alexander 59, 64, 67, 76; (Feld 133-4), Jackson 67-68, Newton R&R 387.

[25] Grant, The Way It Was, 319.

[26] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 71.

[27] Grant, The Way It Was, 319; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 71-72.

[28] Chalmers 76, Gillette and Tillinger, 45; Newton R&R 390

[29] In 1919, induction ceremonies had been held in the Bib County Superior Court room. Manis, Macon Black and White, 91-99 (quote p 96.

[30] The Klan-backed candidate for Representative in the District including Macon won, as did their choice for Senate and Governor. Manis, Macon Black and White, 99-106.

[31] Georgia led the nation in lynchings in 1930. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 73-76; Grant, The Way It Was, 320-355.

[32] Grant, The Way It Was, 319.

[33] Michael Dennis, Luther P. Jackson and a Life for Civil Rights, (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2004), 94. .

[34] Moseley, Chapter VI; Manis, Macon Black and White, 165-169, 355, 364-366.

[35] Timothy Minchin, Hiring, 92.

[36] Brooks, “From Hitler and Tojo,” 199-202.

[37] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 321-322; Dray, 377-382, Newton Racial and Religious Violence, 420-425; Carlson The Plotters, 49-50; “Klan Terrorists Linked to Killing,” NYT 8 June 1946, 28

[38] Grant, The Way It Was, 367 (quote)-368.

[39] Grant, The Way It Was, 368; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 336.

[40] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 333, 336.

[41] Newton Racial and Religious Violence, 425-433.

[42] Moseley, 144-156; Newton, KKK Encylopedia, 240-241.

[43] Wade, Fiery Cross, 283.

[44] Newton Racial and Religious Violence, 420-425; Rice, 109.

[45] Wade, Fiery Cross, 294.

[46] Newton, KKK Encyclopedia, 376-377.

[47] Grant, The Way It Was, 387.

[48] Grant, The Way It Was, 370.

[49] Brooks, “From Hitler and Tojo,” 214n69; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 329-332.

[50] NYT 8, 15 June 1946; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 327-329, 333.

[51] Arnold Rice, The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics, (Washington D.C: Public Affairs Press, 1962), 112-114.

[52] Arnold Rice, The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics, (Washington DC: Public Affairs Press, 1962), 112-114,

[53] AP, “Top Klansman Indicted in Dynamiting,” Washington Post, 28 July 1951, B4.

[54] They became misdemeanors. AP, “Georgia Senate Votes for Anti-Mask Bill,” Washington Post, 20 January 1951, B5; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 337, 340.

[55] Grant, The Way it Was, 370-371.

[56] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 330-331; Rice, 109; Wade, 283.

[57] Newton, R&R, 425-434; “Federal Aid Threatened, NYT 30 August 1949, 28.

[58] Newton, FBI and KKK, 47-48.

[59] Moseley, 140.

[60] Moseley, 141.

[61] Moseley, 140.

[62] Moseley, 155, cites NYT 8/24, 30. 1949.

[63] FBI investigators collected records for the suit. Grant, The Way It Was, 371.

[64] Grant, The Way It Was, 401.

[65] McMillan, Citizens Council, 80, 103.

[66] McMillan, Citizens Council, 80.

[67] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 343.

[68] HUAC, Present Day; US House, Committee on Un-American Activities, Hearings regarding HR 15678, HR 15689, HR 15744, HR 15754, and HR 16099, Bills to Curb terrorist organizations: Hearings, 89th Cong., 2nd Sess., (Washington D.C: US Government printing Office, 1966), 1399-1521.

[69] Grand Dragon Eldon Edwards was a member of local #34. Draper, Conflicts of Interest, 28; Bruce Nelson, Divided We Stand: American Workers and the Struggle for Black Equality, 222-223.

[70] Moseley, 162, cites Knebel and Mollenhoff, The New Terror to the South, 66.

[71] Manis, Macon Black and White, 200.

[72] Parker, Violence in the U.S., 18; Newton, R&R, 435-457, (Nunnelley77-9),

[73] Director to Albany and all Continental Offices, 1023/58, Bombings and Attempted Bombings, Racial Matters, 6-7, FBI San Francisco file 100-44462, “Bombings and Attempted Bombings,” Lazar archive.

[74] SAC Letter No. 63-4, 1/23/63, 7, FBI San Francisco file 100-44462, “Bombings and Attempted Bombings,” Lazar archive.

