An Informal Imperialism



school of history, culture and communicationERASMUS UNIVERSITY ROTTERDAMAn Informal ImperialismU.S. Foreign Policy 1898-1912Student Name: Lochlann EganStudent Number: 364145Email address: lochlannegan@Supervising Lecturer: Dr. F.M.M. de GoeySecond Reader: Dr. B. WubsContents Outline of Thesis Chapter StructureINTRODUCTIONDefining Imperialism .............................................................................................. 4Existing interpretations of American Imperialism ………………………........ 8Role of Germany ……....…………………………………………………………………… 13Historiography on Roosevelt’s Diplomacy ……………………………………… 14Historiography on Taft’s Diplomacy ………………….……………………………. 18Research Question(s) ……………………………………………………………………….. 21Method & Sources …………………………………...……………………………………….. 21Thesis Structure ……………………………………………………………………………… 22ROLE OF THE PRESIDENT IN FOREIGN POLICY FORMULATION …. 24The Domestic Context ……………………………………………………………………… 24Pre-Roosevelt ………………………………………………………………………………….. 26Rooseveltian Statecraft ……………………………………………………………………. 31Post-Roosevelt ………………………………………………………………………………… 34Taft’s Dollar Diplomacy …………………………………………………………………. 37THE NAVY- AN INSTRUMENT OF AMERICA’S STRATEGIC VISION…44T.R.’s Motivations …………………………………………………………………………….. 44State of the Navies/Spending Figures ……………………………………………… 46The Great White Fleet ……………………………………………………………………… 49CASE STUDIES ………………………………………………………………………….. 53The Panama Canal …………………………………………………………………………… 54Cuba ………………………………………………………………………………………………... 57The Philippines ………………………………………………………………………………. 60INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEAN AND PACIFIC POWERS ……………. 65Britain ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 65Germany ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 66Japan ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 71CONCLUSIONS …………………………………………………………………………. 74BIBLIOGRAPHY ……………………………………………………………………… 80Chapter 1: IntroductionTo suggest that the United States was “expansionist” in the nineteenth century does not spark much controversy. America’s history of expansion, from the push overland to the Mississippi, further sprawls to the Western continental limits and then beyond, to the north and the acquisition of Alaska from Russia in 1867 is clearly representative of an era of expansion. To suggest that the United States has been “imperialist” for much of its history is entirely different however, and is not a tag that the American people have been willing to acknowledge or embrace. Americans have long espoused a belief that their nation is different, an assumption that also infers that the United States is better. Take for example the following offering from The National Review Online, in relation to American exceptionalism:‘Our country has always been exceptional. It is freer, more individualistic, more democratic, and more open and dynamic than any other nation on earth. These qualities are the bequest of our Founding and of our cultural heritage. They have always marked America as special, with a unique role and mission in the world: as a model of ordered liberty and self-government and as an exemplar of freedom and a vindicator of it, through persuasion when possible and force of arms when absolutely necessary’. It is the intention of this thesis to seek to disprove the prevailing assertion that the United States has enjoyed a history devoid of imperialism, to disprove the consensus that regards the United States as having behaved in an upstanding and conscientious manner towards lesser states while other ‘Great Powers’ plundered and colonized vast tracts of the globe. However it will also seek to demonstrate in what ways, if any, this American brand of imperialism differed from the preceding European models.While it would not be wholly unreasonable to suggest that the “Continental expansion” into Louisiana, the Floridas, Texas, California, and Oregon and the elimination or incarceration of Native Americans was an imperialist era, I do not subscribe to this train of thought. The period may have demonstrated some imperial characteristics but this cannot be classed as a carefully plotted, conscious phase of imperialism, in my view. It is a later period, namely events occurring at the dawn of the 20th century, which will be the primary concern and object of focus for this master thesis. While this period was technically not imperialist in the sense of a limited definition- one that encompasses only the formal colonization of areas not part of the American continent- the hypothesis that this project worked with and towards is that the United States did behave in an imperialist manner during the presidencies of William McKinley (1897-1901), Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909) and William Howard Taft (1901-1913). Therefore, a key element to this debate is definition. There has been an abundance of theories and definitions pertaining to imperialism, spanning generations. One of the central goals of this introduction is to analyze some of the perspectives and theories offered so far, and to precisely determine which definition is most apt and will be utilized in my treatment of the research material. I will first outline the method, sources and structure of the thesis.1.1 Defining ImperialismBefore approaching the primary and secondary sources at my disposal for this project, it is essential that I clarify the analytical framework and precisely define what I mean by ‘imperialism’. This is not as straightforward a task as it might first appear given the array of interpretations offered on the topic. The word imperialism has seen its meaning shift many times. Understanding these shifting meanings is made doubly difficult by the many theories of imperialism which have been invented in the twentieth century. A theory of imperialism is an attempt to find in the apparent chaos of international relations a regular pattern which arises from one or a few basic causes. In this section, I will explore a variety of texts that have all dealt with the issue of imperialism and its offshoot theories. They offer differing interpretations and analyses. However, they are broadly united in acknowledging that the common element in almost all the present and past uses of the word “imperialism” is a reference to domination- domination of man over man, country over country. The aim of this thesis is essentially twofold. It is to demonstrate that the United States international conduct at the dawn of the 20th century was of an imperialist nature, thus shattering the illusion of American “exceptionalism”. It will also ask whether this was a unique form of imperialism, different from the classical methods carried out by earlier metropoles, namely Britain during the 19th century. To facilitate this, I will now proceed to explore some differing perspectives on the study of imperialism, including the economic and capitalist. Alternative theories- including Marxist theories amongst others- are not included in this paper. That should not suggest that I deem these theories invalid but that they are not as suitable as others for this particular thesis.An analysis of imperialism would be lacking if it did not explore the writings of John A. Hobson, who published his celebrated Imperialism in 1902. Some scholars decree that no other book has been so influential in spreading the doctrine of economic imperialism. While scholars universally acknowledge the influence of the text, there are contrasting interpretations of Hobson’s work. This is attributable to the fact that Hobson never offers a categorical definition of imperialism but rather offers a number of statements which appear to be definitions but which differ among themselves. For instance, at one juncture, he says imperialism ‘is a depraved choice of national life, imposed by self-seeking interests which appeal to the lusts of quantitative acquisitiveness and of forceful domination surviving in a nation from early centuries of animal struggle for existence’. Yet at another point he says that imperialism represents the growing tendency of the wealthy classes to ‘use their political power as citizens of this state to interfere with the political conditions of those States where they have an industrial stake’. Sometimes he writes of imperialism as virtually the same thing as the drive to acquire and retain colonies yet just as often he writes as though imperialism as a policy could be practiced without any territorial acquisitions. Etherington ultimately attempts to paraphrase Hobson by offering the following definition of imperialism, which he sees as embracing all of Hobson’s various uses of the word. It asserts that ‘imperialism is the deliberate use of the power of the state, including its military power, in order to advance alleged economic interests in the world at large. This includes not only grabbing colonies but a great deal of other aggressive and coercive activity.’ Winslow suggests that to Hobson, economic imperialism was merely one kind of expansion, and represents a particular type of motive, of which there can be many- including military, religious and other “non-economic” motives. Interestingly, some proclaim that Hobson did not regard finance as the “motor-power” of imperialism, but instead regarded patriotism, adventure and political ambition as the engine of expansion. This would seem a misinterpretation however as there can be little doubt that the core of Hobson’s message was that the fundamental causes of imperialism and international conflict are economic.Etherington argues that Hobson contributed two new theses to the theoretical discussion of imperialism. The first pertained to the past growth of the British Empire, which is of lesser importance to this thesis. The second however, concerned the future and the possibilities for imperialism at the dawn of the 20th century, the period in which this topic is steeped. In contrast to those who said that surplus investment capital made imperialism a present and future necessity, Hobson offered his thesis that a redistribution of income and a diversion of more money to worthwhile state projects at home would relieve most of the pressure for aggressive foreign policies. In retrospect, such a thesis may appear utopian, for we now know that the coming decades would see carnage on an almost unimaginable scale. The nucleus of Hobson’s economic imperialism theory –stating that capitalists will benefit from imperialism- will remain of use in this master thesis however given the undeniable importance of economic factors in shaping U.S. foreign policy in the period. Given the nature of this thesis topic, it is also worth exploring Etherington’s analysis of what he titles “America’s first Capitalist Theory of Capitalist Imperialism”, in which he dissects the editorials of the United States Investor during the period of the Spanish-American War of 1898. The Investor was a weekly newspaper that he regards as being an ideal source for contemporary American notions about imperialism. Given that their editorials had a sudden change in their tone as regards imperialism, this can be seen as mirroring the shift in wider U.S. policy. As Etherington notes, the editor of the Investor changed his mind about imperialism when he realized that contrary to almost everyone’s expectations it was good for business. In May of 1898 the Bostonian editor of the paper announced his sudden conversion to the cause of ‘imperialism.’ The Investor re-iterated that imperialism was a ‘necessity’ -given the surpluses of goods and capital generated by industrial development- and the case it made for necessity deserves to be called a theory of imperialism to Etherington. While acknowledging that a Boston financial paper with a small circulation cannot be regarded as the beginning of an imperialist sentiment in America, Etherington is correct in highlighting the path taken by the Investor. It was symbolic of an alteration in mood and mindset amongst Americans to imperialism in a changing world, an era when businessmen and politicians began to search for a new frontier, now that continental expansion was complete. With fears heightening that the USA would face a shrinking home market for products, penetration of Latin America and the broader Pacific region assumed an even greater urgency. Frederick Jackson Turner’s 1893 publication “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” had been an important stimulant to this view.With the entire international relations landscape dramatically altered by World War I, discussions on imperialism took a new course. Imperialism came to mean little more than colonialism. Leonard Woolf’s Empire and Commerce (1920) stands as an important addition to the field of economic imperialism. Though he restricted his study to colonial questions, his definition of ‘economic imperialism’ is of interest to this thesis:‘Economic Imperialism’: Under this term I include the international economic policy of the European States, of the U.S.A., and latterly of Japan, in the unexploited and non-Europeanised Territories of the world. The policy of Economic Imperialism includes colonial policy and the acquisition by the Europeanised State of exploitable territory, the policy of spheres of influence, and the policy of obtaining economic control through other political means. These various kinds of policy are all distinguished by one important characteristic; they all aim at using the power and the influence of the European form of the State in the economic interests of its inhabitants in lands where the European form of State has not developed. I call it imperialism because the policy always implies either the extension of the State’s territory by conquest or occupation, or the application of its dominion or some form of political control to peoples who are not its citizens. I qualify it with the word economic because the motives of this imperialism are not defense nor prestige nor conquest not the ‘spread of civilization’, but the profit of the citizens, or some of the citizens, of the European State. While Woolf’s study primarily revolved around the role of the European metropoles in the race for acquisitions in Africa, his theory also name checks the American position at the outset of the 20th century and is thus applicable to my analysis.Before concluding, it is also worth noting the definition offered by the Dictionary on American Foreign Affairs. It remarks that ‘Imperialism is a concept in international relations of the forcible extension by a nation of its control over foreign areas and their peoples. The term is often used more broadly to describe any significant extension of a nation’s influence and power over other societies through such means as economic exploitation and cultural domination.’ This definition, in tandem with those offered by Woolf and Hobson, encapsulates my concept of imperialism for this master thesis. Henceforth, this thesis will regard imperialism as being: ‘the deliberate use of the power of the state, including its military power, in order to advance alleged economic interests in the world at large, to extend that state’s power over peoples who are not its citizens and to safeguard and/or create spheres of influence’. The broader, overarching question of this research topic asks whether the United States exhibited imperialist traits under Theodore Roosevelt and William H. Taft. It is against this definition of imperialism that the question will be gauged. 1.2 Existing interpretations of American imperialismGiven that he central research question of this master thesis asks whether the foreign policy endeavors of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft were of an imperialistic nature, it is therefore necessary to consider what has already been written on the subject. There exists a vast quantity of secondary literature on this topic, especially on the career of Theodore Roosevelt given his lofty standing in American history. Unsurprisingly, Taft’s administration has been the subject of less focus, though there remains a wealth of secondary source material on aspects of his presidency. In this section, it will only be possible to mention a fraction of the literature that pertains to this research area. However, the titles and authors I have read and examined represent a fair cross-section of the field.Warren Zimmermann’s First Great Triumph (2002) is an analysis of five figures that he regards as the instigators of America’s ascendency to the status of a world power at the turn of the 19th century. Theodore Roosevelt is a key player in the book, and Zimmermann actually labels his tenure as ‘The Imperial Presidency’. The book is notable because while it is critical of American atrocities in the Philippines conflict and of the questionable ethics of Roosevelt in relation to Panama’s separation from Colombia, Zimmermann doubts whether any of the peoples affected would have been better off in the long run had the United States not interfered. Zimmerman ultimately states that the era saw the creation of an authentic American imperialism “that was confident in its objectives but modest in its application”, thus asserting that the USA was imperialistic, but different. The book is also of particular interest to this thesis because it brands Theodore Roosevelt “a sphere of influence realist”, suggesting that he had a broader strategic blueprint for the U.S.Akira Iriye (1977) castigates Theodore Roosevelt’s handling of the Panamanian uprising as an embarrassment to the U.S., ‘which seemed to engage precisely in the same kinds of gun-boat diplomacy and secret machinations that were associated with European imperialism.’ He later concludes that U.S. interventionism in the Caribbean ‘was a particular form of imperialism, without involving colonization or territorial seizure. Instead, the United States turned the region into its sphere of influence through its military presence, canal construction and economic influence. While the use of force and the establishment of colonies were kept to a minimum, there was a distinct departure from the traditional approach which had generally emphasized informal control of the Caribbean region. The United States was little different from the other imperialist powers in thus having various kinds of approach and maintaining several levels of control over foreign lands…..The United States was now a full-fledged member of the community of imperialists.’ It also bears noting that for Iriye there was no European style imperialism, because it was much varied and diverse in reality.Iriye’s assessment of U.S. imperialism is not shared by all in the scholarly community however. The central argument of Richard H. Collin’s Theodore Roosevelt’s Caribbean: The Panama Canal, the Monroe Doctrine, and the Latin American Context (1990) is essentially that encouraging capitalist development was not ominous but a means of applying North American principles to other cultures as a way of ending the region’s revolutions, wars, and instability. Collin uses “context” as a historiographical device through which to defend the ideological determinants of United States policy. The book therefore represents a point of view, and is one in a long line of texts that have as their central goal the defense and justification of U.S. policy in the period. His study is derived from a single context: the North American one. Latin historiography is almost universally ignored. Latin American archival records are largely left ignored, except for a few token references. The reader does not therefore get a truly useful representation of the Latin American context. This is also true of a great deal of the literature pertaining to this topic. Too often, they offer only one vantage point- the North American- and ignore the indigenous perspective. This has meant that the historiography in this area has often been partisan and concerned with justifying U.S. conduct.Sentimental Imperialists (1981) by James C. Thomson is further evidence of this. When seeking to trace the roots of later American expansionism, it states that by the final decades of the 19th century, imperialism had become normal for the major Western powers-and even Japan. It was this, he argues, that gave America its impetus for overseas expansion and that the U.S. foray into the imperial stakes was justified by earlier European endeavors. This text also broadens the debate on whether the United States newfound interest beyond its own continental limits was driven by economic factors, stating that it would be mistaken to conclude that from the late nineteenth-century ‘American expansionism was wholly- or even primarily- economic in motivation. The returns are not yet in from the historiographical debate on this question. For every scholar who ranks economic causes first, there is another who finds the picture more complicated.’ Indeed, Sentimental Imperialists goes much further than most when suggesting that ‘morally, politically, and strategically, the heart of the new expansionism was the acquisition of a large colonial empire, the projection of American military and naval power into Asia and Latin America on a permanent basis, and the deliberate emergence of the United States as one of the key forces in the international balance of power.’ This assertion goes further than the majority of writers on this topic, most of who dispute that America ever had any real designs on accruing vast colonial acquisitions. It’s not a totally isolated viewpoint however. William Appleman Williams led the revisionist charge, authoring a dozen books including The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (1959) and Empire as a Way of Life (1980). His portrayal of the United States as an imperialist power bent on forcing its economic and political will around the world was a seismic shock to the traditionalist accounts which emphasized the role of political factors such as hemispheric defense, public opinion, the new navalism and the rise of racist expansionist ideologies as being the chief motor of overseas acquisitions. In his 1980 work Empire as a Way of Life, Williams sets out to attack American militarism as the product of a drive for empire, first over Indians and blacks, then over Mexicans, and finally over the whole world excepting the USSR and Eastern Europe. Imperialism, he argues, has been the main force in American history. His disdain for American conduct against Spain in the war of 1898 is made plain by his description of the conflict as a “crusading, punitive, and imperial war”, a “gratuitous attack” upon the Spanish Empire, motivated by a desire for the Philippines. Until that point, historians had traditionally viewed American ascendancy as haphazard, a chance product of Manifest Destiny or of events beyond American control, such as the Spanish-American War. However scholars increasingly began to argue that expansion was a rational, pragmatic response to internal tensions and conflicts dramatized by the Panic of 1893, when America was hit by an economic depression, the greatest to have affected the country in its history to that point.Appleman William’s works were a dramatic rebuttal of the traditional exceptionalist narrative that had been dominant in the historiography on American imperialism. Traditional exceptionalism had determined that America’s unique values of democracy, liberty, and self-government had led the United States to be a distinctive global power, compelling the American state to behave differently than European powers: America’s values and democratic institutions thus meant that the United States never constructed an empire. The influence of Appleman William’s writings would become one of the primary motors behind the emergence of a new counter trend in the historiography on American imperialism. This revisionist school, aptly branded by Go (2011) as Liberal Exceptionalism, stressed that while the United States practiced imperialism, it was a special and unique form, benign and liberal in comparison to the preceding European metropoles. Liberal exceptionalist historiography thus surmises that the U.S. empire has been distinctly democratizing, liberal and tutelary rather than repressive because that is how America does things. According to others, the connection drawn in the 1890s between expansion and naval power was central to the emerging American imperialism. Influential naval strategist Alfred Thayer Mahan and other exponents of an imperialist foreign policy held that America’s dynamic economic growth demanded new overseas markets, sources of raw materials, and investment opportunities- partly in response to the shock of the Turner Thesis, as mentioned above. The United States, they contended, needed a large merchant marine protected by a great navy to compete commercially with the European powers, which were busy acquiring colonies in Africa, Asia, and among the islands of the Pacific. To support its expanded sea power, the argument continued, America would also need to acquire overseas strategic bases and colonies and construct an isthmian canal in Central America to ease naval and commercial movements between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The Spanish-American War was thus the translation of these imperialist ideals into action. Imperialists defended the decision to annex the Philippines on the grounds that the Filipinos needed enlightened U.S. rule and that the island chain’s proximity to China would facilitate American commercial penetration of what was anticipated to be a vast market in the future.Flanders also states that it was the ‘extension of U.S. influence, rather than territorial aggrandizement, that characterized American imperialism after 1900’, largely due to the fallout from the bloody Filipino campaign. In the early 20th century, this approach focused on the Caribbean region, where U.S. policy was concerned with safeguarding the strategically key Panama Canal (completed in 1914) and preventing the expansion of European influence. The United States feared that the chronic fiscal and political instability of the Central American and Caribbean nations would invite European intervention. The Roosevelt Corollary then asserted pre-eminent U.S. influence in the America’s and invested the United States with a right of intercession in the Western Hemisphere to keep order and repel foreign interference. U.S. military interventions and the establishment of American financial protectorates in Cuba, Panama, the Dominican Republic, Haiti and Nicaragua expanded American hegemony in the Caribbean up through WW1. Washington installed U.S. customs collectorships in several Latin American countries, placing their government revenues under American control, and pursued a policy of dollar diplomacy to secure economic and political leverage.What these texts help to highlight is that there remains a debate within the historiography on this topic. Debate still rages over whether the United States was truly an imperial player in this era and if so, what its motivations and intentions were. As demonstrated earlier, the traditional exceptionalist school was largely dominant in the subject’s historiography until the intervention of the revisionists, whose charge was chiefly led by the writings of Appleman Williams. Resultantly, the liberal exceptionalist school was borne as a reaction. This school has had a substantial effect on the historiographical debate and “remains a central paradigm in American imperial studies.” And while American conduct in Iraq post-9/11 has led to an increase in radical accounts of American foreign policy- claiming that America has always been an imperial power intent on accruing an empire- the traditional exceptionalist school remains the chief challenger to the dominant liberal exceptionalist paradigm.1.3 Role of GermanyAnother issue pertaining to this thesis that has been the subject of much debate and disagreement is the role played by Germany in shaping U.S. policy in this period. David Healy remains convinced that German actions played a pivotal role in the formulation of American policy in the Caribbean, writing that Roosevelt feared the Germans would find ways to acquire the Dutch and Danish possessions in the Americas to use as bases for the insertion of their power. Healy also suggests that ‘between 1897 and 1905, German naval staff officers elaborated a series of war plans involving an attack upon the east coast of the United States.’ This interpretation contrasts starkly with Raimund Lammersdorf’s, who believes that Roosevelt viewed the Kaiser at this time as ‘a nuisance rather than a danger’ and that the idea of a contiguous development of German-American antagonism from 1889-1917 is the result of a teleological vision of foreign relations developing inevitably towards World War I. 1.4 Historiography on Roosevelt’s diplomacyHistoriography on American foreign relations was for most of the 20th century divided amongst three major groupings: “traditionalists”, “realists” and “New Left”. The traditionalists were near-unanimous in assessing nineteenth-century American diplomacy as "successful," and, if having more doubts about the twentieth century, still felt that the United States had achieved world leadership while simultaneously following policies supportive of other nations' aspirations to self-determination, democracy, and prosperity. The realists gave nineteenth-century American diplomacy high marks for the pursuit of generally limited and attainable objectives, but lamented the tendency in the twentieth century to embrace abstract and universalistic goals without regard to power realities. The rise of the New Left school in the 1960s would cut a wide swath through the study of American diplomacy. Reacting in part to the catastrophes of the Vietnam War, their model emphasized economic factors as the driving force behind American foreign policy. The major thrust of New Left revisionism has been toward rewriting the history of the Cold War to place major responsibility upon the United States, but there was also an accompanying reading back into the past to enhance the image of an expansionist and aggressive America.The dominance of these three groupings was challenged in the twilight of the 20th century however, as the historiographies of Theodore Roosevelt and William Taft demonstrate. In 1990, it was judged that William Appleman Williams’s economics-oriented “Open Door” thesis was the “dominant interpretive paradigm in American diplomatic history” and that a hegemony paradigm had emerged as the consensus in relation to the literature on Roosevelt and Taft. This paradigm was regarded as originating from the common emphasis on Roosevelt’s “big stick” method of diplomacy and placed a keen emphasis on dependency theory. Yet as the twentieth century drew to a close, there began to emerge a challenge to the consensus.Richard H. Collin was one of the chief proponents of this challenge. In a 1995 article of significant importance to the debate on Roosevelt/Taft historiography, he identified weaknesses with the hegemony paradigm and put forward his own competing concept of “symbiosis”, which emphasizes cultural affairs more than strategic and economic ones and looks for contextual interrelations in a broad international perspective to help explain conflicts between specific nations. Collin actually argues that scholars of the hegemony paradigm recognize the importance of cultural relations between peoples but choose to emphasize power contests either among great powers or between imperial powers and weaker ones. His concept, by contrast, more centrally emphasizes cultural interaction and corrects what he sees as a blemish in the hegemony approach.Collin judges that his “symbiosis” approach is perfectly suited to considering the context of crisis and global change that confronted Taft and his predecessor. Having remarked that he regards David Healy’s Drive to Hegemony: The United States in the Caribbean, 1898-1917 as being the “high point of the hegemonic framework”, Collin suggests that this overly determinist interpretation of conscious empire can be better explained by going beyond the hegemonic concepts of power- economic, strategic and military. While economics, strategy and power may explain much in the history of U.S. relations with Latin America, to Collin these explanations are incomplete and unsatisfying. In an excellent example, he cites the Caribbean’s love for baseball and Latin America’s fondness for U.S. comic books. While earlier scholars had regarded this as an instance of cultural imperialism, Collin chooses to see it as a natural happening that occurred without conscious design.The historiography on the Panama Canal – a much discussed legacy of the Roosevelt presidency- is regarded by Collin to be a prime area for implementation of his symbiosis concept. He believes that his new approach can revise the standardly hegemonic consensus on the subject. The historiography on the Panama Canal had been overwhelmingly condemnatory of Roosevelt throughout the 20th century, with a 1940 publication even comparing him to Hitler. The standard, hegemonic interpretation was summed up as follows: Roosevelt and the United States wanted a canal, Colombia objected to giving up its rights in Panama, and Roosevelt encouraged, fomented, or caused a “revolution” in Panama, which then was “free” to negotiate its own canal treaty with the United States. The result gave the United States what it wanted, left Panama in a state of permanent dependency as an American protectorate, and made Colombia an example of what happens to a small Latin American nation that tangles with the Colossus to the North. Collin’s symbiosis framework leads to a radically different interpretation in which he argues that the conflict was cultural, driven by Colombia’s President Marroquín. In choosing to avoid the overemphasis on two nations in diplomatic conflict that is inherent in the hegemonic framework, he argues that the religious character of the conflicts between the U.S. and Spain, Latin America and the Philippines has been overlooked so far. To him, the U.S. position as a Protestant nation protecting the Catholic majority of Filipinos from a militant Muslim minority was perhaps naive progressive paternalism, but it was far different than simple economic or strategic expansionism. Edward Crapol’s essay is further evidence of a broader trend during this period, one that sought to craft a less moralistic historiography of imperialism. His work is reflective of an attempt to advance the primacy of moral responsibility as a motive, rather than the economic and strategic policies so stressed by proponents of the hegemonic network of scholars. The most substantial disagreements on Roosevelt/Taft-era historiography center on Latin America and Central America, where the memory of the big stick and of later U.S. interventions has created a sense and historiography of victimization. There is a consensus that the United States was paternalistic and insensitive in the region. In stressing the cultural exceptionalism that lay at the heart of Latin American nationalism and its resistance to foreign domination, these scholars were instrumental in shifting the historiography on Roosevelt-era diplomacy away from the dominant materialist, hegemonic framework that had for decades been unchallenged.It is also worth noting a further splinter group in the historiographical debate over American diplomacy. This is the corporatism school, which moved away from the hegemonic diction with its linkage of domestic, diplomatic and economic policies in an internationalized context. While corporatism’s primary focus is still economic, Collin’s “symbiosis” uses whatever defines the interactive elements at a particular time, be they economic, domestic politics etc. His is a fluid framework that is not rigidly aligned to material concepts like the hegemony school. As he concludes, “symbiosis can accommodate a wider cultural corporatism, internationalized not only in its economic focus but also in its eagerness to emphasize domestic politics of all nations, imaginative culture, and intellectual change… Symbiosis is a framework for the new internationalist, modernist, cultural community that began in earnest with Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency and influenced more of the events and peoples in the world than the receding nineteenth century’s nationalist economic interest conflicts”.Interpretations on the motives and legacy of Roosevelt are still the source of dispute. While some rush to label Roosevelt an imperialist with an appetite for conflict, there are scholars who counter with the fact that the country experienced no major war on his almost eight year watch, a record rarely mentioned by his enemies who represented him as always bellicose and belligerent. Ninkovich refers to the touchstone of Roosevelt’s diplomacy as being right rather than might. There remains no consensus on his presidency, which is not surprising given the magnitude and fallout from it.1.5 Historiography on Taft’s diplomacyThere is a widespread acceptance amongst scholars that William Howard Taft was an inactive president who largely confined himself to the White House and refrained from vigorous public engagements. This relative unpopularity was reflected in his third place finish in his presidential re-election campaign of 1912. He failed to escape the shadow of his titanic predecessor and was succeeded by Woodrow Wilson, another colossus of 20th century American politics. Given that his largely unremarkable presidency was wedged between the epochal administrations of two figures whose legacies still resonate today, Taft has resultantly been reduced to the margins of 20th century U.S. history, his tenure roundly condemned as being lethargic and directionless. Much criticism centered on his administration’s approach to foreign affairs, which stressed the importance of the nation’s rapidly growing capital resources and downplayed Theodore Roosevelt’s emphasis on military force. While Taft argued that such a policy would assist in the creation of orderly societies by helping to develop the unindustrialized nations while simultaneously earning profits for American investors, opponents offensively dubbed it ‘Dollar diplomacy’. However, a journey through the historiography of Taft’s administration reveals a more nuanced picture and suggests that the portrait of him as a failed president with no tangible, enduring legacy is not wholly accurate.Dexter Perkins appraisal of Taft provides a much more layered analysis of the administration. Published shortly after World War II, Perkins Hands Off: A History of the Monroe Doctrine states that “At the distance of more than a quarter of a century, it can readily be seen that Mr. Taft, in discharging his high office, was by no means the ghastly failure which party spirit, and the venom of his predecessor, was to make him seem; his constructive achievements were many..” He also applauds the policy of ‘Dollar diplomacy’ for bearing “no sinister financial aspect”, unlike earlier policies pursued by Roosevelt.There were other notable reappraisals of Taft’s foreign policy record as the 20th century progressed. An analysis of The American Historical Review is a further instance of a revisionist interpretation of the Taft era. This passage from a 1974 review article- written at a time when the United States was still reeling from its draining and futile engagements in Vietnam- offers a fresh take on Taft’s diplomatic dealings; “It remains refreshing, now that American presidents have got the habit of assuming absolute power to deploy the military abroad, that Taft felt inescapably constrained by the absence of a formal, legal sanction. Despite some gross sabre rattling and a personal readiness to intervene….Taft refused to move because Congress gave him no authority to do so.” Paolo Coletta’s narrative from the same period largely follows this tone. His work offers a gently critical interpretation of the Taft administration, and surmises that Taft “was not a bad president but a rather good one”, failing to achieve greatness because he was incapable of playing the shrewd political games that his predecessor reveled in. In a publication three years later, Akira Iriye has praise for Taft’s foreign policy, suggesting that it was universalistic in imagination as well as application and paved the way for the coming of Woodrow Wilson’s internationalism. Iriye goes further and concludes that the criticism of dollar diplomacy “tells as much about the accomplishments as about the problem of that diplomacy. Wilsonian foreign policy was not so much a rejection of Taft’s approach as an attempt to overcome some of these problems without throwing away the accomplishments.” While not a categorical endorsement of all of Taft’s foreign policy decisions, these writings indicate that in an age of catastrophic diplomatic failures, the historiography of Taft’s administration was more favorable than many would expect.Favorable appraisals of the Taft administrations diplomacy are in the minority however. For Walter LaFeber there is little ambiguity regarding Taft’s dollar diplomacy. He rejects Iriye’s assertion completely when arguing that rather than seeking to protect order and the status quo abroad, trade and economic opportunity was the chief engine driving U.S. policy, regardless of the chaos and revolution that may result. For him, Taft’s policies “perfectly illustrate the quest for overseas markets that were needed to deal with the requirements of the Second Industrial Revolution….and how that quest led to disorder and even revolution”. In essence, Taft’s dollar diplomacy used dollars not as a substitute for bullets –as he’d claimed- but as a supplement.Like Roosevelt, the historiography on Taft’s diplomacy has been widely dominated by the hegemonic framework favored by scholars for most of the 20th century. However, Richard Collin argues that the failure of Dollar Diplomacy in conception and practice may owe more to clumsiness than hegemonic expansiveness. This clumsiness was demonstrated in his overpopulating of his inner circle and cabinet with lawyers who favored active intervention and American economic primacy. In a damning summation, Collin states that by replacing Roosevelt’s use of power and responsibility and his commitment to internationalism with open American economic motives, Taft obliterated much of their predecessors’ attempts to establish friendlier relations with Latin American countries. Taft’s clumsy economic initiatives would only reinforce the Latin stereotypes of materialism and insensitivity.More contemporary readings on Taft’s presidency have also been largely unkind. Stephen Graubard regards Taft as having been Roosevelt’s ‘dauphin’ and remarks that the world order he proposed to achieve through the growing economic interdependence of nations never materialized. Others regard his dollar diplomacy in Central and Latin America as a farce and an ill-fitting disguise for Yankee imperialism. So while there have been notable instances of scholars re-appraising and defending Taft’s diplomatic efforts, the broader historiographical consensus remains dominated by the hegemonic paradigm who stress a sinister, economic driven plot as Taft’s ultimate motivation.1.6 Research Question(s)Before proceeding further, I will clarify precisely the research questions that the master thesis seeks to answer. The broader, overarching research question asks whether the foreign policy of the United States in the period 1898-1912 can be classed as being ‘imperialist’ and how this American brand of imperialism differed from the preceding European models, namely that of Britain. In addition, a number of sub questions arise from this. The following are the most pertinent:What was the impact of Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency on the process of foreign policy formulation in the White House? (Chapter 2)Why did the USA want to develop a robust, modern navy and was it an instrument in achieving America’s foreign policy aspirations?