Journalism is the first rough draft of history
The Impact of Investigative Journalism on the History of the United States
“Journalism is the rough draft of history.”
-- Hugh De Burgh 1
When we think of journalism, we usually think of the news, or current events, which can range anywhere from the battles in Iraq to whether or not it is time to plant roses. The range of media can also vary: print, billboards, flyers, mailers, radio, television, and the Internet, or some combination(s) thereof. Journalists, no matter what subject or media, are “supposed to provide their audience(s) with verified, factual information in a writing style or genre that is a direct presentation of facts or occurrences with little attempt at analysis or interpretation.”2 Based on this definition, journalism does not attempt to advocate a position or propose to influence an audience. Journalism simply seeks to answer a specific set of questions: who did what, when, where how and why? In these ways, journalism provides both the content and context of our everyday world, helping us become more aware as well as better understand what is happening daily, weekly monthly, and/or yearly. In the United States, journalism has played an integral part of our history, as it both mirrors and records the events of our lives and the course of our nation.
There is a branch of journalism, often called, “investigative journalism” or “investigative reporting,” that deviates slightly from its parent genre. Although investigative journalism is based on the same principles of fact-finding and verification, the purpose of investigative reporting is mainly to expose a problem in order to reach its solution. The subject matter or the content of the investigation can consist of a wide range of subjects: pollution, medical fraud, homelessness, social injustice, police brutality, racial or gender discrimination, justification for a war, religious freedom, political corruption, and corporate abuses, just to name a few. As Bob Greene, former investigative editor of New York Newsday, stated, “investigative reporting…involves uncovering something that somebody wants to keep secret.”3
There is no limit to the topics an investigative reporter would, could or should cover.
Despite this wide range of topics, there are two main categories or themes that comprise the source of most investigative reports: political corruption and corporate abuse. The purpose of this paper is to describe the impact these two forms of investigative journalism has had on the history of the United States. It is not possible to list every investigative report that has ever been filed; so the focus of this paper will be on the pioneers of investigative journalism—those courageous leaders who set the standards and paved the way for others to follow.
Political Corruption: It All Started with George Washington
George Washington, “The Father of Our Country,” had developed a reputation for honesty and integrity throughout this life, from his early yeas of chopping down cherry trees to his noble service as Commander in Chief of the Continental Army in the American Revolutionary War. Based on his integrity and the quality of his leadership, Washington presided over the Constitutional Convention, and in 1789, George Washington was the unanimous choice as the first President of the United States.
On the surface, it would appear that Washington was sacrosanct. But not everyone was a loyal supporter of our first President, particularly Benjamin Franklin Bache (1769-1798). The conflict between the two centered around their opposing political beliefs: Washington was a Federalist while Bache was a Jeffersonian. Federalists believed in a strong central government, a staunch supporter of business and industry, and Federalist leaders did not need to account for the will of the people. Jeffersonians, also known as “Democratic-Republicans” and later simply as “Republicans,” believed that the powers of a central government need to be limited, that the farmers and working class who create wealth for industry should be rewarded not taken advantage of, and Republican leaders should be completely responsive to the needs and desires of the people.4 But it wasn’t just that fact the Washington and Bache did not agree on political matters that set the two men against one another. Bache believed that Washington was corrupt and deceitful to the American people. These views led Bache on a lifelong crusade to discredit the first President and remove the Federalists from power.
