Senior Thesis - Georgetown University
Senior Thesis
Barrie M. Adleberg
Advisor: Dr. Joseph Richardson, Professor African- American Studies,
University of Maryland, College Park
2007-2008
Cop Killer or Political Prisoner? A Case Study of the Role of Philadelphia’s Print Media in Developing the Dominant Narrative of Mumia Abu- Jamal
Chapter 1
Problem Statement
The Philadelphia media has played an influential role in conjuring support and opposition in the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal since the night of his arrest on December 9, 1981. The publicity and news coverage surrounding his arrest, death row sentence, and subsequent court appeals are responsible for building a narrative which mainstream media purports to be truth and alternative media continues to scrutinize. When Mumia Abu- Jamal was arrested he was known as a civil rights journalist, who also moonlighted as a taxi cab driver. Following his arrest he was suddenly transformed into a political prisoner, cop killer, martyr, and threat to the free world. The culmination of all these factors resulted in his indictment of guilt by the media long before the criminal justice system delivered its ruling.
On the night of December 9, 1981 an altercation left 26 year old Police Officer Daniel Faulkner with a fatal gunshot to the head and political journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal in critical condition from bullet wounds. The details surrounding the altercation, as well as forensics extracted in the autopsy and witnesses to the incident, are all subjective depending on the source. The news articles documenting the events of this tragic night provide contradictory character analyses of the slain officer and the radical journalist. In many respects, it is through the lens of Philadelphia print media that the populace has come to understand the case of Mumia Abu- Jamal. While mainstream papers convicted him as a cop-killer months before his June 1982 trial, alternative sources continued to demand due process.
In the case study of Mumia-Abu Jamal, the perspectives presented by Philadelphian mainstream and alternative media are divergent in their representations of the same man. The alternative and national media provide two contrasting portraits of Mumia Abu- Jamal: one a Nationalist political prisoner and the other an unruly black cop killer. This thesis will explore the influence of Philadelphia print media coverage in sculpting Mumia’s public identity, by investigating several questions: 1) How did the Philadelphia municipality initially react to his incarceration and subsequent appeals? 2) To what extent has each media source illuminated race politics? 3) To what extent did Mumia’s role as an author and journalist effect his public perception? This thesis will illuminate the relationship between race, politics, and journalism.
Historical Background: Mumia v. the Philadelphia Police Department
Mumia Abu-Jamal has been confined to a Pennsylvania state cell for 26 years. His incarceration in 1982 for allegedly murdering Officer Daniel Faulkner sparked both local and international controversy and his case continues to generate scrutiny and attention to social justice issues often propagated by the media, political activists, and Mumia’s own commentary on systemic oppression. This murder case is one of the most widely publicized death row cases in the past decades in America. Mumia has been placed on and taken off of death row three times. Primarily as a response to political pressure and swaying public opinion, this see-saw of fatality has grabbed the interest of many political agencies, activists, journalists, and citizens. His incarceration has spurred criticism of the United States penal system, questioning the role of capital punishment in this country. Mumia’s case stretches beyond the confines of guilt vs. innocence. His case and imprisonment are illustrative of two oppositional movements. One movement is working to silence Black Nationalist resistance by amplifying race politics. The second movement exposes the corruption in Mumia’s trial and ongoing racism that continues to impede his pursuit of vindication.
The print sources examined in this thesis study represent several of the media outlets in Philadelphia which framed the details of Mumia’s arrest, incarceration, and ongoing case. The use of print media news often subliminally encourages readers to internalize the news with biases. It is the evolution of journalism from perceived impartial fact to a medium of communication impressionable to societal influence that has outlined the discourse on how media shapes public opinion. Berkowitz (1997) contends, journalists are not objective bearers of truth, but are instead makers of a product shaped through a variety of social forces. The mainstream print media often represents the ideals and opinions of the status-quo, powerful corporations, and government entities including the police force. In the Philadelphia mainstream print media, Mumia has been depicted as a cop-killer, racist, and social deviant. And while mainstream print continued to assail the public with bylines pronouncing unquestionable guilt, alternative papers, which typically reach a much narrower readership, focus their commentary on examining nuances which question the print media’s dominant narrative of the case.
Chapter 2
Literature Review
The role of media in shaping public opinion is a study that revolves around the dynamic relationship between the news source and its readership. Biases in print have the potential to translate to widespread public sentiment based on the dissemination of media outlets. The literature examined in this section explores the role of media in shaping the perceptions of a concentrated populace by analyzing ideological biases, journalistic objectivity, article framing, and resonance in print that contribute to the creation of a dominant narrative and often to propagate popular myth. Philadelphia print media coverage of Mumia Abu- Jamal is analyzed as a case study exposing corruption in journalistic objectivity in a standardized mainstream narrative that permeated public consciousness.
Scholars recognize and understand the evolving notion that “People’s reasoning about divisive political issues may be shaped by the mass media’s depiction of the issues because both journalistic norms and market forces dampen strong ideological biases within most news organizations”.[1] Many critics, including Bennett (1996) note that “The restriction of media coverage within a narrow liberal- conservative latitude is itself a kind of status-quo bias”.[2] Consequently, there is no definitive method of measuring journalistic status-quo biases; however the power of journalism is in its ability to shape society and public perception. Mead (1925) asserts news is a way in which people create order out of disorder by transforming knowing into telling.[3] Print media is written authority as the structure in which fact is served to the public. Soloski (1989) purports that “Events can be safely presented as a series of facts that require no explanation of their political significance by presenting the news as a series of facts”.[4] Therefore, the theories referenced in this study construct the discourse on how underlying social agendas are embedded in the news delivered to the public as fact.
Analyzing Ideological biases
Lule (1995) contends local news implicitly traces the symbolic boundaries of the community.[5] As members of society who author this thought shaping mechanism, local news reporters are thus involved in the cyclical relationship of the story teller and receiver. Soloski (1989) debates that “While it is true that news legitimizes and supports the existing politico-economic system, it is not true that journalists’ selection of news stories reflects a conscious desire on their part to report the news in such a way that the status-quo is maintained”.[6] Gans and Tuchman (1978,1979) substantiate Soloski’s claim by presenting the natural place to find newsworthy sources will be in the power structure of society because journalists see the current politico-economic system as a naturally occurring state of affairs.[7] Journalists are just as likely to be receptors to news as general body citizens. Therefore, the facts presented in mainstream print are automatically contorted by an objective perspective because journalists are human. Sears (1988) offers commentary on an example of racism embedded in print. Sears (1988) asserts, “One hallmark of modern racism is that overly racist rhetoric often is absent while muted racist beliefs are proffered in shadows and shades of expression”.[8] And because of the subliminal bias of the writer, Lule (1995) pronounces, “Stereotypes precede reason and thus unavoidably shapes the story of the story teller”.[9]
Journalistic objectivity
Berkowitz (1997) claims that because news is the result of social processes, then journalists can never discard their socially learned beliefs about society and how the world works.[10] He builds this theory on the pretense that journalists are not objective bearers of truth, but are instead makers of a product shaped through a variety of social forces.[11] Roscho (1975) discusses journalistic integrity. “For journalists in the United States, objectivity is the most important professional norm, and from it flows more specific aspects of news professionalism such as news judgment, the selection of sources and the structure of news beats. Objectivity does not reside in news stories themselves; rather, it resides in the behavior of the journalists.” Functioning under the assumption that journalists act in ways that allow them to report the news objectively, the definition of objectivity changes meaning in order to conform to evolving practice that places primary importance on reporting with balance rather than impartial observation.[12] News has become the formulaic product of news assemblers, rather than the observations of impartial writers. Berkowitz (1997) recognizes this transition; he suggests, “The work of news assemblers invokes taking cues from news promoters to select which occurrences should be acknowledged as ‘really happening’. When news is viewed this way, it becomes not an objective reality about discrete events but instead an effort to present one version of reality as news rather than another”.[13]
Article framing
Perspective, or the lens by which news is read, is a tool used to sculpt public perceptions. Berkowitz (1997) describes the study of news like viewing a hologram: “A person can get closer or farther away. A person can stand in different places. Each new perspective will reveal a different aspect of the same holographic picture. There is no way, though, that that a person can find a single vantage point where the entire hologram can be viewed all at once”.[14] But if only one view is portrayed, and the other sides are inaccessible, then the hologram becomes one- dimensional. The dimension in which the story is explored and relayed to the public is its frame. Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley (1997) examine the effects of framing media content. “By framing social and political issues in specific ways, news organizations declare the underlying causes and likely consequences of a problem and establish criteria for evaluating potential remedies for the problem”.[15] Framing provides focus by narrowing the dimension of the issue to conjure a more authoritative rather than investigative ethos. Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley (1997) also contend, “Frames shape individual understanding and opinion concerning an issue by stressing specific elements or features of the broader controversy”. That which is omitted is often as influential as what is printed in the paper.
Resonance
Report and repeat journalism is the result of the emergence of streamlined news. This method impedes upon the development of fresh angles and works to engrain a more focused narrative in the public discourse. Berkowitz (1997) discusses this journalistic practice in terms of productivity and organizational expectations. He writes, “Routine becomes a way of predictability in accomplishing work. But because newsroom policy is quite different, the organization’s culture produces an oppositional slant. Routines thus become a kind of strategic insurance for producing this alternative reality”.[16] Because news is fast paced and inconclusive like an open ended story, as it conveys daily events to the public, newsworkers attempt to meet their deadlines by anticipating or ‘typifying’ the work rhythms required to gather information and produce a story.[17] Bird and Dardenne (1997) speak to the effects of repetition on the narrative presented. “Much of the mythical quality of news derives from resonance, the feeling that we have written or read the same stories over and over again”.[18] Resonance in print media has the ability to turn news into popular myth publicly revered as fact.
Propagation of Popular Myth
As repetition in the news turns news into common knowledge, the popular myth is developed. Barthes (1972,1991) pronounced, “Myth hides nothing and flaunts nothing: it distorts, myth is neither a lie nor a confession: it is an inflexion”.[19] Bird and Dardenne (1997) suggest, “One of the most productive ways to see news is to consider it as a myth, a standpoint that dissolves the distinction between entertainment and information”.[20] Myths must be repeated to be believed. Hall (1984) expands upon this claim, “Myth has meaning only in the telling; cultural themes and values exist only if they are communicated. Obviously, there is no single myth or narrative that is merely repeated, yet to continue to have power, myths must be constantly retold. Rather, themes are rearticulated and reinterpreted over time, themes that are derived from culture and that feed back into it. Stories are not reinvented every time the need arises; instead, you constantly draw on the inventory of discourse which [has] been established overtime”.[21]
The Creation of a Dominant Narrative
Bird and Dardenne (1997) affirm that the journalistic pretense is maintained. Every news story springs anew from the facts of the event being recorded. “Journalists prefer to see this as a vindication of objective reporting rather than the triumph of formulaic narrative construction. Rhetorical and structural devices are seen simply as methods to convey information accurately and effectively”.[22] But as examined in the coverage of the case of Mumia Abu- Jamal, much of the mainstream stories center around one dominant narrative. So what of the interplay between mythic news and reality? Bird and Dardenne (1997) advocate that considering news as narrative does not negate the value of considering news as corresponding with outside reality, as affecting or being affected by society, as being a product of journalists or of bureaucratic organization, but it does introduce another dimension to news, one in which the stories of news transcend their traditional functions of informing and explaining”.[23] Ricoeur (1981) equated the study of news to the study of history, where past events are reconstructed with artificial boundaries with the intent of “constructing meaningful totalities out of scattered events”.[24] Bird and Dardenne (1997) build on this theory and surmise that rather than considering accuracy of facts and their correspondence with an outside reality, we can consider them as contributing to the ongoing narrative.