(Chapter 3) Were the foreign policies of emerging powers such as Germany and Japan important motivators in the strategic decision-making of Washington? (Chapters 4 and 5) 1.7 Method & SourcesThe methods of research used during this master thesis were qualitative. Both primary and secondary sources were utilized throughout the research process, although the balance was more in favor of secondary sources. These secondary sources included a wide array of secondary literature such as books, review articles and electronic journals. Primary sources were largely obtained from the Roosevelt Study Centre in Middelburg, The Netherlands. These include a collection of Theodore Roosevelt’s papers, which catalogue his personal correspondence, speeches and diaries. A similar, albeit smaller, collection pertaining to William Howard Taft is also housed at the study center. I also examined multiple reels of microfilm relating to both presidents, from before, during and after their tenures. In addition, the digitalized archives of the New York Times were a valuable tool in gauging the media and public mood during my periodization. Finally, detailed transcripts of speeches such as Annual Messages to Congress and State of the Union addresses were accessed online.1.8 Thesis StructureChapter 2 is entitled ‘The Role of the President in Foreign Policy Formulation’ and is an assessment of the impact that Theodore Roosevelt had on American foreign policy formation. It also contains a section on the domestic context, with a short analysis of the domestic factors that most influenced the imperialist debate. The chapter then proceeds to introduce the foreign policy doctrine of William H. Taft, dubbed as ‘Dollar Diplomacy’, a significant deviation from his predecessor’s policies. Chapter 3 outlines how the navy was an integral instrument of America’s strategic vision during my periodization, a pillar of American diplomacy without which their international exploits would not have been possible. Chapter 4 is centered on three cases that are amongst the most pivotal diplomatic engagements of the McKinley and Roosevelt presidencies. These are the Panama Canal acquisition, the role of the United States in Cuba and American oversight of the Philippines. A thorough examination of these cases will help to answer the overarching research questions, as outlined in this chapter. Chapter 5 then addresses the question of whether the United States foreign policy endeavors throughout the period were motivated by competition from other Great Powers and emerging powers. The chapter includes analyses of the American relationship with Germany, Japan and Great Britain. The final two chapters comprise a conclusion- in which I attempt to draw parallels and distinctions with the European models of imperialism’ and a bibliography of all relevant materials utilized throughout the research process.Concluding RemarksAs I have sought to demonstrate, there still exists a debate within the historiography on this subject. The historiography of the Roosevelt/Taft presidencies has shifted throughout the 20th century. However, while challenges to the hegemonic paradigm emerged –most notably Collin’s symbiosis and to a lesser extent corporatism- it remains the dominant concept in relation to the historiography on American diplomacy. William Appleman Williams ‘The Tragedy of American Diplomacy’ remains the most influential basis for interpretations of the period and for much of American diplomatic history.There also remains a debate over whether the United States does have an imperial past. Exceptionalist literature still regards the events and aftermath of 1898 as an aberration, while the revisionist school remains steadfast in the belief that it was the universal pursuit of overseas export markets for American products that was the defining feature of U.S. global power in this era. While the area has been covered in great detail by an abundance of articles and secondary literature, I still feel that there are aspects that are ripe for research. There is something of a historiographical gap as to the role of Germany in America’s path to imperial player. In addition, the Taft administration has attracted only a fraction of the attention garnered by the Roosevelt administration, though understandably so. In conclusion, I believe that there remains the potential for me to bring a new understanding of the subject to this master thesis, or at least to offer a new perspective/interpretation. As my analysis of the historiography has shown, there remains a distinctly ‘North American’ flavor to much of the literature on the subject, with a great deal of energy going into justifying the ideology behind the American actions. My analysis will suffer from no such issues and will seek to offer a distinctly non-American context, which will hopefully produce a fresh and alternative understanding to the subject.Chapter 2: The Role of the President in Foreign Policy Formulation“The President is the sole organ of the nation in its external relations, and its sole representative with foreign nations.”-John Marshall, March 7th, 18006th CongressThe primary purpose of this chapter is to examine the impact that Theodore Roosevelt had on the office of the Presidency, and more specifically his possible impact on the formulation and implementation of American foreign policy. Did Roosevelt’s ascension to power mark a significant shift in America’s diplomatic conduct? The chapter will address this question and is divided into four sections. The first section offers a concise contextualization of the periodization being treated in this analysis. There then follows three distinct subchapters that examine the evolution of the president’s role in foreign policy formation. The first of these will explore the foreign policy machinery that existed during Grover Cleveland’s second term (1893-1897) and William McKinley’s ill-fated spell in office (1897-1901). The second subchapter will deal with Theodore Roosevelt’s two terms (1901-1909), with the third section analyzing the presidencies of William Howard Taft (1909-1913) and Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921). The aim is to determine whether Roosevelt’s presidency marked a decisive shift from his predecessors as to how American diplomacy was crafted and executed. Did the role of the Secretary of State diminish in line with an increase in the power of the Presidency? In addition, it is intended to explore whether Roosevelt’s style of diplomacy was carried on by his immediate successors, Taft and Wilson. 2.1 The Domestic ContextThis subsection is intended to provide a brief contextualization of the most prominent domestic developments in the United States during the parameters of this master thesis, issues that may well have been vital in policy formation in the highest echelons of government. It is clearly not intended to be a detailed discussion but a necessary overview of some of the important factors that were partly attributable to the shaping of American foreign policy during this era, factors integral to the debate on American imperialism. Perhaps the most important such development within the United Sates was the ‘end of the frontier’ in the west, meaning that there were no longer large tracts of land unbroken by settlement. The existence of the frontier was supposed to relieve America of the overcrowding, scarcity and inequality that plagued Europe. But in 1890 the Census Bureau had declared the frontier “closed”. That news had immediately aroused fears that something distinct and precious in American life had been lost. Scholars and writers mourned the closing of the frontier by arguing that the availability of vast expanses of open land and pioneering opportunities had been essential to the development of political democracy and individual self-reliance. The need to reclaim an adventurous heritage in the face of new industrial conditions formed the link between domestic concerns and foreign policy issues for political leaders. For many of them, America’s greatest need was a new frontier, which they meant in the most literal way. Domestic concerns over the closing of the frontier therefore need to be considered when analyzing the engine of American imperial history.Another contemporary issue of broad importance to the colonial debate was that of Social Darwinism and its offshoot theories. Efforts at applying Darwin’s theories of biological evolution to human behavior and institutions had begun from the 1870s onwards. The English sociologist Herbert Spencer’s writings had been particularly influential and resonated with American society. He argued that human society had evolved through the same processes as biological species-through a “struggle for existence” characterized by “survival of the fittest”. That these ideas could potentially permeate the thinking of American political leaders from the era is therefore possible. The imperialist situation of the late 19th and early 20th centuries contained most of the ingredients likely to appeal to a mind sympathetic with the philosophy of natural selection, based as it was on force and involving competition in obvious form, contrasting superior and backwards peoples, white and non-white, European and non-European, and producing what most western observers insisted was progress for mankind. Like many thinkers of his day Theodore Roosevelt imbibed Darwinian theory to demonstrate that society could—and must—evolve. Some have suggested that Roosevelt’s foreign policy was in part driven by his Social Darwinist beliefs, his firm desire to ‘civilize’ developing nations. Burton (1965) writes that “in the apologia he offered for imperialism were mingled elements of the pragmatic and the moral; of history and Darwinism…If evolution in Roosevelt’s imperialist thought is not its sole and underlying principle, it nonetheless is a singularly valuable guideline for understanding Roosevelt the Imperialist”. The prominence and widespread acceptance of Social Darwinism in Western political circles during America’s Progressive Era should thus be carefully considered in any analysis of U.S. foreign policy at the turn of the 19th century and beyond. In addition, the Panic of 1893 should be noted. The consequent social upheaval of that economic depression was a frightful specter to the political-economic elite of the dayand prompted a heightened debate on overproduction and the need for new markets. Together with the ‘closure’ of the frontier, these issues best explain the context and internal discourse that existed within America before and during the periodization of this thesis. 2.2 Pre-Roosevelt In his first Inaugural Address, Grover Cleveland informed the American people that there would be no “departure from that foreign policy” which had ensured the safety and prosperity of the nation over the previous century. “It is the policy of neutrality, rejecting any share in foreign broils and ambitions upon other continents and repelling their intrusion here. It is the policy of Monroe and of Washington and Jefferson—‘Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliance with none.’” These remarks are indicative of the relative unimportance of foreign policy to the White House administrations that existed up to and including Cleveland’s. Indeed, Cleveland gave only limited time to matters of foreign policy throughout his time in office, with his major interests being administrative reform, Indian and land policy, the currency and the tariff. It was Cleveland’s wish that America pursue a conservative, old-fashioned foreign policy, a foreign policy marked by a respect for tradition. This tradition had its roots in the perceived anti-expansionism laid down by George Washington and the later doctrine of President James Monroe. It was a tradition which provided for a qualified isolationism and anti-imperialism, a policy rooted in a conviction that U.S. diplomatic traditions required that the United States shun overseas territorial expansion.When analyzing the formulation of foreign policy, a key indicator lies in the relationship between the President and his Secretary of State. This was as revealing in America’s ‘Gilded Age’ as it is today. During his second term, Cleveland had two secretaries of state. The first was Walter Q. Gresham (1893-1895) who died in office two years into the administration. Richard Olney (1895-1897) was then promoted and inhabited the office for the remainder of Cleveland’s stint in power. While Cleveland valued the advice of both men, he never permitted them to usurp his presidential prerogatives, and he took an active role in all important questions of foreign policy. If his secretaries were often the initiators of particular policy positions, it was Cleveland who gave or with-held approval for their implementation and who had the final word on all major diplomatic appointments.One of the oldest conflicts in the American system of government is that between Congress and the President over the right to formulate and implement foreign policy. Is the President solely responsible for the conduct of external relations? Is the Congress an equal partner? Or does Congress have the right to shape U.S. policy by enacting legislation which proscribes a President’s flexibility? In analyzing the foreign policy processes of these various administrations, it is thus important to highlight the state of play on Capitol Hill that accompanied their terms in office. Grover Cleveland was the only Democratic President elected in the period between Lincoln’s 1861 triumph and Woodrow Wilson’s rise to power in 1913. In the 53rd Congress (1893-1895), both chambers had a Democratic majority, with the Republicans having seven fewer senators and ninety-four fewer members of the House of Representatives. However, the midterm elections of 1895 witnessed a seismic shift, with the Republican Party reversing the trend and taking healthy majorities in both chambers. It is unsurprising therefore that Cleveland’s second term was not without difficulties when it came to convincing Congress on diplomatic matters. The issue of the annexation of Hawaii was a notable example. Unsure of his position on the matter but inclined to ignore the calls for annexation of the island, Cleveland submitted the Hawaiian problem to Congress. In effect, Congress advised Cleveland’s administration to recognize the white minority government there and Cleveland reluctantly obeyed their advice. Towards the denouement of his second term, Cleveland also encountered fierce resistance from Capitol Hill over the sensitive issue of Cuba’s desire for independence from Spain. Some have even suggested that Cleveland “found Congress more troublesome than the Cuban junta.” While he was determined to keep Cuban policy in his own hands, Congress was equally determined to participate in its formulation. While Cleveland was content to remain isolated from the growing strife in Cuba, senators and congressmen from both parties saw the Cuban insurrection as a battle against monarchical tyranny and as a sturdy stick with which to beat the unpopular Cleveland