In 1793, Bache started a newspaper, the Philadelphia Aurora and General Advertiser, but local news was not the only content of the Aurora. Bache was convinced that the President was using public money to fund many of his own causes. Bache was the grandson of Benjamin Franklin and a good friend of Thomas Jefferson. Despite his connections, Bache could only express his own opinions in his paper—there were no facts to support his views. In 1794, however, an anonymous clerk who worked inside the President’s administration, and who disagreed with Washington’s favoritism toward industry, presented Benjamin Bache with actual government ledgers that proved the President had illegally taken over $26,140 from the Treasury. (At that time, the annual salary of the President at that time was $25,000).5 In the first investigative report ever published in the United States, “A Calm Observer,” Bache printed these ledgers, showing numerous withdrawals from the U.S. Treasury, to pay for business expenditures at Mount Vernon, Washington’s home and working farm. The reporter challenged the American people to remove George Washington from office, “Will not the world be led to conclude that the mask of political hypocrisy has been alike worn by a CESAR, a CROMWELL, and a WASHINGTON?”6
The President concentrated on foreign issues in his second term, mainly because many of his financial supporters were merchants and ship owners, whose ships and merchandize were being destroyed by French pirates. The government of France encouraged hostile attacks against U.S. ships in response to the Jay Treaty, which was written by one of Washington’s cohorts, John Jay, and had been endorsed by the President himself. The Jay Treaty invalidated a number of agreements the U.S. had made with France during and after the Revolutionary War. In an attempt to smooth over these problems with the French, and still “save face” with his public image at home, Washington secretly sent Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, U.S. minister to France, to negotiate a separate treaty with France. 7 However, the French government refused to see Pinckney. By this time, Washington’s second term had ended, and John Adams was elected President. Adams was also a Federalist with the same support base from wealthy businessmen. Adams sent two more ministers to France, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry, to join Pinckney. French foreign minister, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, refused to talk to the three-man delegation, known only as “XYZ” to Adams and his close advisors. Like the rest of America, Bache was unaware of the negotiations Adams has started; all Bache knew was that France and the United States were carrying out an undeclared war on the open seas, and it didn’t seem as if Adams cared.8
Federalist newspapers, such as the Gazette of the United States and Porcupine's Gazette, blamed the French for their failure to resolve the differences between the two nations and for “unexplained” attacks on U.S. ships. But Benjamin Bache was given information about the negotiations directly from anonymous sources in the French government, and how both Washington and Adams had tried to keep the entire affair from the public. Bache published the story in the Aurora as the “XYZ Affair,” in which Bache publicly named Misters “X,” “Y,” and “Z,” and blamed both Presidents, and the Federalist Party for an inability to protect America’s interests in international affairs.9
Adams was furious at Bache for leaking this information to the public before he and the Federalist Party had a chance to “spin” the negotiations in their favor. Suddenly, Americans were beginning to doubt Adams’ ability to serve a second term. In an effort to stem the tide of negative publicity, Adams tried to gain back some respectibility by initiating the controversial “Alien and Sedition Acts.” These acts were drafted by Federalist lawmakers, who on the surface, presented the laws as a way to protect the United States from “subversives” who were immigrating from the France.10 At that time, large numbers of French (and Irish) immigrated to the United States to escape the poverty and lack of freedom in their own country. However, Adams and the Federalists had an ulterior motive. These immigrants were mainly from the working class, and therefore, they joined the Democratic-Republican party. The Federalists used the Alien and Sedition Acts to keep the Democratic-Republicans from gaining power. 11 The Federalists also used the Alien and Sedition Acts to stop anyone—particularly publishers of Republican newspapers—from writing, speaking or publishing anything of “a false, scandalous and malicious” nature against the President or Congress.12 In fact, it was while these controversial acts were still being debated in Congress, and not yet law, that John Adams used language from the Alien and Sedition acts to imprison Benjamin Bache, accusing him of, “being in league with France, an agent of Tallyrand (the French foreign minister who attempted to negotiate with the United States in the “XYZ Affair”) and an enemy of the people of the United States” on June 27, 1798.13 This Act did not become law until July 14, 1798, which means that Bache was illegally arrested for treason. Although Bache continued to edit his paper in jail, unfortunately this brilliant and courageous reporter died in prison from Yellow Fever, which was believed to be caused by the unsanitary conditions of the jail.14
Yet, Benjamin Bache did not die in vain. His courageous, investigative reporting ignited a change of direction in the political history of the United States. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, was elected President. Jefferson’s service to the United States placed greater emphasis on human rights and equal opportunities for all. But more importantly, Benjamin Bache pioneered a pathway for the field of investigative journalism, setting the standards for objective and documented investigations of the facts, with no other agenda but to expose and reform political corruption.