[75] George McMillan, “New Bombing Terrorists of the South Call Themselves NACIREMA-America Spelled Backward,” Life, 11 October 1963, 39-40; Grant, The Way It Was, 380. According to one FBI source, William B. Crowe organized an ‘action’ group called NACIMREMA in December 1961 but surveillance and interviews by Atlanta Police Department detectives forced it to disband in May 1962. SAC Letter No 63-4, 1/23/63, 18, FBI San Francisco file 100-44462, “Bombings and Attempted Bombings,” Lazar archive.

[76] Jeff Roche, Restructured Resistance: The Sibley Commission and the Politics of Desegregation in Georgia, (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998) xiv-xvii, Chapter 5; Grant, The Way It Was, 380-381.

[77] A minor Klan demonstration took place at Georgia Tech. Newton, KKK Encyclopedia, 29; Grant, The Way It Was, 383-385. A rally in Macon in the wake of desegregation of Mercer University attracted 100 Klansmen but no violence occurred there either. Manis, Macon Black and White, 247.

[78] Grant, The Way It Was, 381-382; Elsie Carper, “Tension Eases as Atlanta Ends Second Day of Desegregation,” Washington Post, 1 September 1961, A2; idem, “How Peaceful Desegregation Prevailed When Atlanta Complied With Desegregation Rule,” Washington Post, 3 September 1961, F10; James T. Patterson, Brown vs. Board of Education: A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 104-105.

[79] Grant, The Way It Was, 524-526.

[80] In Marietta, an interracial fight resulted in injuries and 14 arrests. Atlanta was the first major Southern city to desegregate. In contrast to Alabama and Mississippi, the Freedom Riders were not targeted by vigilantes or arrested by police in Atlanta. Grant, The Way It Was, 390-400, 415-420 (quote 392).

[81] Grant, The Way It Was, 396.

[82] Grant, The Way It Was, 401-402.

[83] New Pittsburgh Courier Jul 21, 1962.

[84] Grant, The Way It Was, 419.

[85] Karl Flemming, Son of the Rough South: An Uncivil Memoir, (X: 2005), 251-252.

[86] Grant, The Way It Was, 402.

[87] Grant, The Way It Was, 410-413; Howard Zinn, Albany: A Study in National Responsibility, (Atlanta: Southern Regional Council, 1962).

[88] Robert E. Baker, “Rights Movement Stabs Into Depths of Dixie,” Washington Post, 9 September 1962, E1; Moseley, 191-192; Grant, The Way It Was, 413.

[89] Wilson was not charged and the mother moved out. Strain, Pure Fire, 75-76.

[90] Grant, The Way It Was, 414.

[91] Foster and Epstein, 22; Newton Racial and Religious Violence, 456-457; Parker, 27-28, Tully, 222-224.

[92] Luders, “Civil Rights Success,” 4-6.

[93] Luders, “Civil Rights Success,” 6.

[94] Grant, The Way It Was, 422; Racial and Religious Violence, 464-476.

[95] Policemen also assaulted them. Reg Murphy, “Crowd at Wallace Speech beats three negro Youths,” Washington Post, 5 July 1964, A3.

[96] AP, “Racial Oubreaks Flare Across South,” Washington Post, 17 August 1964, A6.

[97] Bill Shipp, Murder at Broad River Bridge, The Slaying of Lemuel Penn by Members of the Ku Klux Klan, (Atlanta, 1981), 28-29.

[98] William Bradford Huey, “The Klan on Trial,” Saturday Evening Post, 19 June 1965, 89.

[99] Ramon Geremia, “4 Arrested In Slaying of Penn,” Washington Post, 7 August 1964, A1.

[100] Surrounding rural areas remained staunchly segregated. Bart Barnes, “Penn Slaying Seen part of pattern of Intimidation,” Washington Post, 14 July 1964, A3.

[101] Bullard, 70-1; Gillette and Tillinger, 127-8, Wade, 345; Whitehead, Attack on Terror, 310-312; Parker 69.

[102]. Gillette and Tillinger, 128-30; Parker 69-70, Whitehead 310-312.

[103] Bullard, 70-1; Gillette and Tillinger, 129, 130-132; Tully 217.

[104] HUAC, Present Day, 27, 39, 120.

[105] Gillette and Tillinger, 133-8; HUAC, Present Day, 73; Overstreet, 308, 310; Parker, Violence in the U.S., 70; Tully, 213-214.

[106] Gillete and Tillinger, 138; HUAC, Present Day, 27, 52, 119-120, 140; Newton, KKK, 410, 521; Overstreet, 311; Parker, Violence in the U.S., 70; Tuly 213-214.

[107] Bullard, 71; Overstreet 311; Parker, Violence in the U.S., 70-71.