administration. They sought to force Cleveland to abandon his pro-Spanish neutrality policy in favor of a policy of open support for the insurgents by adopting a resolution in the Senate in February 1896. Such a flagrant rebuttal of the President’s position would become uncommon in the future decades with the escalation of Presidential power.While Grover Cleveland was undoubtedly driven by his own beliefs and was not a man to blindly accept unthinkingly the advice of his close colleagues, his relative submissions to Congress on matters of foreign policy demonstrate that the stature of the presidency was not ultimately comparable to what it would become in the decades to follow. It also highlights the relative unimportance of the foreign policy brief at this juncture in American history. Cleveland displayed only sporadic interest in foreign policy and his chief concerns were domestic. He pursued no grand geopolitical strategy. His was in essence a pre-modern Presidency in the diplomatic sense, a time when the role of president was to be an administrator and clerk as much as a commander-in-chief. “It has been the policy of the United States since the foundation of the Government to cultivate relations of peace and amity with all the nations of the world, and this accords with my conception of our duty now. We have cherished the policy of non-interference with affairs of foreign governments wisely inaugurated by Washington, keeping ourselves free from entanglement, either as allies or foes, content to leave undisturbed with them the settlement of their own domestic concerns. It will be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified foreign policy, which shall be just, impartial, ever watchful of our national honor, and always insisting upon the enforcement of the lawful rights of American citizens everywhere. Our diplomacy should seek nothing more and accept nothing less than is due us. We want no wars of conquest; we must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression. War should never be entered upon until every agency of peace has failed; peace is preferable to war in almost every contingency.”It seems astonishing that only a year after uttering these words- spoken at his inaugural address of 1897- William McKinley would lead the United States into war with Spain. Though McKinley’s tenure as President was cut short by an assassin’s bullet in September 1901, he had already served his first term in full and is therefore worthy of inclusion in an analysis of the evolution of Presidential power and foreign policy formation, all the more so in light of the fact that his intervention against Spain in Cuba has been highlighted by some as the genesis of American imperialism. McKinley’s term in office is of particular relevance to this chapter because of the historiographical tug-of-war over his relationship with Congress and the role of this relationship in the eventual decision to go to war with Spain. The elections of 1897 had confirmed the Republicans as the dominant party in Congress, with 206 members to the Democrats 124, ensuring a majority in both chambers. However, those expecting a tranquil, harmonious relationship between the White House and Congress on matters of foreign policy would be gravely mistaken.There is little consensus among the historical community as to the precise dynamic between McKinley and Congress and whether it was the President or Capitol Hill that ultimately navigated the United States towards war in 1898. This is perhaps partly attributable to the fact that McKinley kept no memoirs and thus his papers of correspondence are minimal. There has been a general interpretation amongst historians that McKinley was a pragmatic, if morally weak, politician who eventually deferred to an increasingly warlike Congress on the issue of Cuban intervention. However, a closer examination of McKinley’s dealing with Congress in the crucial period in the run up to the declaration of war in the spring of 1898 reveals a more nuanced picture. Following the sinking of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor on February 15th, McKinley asked for, and received, a suspension of judgment pending the report on how the vessel was destroyed. Following McKinley's transmission of the report to Congress on March 23, McKinley informally requested that Congress forbear from making any warlike resolutions until he had adequate time to formulate an appropriate response to Spain. This request was granted. McKinley led Congress to believe that it could expect a message from him on April 4. He then twice requested, and was granted, extensions—first until April 6 to complete his draft, and then once more until April 11, supposedly so that American citizens in Cuba would have adequate time to leave safely. Congress only moved toward war after McKinley's April 11 message explicitly granted it leave to do so, and even then, McKinley and his allies in Congress were able to squelch the Turpie-Foraker amendment that would have forced Spain into war by recognizing Cuban belligerency.There can be little doubt that McKinley was under considerable pressure during these two months. However the fact that Congress moved so rapidly to make war on Spain, but only after it had secured McKinley's stamp of approval, and after acceding to all of his stated wishes, illustrates that McKinley maintained a strong personal control over not just his administration, but the entire U.S. government during that time. The actions of the government during these weeks flowed from decisions made by McKinley, which demonstrate that the general perception of a president being totally steered by a dominant Congress is misleading. An earlier instance of Congressional defiance does however highlight the prominent role enjoyed by Congress in this period. In January 1897, Cleveland's secretary of state, Richard Olney, and British Ambassador Sir Julian Pauncefote signed a treaty committing the United States and Great Britain to arbitrate all of their disputes for the next five years. As a passionate arbitrationist, McKinley urged Congress to approve the treaty upon his entry to the Presidency. To his dismay, the 1897 arbitration treaty was rejected by conservatives from his own party in the Senate, who would not accept any limitations on what they saw as a national right to force of arms. While William McKinley made a radical departure from the traditions of American foreign policy in initiating the war with Spain in 1898 and laying some of the groundwork for the long-term U.S. engagement with European and world affairs, it is difficult to detect from his tenure an overarching idea or vision for the diplomatic sphere. The fact that his foreign policy was almost totally reactive in nature, and was of course cut short by his assassination, means that while he was undoubtedly a transitional figure, his tenure was not seminal. Like his predecessor, foreign policy was not at the forefront of McKinley’s agenda, given that he made the economy the central platform of his election campaigns. Yet while the manner of his foreign policy formulation was ‘traditional’ and essentially didn’t deviate from that of his immediate predecessors, his passion for arbitration was certainly a modern trait in the office, a trait not entirely shared by his successor. 2.3 Rooseveltian StatecraftCatapulted into highest office at the age of just forty-two by the act of an assassin, few might have predicted the impact Theodore Roosevelt would have and the legacy he would leave, especially in diplomatic affairs. Yet, when his background is considered, it is perhaps less of a surprise. For Theodore Roosevelt was probably the first truly cosmopolitan president, his childhood having imbued him with cultural links to, and appreciation for, and an understanding of Europe that few other Presidents have had, more so than his immediate predecessors and successors. This is of course partly attributable to the fact that he travelled extensively throughout Europe in his formative years, where he laid the foundations for an impressive network of diplomatic contacts. Unlike his immediate predecessors, Roosevelt had a passion for global affairs, his interests and background making him much more equipped for robust diplomacy than Cleveland or McKinley.The tenure of Theodore Roosevelt undeniably appears to mark a turning point in the evolution of the powers of the presidency, in particular in the workings of foreign policy. Indeed, some suggest that “the roots of twentieth-century US foreign relations, and particularly US foreign relations as of 1939, lie firmly in the century’s opening decade, in the diplomacy of President Theodore Roosevelt.” Both before and after his time in office, few chief executives have consistently been their own secretaries of state. Theodore Roosevelt was one of them. Notwithstanding John Hay’s and Elihu Root’s invaluable assistance, the twenty-sixth president shaped and managed foreign policy almost single-handedly. His secretaries of state were longtime friends whom Roosevelt trusted but who knew when to yield to his leadership in foreign affairs. Together with Secretary of War William H. Taft, they provided a restraining influence on the often impetuous president, offering invaluable expertise and assistance in foreign affairs. These trusted friends saw to the details of major negotiations and efficiently took care of “minor” ones, such as the Alaskan boundary dispute with Canada. However, there is no doubt that Theodore Roosevelt was the one meticulously shaping and directing foreign policy at large.The relationship between Roosevelt and Congress offers a further glimpse of his effect on foreign policy formulation. Though his Republican Party controlled both chambers of the House during all four sessions of his presidencies, Roosevelt never came to rely on their blind support. To him, the chief executive of the nation ran the show. His post-presidency autobiography was revealing for his castigation of former President Buchanan’s “narrowly legalistic view that the President is the servant of Congress rather than of the people”. Contrast this with his own stated position that the president has a “duty to do anything that the needs of the nation demanded unless such action was forbidden by the Constitution or by the laws”.Given that he is on record as regarding Congress to be “indecisive and irresolute as an institution”, it is not at all surprising that Roosevelt chose on occasion to bypass Capitol Hill. The dramatic increase in executive orders during his administrations is symptomatic of his ratcheting up of presidential power. The device to which Roosevelt gave particular new force was the international compact entered into by the president of his own motion and authority- the executive agreement. These were essentially agreements made by presidents in areas where they possessed constitutional authority to act without consent of Congress. Thus the president as organ of foreign relations could recognize foreign governments and settle foreign claims without congressional intervention; as Commander-in-chief he could arrange cease-fire or armistice agreements. He could in addition make what were not quite agreements but rather unilateral commitments on the order of the Monroe Doctrine. Though these conditions existed for Roosevelt’s predecessors, he would undoubtedly interpret them as a template for sole control of foreign policy. His presidency saw the executive agreement rushed into its own. Thus, in 1905, when the Senate declined to ratify a treaty with Santa Domingo placing its customhouses under American control, Roosevelt, as he himself described it, “put the agreement into effect, and I continued its execution for two years before the Senate acted; and I would have continued it until the end of my term, if necessary, without any action by Congress.”Roosevelt’s own words, written after his time in office, are a neat summation of his attitude to Congress and his unshakeable belief in the power of the chief executive; “I did not usurp power, but I did greatly broaden the use of executive power. In other words, I acted for the public welfare; I acted for the common well-being of all our people, whenever and in whatever manner was necessary, unless prevented by direct constitutional or legislative prohibition . . .” In addition, he wrote a few days before he left the White House in 1909 what was a ringing statement of his executive outlook, “The biggest matters, such as the Portsmouth peace, the acquisition of Panama, and sending the fleet around the world, I managed in consultation without anyone, for when a matter is of capital importance, it is well to have it handled by one man only.”2.4 Post-RooseveltGiven that his presidency was lodged between the momentous Roosevelt and Wilson administrations, William Howard Taft’s impact upon foreign affairs is often regarded as minimal. In truth however, his style may have been precisely what America craved after the frenetic diplomatic sparring of the Roosevelt years. The New York Times editorial that followed his election triumph of 1908 indicates weariness with the Rooseveltian style of diplomacy, stating that “The patient needs now, not more dosing, but the ministrations of a careful nurse. The advent of Mr. Taft will be opportune…We may confidently look forward then to a quiet administration. We shall not live in the midst of alarms; we shall not read quite so many proclamations and pronunciations from the White House; politics and business will not be quite so embarrassingly intermingled.” Broadly speaking, Taft’s administration would prove to be a quiet one, at least in the area of grand diplomatic engagements, the type that Roosevelt had relished. A study of the same newspaper’s editorial on Taft’s presidency in the aftermath of him leaving office is notable for its almost complete lack of mention for diplomatic affairs. Instead, it commends him for the more withdrawn style he brought to the role of president- “he has been a Constitutional President. He has not undertaken to make laws by Executive acts, he has sought faithfully to enforce those he found upon the statute books, and that is the truest conception of the Executive…….history will be just to Mr. Taft.”Though William H. Taft came to the highest office in the land promising “a progressive development of that which has been performed by President Roosevelt” it would soon become apparent that he had a fundamentally different understanding of what his role-as president- would be in policy formulation and promotion. Taft was troubled by what he viewed as Roosevelt’s aggressive use of the presidency, but he did not see his role as being simply an administrator or a constitutional clerk. To be sure, in Taft’s view, the presidency should not be the driving force