There have been hundreds of investigative reporters that have followed in Benjamin Bache’s footsteps. Yet, one of the most influential of these reporters, who bridged the “reform” journalism of the 19th century to the “radical” journalism of 20th century, was Lincoln Steffens (1866-1936). Steffens began his career as a New York police reporter, where he had witnessed and reported on several instances of political corruption in the “Big City.” Steffens was hired by McClure’s magazine, just as the direction of the magazine turned more toward investigative reporting. His first assignment was to travel around the United States to see if the same kind of political and corporate corruption evident at the time in New York (discussed later in the section about “Boss Tweed”), was also taking place in the smaller towns of America. In his first stop in Minneapolis, Steffens was shocked by the graft, bribery, and corruption. In his famous exposé, “The Shame of the Cities,” first published in McClure’s Magazine in 1903, Steffens documented the political corruption in ten “small town” cities, raising public awareness that if political corruption can happen in these small towns, it can happen anywhere. As a result of his articles, there were a number of radical changes in political administrations, and the laws that governed the activities of public officials severely restricted their direct access to payments to and from contractors.15
While Bache and Steffens were focused on the corruption of specific leaders or administrations, another investigative reporter focused on the social injustices permitted and even encouraged by political leaders, primarily in the South but in other parts of the nation as well. Ida B. Wells was born into slavery in Holly Springs, Mississippi (1862-1931). Wells was educated at a Missouri Freedman's School, and by age fourteen, she was teaching school in Mississippi. In 1884, Ms. Wells was accepted into Fisk University in Memphis, Tennessee. While attending college, Ida supported herself teaching school in Memphis. However, Wells was fired from her teaching job after publishing several local newspaper articles criticizing the limited educational opportunities for African-Americans. In the true spirit of a pioneer, Ida Wells started her own newspaper. With her own money, Ida Wells started The Memphis Free Speech and Light in 1891.16 In that same year, three of Well’s friends, each prominent African-American businessmen, were lynched, and she lashed out at the local politicians and police for allowing “mob rule.” The “Lynch Laws,” which were initiated and encouraged by most political administrations in the South, permitted lynchings of African Americans who violated the Jim Crow Laws.17 (For more information on the Jim Crow laws and lynching, please see Appendix 3.)
Ida Wells paid a price for her exposé of the “Lynch Laws” in Memphis. While she was out of town on a speaking tour, the office of The Memphis Free Speech and Light was looted and burned to the ground. But this did not keep Ida Wells from her pioneering work in investigative journalism. Wells moved to New York, joining the staff of the New York Age, where she continued to document and expose the terrible practices of lynching—not just in the South, but in other parts of the country as well. Wells most important article, “A Red Record,” published in 1895, called for changes in political administrations that allowed the murder of innocent people. Ida Wells devoted her professional career to fighting social injustice using investigative reporting as a way to expose the wrongdoings of political leaders and reform the politics of hate. Unfortunately, she was not successful in changing the history of the United States. It would take hundreds of investigative reports by dozens of journalists to challenge these and similar inhumane social conditions. In fact, it was sixty years after the appearance of “A Red Record” that the NAACP Legal Defense Committee, and its lawyer Thurgood Marshall, was allowed to bring the landmark civil rights case, “Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka,” (1954) before the Supreme Court, finally overturning the 1896 Jim Crow laws. The Federal government could now prohibit local political leaders, and their henchmen, from committing social injustices.18
We currently live in the “modern” period (1960 to the present) of investigative reporting, characterized by a “no-holds-barred” approach in content, methodology, and results. This doesn’t mean “modern” investigative reporters are more likely to make up facts or create false impressions. If anything, because of the advancing technology for verifying information, modern investigative reporters have more careful about verifying and validating their findings. Yet, even the modern period of political investigative reporting had its pioneers, including: Robert Scheer (“The University on the Make,” Ramparts, 1966); Seymour Hersch (“The My Lai Massacre,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 1969); and Jack Anderson (“Secret Memo Bares Mitchell-ITT Move,” The Washington Post, 1972).19
Yet, the most significant work in political investigative reporting, the standard for modern investigative reporting, was set by Robert Woodward and Carl Bernstein in their investigation of the Watergate affair. These two reporters for The Washington Post. Their first article, “GOP Security Aide Among Five Arrested in Bugging Affair,” on the front page of The Washington Post on June 19, 1972, changed history.20 Yet, it took more than these two reporters to present one of the most important stories in the history of the United States, in a style of investigative reporting that forever changed America’s awareness and sought to raise the nation’s standards of political ethics. The courage and tenacity of these two reporters was matched by boldness of their publisher, Katherine Graham. Graham was willing to risk the reputation of her newspaper to find the truth in what she later called, “The very existence of The Post was at stake. I'd lived with White House anger before, but I had never seen anything remotely like the kind of fury and heat I was feeling targeted at us now.”21 As a result of Katherine Graham’s courage, and the work of two tireless investigative reporters, the course of history changed.