Even though reality is subjective, Bird and Dardenne (1997) also assert that the dominant narrative is the backdrop against which all other stories are laid. This backdrop is embedded within popularized stereotypes. Lule (1995) argues that stereotypes offer a system for selecting information. News stories can thus be formed before they are gathered.[25] This is a particularly salient point in the Mumia case.
News and Collective Memory
Halbwachs (1992) defines memory as “An entity constructed within a particular social context that evolves over time”.[26] Using this definition as framework, Berkowitz (1997) studied how news is received and remembered. He found that news stories must resonate with stories that society believes about itself. In essence, rather than working towards change, news tends to reproduce the existing social structure.[27] Likewise, Ettema (1990) examines the role of press rites in mediating social drama. The study shows how such rites may be a site of cultural and political struggle and suggests print media works to maintain social stability.[28] Both studies show the public was more comfortable with news that supported pre-disposed beliefs rather than new information, proving the status-quo is upheld. These studies reveal the reciprocal role media has in shaping public opinion and that the public has in shaping news coverage.
Nicole Maurantonio’s 2008 dissertation: Justice for Daniel Faulkner? History, Memory, and Political Identity, analyzes the relationship between history and memory as well as mediating the role of the myth in the publicity surrounding Officer Faulkner’s murder. Maurantonio (2008) references the narrative of Mumia Abu- Jamal and Daniel Faulkner in order to explore the tensions between institutional “official” memory and the “popular” counterpart as propagated and understood by activists, news organizations, the police force, and citizens. Competing discourses have circulated among these circles as a result. Maurantonio (2008) writes, “It is the telling, and retelling of the myth of Daniel Faulkner that imbues it with particular meaning for Philadelphia police officers” (Maurantonio 2008). Her dissertation particularly highlights the continual challenges to Faulkner’s memory, intensified by Abu- Jamal’s appeals and the protests of his supporters. In response, the reinstating of the myth of Faulkner as sacrificial hero became even more salient among Philadelphia police officers whose collective identity largely rests on the myth’s persistence.[29] This myth or devotion to the narrative pronouncing Mumia’s guilt upholds the morale of the current police force because Faulkner’s memory is so embedded in the history that prescribes purpose to the role of a police officer. Maurantonio (2008) delves deeper into the relationship between memory and collective identity as expressed in the print media, “It was the writing and rewriting of Faulkner’s memory that ensured that police officers would view the incident as a tragic flashpoint within department history- a myth that would reassert the identity of the Philadelphia police department. News reported by the Philadelphia Inquirer and the Philadelphia Daily News were used to provide context to police discourse”.[30] Maurantonio (2008) credits news organizations for playing a fundamental role in covering stories and conveying information that elevated the case to national prominence.
Chapter 3
Research Methodology
Through the method of content analysis of Philadelphia’s print media, the research methodology for this thesis study will examine how the Philadelphia print media framed public perception of Mumia Abu-Jamal. Based on the understanding that different papers generate different readerships, my primary print sources used for analysis were chosen to create a balanced discourse on the information disseminated to the Philadelphia populace. I have conducted archival research in five of Philadelphia’s newspapers: The Philadelphia Daily News, the Philadelphia Inquirer, the Philadelphia Bulletin, the Philadelphia Tribune, and the Philadelphia City Paper. Each of these sources appeals to a different demographic of Philadelphia’s often racially and socio-economically segmented public. Each of these sources also carries certain biases based on their demographic appeal. These “in between the lines” slants contribute to the public’s perception of Mumia Abu- Jamal, his trial, and court appeals. I selected 10 articles from three landmark time periods. The articles selected for my analysis were chosen to best represent divergent viewpoints.
Philadelphia Mainstream Print Media:
The Philadelphia Daily News
This publication is publicly recognized as a city tabloid newspaper. It began publishing on March 31, 1925. In its early years, it was dominated by crime stories, sports and sensationalism. By 1930, daily circulation of the morning paper exceeded 200,000. In 1954 the paper was sold to Matthew McCloskey, a contractor and treasurer of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party. In 1957, McCloskey sold the paper to Walter Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer.[31] Annenberg modified the distribution and made the tabloid into an afternoon paper. In 1969, Annenberg sold both papers to Knight Newspapers Inc., which eventually became Knight Ridder following a merger.[32] The Daily News has since transformed their image to be taken more seriously with daily morning distribution.
The Philadelphia Inquirer
This publication is a daily morning newspaper that serves the Philadelphia, Pennsylvania area. The newspaper began production in June 1829 as The Pennsylvania Inquirer and is currently the third oldest surviving daily newspaper in the United States.[33] Owned by the local group Philadelphia Media Holdings L.L.C., The Inquirer has the tenth largest weekly U.S. newspaper circulation, and has won eighteen Pulitzer Prizes.[34] The Inquirer first became a major newspaper during the American Civil War when The Inquirer's war coverage was popular on both sides of the conflict. Although this paper was founded in support of the Democratic Party, The Inquirer's political affiliation eventually shifted towards the Whig Party and then the Republican Party before officially becoming politically independent in the middle of the 20th century.[35] The prestige The Inquirer achieved in the 1980s has mostly disappeared because of cost-cutting and a shift of focus to more local coverage. Nonetheless, it remains a central news source for Philadelphians.
The Bulletin
The Philadelphia Bulletin was a daily evening newspaper published from 1847 to 1982 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. It was the largest circulation newspaper in Philadelphia for 76 years and was once the largest evening newspaper in the United States, widely known for its slogan: “In Philadelphia, nearly everybody reads The Bulletin.” As readers and advertisers moved from the city to the suburbs, The Bulletin attempted to follow. It introduced regional editions for four suburban counties and leased a plant in southern New Jersey to print a state edition.[36] Reporters attended school and county meetings, but their efforts could not match the combined resources of the smaller suburban dailies. The Bulletin also faced difficulties that plagued all big-city evening newspapers: Late afternoon traffic made distribution more costly than for morning papers. Also, The Bulletin faced greater competition from television evening newscasts. The Bulletin's biggest competitor that drove it out of print was the morning Philadelphia Inquirer. By 1982, The Inquirer’s was receiving 60 percent of the city’s newspaper advertising revenue compared to The Bulletin's 24 percent share.[37] Today, the Bulletin has resurfaced and started distribution once again, however, it has not received nearly the same level of readership it had in the past.
Philadelphia Alternative Print Media:
The Philadelphia Tribune
This publication primarily targets the African- American community. Published Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Sunday, it is the oldest continually running African-American newspaper in the United States. Established in 1884, The Philadelphia Tribune also publishes the Tribune Magazine, Entertainment Now!, Sojourner, The Learning Key, and The Sunday Tribune. The Tribune has a readership of 223,500, and is mostly read by people living in the Philadelphia-Camden Metro Area.[38]
Philadelphia City Paper
This publication was founded in November of 1981. The City Paper is dispersed across area businesses and high-traffic areas in Philadelphia, Montgomery, Chester, Bucks & Delaware Counties, South Jersey and Delaware. The City Paper is a controlled-circulation newspaper with free distribution every Thursday morning to over 2,000 locations.[39] Approximately one-third of its papers are distributed through newspaper boxes; the other two-thirds are distributed in office and apartment buildings and in high-traffic retail locations which include restaurants, entertainment spots and other public places.
The Philadelphia Daily News, Philadelphia Inquirer, and Philadelphia Bulletin are daily papers that are considered mainstream in this study. Mainstream papers reach the broadest constituency, charge for subscription, and accept contributions from the Associated Press. These papers, while specific to Philadelphia, often maintain a national focus. Alternative Philadelphia papers such as The Philadelphia Tribune and The Philadelphia City Paper reach and targeted a more specific readership. The Tribune is a new source that focuses on covering issues in the African- American community in Philadelphia. The City Paper also targets specific readership comprised of college students, the gay community, college educated, progressive, multi-ethnic communities, and the arts scene. Both are free of charge.
This study is an analysis of articles that best represent the divergent views on Mumia Abu-Jamal and his trial disseminated through print media. The time span of my content analysis encompasses articles published directly following the December 9, 1981 murder of Faulkner by the alleged assailant Abu-Jamal, and the print news leading up to Mumia’s first trial in June 1982. My analysis will examine 1995 as the second focus period. In 1995, Governor Tom Ridge sentenced Mumia to death. At the time of the sentencing, Mumia had served 13 years in a federal penitentiary and had published the first of his three novels. The Free Mumia movement, an activist movement dedicated to exposing the corruption of justice in Mumia’s sentencing, rallied for Mumia’s innocence and case acquittal. By 1995, this movement had gained much international recognition and momentum. This movement significantly influenced alternative news. The last and most recent landmark date is 2007 when Mumia’s appealed to the circuit court of appeals with new evidence in his case. Evaluating the context generated by mainstream and alternative print media at these important times and contrasting the segmented support and opposition within different readership demographics will reveal the impact Philadelphia print media had on defining contrasting public perceptions of Mumia Abu-Jamal.
A comparative study of mainstream articles v. their alternative counterparts creates a contrasting narrative of the Mumia case. In order to better understand the influence of Philadelphia print sources primary in shaping public opinion, I conducted interviews with two staff writers. From the Philadelphia Inquirer (mainstream print) I chose to interview staff writer Emilie Lounsberry. I also interviewed writer Mr. Linn Washington from the Philadelphia Tribune to provide an alternative perspective on the Mumia case. These interviews were used to explore the political networks, ideologies, and interests these newspapers represent. Both staff writers have covered the Mumia case. These interviews also convey perceptions of these staff writers as citizens, who have also witnessed the evolution and coverage of his case. The interview instrument was designed to explore the following issues:
1. How has the coverage of the Mumia case in mainstream print media evolved from Mumia’s incarceration in 1982 to the present?
2. Do you feel like your coverage of the case is neutral or is it framed by the political position of the newspaper?
3. How is the city of Philadelphia divided in support and opposition of Mumia?
4. What does the Mumia Abu Jamal’s case represent in terms of race, politics, and public opinion? Is he a symbolic Philadelphia icon?