in the political system. However, Taft’s actions as president and his writings after leaving the office suggest that he did believe a president had an important role to play in the system, a role that fell somewhere between that of a mere administrator or constitutional clerk and a modern, rhetorical leader. There is little doubting that it was Roosevelt who stoked the public demand for dramatic leadership of Congress by the president. But Taft would have none of it: it conflicted deeply with his faith in constitutional and, particularly, party government. A president should be an important figure within the party but should not sacrifice party unity and strength to excessive ambition and demands. Given his legalistic background, it is not surprising that Taft proved to be such a judicial president with a keen emphasis on upholding the constitution. This stance, coupled with the fact that a splintered Republican Party lost control of the House of Representatives in the mid-term elections of 1909, would ensure that Taft’s administration was not ripe with complex diplomatic struggles or proclamations. While he discreetly continued the Roosevelt foreign policy of expanding American influence in the world and added a special twist by pushing commercial expansion through what came to be termed “Dollar Diplomacy”, his impact on the evolution of foreign policy formulation was limited. For Taft wholeheartedly believed in “the rule of law” rather than the rule of man, his emphasis on constitutional democracy and passion for the tripartite system of government radically different to his predecessor, who had so heightened the power of the presidency.Taft’s successor, Woodrow Wilson, understood-as Taft did not-that the president must necessarily take the lead on some important matters, that there are times when deference to Congress and one’s political party could spell disaster for the party and the nation. Still, Wilson was probably closer to Taft than Roosevelt in his conception of presidential leadership because Wilson recoiled at the excessive popular leadership of Roosevelt. Wilson had his suspicions of Roosevelt’s style of popular leadership, writing in 1907 that presidents should stay in their constitutional place and let the courts and Congress exercise their rightful powers (Wilson was, like Taft, an expert on international law and law professor before he became President).In a rapidly changing geopolitical landscape, Wilson saw no need for a foreign policy apparatus that would provide information about other governments and their objectives and that would include mechanisms for the execution of his policies. Like Roosevelt, Wilson expected to dominate foreign policy but given the complex range of international issues that would confront his administration, he would have no choice but to share the burdens of diplomacy with others. His dynamic with his Secretaries of State reveals much about the hands-on role that Wilson sought in the diplomatic arena. His first Secretary of State was in fact a political adversary- William Jennings Bryan- whom Wilson had been forced to court in order to win the nomination in 1912. Their working relationship was subsequently unproductive, with Bryan resigning in June 1915. The process for choosing his replacement further enhances the idea of Wilson as the chief architect of his administration’s diplomatic affairs. In contemplating Bryan’s successor, Wilson initially rejected the man who would later fill the post-Robert Lansing, believing that he “would not do, that he was not a big enough man, did not have enough imagination, and would not sufficiently vigorously combat or question [the president’s] views, and that he was lacking in initiative.” After consulting with his closest diplomatic adviser (Colonel Edward M. House, a Texan political operator) and pondering the alternatives however, Wilson dramatically altered his opinion. Lansing, House advised, “could be used to better advantage than a stronger man…..I think the most important thing,” House continued, “is to get a man with not too many ideas of his own and one that will be entirely guided by you without unnecessary argument…” With Lansing’s appointment, Wilson’s inner circle of foreign policy advisers had essentially narrowed to House, an unelected individual who enjoyed much greater sway than cabinet members. Lansing’s limited access to the president saw him abandoned to the margins of diplomacy, leaving no-one in any doubt as to who was formulating foreign policy.Wilson’s difficulties with Congress have been well documented and the fallout from his eventual inability to find consensus with Capitol Hill would have lasting ramifications for the wider world. During the war he neglected to cultivate support in Congress and had failed to draw prominent Republicans onto his side. Having come to power at a time of Democratic control over both chambers, by the elections of 1917 the Republicans had more Representatives, leaving the Democrats to rely on the Progressive Party for support. After grueling negotiations at Versailles, an ailing Wilson would pay the price for the absence of an inner network of foreign policy advisers and for failing to cultivate relations with Congress. He could not understand the concerns of the opposition in the Senate and make reasonable compromises leaving his vision for a more stable, arbitrationist world order in tatters.2.5 Taft’s Dollar Diplomacy“The diplomacy of the present administration has sought to respond to modern ideas of commercial intercourse. This policy has been characterized as substituting dollars for bullets.”William Howard Taft, State of the Union AddressDecember 3, 1912In theory, William Howard Taft was impeccably qualified to continue the Rooseveltian style diplomacy of his predecessor. Having served as Governor-General of the Philippines for almost three years, Secretary of War for over four years and a spell as Governor of Cuba during Roosevelt’s administrations, Taft seemed an ideal fit to provide leadership in foreign affairs. However, as demonstrated in chapter two, he was a rather strict constitutionalist who liked to maintain a sense of institutional regularity and integrity, letting various organs of the Executive branch handle their affairs in an orderly fashion without interference by the White House. And despite Taft’s keen interest in foreign affairs, they would occupy a minor part of his tenure in comparison to his predecessor. Domestic affairs such as the control over the trusts, conservation and the Negro question became more prominent during the Taft years. Indeed, his acceptance speech of 1908 is notable for its distinct lack of onus on foreign policy matters, with only casual sections pertaining to diplomatic questions, though importantly he did state his predecessor’s support for “the policy of maintaining a strong navy as the best conservator of our peace with other nations.” In a further warning against a reduction in armaments he declared:“In the international controversies that are likely to arise in the Orient growing out of the question of the open door and other issues the United States can maintain her interests intact and can secure respect for her just demands. She will not be able to do so, however, if it is understood that she never intends to back up her assertion of right and her defense of her interest by anything but mere verbal protest and diplomatic note.”This declaration of intentions was the first avowal of the policy which, under the Taft administration, would earn the title of ‘Dollar Diplomacy’. Taft’s policy would result in a significant deviation from his predecessor’s diplomatic style, with the emphasis now shifting towards the State Department assisting American investors overseas, essentially employing them as intermediary instruments in achieving foreign policy goals. Shortly after his inauguration, an opportunity to test the policy arose.In May, 1909, the Chinese government made an agreement with German, British and French bankers for a loan to construct the Hukuang railways. Immediately a group of American bankers was organized to finance any concessions for railroads which American capitalists might obtain from the Chinese government. At once however, they began to struggle for admission into the international group of bankers which was to float the Hukuang loan. Their difficulties led Taft and his Secretary of State Knox to aid them in seeking American entrée to the British, French, and German consortium negotiating the loan. Knox brought diplomatic pressure to bear upon China, with stern demands to the American Chargé d’Affaires to issue warnings to China. Such diplomatic efforts appeared to be futile, with the Chinese government hoping that the Powers would quarrel amongst themselves. It was at this point that Taft intervened. Breaking all diplomatic precedent, he sent a personal message to Prince Chun, regent of the Chinese Empire, in which he stated: “I am disturbed at the reports that there is certain prejudiced opposition to your Government’s arranging for equal participation by American capital in the present railway loan…I have resorted to this somewhat unusually direct communication with your Imperial Highness, because of the high importance that I attach to the successful result of our present negotiations.” Partly as a result of this pressure, a quadruple agreement was signed in November 1910 to expand the consortium to include the American bankers, with the loan eventually floated the following June. Simultaneously, the State Department would help American financiers to entrench themselves in Nicaragua, Honduras and elsewhere in Latin America. Taft declared that “the Monroe Doctrine is more vital in the neighborhood of the Panama Canal and the zone of the Caribbean than anywhere else…It is therefore essential that the countries within that sphere shall be removed from the jeopardy involved by heavy foreign debt and chaotic national finances and from the ever present danger of international complications due to disorder at home. Hence the United States has been glad to encourage and support American bankers who were willing to lend a helping hand to the financial rehabilitation of such countries….”However, the failings of this policy were cruelly exposed in Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan President Zelaya had persistently challenged U.S. policy in the region, with concerns in Washington growing that he was going to give a non-American power the right to build an isthmian canal through Nicaraguan territory, thus challenging American hegemony on the isthmus. Before long, a revolutionary movement appeared on Nicaragua’s east coast, helped along by U.S. diplomatic officials and Marines, who landed to protect the rebels. The ensuing conflict saw Zelaya’s forces execute two Americans who had been captured aiding the rebel effort. Under intense diplomatic and domestic pressure, he resigned and was succeeded by José Madriz. Farce and chaos ensued with Washington refusing to recognize Madriz, considering him as no less responsible than Zelaya. The presidency would change hands frequently in the turbulent months following Zelaya’s overthrow, with Washington recognizing Estrada when he agreed to certain conditions such as the holding of free elections and the reconstruction of Nicaraguan finances on the basis of American loans to be secured on customs revenues. However, Estrada was soon succeeded by Adolfo Diaz, once an employee of an American firm doing business in Nicaragua. An agreement was then signed between the new government and the United States for adjudicating all existing loan claims held by Americans, and for establishing a customs receivership. When revolt threatened, American troops were sent to control Nicaraguan railroads, allowing only Diaz’s troops to use them.American military intervention in Nicaragua went a step beyond Rooseveltian policy in that neither the security of the Canal Zone nor alleged intervention by European powers was involved. Rather, Taft took action in order to restore political and financial stability in a country that was apparently falling into the control of reckless and irresponsible men. So U.S. intervention was very far from the transforming force that its exponents had claimed. Rather, it meant a symbiosis of local politics with American finance, which was always likely to bring out the worst attributes of both. More grossly perhaps than any of its neighbors, Guatemala exhibited the blighting effects of the protectorate system. After a hopeful era of liberalism and progress the country fell under the regime of Manuel Estrada Cabrera, who ruled from 1898 to 1920. Not fortuitously, it was in these years that the United Fruit Company got its stranglehold on Guatemala and turned it into the ‘Banana Republic’, with control of all railways and ownership of half a million fertile acres. A critique of ‘dollar diplomacy’, written in 1912 as a publication addressed to the U.S. Senate, members of the House of Representatives and the American public, exhibits the brutal reputation that the policy earned itself, at the very time it was being carried out. The writer- Juan Leets- makes a number of damning assertions against the policy, most notably that:“Recently, under the Taft administration, the Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, has seen fit to add to the supposed right of tutelage over the Latin-American Republics, an assumption even more pernicious and objectionable, that of policing these countries, and further, has sought to impose, especially on Central America, a financial protectorate which would deprive these countries of the administration of their own fiscal affairs.” He further excoriates the policy by stating that “under the pretext of giving aid to the small Central American republics, the State Department has used ‘Dollar Diplomacy’ to force upon these peoples loan contracts which would give to a coterie of Wall Street bankers not only millions of dollars tainted with illegitimacy, opportunity for immense graft, but an absolute license to exploit the vast resources of the countries and even administer their governmental affairs.” Lees then describes the terms of the loan contracts which Secretary Knox has so assiduously sought to fasten upon Nicaragua and Honduras as “vicious” before accusing Mr. Knox as having “adjudged Zelaya a dictator in Nicaragua and drove him from power, setting up a government which has brought poverty instead of prosperity…despotism instead of liberty”Concluding RemarksAs I believe my analysis in this chapter has shown, Theodore Roosevelt had an undisputed effect on the evolution of foreign policy formulation in the United States, his tenure heralding a seismic shift in the power struggle between Congress and the White