Corporate Corruption: The Never-Ending Story
It is sad, but true to realize that corporate corruption in the United States is no longer “news.” Today’s headlines are filled with stories of corporations guilty of investor fraud, exploitation, extortion, bribery, tax evasion, securities violations, political payoffs—like the Enron and WorldCom scandals. Some of these abuses were discovered by local or federal policing agencies. Still other cases were exposed by “anonymous sources” or even named “whistle-blowers,” who had inside information and did not want to be part of the scandal. Yet, many of these corporate corruptions were discovered and prosecuted based on the work of investigative reporters.
Henry Adams (1838-1918), a great-grandson of John Adams, and grandson of John Quincy Adams, became of all things, a journalist. His great-grandfather would have been horrified, given his experiences with Benjamin Bache. But Henry was not concerned about the past. He looked at the present, which for him was the last half of the 19th century. This was the “Industrial Revolution,” when fortunes were made for all those who could find ways, ethical or not, to control industry. Together, with his brother, Charles Francis Adams, Jr., Henry Adams began writing about the abuses of the “Captains of Industry,” or as they were also known, the “Robber Barons.” Adams found the events, “startling—astounding—terrifying.”22
In his work, “Chapters of Erie,” published in 1872, Henry Adams documents the corporate corruption of Wall Street tycoon, Jay Gould, a well-established robber baron, who had gained control of the Erie Railway, through a series of illegal stock manipulations. The Erie was the main transportation link between the agricultural resources of the Midwest and the markets of the East Coast. Henry Adams reported that in August of 1869, Gould partnered with fellow robber baron, “Jubilee” Jim Fisk, to buy large quantities of gold in order to “corner” the gold market. This would decrease the available supply of gold, and therefore increase its price—supply versus demand. The plan concocted by Gould and Fisk was simple: a gold shortage would increase the price of wheat, and wheat farmers would want to sell their crop before prices fell. Of course, the Erie Railway had a monopoly on this market and could charge whatever it wanted. There was only one problem. The gold shortage Gould and Fisk created raised the price of all goods and services, resulting in a financial disaster. Stock prices in all major industries began to fall. On September 24, 1869, known as “Black Friday,” there was a financial panic, causing many companies to fail and the value of gold to drop to about 50% in a single day.23 Through careful documentation, Henry and Charles Adams exposed the entire affair. “Chapters of Erie” became one of the most important investigative reports of corporate corruption. His work resulted in numerous lawsuits were filed against Gould and Fisk, forcing them to give up control of the Erie in 1872 and to return millions of dollars to the railroad and its investors. Justice prevailed, and the work of these two reporters served notice to other corporations that corrupt and abusive practices would be exposed and punished.24
Not everyone was listening. In 1860, William Marcy Tweed, better known as “Boss Tweed,” was elected chairman of Tammany Hall, the headquarters for the New York Democratic Party. Tweed was not a politician; he was a businessman who held one of the most powerful political positions in the City of New York. Tweed awarded contracts for all construction projects in the city. Boss Tweed had organized a group of contractors and city inspectors, called the “Tweed Ring;” in order to get big, city construction jobs, contractors were forced to return a portion of their payments back to Tweed as a “kickback.” Tweed then used part of that money to bribe the city inspectors to keep the system going. Louis J. Jennings, editor of the New York Times, had suspected that Tweed’s Tammany Hall was a place of bribery and graft, but he could never prove it. With so much money at stake, no one would give up any information, or else they would be out of work, or worse, lose their lives.25
Jennings continued to pursue the story at Tammany Hall, writing a number of “Op-Ed” pieces, but he still had not proof—not until 1871. That’s when two disgrunteld, low-level city bureaucrats brought Tweed’s ledgers to the New York Times. The information documented: 1) how carpenters and contractors were paid hundreds of thousands of dollars for a few days’ work, and how most of these funds were channeled back to bank accounts owned by Tweed; 2) how stone was purchased from quarries partly owned by Tweed himself; and 3) how small items, like a thermometer was purchased from a Tweed Ring member for $7,500.26 It took a man of great courage to go up against one of the most powerful men in New York. The New York Times’ article was just the tip of the corrupted iceberg. Samuel Tilden, New York Democratic legislator, read the article and decided to conduct an official investigation of the “Tweed Ring.” In 1873, Tweed was tried and convicted of fraud and sentenced to 12 years in prison. The “Tweed Ring” was broken. New York taxpayers were saved millions of dollars. Employment opportunities became available to a wider range of people, and the City of New York could afford more public projects to benefit its citizens. Although his sentence was reduced to one year, Tweed was then re-arrested on civil charges, sued by New York State for $6 million, and held in debtor's prison. He died in debtor’s prison in 1876.27 Again, justice was served as one investigative journalist changed the course of history in the nation’s largest city.