5. What effect has Maureen Faulkner and her publicity surrounding the case and opposition to appeals had on shaping public opinion?
6. Has Mumia’s role as a journalist influenced print media’s narrative in shaping public perception?
To better understand the interplay between media and politics, I reviewed whether journalistic biases can be averted by journalists even in a controversial socio-political climate. Many of my secondary sources are journalists relaying their perspectives on the role of political journalism and its potential influence. The interviews with Mr. Washington and Ms. Lounsberry reveal two divergent journalistic beliefs of what role newspapers should play in deconstructing and commenting on the dominant narrative as developed after years of news coverage. One journalistic camp is wed to the philosophy that news is the presentation of popularly understood fact for public education. While the other camp has grown jaded and frustrated by the trend of “report and repeat” news coverage that fails to truly educate the populace on dynamic issues and relies on resonance to deliver narrowly reported stories. Commentary on the role media should ideally play as well as opinions on the role it has played in race politics and perpetuating popular myth is central to my study.
Navigating Anticipated Problems:
At the onset of my data collection problems with accessing newspaper archives immediately surfaced. Full text articles from the Philadelphia Daily News and Philadelphia Inquirer were not available online, these papers only provided abstracts. And as for alternative papers, The Philadelphia Tribune does not have online archives and after making several calls to their Philadelphia headquarters I was told repeatedly that student access to office archives was restricted. I was able to access The Philadelphia CityPaper archives online; however their archives began in 1995. Therefore, my research plan was severely limited until I found the additional resources at the Philadelphia free library. Through my archival research at the Philadelphia Free Library I retrieved all Tribune, Daily News, and Inquirer archives in full text on preserved microfilm.
From my analysis of the articles, I evaluated which authors I thought would lend the most interesting opinions about the case. The results of my analysis led to contacting Emile Lounsberry from the Philadelphia Inquirer whose association with Mumia coverage started in the wake of his 2007 request for a court appeal. On the contrary, I found a litany of articles written by Mr. Linn Washington, of the Philadelphia Tribune. Mr. Washington’s articles on the case first appeared as a contributing writer in a Daily News article published in 1981. He eventually authored his own news stories on the case in 1989. Mr. Washington’s writings focused on the legal aspects of Mumia’s incarceration, with an emphasis on the push for re-trial. Though I feared getting in contact with these two journalists would be difficult, they were both very open to sharing their experiences on the case. Mr. Washington directed me to the Urban Archives of Temple University’s Journalism Department where I discovered the pivotal contribution of the Philadelphia Bulletin before it went out of print in 1982. Mr. Washington also directed my attention to the opinion columns of Claude Lewis and Craig Ammerman in the Bulletin, whose works raised much controversy at the time of publication.
Though I consulted print news articles as primary sources for analysis, I must recognize the differing role of staff writers and columnists for these publications. Though both texts appear in the paper, columnists are able to take certain liberties that staff writers cannot. Newspapers do not officially represent the opinions of columnists and therefore, do not have to print retractions on the opinions conveyed in their discourse. I have referenced three op-ed columnists. Claude Lewis of the Philadelphia Bulletin, Craig Ammerman of the Philadelphia Bulletin, and Michael Smerconish of the Philadelphia Daily News all have offered striking commentary on Mumia’s case and character. Also, another variable to consider is the effect of weekly publications v. daily publications in shaping public opinion. Weekly publications are a constant source of news and are therefore taken read as a renewed day to day source, and integrated into people’s daily routine, whereas weekly publications have a diminished effect on everyday readers. Another factor is the difference between free v. paid subscription papers. Interestingly, the daily paid subscription papers have the widest dissemination and dedicated readership.
Chapter 4
Data Analysis
The dominant narrative of Mumia Abu- Jamal disseminated by mainstream Philadelphia media carries the irrevocable sentiment that he is in prison for brutally slaying Philadelphia police officer Daniel Faulkner the night of December 9, 1981. In a carefully orchestrated campaign marginalizing him based on his deviant social and political associations, Mumia was convicted by the media as guilty months before his court appointed trial. By the time Mumia stood before a jury of his peers, how impartial was their judgment of his case after being predisposed to months of news articles pronouncing Mumia’s certain guilt? What impact did these media tirades have on the public’s perception of Mumia and how did his character descript evolve over time as his case gained international attention and alternative sources gained notoriety in the public discourse?
The divergent portrayals of Mumia Abu- Jamal, Cop-killer v. Political prisoner are a result of two longstanding campaigns, inundating the public with conflicting accounts of Mumia’s character and capacity to commit cold- blooded murder. This narrative has been shaped around Mumia’s journalistic works as a political activist, which often criticized the police. His public perception has been influenced and shaped by his political affiliations such as his involvement in the MOVE rallies and organization and his early career as Press secretary for the Black Panthers. Mumia is demonized by the mainstream media for resisting popular modes of dress and faith in the American government and justice system. The articles I evaluated in this study illuminate a tone of distrust towards Mumia as if he betrayed his American identity in his pursuit of civil rights. Report and repeat journalism[40] is employed by mainstream print sources to consolidate the dominant narrative proclaiming Mumia as an unstable and unruly man of questionable patriotism. Meanwhile, the discussion present in alternative sources conveys a comparative study of Mumia’s character without diverting attention from the pending case and his right to due process.
1981/1982
The morning of the arrest of Mumia Abu- Jamal, Officer Daniel Faulkner was pronounced dead and Mumia was fatally wounded. That week, a plethora of articles were published that day and dispersed among the Philadelphia populace.
Philadelphia Daily News journalist Stephen Braun (1981) compiled a seemingly objective article only hours after Mumia’s arrest with contribution from other journalists who worked with Mumia, including Linn Washington of the Philadelphia Tribune. Braun’s (1981) article is first published in the Philadelphia Daily News the week after Faulkner’s death. Titled, “A Man of Many Sides”, Braun describes Mumia as a “Black panther turned respectable journalist”.[41] Even though the title promotes the concept that Mumia is a dynamic character, his most radical attributes are highlighted. In the article, Mumia is portrayed narrowly as a dread flaunting, fatigue wearing Black Panther press secretary.
Also in the Philadelphia Daily News staff writer, Christopher Hepp (1981) published “The Accused Friends Can’t Fathom ‘Brilliant’ Newsman as Murder Suspect”. This article, points the guilty finger at suspect Mumia Abu- Jamal for the murder of Faulkner. The article represents the facts as they unfold according to the Philadelphia Police Department. The author portrays a candid community reaction to the news of Mumia’s charges. “From those who knew him, the adjectives were the same. Talented. Brilliant. Compassionate.”[42] The tone seems initially impartial, even bordering supportive, until Hepp uses intrinsic diction to convey a bias against Mumia. Hepp (1981) writes:
“Friends and colleagues of Mumia Abu- Jamal tried vainly to divine what had happened. But this much was clear: The 27-year-old radio newsman had been charged with killing a policeman, and Jamal himself was critically wounded. But these facts offered no explanation, no answer to the question ‘Why?’”[43]
Hepp attempts to plants seeds in the minds of the readers through his tone and diction that the facts presented in the case are clear and the only question left is the murder’s motive. In terms of motive, Philadelphia Bulletin columnist Claude Lewis provides an alternpts to provide a motive. Lewis, an African- American writer put paper herewrote a piece published December 13, 1981 asserting it is “black rage” that triggered the police officer’s murder. In his article, “Did rage, a black burden, trigger killing?”, Lewis rationalizes the social/ political climate in Philadelphia for a black man that would spawn such a heinous act. He points to the separate experience of African- American citizens and asserts, “The killing of Officer Daniel Faulkner was only a symptom of a dangerous condition that exists throughout this country”.[44] Lewis purports that “Rage is as much a part of most blacks as their skin or their hair”.[45] In this assertion, despite its validity and social value, Lewis supports mainstream media’s position on Mumia’s guilt of murder, and thus furthers the campaign attacking his character. Lewis’s column appeared in the Bulletin three days a week and he was considered the black voice of the Bulletin.
On December 10, 1981, Craig R. McCoy published an article in the Bulletin titled, “Radio reporter kept alive Black Panther views.” This article is a character analysis of Mumia, portraying him as a curious personality. McCoy writes, “He kept intact the political ideas that originally attracted him to the Panthers”.[46] This association to the Panthers was not atypical in attaching Mumia to radical politics. Aligning Mumia with the Panthers thus enforces the publicly perceived notion that Mumia is violent and beholds personal grievances with the police department. This discourse, though covert, is creating the building blocks to assert his guilt. He continually emphasizes Abu- Jamal’s fascination with radical back-to-nature groups, including MOVE, further enforcing his involvement in counter mainstream politics. McCoy also writes, “He had lost his full- time job and was separated from his wife in the last year”.[47] This descript conveys a sense of instability, and further denigrates his stature as a rational, reputable citizen. The article also comments that Mumia was named by Philadelphia magazine as one of the ’81 people to watch in 81. Therefore the reader can surmise, in hindsight, that even before his arrest, Mumia attracted public interest.
On December 11th, two articles were published in the Philadelphia Tribune offering commentary countering the mainstream discourse on Mumia’s arrest thus far. Norris P. West published, “Jamal’s mother learned sensitivity from her son,.” In this article West writes, “Family members still refuse to believe reported police accounts and some have obviously distressed about the media’s immediate adoption of them”.[48] This glimpse into Mumia’s intimate character as known by his family gives him depth, overlooked by the mainstream characterization of him. Jim Davis of the Philadelphia Tribune published a second article that day titled, “Witnesses give conflicting accounts of actual shooting.” This article offers commentary on the portrayals of both Mumia and Faulkner. Davis asserts Mumia is being “Portrayed as a black militant” and says “Faulkner is known for his aggressiveness while serving”.[49] This article discusses conflicting character testimony, and the onset of division based on differing character accounts. Davis explicitly writes, “The divergence in the character descriptions of these two victims is only the surface of the unanswered questions surrounding the case”.[50]
The Philadelphia Inquirer and Daily News cast an unfavorable shadow on Mumia by galvanizing Officer Faulkner as the male protagonist struck down in the line of duty during the altercation that fateful night. In 1981, John Woestendiek, Inquirer staff writer authored the piece, “’He was one of the Best’: Respects for Slain Officer”. This article was a tribute to Faulkner’s career as a civil servant and emphasizes the impact he had on the Philadelphia community. His memorial, which is highlighted in this text, is used as an example of his widespread notoriety. The author recounts, “The crowd stretched, at one point, to an entire city block - from 63d Street to 64th Street”.[51] He also notes that the funeral was open casket. This fact is particularly startling because Office Faulkner was shot in the face and it was stated in many testimonies that he was unrecognizable. The open casket was clearly present to generate widespread animosity towards his murderer. The article focuses on memorializing a fallen hero, but also works to contribute to a festering collective animosity towards Mumia.