House. As episodes like the acquisition of the Panama Canal (treated in depth in chapter 4) would demonstrate, Roosevelt oversaw a diminution of Congressional authority and influence throughout his period in office, in the process fundamentally changing the institution of the office. In stark contrast to Taft and Wilson in particular, Roosevelt regarded Congress as a foe to be vanquished rather than a partner to be treated respectfully. Comparisons with his immediate predecessors are complicated by the fact that diplomatic matters were much less of a priority during the administrations of Cleveland, in particular, and McKinley, neither of whom had the sort of overarching foreign policy visions of Roosevelt. As we have seen, William Taft chose to abandon the favored methods of his predecessor for a more judicial, legalized framework of policy formation and execution. And though Woodrow Wilson has been labeled an “idealist” on account of his Fourteen Points, an analysis of his foreign policy techniques demonstrates him to resemble his great rival Roosevelt in more ways than either man would care to acknowledge. Wilson’s tenure was perhaps the first during which Americans began to consider the possibility of long-term engagement with international politics, particularly with Europe, and Europeans came to expect such involvement from the United States. This would likely not have been possible were it not for Roosevelt’s trailblazing diplomacy which, rightly or wrongly, ushered America onto the world stage as a confident, leading actor.In respect of Taft, his outlook undoubtedly placed less emphasis on geopolitics and more on universalistic concepts. It upheld an image of the world that was not divided geopolitically in terms of power but was integrated through the unifying forces of economic interests. In stark contrast to his predecessor, national interests were linked more to economic expansion than to power politics. By advocating a style of free trade, his institutional-liberalism thus marked a sharp distinction from the realist lens through which Roosevelt had conducted his diplomacy. To Taft, peace and stability in the world would depend less on a temporary balance of power than on the nations’ pursuing economic goals and opening up further opportunities for expansion. Thus compared with Roosevelt’s world policy, the Taft administration was far more interested in universalizing American foreign relations. The United States would be less a great military power than a leader in promoting world order and unity through prosperity and interdependence. What it meant during the administration of President Taft was, in his own words, “that while our foreign policy should not be turned a hairs-breadth from the straight path of justice, it may well be made to include active intervention to secure for our merchandise and our capitalists opportunities for profitable investment which shall inure to the benefit of both countries concerned.” If the lesser country in the bargain could not see the benefit then Washington sometimes sent the fleet down and landed Marines as an extra argument. The idea that American goods and capital could create happier, more stable societies in the Caribbean and Central America- even in distant Asia- was undeniably na?ve and largely impractical. By clinging to certain principles- the open door in China, order in Latin America, and the belief that enough money could secure both- he ensured near catastrophe for broader U.S. strategic interests. As the diplomat E.T. Williams wrote to Knox in 1910, ‘Our policy in Manchuria has won us the ill will of Russia, irritated Japan, and failed of support in France and Great Britain…’ This contrasts starkly with Roosevelt who was largely the model diplomat when it came to dealing with fellow global powers. It was Taft’s belief that more constructive foreign affairs could be achieved by using the nation’s rapidly growing capital resources and downplaying Roosevelt’s emphasis on military force. The goal was the establishment of workable arrangements to provide a framework for economic and political stability. This deviation from Roosevelt’s realistic policy to a policy of peace through strength to protect the nation's economic interests may have been admirable when taken at face value. However, while Taft’s tenure may have seen the United States temporarily return to a tradition of geopolitical isolation which had been largely abandoned by Roosevelt and McKinley, it was also an administration that oversaw the economic penetration of Latin America in a much cruder form than previous administrations had allowed. While Taft may have taken a backseat in diplomatic engagements and did not pursue territorial aggrandizement for his country, his brand of diplomacy was inherently imperialistic. It remains an irony that Taft, a close disciple of Roosevelt for a considerable period, should abandon his master’s foreign policy doctrine when many later 20th century chief executives treated it as a diplomatic template.Chapter 3: The navy- an instrument of America’s strategic visionWhen focusing on American diplomatic engagements at the dawn of the twentieth century, one should not neglect to analyze the role and importance of naval matters. For the navy had an unmistakable effect on Theodore Roosevelt’s strategic thinking and foreign policy decision-making. Scholars have suggested that “the precept of US power is anchored to the recognition of the reality that power is the single most significant factor determining the course of international relations… a nation needs to be strong militarily inorder to defend its inhabitants and uphold its interests.” The remarkable naval buildup by the United States during my periodization is thus essential to my analysis. In this chapter, I seek to explore the backdrop to Roosevelt’s naval passion, and the navy’s prominence in the military affairs of the era. I have also chosen to include a section on the deployment of the U.S. naval squadron –later branded “The Great White Fleet”- and discuss the strategic factors behind the ambitious decision. This chapter will also analyze the motivations behind the decision, and include a section on the state of other metropoles navies, with a comparison of spending figures from the period.3.1 T.R.’s MotivationsIt is little secret that the writings of Alfred T. Mahan had a seismic impact in making the case for increased American involvement in world affairs, and in particular in calling for a modernized and robust Navy. His 1890 work, The Influence of Sea Power upon History, which linked the power of nations to their ability to control the sea, became an immediate classic. The timing of the publication was even more significant given that it occurred in a period when modern technologies had essentially shrank the oceans and leveled the playing field between traditional naval super weights, such as Great Britain, and ambitious aspiring powers, such as Germany and Japan. No one before Mahan had explicitly made the link between naval strategy, military strategy, and national greatness. Indeed, such was its effect that the German Kaiser required every German ship to carry a copy of the text. Unsurprisingly, Mahan’s work had a significant impact on Theodore Roosevelt’s world view. The relationship was also symbiotic however, with young Roosevelt’s writings also influencing Mahan. Theodore Roosevelt’s study, written mostly while he was an undergraduate student at Harvard, caught Mahan’s eye because it propounded a thesis that coincided with and perhaps even influenced Mahan’s own thinking. Mahan, like Roosevelt, was critical of the decisions made by the U.S. in the aftermath of the War of 1812, primarily the decision to build “a navy of cruisers, and small cruisers at that; no battle-ships nor fleets….We wanted a navy for coast defense only, no aggressive action in our pious souls.” Just as Mahan and Roosevelt agreed with this analysis of American error, they also agreed on what had to be done: The United States needed a big navy with large ships and a global reach. They established not only a friendship but an alliance. Mahan would supply the brain and Roosevelt the brawn, and together they would set out to reform the U.S. Navy and, with it, American foreign policy in general.A study of Theodore Roosevelt’s First Annual Message to Congress in December 1901 is perhaps most revealing for its remarkable onus on naval matters and the fundamental importance he placed on strengthening America’s navy:“The work of upbuilding the Navy must be steadily continued. No one point of our policy, foreign or domestic, is more important than this to the honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of our nation in the future. Whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth recognize that we have international duties no less than international rights. Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, even if we decided not to build the Isthmian Canal, we should need a thoroughly trained Navy of adequate size, or else be prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships.”And in what could be construed as a telling reminder to the metropoles of Europe, Roosevelt added- “The Navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the Monroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to disregard it…..There should be no cessation in the work of completing our Navy”. Further dissection of the speech indicates that Roosevelt was aware of the shifting geopolitical situation of the period and possibly foresaw tumultuous times ahead. Take, for example, his quite dramatic call for an establishment of a National Naval Reserve, which almost suggests he was readying America for a war footing- “In addition we should at once provide for a National Naval Reserve, organized and trained under the direction of the Navy Department, and subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever war becomes imminent.”A section from his closing remarks highlights the supreme importance the Navy would play in Roosevelt’s strategic maneuvers and foreign policy, and the tactics he would use to sell that policy to the wider public: “The American people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or else make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in international affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial, matters.”3.2 State of the Navies/Spending FiguresA study of the naval expenditures and policies of both the traditional metropoles, such as Great Britain and France, and up-and-coming powers like Germany and Japan in the period leading up to Roosevelt’s presidency and beyond reveal why his focus on naval might was unsurprising. In a sign of their increased ambition on the world stage, the Japanese government had authorized the doubling of its army and navy in 1896. Unsurprisingly, this precipitated a series of responses from the European powers, with Russia commencing an extraordinary naval program in 1898 and Britain compelled to match this buildup despite pressing commitments in waters nearer home. Simultaneously, there was a rapid growth of the other European navies, including those of France and Germany.Germany’s program of rapid naval development had particularly alarmed the United States. It also highlighted the need for increased investment. Admiral Tirpitz had urged Kaiser Wilhelm to build a big navy so that Germany would be one of the “four World Powers: Russia, England, America and Germany.” The 1898 Flottengesetz, or naval law, saw a commitment to the construction of a first class navy and German naval aims expanded significantly on June 14th 1900 when the Reichstag approved a second Flottengesetz that doubled the size of the authorized fleet. The German Navy Bill of that year involved an additional expenditure during twenty years of nearly $460,000,000. These systematic outlines for naval expansion would be extended and enlarged by further resolutions in 1906, 1908 and 1912, boosting Germany to second place, after Britain, in the naval competition. German development was all the more remarkable for its precision and efficiency. Every detail of the expansion, repair and replacement of ships, men and dockyards, was thought out in advance for each year with due regard to the capacity of the country to bear the expenditure. This efficiency- reflecting that of Germany’s industrialization- was in marked contrast to Great Britain and would allow Germany to rapidly narrow the naval gap that existed between the two nations. The rapid buildup overseen by Tirpitz would transform the German navy from having the sixth-largest fleet in the world to being second only to the Royal Navy.Britain’s situation was more perilous than that of an emerging and ambitious Germany. Having enjoyed naval supremacy for most of the 19th century, Britain would soon have to accept that her command of the seas was no longer undisputed. When Gladstone declared in 1878 that “the strength of England is not to be found in alliances with great military Powers, but is to be found henceforth in the efficiency and supremacy of her navy- a navy as powerful now as the navies of all Europe.”, he spoke in the realization that naval supremacy is based on economic supremacy. At the time, Britain’s economic dominance was uncontested. However, at the turn of the century this was no longer the case. By 1904 Britain’s total naval expenditure had risen to over $200,000,000 a year and the admiralty were informed that the limit had been reached. With her colonies capable of accounting for only one percent of her naval outlay, Britain would be forced to scale back her investments in the sector and ultimately accept the end of her dominance. That the total number of British military and naval personnel fell by fifty-three thousand between 1900 and 1910 (the comparative figures for Germany and the United States saw a rise of 170,000 and 31,000 respectively) and her growth figures in warship tonnage for the same period were considerably lower than her rival powers demonstrate that Great Britain was beginning to lag in the arms race and her strategic influence was waning.So it was against the backdrop of dramatically heightened naval spending programs in the ‘traditional’ metropoles and emerging powers that the United States belatedly chose to take her place amongst the finest navies of the world. The outbreak of hostilities with Spain in May 1898 resulted in congressional authorization for ambitious shipbuilding programs (1898-1900) that included eight new battleships. Although the naval expansion program was initiated before Roosevelt’s ascension to power, his administration would oversee a second burst of authorizations. Pursuing his desired aims with determination and vigor, he would achieve significant results in his drive for expansion, gaining congressional authorization for ten additional battleships in his first term. By March of 1905, he had apparently decided that further growth was not necessary. He made the decision public in his fifth annual address to Congress in December 1905. Such had been the staggering proliferation of new naval technologies in the intervening four years since he boldly announced his quest for programs of expansion, he announced that from that time onwards, it would be necessary to only add one battleship per year to replace superseded or outworn vessels. The years 1906 and 1907 had seen the fruition of the battleship authorizations made in the early years of Roosevelt’s first term. Between 19 February 1906 and 1 July 1907 ten battleships joined the fleet, while three others were nearing completion. However, by the time of his annual address to Congress in 1907, Roosevelt had dramatically altered his view that further development was unnecessary and again sought approval to further build up the nation’s navy. In an address dominated by the topic of the navy, Roosevelt declared that “it would be most unwise for us to stop the upbuilding of our Navy. To build one battleship of the best and most advanced type a year would barely keep our fleet up to its present force. This is not enough. In my judgment, we should this year provide for four battleships.” So Roosevelt’s zeal for increased naval investment and development remained steadfast. And precisely two weeks after his address to Congress came an action that would demonstrate America’s increased assertiveness on the global stage under Roosevelt’s stewardship. 