Other investigative reporters added their own contributions to United States history, as they sought to raise the standards of ethics in our corporate culture. Ida Tarbell (1857-1944), for instance, writing for McClure’s magazine in 1902, began to research one of the most powerful and wealthy companies at the time, Standard Oil Company, owned by John D. Rockefeller. Ida Tarbell searched court documents and interviewed oil executives, learning the secret to Standard Oil’s success: it forced the competition into bankruptcy. In her first article, “The Oil War of 1872,” published by McClure’s in 1903, Tarbell explained how Rockefeller secretly gained control of the railroads used for transporting oil, although his name or role was never made public. Rockefeller then raised the price of transportation so high, that smaller oil-producing companies couldn’t afford to ship their oil. If they couldn’t ship it, they couldn’t sell it. So, they went bankrupt. That’s when Standard Oil would come around and buy out the oil-producing company at record low prices. Over the next four years, Tarbell wrote 18 articles documenting the abuse of power and corruption in the business practices of Standard Oil.28
The courageous and carefully documented work of the Adams brothers and Louis Jennings culminated in changing the history of the United States. In 1890, Congress passed the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, which was the first attempt to curb the growth of monopolies or the anti-competitive business practices of organizations like “Tweed's Ring.”29 Yet, from 1890-1914, local, state and federal politicians looked the other way, as a number of “robber barons” or giants of industry achieved unfathomable wealth through anticompetitive, monopolistic business practices. In addition to John D. Rockefeller, America’s robber barons controlled a wide range of industries and colluded together to maintain control of both the supply and the demand of goods and services: banking and finance (J.P. Morgan); steel and construction (Andrew Carnegie); East Coast railroads and shipping lines (William Vanderbilt); Western railroads (Collis Huntington); General Electric (Edwin J. Houston); Armour Meats (Philip Armour); and the stock and bond markets (Lehman Brothers), just to name a few.30
Ida Tarbell’s ground-breaking, investigative reporting on John D. Rockefeller inspired other reporters to go after the robber barons. In 1905, Cosmopolitan exposed the anti-competitive practices of International Harvester (Cyrus McCormack). Later that same year, World’s Work revealed price-fixing tactics among several insurance companies (John Hancock, Metropolitan Life Insurance, Equitable Insurance, and Prudential Insurance). McClure’s and Colliers targeted railroad industry payoffs in 1906. In 1907, World’s Work continued its investigative reporting, focusing four articles on the abuses of collusion in the banking system. In 1909, Hampton’s uncovered General Electric Company’s attempts to monopolize water power.31 In 1913, the public and the politicians had had enough of the “haves” and “have-nots” economy created by these monopolies. In an effort to equalize incomes, the states ratified the Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which required a more equitable formula for individual income taxes as well as taxes on corporations.32 By 1914, Henry Clayton, a lawyer from Alabama, drafted the Clayton Anti-Trust Act, which strengthened the Sherman Anti-Trust Act by forbidding agreements between companies to fix or control prices for the purpose of lessening competition.33 President Theodore Roosevelt was the first to use these Act against Northern Securities Company, a large railroad conglomerate formed by J.P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller. Altogether, Theodore Roosevelt filed charges against 45 companies under the Sherman Act. His successor, President William Howard Taft filed charges against 75 companies. The results of this period of investigative journalism clearly had an impact on the history of the United States. Yet, the battles were not over, as giants of industry continue to abuse their powers in unfair and monopolistic business practices. In 1999 and in 2000, the Federal Justice Department sued Microsoft (Bill Gates) and Intel (Craig Barrett) for “strong-armed” tactics in attempts to eliminate its competitors.34
Conclusion:
Throughout the history of the United States, political corruption and corporate abuses have been two powerful forces that have joined together, each helping the other achieve their common goals of power and wealth. Big business gets bigger with the help of corrupt politicians; and politicians abuse their power with the help of corporate dollars. Or, as the expression goes, “One hand washes the other.”