Thomas J. Gibbons Jr., another Inquirer journalist contributed to the anti-Mumia sentiment in his article, “Officer’s Widow Recalls Their Last Goodbye Kiss”. This article adds to the collection of articles meant to generate solidarity for the fallen officer, his family, and the virtues he represented before his untimely death. Gibbons’ article is a public interest story with underlying motives. It works to unite the city under the assumption that Officer Faulkner was viciously attacked which builds hostility towards his killer. This article is character commentary. The dramatic diction Gibbons employs compels the reader to be personally affected by his wife’s loss. Maureen Faulkner is a young woman whose struggle is relatable. Gibbons writes, “Trauma and suddenness of the events that began early on a freezing morning 11 days ago are beginning to subside”.[52] He depicts the numbing effects of lost love and in doing so Officer Faulkner and his involvement in the confrontation the night of December 9th is diluted by pity for his loving partner. After publishing a series of these human interest pieces, building a persona of purity and righteousness it would be very hard for the court to suggest that Faulkner was involved in police corruption which may have lead to his death.
Because of the looming racial division in the city heightened by the mainstream media’s expressed sympathy for the police department, The Bulletin printed an opinion column titled “Black and White issues in a policeman’s death” under a section of the Bulletin entitled: Your Voices. This op-ed article was published on the 26th of December.. In this op-ed article, the Association of Black Journalists announced a disclaimer, separating themselves from the listed members of the community coalition protesting Mumia’s arrest. This motion of division undermined solidarity among Mumia supporters attempting to rally momentum as a reminder to the public that Mumia was not guilty until proven so by a court of law and therefore deserved all the rights to a fair trial, regardless of the intense emotions surrounding his conviction. This column also contained responses to Claude Lewis’s controversial column discussed before. The work of the media in contributing to the racial division falls under scrutiny here, as an anonymous member of the community writes, “Over the years there has been a steady erosion of objectivity among many journalists”.[53]
Alongside the campaign to galvanize Officer Faulkner in print and by extension, the public’s perception, the Philadelphia Inquirer published a number of articles that demonized Mumia as unconventional and fanatical. On December 28, 1981, Russell Cooke wrote the piece, “Jamal Shuns Treatment, Doctor Says”. This account offers portrayals of Mumia in the initial wake of Daniel Faulkner’s death that are very insensitive. This article alleges how Mumia refused treatment for his wounds. In Cooke’s article, Mumia is presented as a paranoid, social deviant. The language used to describe him in the article highlights Mumia’s alternative, anti-mainstream lifestyle emphasizing his career as a free-lance radio reporter which contributes to framing his image of as “free-lance” lifestyle. This image is juxtaposed with mainstream media’s portrayal of Daniel Faulkner as a stable police office who believed in protecting justice and the wife who loved him. This article not only portrays Mumia as deviant, he is also portrayed as unstable and irrational. The article also states that Mumia suffered wounds in the gunfire “exchange” Faulkner which assumes he was the man who shot Faulkner. Though the court had not yet delivered a verdict based on the forensic evidence of the case, the media used their narratives on these two men to frame guilt and innocence.
Another article titled, “Woman, Saying She’s Jamal’s Wife, Contends he was Beaten by the Police” not only condemns Mumia but discredits all those associated with him. This article published on January 5, 1982 is reflective of how deviant Mumia and those associated with him are perceived by the public. The headline alone is a commentary on Mumia’s personal life. Where the mainstream media presents a young, heartbroken Maureen Faulkner mourning the loss of her husband by recalling their last goodbye kiss, Wadiya Jamal is not afforded the same respect or recognition as Mumia’s legitimate wife. Gemperlein (1982) writes,
“The woman, who said she was Wadiya Jamal and was wed to Jamal about a year ago… [She] alleged that Mumia Abu- Jamal, whom she identified as her husband and who is accused of murdering police officer Daniel Faulkner, was beaten by police officers outside Thomas Jefferson University Hospital after the Dec. 9 shooting in Center City”.[54]
If her story and her character remained ambiguous in authenticity then Faulkner’s reputation and the reputation of the Philadelphia police department could remain intact. In stark contrast to the article discussing Maureen Faulkner’s sentimental memories of her final goodbye kiss, her relationship with Faulkner is austere and only further serves to alienate Mumia in the public eye.
If the Inquirer had not already done a sufficient job in isolating Mumia by generating distrust about his counter-mainstream life-style before the trial, the account they relay from the trial blasts the headline: “Fight Erupts at Abu- Jamal Trial: Brothers Jailed”. This June 19th article is an animalistic portrayal of Mumia’s family. Kaufman describes the conflict which occurred during the trial as an “angry brawl that ended in the arrest of Abu-Jamal's two brothers after Common Pleas Court Judge Alfred Sabo ordered the defendant removed from the courtroom because of ‘unceasing disruptiveness.’”[55] This depiction perpetuates the angry, unruly persona of a man convicted of killing a police officer which further substantiates his guilt in the eyes of the public. To the public this fight is indicative of Mumia’s disregard for authority, the same disregard fostered within his family. The court scene is described as a circus, “A dozen deputy sheriffs were rushed to the room to stop the fighting, primarily between the brothers and other deputies”. This story clearly depicts Mumia and his brothers, as dangerous and unfit for society a stereotype often used by the media to frame images of African-American men.
On the other end of the spectrum, The Philadelphia Tribune attempted to balance the animosity towards Mumia and return the focus of the case to the encroaching trial and evidence surrounding the conviction. In(date) Lloyd Cummings author for which paper writes an op-ed article titled, “A Friend Accused of Murder”. This article not only attests to Mumia’s character from the intimate perspective of another journalist, but it reminds the public to refrain from considering Mumia guilty of Faulkner’s murder until the court renders legal judgment. Cummings writes, “It is very important that people of good conscience and better memories await the evidence and the exhaustion of the legal process before jumping to conclusions, notwithstanding the present hysterical climate.”[56] The article also suggests shared responsibility of the Philadelphia Police Department, declaring, “They must be prepared to recognize and identify those among their ranks whose judgment is consistently questionable”.[57] Cummings also offers commentary about the racial climate in Philadelphia which contributing to the portrayal of Mumia. “The reality in Philadelphia today is that if you are Black and a brain surgeon, nuclear scientist, banker, minister, politician, newsperson or college professor, to the police and even the FBI, you are just another nigger.”[58] Tribune staff writer Tommie St. Hill also contributed the article, “Other Suspect Theory Denied in Jamal Case” on June 15, 1982. Here she affirms that the District Attorney refused to allow testimony debasing the evidence framing Mumia Abu- Jamal as the culprit of Faulkner’s murder. She works to also put Mumia’s character and community associations into context, “Contrary to what has been published and broadcast, only a small number of Jamal supporters who attended his trial are MOVE members”.[59]
In 1981 and 1982 high emotions surrounded the arrest of Mumia Abu- Jamal. It was very important to the morale of the Philadelphia Police Department (PPD) for Mumia to be convicted of their comrade’s brutal murder. Consequently, Mumia, a rambunctious militant Black Panther journalist was the prime target of the PPD’s animus. Maurantonio (2008) analyses the prevalent news disseminated about Faulkner’s memory that fostered a collective identity within the Philadelphia police force:
“It was the writing and rewriting of Faulkner’s memory that ensured that police officers would view the incident as a tragic flashpoint within department history- a myth that would reassert the identity of the Philadelphia police department. News reported by the Philadelphia Inquirer and the Philadelphia Daily News were used to provide context to police discourse.” (Maurantonio, 2008, pg. 49)
Berkowitz (1997) asserts that news stories must be resonant with the stories that society believes about itself. The discourse surrounding Faulkner’s murder and Mumia’s arrest fits the archetype of the typical Philadelphia black on white homicide. In essence, Berkowitz’s theory discusses media’s tendency to repeat existing knowledge rather than expand the dialogue because news tends to reproduce the existing social structure.
1995
The year 1995 was a pivotal year in the Mumia narrative. Mumia published the first of his three novels from prison, Live from Death Row, which caused much controversy and induced a tirade lead by Maureen Faulkner to discredit his work. The collection of articles extracted from this year revolves around two historical events: Governor Tom Ridge’s signing of Mumia’s death sentence and the release of Mumia’s first novel. By 1995 the news was saturated with stereotypes about Mumia and his case. As Lule (1995) suggests, stereotypes are often embedded in narrative conventions and journalistic canon because they offer a system for selecting information. News stories can thus be formed before they are gathered.[60] The Philadelphia populace and media alike were influenced by 15 years of narrow discourse concerning Mumia’s guilt and many of the articles examined in this period revolve around the same narrative. Bird and Dardenne (1997) note that journalists rely on the pretense that every news story is developed from the fresh facts of the event being recorded as a vindication of objective reporting rather than the triumph of formulaic narrative construction. Rhetorical and structural devices are seen simply as methods to convey information accurately and effectively.[61]
On February 24, 1995 The Philadelphia Daily News published an article written by the Associated Press titled, “Abu-Jamal Gets 30 G for Essays”. The title of this article substantiates the debate that the mainstream news showed very little, if any, respect for Mumia, especially as a prize winning political journalist. Would the Philadelphia Daily News dare to write that one of their authors was awarded “30G”? Possible but highly unlikely. Furthermore, “Is this terminology racialized?” What is most striking about this article is that it is written by the Associated Press, which functions as the transcript for not only the Philadelphia Daily News but a slew of mainstream publications nationwide. The article states, “Mumia Abu-Jamal's career as a radio reporter came to a halt in a Philadelphia courtroom 12 years ago when a judge sentenced him to death for killing a Philadelphia police officer. But death row has not silenced the 40-year-old inmate”.[62] It is interesting that while he is credited as a former radio reporter in the text of the article, the reader enters with a bias that discredits his work. After twelve years into his prison sentence public animosity has only grown to further invalidate Mumia’s character.
Approximately one month later, on March 23, Jim Nolan of the Daily News wrote an article, “Cop’s Widow Fights Killer’s Book, She Wants Abu- Jamal Silenced Once And For All.” This article recounts the continued trauma inflicted upon Faulkner’s widow which in turn rationalizes her vengeance upon Mumia. The imagery provided in the text creates a pathetic appeal to this woeful woman and her struggle.
“The calls usually came in the dead silence of night, when Maureen Faulkner was alone at home, struggling to forget her police officer husband's horrible death long enough to fall asleep for a few hours. "Hi, Maureen," the sadistic caller would say. "It's Danny." Then, after a brief pause: "I'm not really dead." "It was terrible," the widow recalled.”[63]
Not only did these mysterious voices taunt her at night, but Mumia’s national acclaim, made the loss of her husband a mockery in her eyes. Therefore, Mrs. Faulkner’s vocal resistance to Mumia’s published work could be interpreted as a call for retribution. She expected his prison sentence to silence him. The fact that her feelings of revenge are justified in print is indicative of the public’s opinion of both Mumia and the function of the United States justice system.