[108] “Wife of Negro Minister Shot to death in Atlanta,” New York Times, 30 January 1967, 16.

[109] Branch, At Canaan’s Edge, 347-348.

[110] AP, “2 Johnson Backers Win in Georgia,” Washington Post, 11 September 1964, A5.

[111] HUAC, The Present-Day Ku Klux Klan Movement, 26-27, 151-152; Paul Good, “Georgia House to Get New Look Wednesday,” Washington Post, 5 May 1965, A6; UP, “Klan Pickets Atlanta Hotels, Restaurants,” Los Angeles Times, 12 January 1964, D13.

[112] HUAC, Present-Day KKK, 37, 62; HUAC, Hearings, 1560, 1566-1568; Moseley, 213-223.

[113] McMillan, Citizens’ Council 20.

[114] Savannah to Director, 10/14/64, 12/30/64, 1/27/65, 3/30/65, 4/5/65, 6/2/65; Baumgardner to Sullivan, 1/13/65.

[115] Director to Savannah, 1/27/65; Savannah to Director, 3/30/65.

[116] One eastern NC resident refused to sell land to a local Klavern. James K. Batten, “Once Robust Klan is Clearly Ailing,” Charlotte Observer, 27 February 1966, 1.

[117] Savannah to Director, 3/22/66.

[118] Savannah to director, 5/17/66.

[119] Bill Shipp, “’Taking Off Gloves, Mopping Up,’ Klan Says,” Atlanta Constitution, 8 February 1965, get page.

[120] “Considerable dissatisfaction” caused by the head of a Ladies Auxiliary unit had also proved useless. Atlanta to Director, 9/16/64, 10/14/64; Director to Atlanta, 9/29/64; Baumgardner to Sullivan, 9/28/64.

[121] Atlanta to Director, 1/7/65.

[122] Atlanta to director, 8/2/65.

[123] Driector to Atlanta, 8/23/65.

[124] Atlanta to Director, 12/6/65.

[125] AT to Dir 1/7/65 .

[126] Atlanta to Director, 9/17/64, 1/7/65; Sullivan to Baumgardner, 9/25/64(quote); Director to Atlanta, 9/25/64 and attachment, “The Klan Today”; Ralph McGill, “Gen. Forrest Said it First,” Atlanta Constitution, 8 December 1964; idem, “The Klans Are Profitable, 9 December 1964; John M. Goshko, “FBI Airs Disruptive Tactics,” Washington Post, 16 August 1975, A1.

[127] Atlanta to Director, 6/9/65, 8/2/65; Director to Atlanta, 6/21/65.

[128] Atlanta to Director, 8/18/65, 10/21/65; Director to Atlanta, 9/8/65.

[129] “$225 in U. S. Funds Put in Georgia Klan Coffers,” Washington Post, 4 November 1965, A2.

[130] UPI, “Ga. Klan Chief Accused of Assault on Negro, 17,” Washington Post, 5 October 1965, A6.

[131] Paul Good, “200 Crawfordville Negro Children march in protest,” Washington Post, 12 October 1965, A6.

[132] The farmer had not been involved in the demonstrations. UPI, “7 Klansmen Under Arrest in Georgia,” Washington Post, 19 October 1965, A1.

[133] Paul Good, “Klan’s reluctant grand Dragon,” Washington Post, 17 October 1965, E1.

[134] There had been a complete turnover of Klansmen since January 1966.

[135] Savannah to Director, 6/27/66, 6/30/66, 8/27/66, 12/30.66. quotes

[136] Savannah to Director, 6/30/66, 8/27/66, 12/30.66. quotes

[137] Atlanta to Director, 7/19/66.

[138] Savannah to Director, 5/17/66.

[139] Savannah to Director, 6/23/66, 7/21/66; Director to Savannah, 8/4/66. 4 spells hins name with one M. Birmingham Report, 10/24/67, 2 FBI HQ File 157-552 #44 “Robert M. Shelton,” Lazar archive.

[140] Savannah to Director, 9/30/66.

[141] Savannah to Director, 9/30/66, 12/30/66.

[142] Savannah to Director, 10/27/66.

[143] Savannah to Director, 10/27/66, 12/30/66.

[144] Savanah to Director, 3/30/67, 6/30/67.

[145] AG Annual Report, 1967, 181-182.

[146] throughout 1967,

[147] Savannah to Director, 10/2/67.

[148] Savannah to Director, 1/2 /68.

[149] Savannah to Director, 4/4/68.

[150] Savannah to Director, 9/30/68.