Investigative journalism has often revealed the true history of the United States by exposing the stories behind the story of these two forces. But more importantly, investigative journalism has often been responsible for many of the social and political changes made to correct political corruption and corporate abuses. At the beginning of this essay, Hugo de Burgh described journalism as the “first rough draft of history.” He then defined investigative journalism as, “the first rough draft of legislation.”35 The success or failure of investigative journalism—and its impact on the history of the United States—depends on these journalistic watchdogs, people of conscience, whose sole purpose is to right the wrongs of politicians and big business through legislation, social reform, and political policy.
References
1. De Burgh, Hugo. Investigative Journalism: Context and Practice. London: Routledge, 2000, p. 3.
2. “Journalism” 18 March 2006. © 2006.
3. Shapiro, Bruce. Shaking the Foundations: 200 Years of Investigative Journalism in America. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2003, p. xv
4. Feldmeth, Greg D. "U.S. History Resources" 27 March 2006. © 1998
5. De Burgh, Hugo. Investigative Journalism: Context and Practice. London: Routledge, 2000, p. 3.
6. De Burgh, Hugo. Investigative Journalism: Context and Practice. London: Routledge, 2000, p. 8.
7. “XYZ Affair: The Reader's Companion to American History.” Houghton Mifflin Online Study Center. 20 March 2006. © 2006
8. “XYZ Affair: The Reader's Companion to American History.” Houghton Mifflin Online Study Center. 20 March 2006. © 2006
9. “Thomas Jefferson.” The American Revolution Home Page. 27 March 2006 © 2006.
10. Kurtz, Stephen G. The Presidency of John Adams: The Collapse of Federalism, 1795-1800. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1957. p. 39.
11. “The Sedition Act of 1798.” Study World. 27 March 2006. © 2006
12. “The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798” Archiving Early America: Folwell's "Laws of the U.S. 4 April 2006. © 2006
13. “The Sedition Act of 1798.” Study World. 27 March 2006. © 2006
14. De Burgh, Hugo. Investigative Journalism: Context and Practice. London: Routledge, 2000, p. xiv.
15. Shapiro, Bruce. Shaking the Foundations: 200 Years of Investigative Journalism in America. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2003, pp. 71-2.
16. Lavender, Catherine. “Ida B. Wells, A Passion for Justice.” History 286 (American Women's History), The Department of History, The College of Staten Island of The City University of New York. 6 April 2006. 20 February 2001.
17. “Enforcing Jim Crow.” Wikipedia. 7 April 2006. © 2006.
18. Hughes, Langston. Fight for Freedom: The Story of the NAACP. New York: W.W. Norton, 1962, p. 125.
19. Shapiro, Bruce. Shaking the Foundations: 200 Years of Investigative Journalism in America. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2003, pp. 319-320, pp. 337-338, and pp. 361-362.
20. Woodward, Robert and Bernstein, Carl. “GOP Security Aide Among Five Arrested in Bugging Affair.” . 7 April 2006. © 2006
21. Graham, Katherine. “The Watergate Watershed: A Turning Point for a Nation and a Newspaper.” WashingtonPostOnline. 6 April 2006. © 2006
22. Shapiro, Bruce. Shaking the Foundations: 200 Years of Investigative Journalism in America. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2003, p. 15.