May 25, 1995, another Associated Press piece of unquestionable distain towards Mumia was published in The Philadelphia Daily News titled, “Why Do Celebs Exalt This Cop-Killer?” The first observation, when analyzing this text is a growing trend in the mainstream papers that Mumia’s name was gradually replaced with a new title: “cop-killer”. This article is a blatant attack on Mumia. All question of his innocence are superfluous and disregarded. This article portrays his supporters as misguided parties on a corrupt bandwagon. The article states:
“Some people who oppose the death penalty are always looking for someone to put a sympathetic face on their cause. Unfortunately for them, there aren't many sympathetic faces on death row. That's the only possible explanation for the fact that Mumia Abu-Jamal is an international hero. The former radio reporter was convicted of firing a bullet into the bridge of a police officer's nose as he lay wounded on the ground, killing him instantly”.[64]
On May 26, 1995 The Philadelphia Inquirer published an article by Marc Kaufman titled, “Abu- Jamal, Sentenced to Die, Threatens the Judge”. This article, written again by correspondent Marc Kaufman, depicts Mumia as an uninhibited rebel whose disregard for legal authority validates his death sentence. Kaufman writes,
“In a final act of courtroom defiance, convicted murderer Mumia Abu-Jamal yesterday threatened the judge who had moments before sentenced him to die in the electric chair, shouting ‘Judge, you have just sentenced yourself to die.’”[65]
Kaufman goes on to emphasize Judge Albert F. Sabo “impassive” reaction. Mumia is slated as the social outlaw while Judge Sabo is collected and rational in his judgment. At this juncture in the Mumia case, it is clear that the mainstream press held a bias against Mumia in order to silence him, his supporters, and his national campaign which exposed political corruption.
“Marked For Death Ridge Orders August Execution For Cop Killer Mumia Abu –Jamal/ Abu- Jamal Execution set Police on Alert for Clashes.” is the headline the Philadelphia Daily News ran on June 5, 1995. Author John M. Baer writes,
“The white-hot case of convicted Philly cop-killer Mumia Abu-Jamal is recharging with protests scheduled in New York and Philadelphia - and with caution lights going up in Harrisburg - in answer to Gov. Ridge's order to execute Abu-Jamal on Aug. 17.”[66]
Not only has the media pinned Mumia as unruly and violent but this article is a publicized warning that his supporters are equally belligerent. The title refers to him using his full name: “Cop-killer Mumia Abu-Jamal”. The author also terms Ridge’s issued death warrant as “long awaited”.[67] The purpose of this piece is to issue a notice of the imminent threat of “an international network of supporters for Abu-Jamal”. The message in this article was clear: Mumia and his supporters are dangerous.
Juxtaposed with articles published in alternative papers at the time, there is a noticeable change in tone towards Mumia, and his threatening persona. Accounts written by Philadelphia Tribune staff writers are more benign and objective, rather than emotionally fueled. On June 6, 1995, Philadelphia Tribune writer, Carmela Thomas published an article entitled “Mumia Abu- Jamal files appeal against scheduled execution.” This article presents new details in the Mumia case including the information that the trial Judge ruled no time for a continuance for relevant evidence was available. Thomas also points out, “The only African- American juror, picked by Abu- Jamal when he was representing himself during the trial, was removed by the judge and replaced by a middle- aged white man”.[68] The Tribune traditionally evaluates community issues from the pertinent African- American perspective and this article clearly intends to illuminate racial inequity in the case. This article is more about case specifics and less about character.
On June 9th, The Tribune published a centerfold expose by Carmela Thomas titled, “Mumia Abu- Jamal: Cop Killer or Political Prisoner?” which evaluated the media portrayals of Mumia and his case. Thomas writes, “Is it possible that the author and former radio journalist was framed by the police and government for his powerful, outspoken views on oppression and injustice in Philadelphia government, his association with MOVE and the Black Panthers?” [69] This question falls into what mainstream papers would depict as conspiracy theory. She makes an argument grounded in his international political support and the fact that he is the only award-winning broadcast journalist on death row.
The Philadelphia CityPaper took yet another perspective on Mumia’s heightened publicity. The paper published two articles in August 1995 commenting on Mumia’s support and potential exploitation through publicity. City Paper writer Neil Gladstone wrote, “The Mumia Machine” where he links the momentum surrounding the case of this “convicted cop-slayer” to a “booming Mumia business”.[70] This article raises a question on the role of publicity and media hype in this case, by suggesting the Save Mumia campaign, as a whole is a scam which marginalizes Mumia supporters as money hungry as well as paranoid. In the same weekly issue, the CityPaper published “Mumia, Inc.” which focuses on the coalition behind Mumia. The article points out that protests for his freedom often evolve into promo-events where activists pass out Mumia’s literature, with minimal emphasis on his trial, but instead focuses on broader issues of human rights. This article discusses specifics of the trial but negates the notion that Mumia himself is dangerous and unstable, but rather his supporters are orchestrating campaigns to advance affinity campaign on social justice under the banner of his case, and the publicity surrounding Mumia’s name. Maurantonio (2008) points out that news media continued to cover the trial, sentencing, and its aftermath, making the life of Mumia Abu- Jamal a public event, a newsworthy subject into itself. The publicity and hype of the news coverage further embedded the narrative of Mumia’s case with theoretical division and stereotypes. Maurantonio (2008) refers to the division as the “cult of the fallen soldier v. cult of the wrongly accused.”
2007
Twenty-six years to date of Mumia Abu-Jamal’s original incarceration and the narrative portrayed in the mainstream news still remains intact. In 2007 was a monumental year in the study of this case because the Third Circuit Court heard oral arguments in the appeals at the United States Courthouse in Philadelphia and Maureen Faulkner published a book conveying her struggle through twenty- six years of media hype with the looming dispute over Mumia’s innocence. The mainstream perspective on Mumia and his case grew so engrained that a mythological aura surrounds his pending appeal. Hall (1984) affirms, “Myth has meaning only in the telling; cultural themes and values exist only if they are communicated. There is no single myth or narrative that is merely repeated, yet to continue to have power, myths must be constantly retold. Rather, themes are rearticulated and reinterpreted over time, themes that are derived from culture and that feed back into it. Stories are not reinvented every time the need arises; instead, ‘you constantly draw on the inventory of discourse which [has] been established overtime’”
Twenty-six years later Mumia’s name remains synonymous with “cop-killer”. On May 18, 2007 Michael Hinkelman writer for the Philadelphia Daily News writes an articles entitled, “Abu-Jamal Attorney Requests New Trial.” This article describes Mumia as a “onetime Black Panther and MOVE sympathizer”.[71] Mumia requested a new trial based on the presumption that the jury-selection process at his 1982 trial was tainted. The Philadelphia district attorney's office still contends, however, that Abu-Jamal received a fair trial. This article is more neutral and balanced than those articles that demonized him in 1981 and 1995. By 2007 Mumia’s case became an international movement representing many different civil rights issues. By 2007, the media is less concerned with building an image and more concerned with relaying the updates of his trial. The question arises: whether the next generation of Philadelphians even recognizes his name or is familiar with the politics surrounding his case.
Though the popular narrative proclaiming Mumia’s guilt undoubtedly remained prominent through articles written by many staff writers over the years, Daily News writer Michael Smerconish is in a class by himself among journalists with a seemingly personal vendetta against Mumia. Smerconish published the article “On Mumia, What will the Next DA Bring?” Smerconish freelances for the Philadelphia Inquirer, and is the co-author of Maureen Faulkner’s recently published book, Murdered by Mumia: A Life Sentence of Loss, Pain, and Injustice. By 2007 the news began to reveal some of the intricacies and potential corruption involved in Mumia’s conviction. In his article, Smerconish writes,
“Danny Faulkner has had a good friend in the D.A.'s office. As a matter of fact, he's had three: Ed Rendell, Ron Castille and Lynne Abraham. It was on Rendell's watch that Faulkner was slain 25 years ago. Rendell picked Joe McGill, a top-notch seasoned prosecutor, to try the case. McGill brought home a conviction and death sentence. Castille followed Rendell. A highly decorated Vietnam vet, Castille could be counted on to support the memory of the slain”.[72]
Could this mainstream paper possibly be asserting that Mumia’s sentence was based less on the evidence that he committed the murder and more on the necessity to convict someone to uphold Faulkner’s honor? Connecting Faulkner and the District Attorney’s Office would not have been a news story 12 years prior.
Smerconish also published an article in the April 5th in the Daily News titled, “Clearing the court for Mumia’s Last Stand”. This headline has a definitive tone as if asserting the court can finally close this case without retrial. Smerconish writes, “Twenty-five years after he murdered Danny Faulkner, Mumia Abu-Jamal is scheduled for yet another courtroom argument on May 17. Having exhausted his state appeals, Abu-Jamal is now at the appellate level of the federal court system, in front of the Philadelphia-based Third Circuit.”[73] His tone is more judgmental and there is a sense of urgency which is directed at the courts. He even interjects his personal bias pertaining to the decision, “The D.A.'s office just filed a very telling motion, one that indicates its desire not only to win what I hope is the final round of appeals in this case, but also to do so in a manner free of innuendo”.[74] This article exemplifies the influence of the tireless sabotage of Mumia’s image. Smerconish is tired of what he deems exhausted appeals in his plea for an end to this case. Thus, the question arises, “has the exasperation, reflected in the people of Philadelphia, and assert by the lead journalist covering the case, had an effect on the case?”
Another mainstream journalist assigned to Mumia coverage today is Emilie Lounsberry. Lounsberry is a staff writer for the Inquirer. Her columns attempt to review the history of the case in articles which are intended to target and attract a new generation of readership. In her May 13, 2007 article, “A Pivotal Hearing on Case of Abu-Jamal” Lounsberry asserts, “Mumia is Philadelphia's most controversial death-row inmate”.[75] This article ignores many of the focal points of Mumia’s trial to create a simplistic timeline explaining why a Philadelphia jury took just four hours to sentence a man to death only to delay his execution a quarter-century through a series of appeals. Mumia’s third appeal is critical and there is an increased air of tension surrounding the trial. Lounsberry describes it as the “critical stage”.[76] The case, argued in the Third District of Philadelphia federal court of appeals, introduced new evidence. The tone is more neutral than earlier commentaries and makes the case and trial focal points as opposed to Mumia’s disposition.
On the side of the narrative asserted by the alternative print media, most of the articles that currently come out of the Philadelphia Tribune are authored by Linn Washington Jr. On May 23, 2007 Washington published the article, “Judge Bias Fuels Appeal for Mumia Abu- Jamal”. Washington’s work is focused new developments in the trial and evidence that has been overlooked in past coverage. In this article, Washington points out that Mumia’s work rarely if ever speaks about his own plight. He also maintains that “Sabo’s pro-prosecution, pro-police bias”[77] is so blatant that it drew criticism even from those openly opposed to Abu-Jamal’s innocence.