[151] Savannah to Director, 9/30/68.

[152] Savannah to Director, 12/31/68.

[153] Savannah to Director, 4/6/70.

[154] Savannah to Director, 12/31/69, 4/6/70, 9/25/70, 3/31/71.

[155] Savannah to Director, 7/8/70.

[156] “Witnesses to Augusta Riot Say 3 of 6 Killed Were Bystanders,” New York Times, 17 May 1970, 1; “Six dead in Augusta Were Shot in Back,” New York Times, 14 May 1970, 1.

[157] “Troops in Athens Georgia,” New York Times, 14 May 1970, 1.

[158] Savannah to Director, 3/31/71.

[159] Atlanta to Director, 7/29/69.

[160] AT to Dir 11/10/66; Dir to AT 11/22/66, 4/14/67.

[161] Atlanta to Director, FBI 7/19/66.

[162] UPI, "FBI's 'Dirty Tricks' Against Klan Revealed, reprinted in The Klansman, 1:5, May 1976.

[163] AT to Dir 5/17/66.

[164] Atlanta to Director, 3/8/66.

[165] Atlanta to Director, 4/25/66.

[166] “KKK, Rightists Stir Tense Town,” Charlotte Observer, 3 April 1966, 10A.

[167] “Klansmen Vote Aides Denounced,” Atlanta Constitution, 27 April 1966, 7.

[168] Newton, Racial and Religious Violence, 492.

[169] Newton, Racial and Religious Violence, 493.

[170] UPI, “Car Search Reveals Klansmen’s Weapons,” Washington Post, 19 July 1966, A6.

[171] Newton, Racial and Religious Violence, 496.

[172] A Smaller disturbance broke out four nights later, following the murder of a black youth. Grant, The Way It Was, 427.

[173] Tampa to Director, 1/15/67, UKA/KKKK-FL Tampa File, Section 3.

[174] “Guard is Sent into Put Down New Pittsburg Outburst,” Washington Post, 8 April 1968, A8.

[175] Ted Simmons, “A Maddox Threat to marchers Aired,” Washington Post, 6 July 1968, A2.

[176] “Punative Powers of 1964 Act Upheld,” Washington Post, 9 April 1968, A13.

[177] Director to Birmingham, Atlanta, Charlotte, Jackson, Miami, Richmond, 3/28/68, (Birmingham file).

[178] Alsho.

[179] Atlanta to Director, 6/19/68 BNHG.

[180] Atlanta to Director, 7/16/70.

[181] Atlanta to Director, 4/15/71.

[182] Atlanta to Director, 10/14/70.

[183] Atlanta to Director, 10/14/70 (#2).

[184] Atlanta to Director, FBI 10/14/70.

[185] UPI, “Rightist Plans Militant group,” Washington Post, 22 September 1970, A8.

[186] Sims, The Klan, (1996), 265.

[187] Atlanta to Director, 4/15/71.

[188] Grant, The Way It Was, 557.

[189] Grant, The Way It Was, 558.

[190] Grant, The Way It Was, 560.

[191] Grant, The Way It Was, 561.

[192] Grant, The Way It Was, 449-450

[193] “Klan rebuffed,” Washington Post, 23 January 1982, A10.

[194] AP, “5 Klansmen Indicted in 2 Georgia Assaults,” Washington Post, 11 August 1984, A2.

[195] John A. Bolt, “Klan, Supporters Pelt marchers in All-White Georgia County,” Washington Post, 18 January 1987, A1; AP, “2nd march Planned in All-White County,” Washington Post, 20 January 1987, A5. .

[196] Morris S. Thompson, “Marchers Descend on County that Time Forgot,” Washington Post, 24 January 1987, A1.

[197] Morris S. Thompson, “20,000 march in Georgia,” Morris S. Thompson, 25 January 1987, A1.

[198] UPI, “Klan Marchers demonstrate in Georgia as Others protest,” Washington Post, 8 February 1987, A 14.

[199] UPI, “7 Indicted in Forsyth Disorder,” Washington Post, 11 February 1987, A6; Grant, The Way It Was, 554-556.

[200] “Klan March Opposes Pardon,” Washington Post, 4 September 1983, A5.

[201] Foster and Epstein, Report on the Ku Klux Klan, 7-8.

[202] “Police Cars Are Rocked in Atlanta,” Charlotte Observer, 13 September 1966, 1.

[i] Atlanta to Director, 7/19/66.

[ii] Atlanta to Director, 7/31/67.

................
................

In order to avoid copyright disputes, this page is only a partial summary.

Google Online Preview   Download