23. “Black Friday.” Wikipedia. 4 April 2006. 21 March 2006
24. Geisst, Charles R. Monopolies in America: Empire Builders and Their Enemies, from Jay Gould to Bill Gates. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 20.
25. Lynch, Denis Tilden. Boss Tweed: The Story of a Grim Generation. New York: Boni and Liveright, 1927, p. 412.
26. Shapiro, Bruce. Shaking the Foundations: 200 Years of Investigative Journalism in America. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2003, p. 26-7.
27. Lynch, Denis Tilden. Boss Tweed: The Story of a Grim Generation. New York: Boni and Liveright, 1927, p. 421.
28. Glasser, Theodore. Journalism of Outrage. New York: The Guilford Press, 1991, p. 37.
29. “Anti-Trust Act.” Spartacus SchoolNet. 7 April 2006 © 2006.
30. “John Pierpont Morgan and the American Corporation.” Biography of America. 8 April 2006. © 2006.
31. Glasser, Theodore. Journalism of Outrage. New York: The Guilford Press, 1991, p. 37.
32. Stanley, Robert. Dimensions of Law in the Service of Order: Origins of the Federal Income Tax, 1861-1913. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993, p. 74.
33. Anderson, Gordon L., “Toward Economic Democracy.” International Journal on World Peace, Vol. 20, 2003, p. 1.
34. Geisst, Charles R. Monopolies in America: Empire Builders and Their Enemies, from Jay Gould to Bill Gates. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 317.
35. De Burgh, Hugo. Investigative Journalism: Context and Practice. London: Routledge, 2000,
p. 3.
Works Cited
Books
Anderson, Gordon L., “Toward Economic Democracy.” International Journal on World Peace, Vol. 20, 2003
De Burgh, Hugo. Investigative Journalism: Context and Practice. London: Routledge, 2000.
Geisst, Charles R. Monopolies in America: Empire Builders and Their Enemies, from Jay Gould to Bill Gates. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000
Glasser, Theodore. Journalism of Outrage. New York: The Guilford Press, 1991
Hughes, Langston. Fight for Freedom: The Story of the NAACP. New York: W.W. Norton, 1962, p. 125.
Kurtz, Stephen G. The Presidency of John Adams: The Collapse of Federalism, 1795-1800. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1957
Lynch, Denis Tilden. Boss Tweed: The Story of a Grim Generation. New York: Boni and Liveright, 1927
Shapiro, Bruce. Shaking the Foundations: 200 Years of Investigative Journalism in America. New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2003
Stanley, Robert. Dimensions of Law in the Service of Order: Origins of the Federal Income Tax, 1861- 1913. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993
Periodicals
Lavender, Catherine. “Ida B. Wells, A Passion for Justice.” History 286 (American Women's History), The Department of History, The College of Staten Island of The City University of New York. 6 April 2006. 20 February 2001.
Web Sites
“Anti-Trust Act.” Spartacus SchoolNet. 7 April 2006 © 2006.
“Black Friday.” Wikipedia. 4 April 2006. 21 March 2006
“Enforcing Jim Crow.” Wikipedia. 7 April 2006. © 2006.
Feldmeth, Greg D. "U.S. History Resources" 27 March 2006. © 1998
Graham, Katherine. “The Watergate Watershed: A Turning Point for a Nation and a Newspaper.” WashingtonPostOnline. 6 April 2006. © 2006
“John Pierpont Morgan and the American Corporation.” Biography of America. 8 April 2006. © 2006.
“Journalism” 18 March 2006. © 2006.
“The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798” Archiving Early America: Folwell's "Laws of the U.S. 4 April 2006. © 2006
“The Sedition Act of 1798.” Study World. 27 March 2006. © 2006
“XYZ Affair: The Reader's Companion to American History.” Houghton Mifflin Online Study Center. 20 March 2006. © 2006
“Thomas Jefferson.” The American Revolution Home Page. 27 March 2006 © 2006.
Woodward, Robert and Bernstein, Carl. “GOP Security Aide Among Five Arrested in Bugging Affair.” . 7 April 2006. © 2006
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