On the same day, Dave Lindorff published an article titled, “Verdict Nullification? Analysis: Like it or not, Mumia may get a new Trial” in the Philadelphia CityPaper. This article addresses the underlying question of whether Mumia had a fair trial. Like Washington, Lindorff is primarily concerned with pushing the factual legal narrative and evaluating fair-play in the trial, not guilt versus innocence.
Washington also co-wrote an article with Tribune staff writer Larry Miller titled, “New Trial Asked for Mumia” on July 12, 2007. This article discusses unequal race representation on the jury at trial, but with the contention that if the judge finds there was no discrimination at the trial, the death sentence could be reinstated. Both Washington and Miller recognize the contingent of Mumia support by referencing the “Small army of protestors”[78] that is preparing to lobby outside the courts.
On December 12, 2007 in response to the book releases by Faulkner and Smerconish, Washington published the article, “Abu-Jamal Case Goes Beyond Weeping Widow” in the Philadelphia Tribune. Washington writes, “Given the local media’s propensity to ignore evidence of Abu- Jamal’s innocence while constantly hyping Maureen Faulkner’s pain, it’s not surprising that the pain of others impacted by this case falls from the media frame”.[79]
Kathy Matheson, also published commentary on the book release, in the Philadelphia Tribune titled, “Policeman’s Widow Tells of 26 years of Haunting”. This article is interesting primarily because it is an Associated Press release appearing in the Tribune. This article appeared on December 9th, several days before Washington’s article and seems out of place because it reviews the dominant narrative emphasizing Mumia’s radical political affiliations and gives a general synopsis of Faulkner’s work as if authored by Faulkner herself. She writes, “It’s a case that has been exhaustively examined and re-examined for more than two decades: The murder of a young white police officer by a former Black Panther”.[80]
Interviews
In order to critique the current state of media coverage on Mumia Abu-Jamal, Emilie Lounsberry, staff writer for the Philadelphia Inquirer and Mr. Linn Washington, Philadelphia Tribune journalist answered questions regarding to the present dominant narrative on the Mumia case. Both evaluated the coverage of Mumia’s case in mainstream print media and how it has evolved since his incarceration in 1982 to the present. Lounsberry, like her articles answered the question from a very universal perspective. She said that the press released more substantive news before the 3rd circuit trial and that her writing served as a refresher for a generation of youth who may not know the nuances of the Mumia trial.
Her answers were curt and often quite bias in her unwavering support of the Inquirer’s position in the case. She explained during our interview that I was not born at the time when Mumia was convicted consequently her articles covered what was already been published by Inquirer to provide context to a younger generation of readers. In stark contrast to Lounsberry’s discourse on the Mumia case, Washington purported that under the Tom Ridge administration there was an intentional media campaign that objectively demonized Mumia. He stated that the racism of the Philadelphia Police Department was prevalent in print. Washington made it clear that he was writing from a constitutional and procedural law perspective on the structural misconduct in the case. Washington has been a contributing writer to the Mumia narrative since 1981, but because of his prior journalistic relationship with Mumia, he experienced an ethical conflict which resulted in his decision to refrain from printing articles dealing with the case until 1989.
The second issue of contention examined the journalistic motives behind their articles. In response to my inquiry: “Do you feel like your coverage of the case is neutral or that you are writing to rebut popular biases?” Lounsberry was very defensive in honoring the objectivity of journalistic principles. She expressed that she writes on the case because of the historical significance of it. Lounsberry stated: “I have no target audience, no one [popular] reaction”.[81] This answer is a direct contradiction of her intent to open the case up to a new generation of readers. Washington, on the other hand, explained his writings are an attempt to advance the case by bringing in new substantive information. His articles present a re-evaluation of the facts in print, questioning the structural misconduct in the case and in the appeal process. Washington acknowledges that Mumia’s case has been represented by a dominant narrative with “too little reporting, too much repeating with mile wide but inch thick coverage”.[82] In Social Meanings of News, Dan Berkowitz (date) describes news as “A human construction that gains its characteristics through the social world from which it emerges”.[83] This theory questions the objectivity of modern journalism, asserting that the journalist can never truly be removed from biases in society because news is a human construction and even streamlined national stories are influenced by a human perspective. One of the reasons Miss. Lounsberry provided such an scathing interview is because she is part of a contingency of mainstream journalists who believe news to be unbiased and generated for the public’s advantage.
The question of posed to the writers regarding“How is the city of Philadelphia divided in support and opposition of Mumia?”elicited two differing responses. Ms. Lounsberry had no response; however Mr. Washington offered much insight. Washington stated:
“The reality is the majority of people in the city of Philadelphia have little to no awareness of the Mumia Abu-Jamal case beyond seeing posters and news snippets. Few people in the city realize that over one-third of the City Hall $2-billion dollar annual budget is devoted to police-prosecutors-prisons where wasteful/unjust/corrupt policies and practices aggravate the problems that police-prosecutors-prisons are supposed to resolve. Another element of the 'divide' is that people in Philadelphia being in Philly are constantly assaulted with the 'injustice-of-the-moment' so a lot of focus on current criminal justice system outrages and not on a quarter-century plus in the past. Now there are the hard-core Mumia haters and they are less that five percent of the city's population. There are Mumia supporters, and there are those who feel he was treated unfairly but don't invest much into keeping up with the case. The contention that the majority of people in Philadelphia know he is guilty and support his execution is a gross inaccuracy pushed by the hard-core seeking to diminish the support Mumia generates nationally and internationally with the specious assertion that people outside the city don't really understand the case.”[84]
Whether or not Mumia Abu Jamal’s case represents something larger than himself and his innocence is another underlying debate in the history of his coverage. The second provocative question posed to both writers during my interviews was: “Is Mumia revered as a symbolic Philadelphia icon?” In response to this question, Lounsberry stated, “Mumia is an international lightning-rod”.[85] She attempted to separate his case from the larger context of Philadelphia crime, she said, “Mumia was convicted of killing a cop, he has not stigmatized all black males in the city of Philadelphia, he is 1 of 228 prisoners on death row”.[86] Washington, however, made no distinction. He stated:
“Mumia is clearly a symbol of injustice in the American criminal justice system. His stature as symbol under grids is international support. People in other countries have a greater awareness of the systemic nature of injustice and racism in America's criminal justice system than Americans because of that dynamic of not being able to see the forest for the trees. If you are in the forest, you are surrounded by trees thus cannot see the forest in entirety. For example, Americans can see the racism ravishing French society while the French deny that racism is a problem there despite the French being staunch in their recognition of the realities of racism in the Mumia case”.[87]
Furthermore, Washington asserted:
“Mumia is symbolic of injustice in Philadelphia and across America. The abuses underlying his case: police brutality; prosecutorial misconduct; judicial bias eat at the heart of the American criminal justice system like a cancer. Given his national and international stature, he has become symbolic of systemic problems in America... and in addition, he writes about the problems on an international human rights scale, not his own case”.[88]
The publishing of Faulkner’s book in 2007 created a media stir. The publishing of Faulkner’s book and the media’s response to her book provided the opportunity to frame another compelling question in my interview. What effect has Maureen Faulkner and her publicity surrounding the case and the opposition to appeals had on shaping public opinion? Again, Lounsberry had no response. Washington, however, traced a timeline of Faulkner’s involvement in the case’s publicity. He stated:,
“During the first two decades of this case, Mrs. Faulkner was a powerful force in shaping the case accepted uncritically as the grieving widow seeking justice. For years, she has received favorable and unbalanced coverage in the Philly media. But that began changing a bit last year. In the spring of 2007, Faulkner led a demonstration protesting an event honoring Mumia’s birthday and the media didn't cover it, perhaps because to have covered it would have required covering the fact that the keynote speaker at that event was famed actor/activist Danny Glover or the fact that another speaker was a NJ policeman who'd received death threats from Philly cops not to speak at the event. And then the most surprising, last December on the launch of Faulkner's book, the media questioned her about the validity of Mumia’s conviction based solely on crime scene photos at Mumia supporters were able to get in front of the media. Just the questioning of Faulkner's “I-the-victim” narrative was unprecedented.”[89]
This question was followed by a question which countered Faulkner’s publicity and voice. “Has the fact that Mumia himself is a journalist influenced his public perception?” In response, Lounsberry claimed her perspective was reflective of the mainstream public. She stated, “Mumia is very articulate and has such an international following. He has been able to captivate people and has a good, calm speaking voice.”[90] She also asserted that being a published author gave Mumia credibility in the public’s eyes. Washington has a counter-perspective. He stated, “Interestingly few in Philadelphia know that Mumia has published five critically acclaimed books from death row, writes a regular column published around the world, and does broadcast commentaries again heard round the world because of the black-out of Mumia by the Philadelphia media.”[91] Washington also expressed that Mumia’s work as a journalist does influence public perception of him outside of Philadelphia where people have access to his journalism. The outside vantage point of Mumia as more than a sterile symbol personalizes him in a way that biased local coverage precludes.
Chapter 5
Key Findings
• The Philadelphia mainstream print media enforced the institutional interests of the Philadelphia Police department and served as an agent for conveying sentiment supporting governmental interest in shaping the discourse of the Mumia Abu-Jamal case.
The most prevalent anti- Mumia sentiment was articulated in articles published by the Philadelphia Inquirer and the Philadelphia Daily News. From Russell Cooke’s Philadelphia Inquirer article, “Jamal Shuns Treatment, Doctor Says” written in 1981 to Marc Kaufman’s 1982 article, “Fight Erupts at Abu- Jamal Trial: Brothers Jailed” to the number of 1995 Inquirer headlines that replaced Mumia’s recognized name with the sir-name “Cop-killer”, Mumia has a legacy in the mainstream print where he is continually demonized as unstable and his anti-government associations are exploited to enforce the public sentiment that such associations produce criminals. The mainstream portrayal of Mumia in the wake of Daniel Faulkner’s death portrayed him as a paranoid social deviant. The language used by mainstream print to describe him characterizes him as anti-mainstream with an emphasis on his career as a free-lance radio reporter, which contributes to framing the image of his “free-lance” lifestyle. Even Mumia’s family is marginalized as “disruptive”, which further perpetuates the perception that Mumia is a result of a hostile environment that produced a “cop-killer”. The discourse surrounding Faulkner’s murder and Mumia’s arrest fits the public perception of black on white homicide in Philadelphia. In my interview with Philadelphia Inquirer staff writer Emilie Lounsberry, she denied the racial undertone driving Mumia’s original conviction and removed it from the larger context of crime in Philadelphia, Lounsberry asserts, “Mumia was convicted of killing a cop in the city of Philadelphia, he has not stigmatized all black males, he is 1 of 228 prisoners on death row”.[92] This belief, that race does not drive arrests, is triumphed by the mainstream media. Berkowitz’s (1997) theory discusses media’s tendency to repeat existing knowledge rather than expand the dialogue because news tends to reproduce the existing social structure. In Mumia’s case, he was convicted by the mainstream Philadelphia print media on the basis of their stereotypical criminal archetype used to campaign and uphold the honorable reputation of the Philadelphia police department.
• Alternative media created a wider lens than the myopic perspective of the mainstream print from which to evaluate Mumia’s case. Articles contesting due process in Mumia’s case represented the articles published by the Philadelphia Tribune and City Paper rather than an overt plea for his innocence.
Alternative print media in Philadelphia attempted to balance the animosity towards Mumia Abu- Jamal and return the focus of the case to the details of the trial and evidence surrounding the conviction in order to expand the dominant narrative. Issues such as the racial implications of Mumia’s conviction in the context of the city’s history of indicting black men disproportionately to their white counterparts, as well as the questionable role of the police department in this process are discussed openly in alternative print. In December 1981, just after Faulkner’s death when emotions ran high and the mainstream Philadelphia news had printed a plethora of stories to galvanize the memory of the city’s fallen soldier, Lloyd Cummings, a writer for the Philadelphia Tribune published an opinion editorial titled, “A Friend Accused of Murder”. This article not only examines Mumia’s character from the intimate perspective of another journalist, it reminds the public to refrain from considering Mumia guilty of Faulkner’s murder until the court renders legal judgment. Cummings (1981) writes, “It is very important that people of good conscience and better memories await the evidence and the exhaustion of the legal process before jumping to conclusions, notwithstanding the present hysterical climate.”[93] The article also suggests the shared responsibility of the Philadelphia Police Department in the controversy surrounding the case, declaring, “They must be prepared to recognize and identify those among their ranks whose judgment is consistently questionable”.[94] Challenging the corruptive practices of the police department and asserting that they must be held accountable for their actions was widespread in publications geared towards a predominantly African- American readership. The most strikingly underemphasized aspect of Mumia’s trial by the press was the absence of explicit racial commentary in mainstream print. Though subliminal discriminatory tones are always present, the indictment of a black man for a white murder was never clearly overt. The alternative papers, such as the Philadelphia Tribune, who directly targets the Philadelphia African- American community works to also expand the racial dialogue and the prejudiced undercurrent of the case. Staff writer Cummings writes about the racial climate in Philadelphia which significantly contributes to the portrayal of Mumia: “The reality in Philadelphia today is that if you are Black and a brain surgeon, nuclear scientist, banker, minister, politician, newsperson or college professor, to the police and even the FBI, you are just another nigger.”[95] Even Mumia himself expanded the dialogue of his case by writing about greater issues plaguing the United States justice system in Philadelphia and across America. Tribune staff writer Linn Washington asserts, “The abuses underlying his case: police brutality; prosecutorial misconduct; judicial bias eat at the heart of the American criminal justice system like a cancer. Given his national and international stature, he has become symbolic of systemic problems in America... and in addition, he writes about the problems on an international human rights scale, not merely his own case”.[96]
• Mumia Abu- Jamal was indicted in the public eye before his 1982 trial because the articles published by the Philadelphia Daily News, Philadelphia Inquirer, and The Bulletin covering the case were largely character analyses as opposed to a dynamic portrayal of the crime in question. The coverage had a direct effect on the readership that comprised his jury as they had been exposed to and influenced by a seven month media campaign asserting Mumia’s deviant reputation and unquestioned instability.
The stark dichotomy between the pure, white officer of justice and the menacing black, socialist murderer are depicted with utter clarity dividing the Philadelphia populace and stigmatizing Mumia Abu-Jamal as an unrestrained product of his environment. The mainstream media bombarded their readership with headlines pronouncing Mumia’s instability and association with radical groups that were widely considered to be violent such as the Black Panther Party and the M.O.V.E. protestors. Meanwhile, articles recounting Faulkner’s contribution to the force, his unwavering love for his wife, and the tragedy of his death were streamlined by mainstream print to evoke a strong sense of racial identity and support for the sole purpose of delivering racial justice to a white police officer, predominantly white police force, and white community who perceived they were victimized and violated by an alleged black male radical. over the man that cut his life short. In a December 10, 1981 article in the Philadelphia Daily News writer Christopher Hepp published: “The Accused Friends Can’t Fathom ‘Brilliant’ Newsman as Murder Suspect”. This article, points the guilty finger at suspect Mumia Abu- Jamal for Faulkner’s murder. It represents the facts as they unfold according to the Philadelphia Police Department. He writes, “Friends and colleagues of Mumia Abu- Jamal tried vainly to divine what had happened. But this much was clear: The 27-year-old radio newsman had been charged with killing a policeman, and Jamal himself was critically wounded. But these facts offered no explanation, no answer to the question ‘Why?’”[97] The day after the altercation between Faulkner and Abu-Jamal, while Mumia is still lying unconscious in a hospital bed, Hepp announces his guilt as unquestionable, leaving only the motive to identify. This sentiment permeates the mainstream discourse even after Mumia is imprisoned for 15 years and his death sentence is challenged. On March 23, 1995 Jim Nolan of the Daily News wrote the piece, “Cop’s Widow fights Killer’s book, she wants Abu- Jamal Silenced Once and for All.” This article recounts the continued trauma inflicted upon Faulkner’s widow which in turn rationalizes her vengeance upon Mumia. The imagery provided in the text creates a pathetic appeal to this woeful woman and her struggle. It was not enough to sentence Mumia to life in prison; he must be silenced as well for Faulkner’s widow to live in peace. In May 1995 another article the Associated Press published which discussed the unquestionable distain towards Mumia was published in The Philadelphia Daily News titled, “Why do Celebs exalt this Cop-Killer?” Mumia’s name is replaced with his new title: “Cop-Killer” and all question of his innocence is superfluous and disregarded. This article goes as far to elude that his supporters are misguided parties on a corrupt bandwagon. This is the bias that the people of Philadelphia have been inundated with for 15 years since Mumia’s official conviction in 1982. Therefore, Mumia’s indictment by the Philadelphia mainstream press was not only a means to isolate him behind bars, but also to isolate his story, voice, and influence.
Chapter 6
Conclusions
It has been the dominant narrative of the mainstream press that canonized Mumia’s social deviancy as well as his guilt. Emotional fervor in the pursuit of a culprit for the murder of Officer Daniel Faulkner generated more articles outwardly demonizing Mumia in the mainstream script the years following Faulkner’s murder in 1981/82. Alternative print sources at this time did not counter the mainstream campaign to convict Mumia with a campaign for his innocence. Rather alternative media chose to present the public with the intricacies of the trial they were not privy to because the narrative of the case was dominated by character analyses of both Mumia and Faulkner. By 1995, after serving 15 years in prison for the murder of Daniel Faulkner, the case was framed with less overt animosity. However, after local and national protests of his death sentence in 1995, the underlying fervor emerged once again. The alternative print media at this time began to analyze Mumia’s contingency of support and divulge more case details as they were exposed. In 2007, mainstream print media repeated the same narrative embedded with stereotypes about Mumia’s radical character and though written to convey the new information of a 3rd circuit appeal, the articles never questioned the fairness of his original trial or proclaimed guilt. The alternative sources at this time offered an alternative perspective on Mumia’s case, continually scrutinizing the initial trial and sentence, speculating that because of the disparities in testimony, Mumia’s conviction was unjust.
The use of print media news often subliminally encourages readers to internalize the news with biases. Ettema (1990) suggests print media works to maintain social stability by applying stereotypes to news pertaining to political struggle.[98] At the time of the murder of Daniel Faulkner and conviction of Mumia in the print news was the medium which the local Philadelphia audience received their news. Journalism as an objective media has evolved in many ways since 1981. As a vehicle to purport uncontested fact, the mainstream media generates much criticism in balancing objectivity and the interests of their sponsors as well as the agenda of the administration as conveyed through the Associated Press. What was once perceived as impartial fact, mainstream media is recognized more widely today as a medium of communication impressionable to societal influence. Berkowitz (1997) contends, journalists are not objective bearers of truth, but are instead makers of a product shaped through a variety of social forces. Opinions supporting the status-quo, powerful corporations, and government entities including the police force shape the discourse relayed to the mainstream readership. In the Philadelphia mainstream print media, Mumia has been portrayed as a cop-killer, racist, and social deviant. This study revealed that the Philadelphia mainstream print continually reinforced Mumia’s conviction through bylines pronouncing his unquestionable guilt and threatening association with anti- American movements. Alternative Philadelphia print media initially reached a much narrower readership. However, the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal gained international notoriety and evolved to represent a spectrum of human rights issues. The Philadelphia alternative print news focused their commentary on examining nuances in Mumia’s case which question mainstream print’s details of the trial to expand the narrative of the case.
The print news sources, interviews, and scholarly commentary analyzed in this thesis ultimately divulge knowledge on how different ideologies and political biases are represented in different news outlets. Mainstream and alternative print media are geared towards a diverse readership demographic. And while the mainstream press works to relay news to the public that appeals to the status-quo, alternative media has developed an ethos in providing counter-culture commentary to give voice to an alternative perspective in opposition to the news that is, by default, streamlined by national media outlets. Gilens (1996) provides commentary on biases reinforced by the media. He attributes public misperceptions that reinforce existing biases and stereotypes to the role of media distortions. After contrasting articles from mainstream and alternative Philadelphia print, and weighing the influence of biases, framing, journalistic objectivity in contribution to the dominant narrative this study can surmise the role of media in shaping public opinion in the case study of Mumia Abu- Jamal. Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley (1997) assert, “Frames shape individual understanding and opinion concerning an issue by stressing specific elements or features of the broader controversy”. The case of Mumia is only a microcosm of a broader conflict perpetuating systemic racism that is enforced by the media’s communication to the public embedded with underlying institutional objectives. The intentional prominence of crimes committed by black men is exploited in the news to foster an aura of distrust and racial division. Mumia’s role as a journalist was to expose these disparaging inequities in an effort to remedy government programs to represent the interests of the people. In the eyes of the government, Mumia was no ordinary black murderer. He was a prominent journalist whose notoriety and association with the Black Panther Party, the MOVE initiative, and other grassroots activist campaigns made him a source of great potential influence as well as controversy. As Mr. Washington pointed out, “Mumia is symbolic of injustice in Philadelphia and across America. The abuses underlying his case: police brutality; prosecutorial misconduct; judicial bias eat at the heart of the American criminal justice system like a cancer. Given his national and international stature, he has become symbolic of systemic problems in America”.[99] Mumia gave voice to those who had been muted and the media campaign engineered to demonize him also sought to silence Mumia by discrediting him.
Nicole Maurantonio’s 2008 dissertation: Justice for Daniel Faulkner? History, Memory, and Political Identity sought to question the role of media in creating and sustaining popularized memory. She analyzed competing discourses circulated among a variety of news media outlets, political activists, everyday citizens, and the police department. Following up on Maurantonio’s study (2008), my study focused on Mumia’s portrayal in Philadelphia’s print media to more accurately understand the impact Philadelphia print sources had on shaping the public’s opinion of his character and his capacity to murder Officer Daniel Faulkner. The question at hand for future study is, “How will print media continue to shape both public policy and the public discourse?” At the time of Mumia’s original conviction, the print sources I analyzed were widely read and served as primary commentaries on Philadelphia politics. However, because of today’s decline in print as a popularly accessed medium of news the next study might better analyze the role of media’s exploitation of race politics through the use of visual influences. The influence of visual media in framing race was pervasive in the O.J. Simpson case and currently we see how the media has framed Reverend Jeremiah Wright and Barack Obama in the coverage of the race for the presidency.
Mumia Abu- Jamal’s case has generated significant media attention and greatly contributed to a hostile socio-political climate. The Philadelphia print media’s influence over the populace stands as a reminder of the power of the media in shaping individual and popular opinion by providing the scope from which a story is read and a dominant narrative is developed.
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[1] Nelson, Thomas E., Rosalee A. Clawson, and Zoe M. Oxley. 1997. “Media Framing of a Civil Liberties Conflict and Its Effect on Tolerance.” American Political Science Review 91(Sept):567-583.
[2] Ibid., 1997.
[3] Bird, S. Elizabeth and Robert W. Dardenne. 1997.“Myth, Chronicle and Story: Exploring the Narraive Qualities of News.” In Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, edited by D. Berkowitz, 333-347. Thousand Oaks: Sage.
[4] Soloski, John. 1989. “News Reporting and Professionalism: Some Constraints on the Reporting of the News.” In Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, edited by D. Berkowitz, 138-152. Thousand Oaks: Sage, pg. 144.
[5] Lule, Jack. 1995. “The Rape of Mike Tyson: Race, the Press, and Symbolic Types.” In
Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, edited by D. Berkowitz, 376-392. Thousand Oaks: Sage, pg. 380.
[6] Soloski, 1989, pg. 143.
[7] Soloski, 1989, pg. 144.
[8] Lule, 1995, pg. 377.
[9] Lule, 1995, pg. 379.
[10] Berkowitz, Dan. 1997. Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader. Thousand Oaks: Sage, pg. xii.
[11] Berkowitz, 1997, pg. xiv.
[12] Soloski, 1989, pg. 143.
[13] Berkowitz, 1997, pg. 170.
[14] Berkowitz, 1997, pg. xi.
[15] Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley, 1997.
[16] Berkowitz, 1997, pg. 171.
[17] Berkowitz, 1997, pg. 363.
[18] Bird and Dardenne, 1997, pg. 338.
[19] Maurantonio, Nicole. 2008. Justice for Daniel Faulkner?: History, Memory, and Police Identity. Journal of Communication Inquiry. 32:43.
[20] Bird and Dardenne, 1997, pg. 336.
[21] Ibid., 1997, pg. 337.
[22] Ibid., 1997, pg. 333.
[23] Ibid., 1997, pg. 335.
[24] Ibid., 1997, pg. 336.
[25] Lule, 1995, pg. 391.
[26] Maurantonio, 2008.
[27] Berkowitz, 1995, pg. 497.
[28] Ettema, James Stewart. 1990. “Press Rites and race Relations: A study of Mass-Mediated Ritual.” In Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, edited by D. Berkowitz, 457-480. Thousand Oaks: Sage, pg. 462.
[29] Maurantonio, 2008.
[30] Ibid., 2008, p. 49.
[31] The Philadelphia Daily News Online. Retrieved November 13, 2007, from
[32] Brubaker, Harold and Joseph N. DiStefano. “Local group buys Inquirer, Daily News, and .” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, PA, 23 May 2006.
[33] Wilkinson, Gerry. “The History of the Philadelphia Inquirer.” Philadelphia Press Association. Retrieved on 27 May 2005.
[34] “Top 200 Newspapers by Largest Reported Circulation.” Audit Bureau of Circulations (September 30, 2006). Retrieved on 21 June 2007.
[35] The Philadelphia Inquirer Online. Retrieved November 13, 2007, from
[36] Castro, Janice. “Last Rites for a Proud Paper.” Time: 8 February 1982.
[37] Henry III, William A. “The Ten Best U.S. Dailies.” Time: 30 April 1984.
[38] The Philadelphia Tribune Online. Retrieved November 13, 2007, from
[39] The Philadelphia CityPaper Online. Retrieved November 13, 2007, from
[40] Washington, Linn Jr. Interview by Barrie Adleberg, 17 January 2008. Interview transcript. Adleberg Oral History Collection, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA.
[41] Braun, Stephen. “A Man of Many Sides.” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 9, December 1981: pg. 6.
[42] Hepp, Christopher. “The Accused Friends Can’t Fathom “Brilliant” Newsman as Murder Suspect.” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 10 December 1981: pg. 4.
[43] Ibid., 1981.
[44] Lewis, Claude. “Did rage, a black burden, trigger killing?” The Bulletin. Philadelphia, PA, 13 December 1981: pg. 7.
[45] Ibid., 1981.
[46] McCoy, Craig R. “Radio reporter kept alive Black Panther views.” The Bulletin. Philadelphia, PA, 10 December 1981: pg. A4.
[47] Ibid., 1981.
[48] West, Norris P. “Jamal’s mother learned sensitivity from son, 27.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 11 December 1981: pg. 1, 5.
[49] Davis, Jim. “Witnesses give conflicting accounts of actual shooting.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 11 December 1981: pg. 1, 20.
[50] Ibid., 1981.
[51] Woestendiek, John. “’He was One of the Best’: Respects for Slain Officer.” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, PA, 14 December 1981: pg. B03.
[52] Gibbons, Thomas J. Jr. “OFFICER’S WIDOW RECALLS THEIR LAST GOODBYE KISS.” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, PA, 20 December 1981: pg. B01.
[53] “Black and White issues in a policeman’s death.” The Bulletin: Your Voices. Philadelphia, PA, 26 December 1981: pg. 27-A.
[54] Gemperlein, Joyce. “WOMEN, SAYING SHE’S JAMAL’S WIFE, CONTENDS HE WAS BEATEN BY THE POLICE.” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, PA, 5 January 1982: pg. B03.
[55] Kaufman, Marc. “Fight Erupts at Abu- Jamal Trial: Brothers Jailed.” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, PA, 19 June 1982: pg. B01.
[56] Cummings, Lloyd. “A Friend Accused of Murder.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 18 December 1981: Editorials.
[57] Ibid., 1981.
[58] Ibid., 1981.
[59] St. Hill, Tommie. “Other Suspect Theory Denied in Jamal Case.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 15 June 1982: pg. 1, 11.
[60] Lule, Jack. 1995. “The Rape of Mike Tyson: Race, the Press, and Symbolic Types.” In Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, edited by D. Berkowitz, 376-392. Thousand Oaks: Sage.
[61] Bird and Dardenne, 1997.
[62] Associated Press. “Abu-Jamal Gets 30 G for Essays.” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 24 February 1995: pg. 73.
[63] Nolan, Jim. “Cop’s widow Fights Killer’s Book, She Wants Abu- Jamal Sentenced Once and For All.” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 23 March 1995: pg. 09.
[64] “Why do Celebs Exalt this Cop-Killer?” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 25 May 1995: pg. 28.
[65] Kaufman, Marc. “Abu- Jamal Sentenced to Die, Threatens the Judge.” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, PA, 26 May 1995: pg. B 01.
[66] Baer, John M. “MARKED FOR DEATH RIDGE ORDERS AUGUST EXECUTION FOR COP-KILLER MUMIA ABU-JAMAL \ ABU-JAMAL EXECUTION SET POLICE ON ALERT FOR CLASHES.” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 3 June 1995: pg. 03.
[67] Baer, 1995: pg. 03.
[68] Thomas, Carmela. “Mumia Abu- Jamal files appeal against scheduled execution.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 6 June 1995: pg. 1, 4-A.
[69] Thomas, Carmela. “Mumia Abu- Jamal: Cop Killer or Political Prisoner?” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 9 June 1995: pg. 1-B.
[70] Gladstone, Neil. “The Mumia Machine.” Philadelphia Citypaper. Philadelphia, PA, 17 August 1995: cover story.
[71] Hinkelman, Michael. “Abu-Jamal Attorney Requests New Trial.” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 18 May 2007: pg. 04.
[72] Smerconish, Michael. “On Mumia, What Will the Next DA Bring?” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 24 May 2007: pg. 21.
[73] Smerconish, Michael. “Clearing the Court for Mumia’s Last Stand.” The Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, PA, 5 April 2007: pg. 21.
[74] Ibid., 2007.
[75] Lounsberry, Emilie. “A Pivotal Hearing on Case of Abu-Jamal.” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, PA, 13 May 2007: pg. B01.
[76] Lounsberry, 2007.
[77] Washington, Linn. Jr. “Judge Bias Fuels Appeal for Mumia Abu- Jamal.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 23 May 2007: Pg. 1.
[78] Washington, Linn Jr. and Larry Miller. “New Trial Asked for Mumia.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 12 July 2007: pg. 4.
[79] Washington, Linn Jr. “Abu-Jamal Case Goes Beyond Weeping Widow.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 12 December 2007: Pg. 6.
[80] Matheson, Kathy. “Policeman’s Widow Tells of 26 years of Haunting.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 9 December 2007: Pg. 6.
[81] Lounsberry, Emilie. Interview by Barrie Adleberg, 20 January 2008. Interview transcript. Adleberg Oral History Collection, Philadelphia Inquirer, Philadelphia, PA.
[82] Washington, Linn Jr. Interview by Barrie Adleberg, 17 January 2008. Interview transcript. Adleberg Oral History Collection, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA.
[83] Berkowitz, Dan. 1997. Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader. Thousand Oaks: Sage., xii.
[84] Ibid., 2008.
[85] Lounsberry, Emilie. Interview by Barrie Adleberg, 20 January 2008. Interview transcript. Adleberg Oral History Collection, Philadelphia Inquirer, Philadelphia, PA.
[86] Ibid., 2008.
[87] Washington, 2008.
[88] Ibid., 2008.
[89] Washington, 2008.
[90] Lounsberry, 2008.
[91] Washington, 2008.
[92] Ibid., 2008.
[93] Cummings, Lloyd. “A Friend Accused of Murder.” The Philadelphia Tribune. Philadelphia, PA, 18 December 1981: Editorials.
[94] Ibid., 1981.
[95] Ibid., 1981.
[96] Ibid., 2008.
[97] Ibid., 1981.
[98] Ettema, 1990, pg. 462.
[99] Washington, Linn Jr. Interview by Barrie Adleberg, 17 January 2008. Interview transcript. Adleberg Oral History Collection, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA.
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