3.3 The Great White FleetPerhaps the most celebrated and enduring manifestation of Roosevelt’s naval policy was his decision to dispatch a fleet of U.S. battleships on a global voyage, an action that would become known as “The Great White Fleet”. In truth, a study of Roosevelt’s letters from the period in question makes it difficult to interpret the precise motivations that lay behind the decision. His Autobiography leaves little room for conjecture however, with Roosevelt stating that the major purpose of sending the battleships on the world cruise was to impress the American people (presumably to obtain more funds more the navy) and to afford practice for the fleet maneuvers. “Practice” was also the explanation he gave to naval officers and to Congress in his annual address. Yet in a letter written two years after vacating the White House, he explained his motivation in very different terms, outlining that while doing his best to be polite and courteous to Japan, he had begun to detect a “very very slight undertone of veiled truculence in their communications in connection with things that happened on the Pacific slope…It was time for a show down. I had great confidence in the fleet.” Given the difficulties experienced with Japan that year over the supposed mistreatment of Japanese immigrants in California, there had been an undoubted increase in tensions between Washington and Tokyo. 1907 had seen an outbreak of serious anti-Japanese discrimination on America’s west coast, with Californians venting their anger at the increasing influx of oriental labor by requiring Japanese students to attend segregated schools. There were also mob assaults on Japanese persons and property, attributing further to the heightening of tensions between Tokyo and Washington. It thus seems most likely that Roosevelt’s primary aim in sending sixteen frontline battleships on a circumnavigation of the globe was to impress upon the Japanese that the United States would not be dictated to and that she was ready to defend her vital interests and safeguard national honor. He was also sending a direct message to the Japanese that the U.S. battle fleet, entirely concentrated in the Atlantic, could be transferred intact as a fighting force from one ocean to the other if the need arose, something Roosevelt knew the British and Germans (and presumably the Japanese as well) did not believe possible. Roosevelt was convinced of the fleet’s almost immediate success, later writing that “every particle of trouble with the Japanese government and the Japanese press stopped like magic.” And the diplomatic concessions from Japan that arose in the months following the fleet’s journey there certainly indicate that the endeavor was a strategic triumph. Such concessions included an arbitration agreement (May 1908), full compliance with the previously established Gentlemen’s Agreement, and, in November, the Root-Takahira Agreement, which confirmed America’s position in the Philippines. The triumph of the fleet did not just lie in the diplomatic concessions that it helped to wrestle from Japan however. By docking in locations as diverse as Sydney, Naples and Suez amongst others the tour indisputably impressed upon the world America’s ascendant naval power. Unprecedented in many respects, including distance steamed and number of ships participating, the cruise commanded the world’s attention. The tour also focused domestic attention on the country’s expanded foreign interests and the need for additional battleships, which Roosevelt had championed almost ceaselessly. In addition, the cruise was a highly successful exercise in national public awareness, greatly expanding popular understanding of American foreign relations and defense considerations, particularly in regard to the Pacific Basin. Indeed the impact of the fleet exceeded even the President’s expectations, by helping to liquidate the crisis that had brought the two countries to the verge of war. It was also something of a public relations triumph for Rooseveltian diplomacy. So it is a mistake to examine the tour solely within the context of U.S-Japanese relations of the era and America’s defense strategy in the Pacific, even if that appears to have been Roosevelt’s most likely motivation.Concluding RemarksAs I have sought to demonstrate, the American navy was the fulcrum on which Theodore Roosevelt’s strategic vision turned. Roosevelt believed in the modern battle fleet not only as the cornerstone of military capability but also as a visible manifestation of power vital to national unity and international diplomacy. The importance of increasing the rate of development and modernization of the U.S. Navy and subsequently using that robust navy as an instrument to achieve his wider diplomatic and geopolitical objectives is undeniable. In many ways, the Great White Fleet was the perfect symbol of Roosevelt’s pioneering style of diplomacy. With their white painted hulls displaying the nations supposedly pacifist intentions, the convoy of battleships advertised the big stick which Roosevelt’s diplomacy would later be caricatured as. A consideration of the dramatic strides taken by the American navy during my periodization demonstrates how important naval matters were in the emergence of the United States as a credible world power. Arrogance had underlain America’s humanitarian interest in the prewar Cuban crisis. Since Americans defined themselves as the champions of civilized humanity, they felt that sitting idly by as the Cubans suffered reflected poorly on them and implied that their country was too weak to alter events. This thought rankled them. In terms of military strength, however, this was not entirely inaccurate. The U.S. Navy was ranked twelfth in the world, beneath those of Turkey, China (a partitioned victim of other countries), and land-locked Austria Hungary. Even Chile, a nation that no one at the time would have confused with being a great power, paid no respect to the U.S. military, as a well-publicized diplomatic scuffle in 1891 had shown Chile to possess a superior navy. So in less than a decade, the United States went from bowing down to Chilean demands to routing the remnants of the Spanish Empire and forging an important place in world affairs. In previous years, foreign relations and international crises had frequently influenced naval development. Under Theodore Roosevelt’s stewardship however, naval policy began to influence the spirit and direction of American foreign relations. And so completely did he dominate both foreign relations and naval development in the opening years of the twentieth century that the naval policy of the United States was, in large degree, the naval policy of Theodore Roosevelt. His naval policy was the primary instrument with which he executed his strategic vision. His landmark foreign policy legacy- the acquisition and fortification of a canal zone through the isthmus- would not have been possible without the naval might to discourage other powers from competing and interfering. Without an adequate navy, the isthmian canal would merely have been a hostage to a stronger power. Roosevelt’s vigorous naval policy ensured that such a showdown never arose. It was the “big stick” that undergirded Rooseveltian statecraft throughout TR’s years in the presidency.Chapter 4: Case Studies In 1823, with fledgling republics across the Americas looking to blossom after achieving independence from the Spanish Empire, the President of the United States made what would become a landmark speech to Congress. When James Monroe declared to the Old World powers that “we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety” it sounded like a bold endeavor. Furthermore, by acknowledging the independence of these newborn nations, the United States would no longer view any “oppressing” or “controlling” of these nations destiny as anything less than “the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.”In reality however, the Monroe Doctrine had little practical effect in the nineteenth century and had no standing in international law. The focus throughout this period was still on continental expansion rather than the wider issue of hemispheric relations. As a result, the Monroe Doctrine receded into the background for most Americans during the remainder of the nineteenth century. And as chapter three has shown, America lacked the military and naval muscle to robustly enforce Monroe’s policy in this period. It was essentially an impractical statement of power without a strong military to enforce it. Only in the 1890s did U.S. officials adopt a consistently forceful line based on the principle of nonintervention by European powers in the affairs of the Western Hemisphere. Secretary of State Richard Olney's 1895 claim of U.S. supremacy in the Americas marked the new attitude most clearly; the Spanish-American War of 1898 indicated that the U.S. claim could and would be backed by arms. Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency would witness an even more aggressive interpretation of the doctrine of 1823. It is one of the aims of this chapter to examine whether the landmark ‘Roosevelt Corollary’ to the Monroe Doctrine was indeed a break with the tradition of the doctrine. Did Roosevelt simply amend Monroe’s policy or form an entirely new principle? The chapter also examines the cases of the Panama Canal acquisition, the Venezuela Crisis and Cuba- namely the Platt Amendment. These cases will be examined within the broader thesis question of whether the United States conduct in this period can be classified as being of an imperialist nature. The cases were selected partly because Roosevelt saw the Western Hemisphere and the Western Pacific as the two areas of the world most vital to the United States. In particular, he perceived U.S. hegemony in the Caribbean as a self-evident strategic imperative. The selected cases reflect this. 4.1 The Panama CanalThere is perhaps no single greater defining episode of Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency than his handling of the Panama Canal situation. Indeed, in certain regards, it was of equal importance to him as the enhancement of the nation’s navy, and he would pursue it with equal vigor and determination. In his first address to Congress as president, he would declare that “No single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this continent is of such consequence to the American people as the building of a canal across the Isthmus connecting North and South America”. Comprehensive victory over Spain in 1898 had brought the United States spoils in both the Caribbean and Pacific, making the desire for a canal in Central America all the more intense. And the eventual acquisition of the isthmian canal perfectly encapsulated America’s increased stature on the global stage. In 1850 Britain concluded the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty with Washington, by which the nations agreed to jointly build a canal in Central America. They also pledged that neither would seek exclusive military control over the canal and that both would safeguard the canal’s neutrality. By the dawn of the twentieth century however, Britain would make concessions that would have been unthinkable in previous decades. The 1901 Hay-Pauncefote Treaty (the second treaty of this name, guided through the Senate by Roosevelt) effectively revoked the claims agreed upon over fifty years earlier. In essence, the British conceded that the United States could exclusively build and operate a canal and defend it with military force. For the once mighty British Empire to make what would previously have been regarded as a humiliating climb-down encapsulates the giant strides in development that the United States had taken in the intervening fifty years. And in Theodore Roosevelt, they had a chief executive who was intent on capitalizing on the heightened status of the nation.Despite securing Britain’s withdrawal of claims to a canal, America’s acquisition of the Canal Zone would be a complex affair. With the Spooner Amendment passing through Congress in June 1902, Roosevelt was given the right to pay $40 million to an intermediary company to purchase a six-mile zone in Panama from Colombia. Roosevelt’s secretary of state subsequently negotiated the Hay-Herrán Treaty that gave Colombia $10 million plus $250,000 annually for the six-mile zone. Anyone expecting that the negotiation of treaty terms would ensure a calm resolution to the issue of an isthmian canal would be sorely mistaken however. The treaty still required ratification. When the Colombian Senate refused to ratify the canal treaty, considering its provisions an infringement on national sovereignty and an inadequate compensation in financial terms, the United States had a choice of either approaching Nicaragua for similar rights or going ahead with canal construction regardless of Colombia’s opposition. As it happened, they would be spared making a decision due to the Panamanian uprising against Colombian rule on November 3rd. In the aftermath of the uprising, there were rapid developments. Having prevented Colombian troops from landing in Panama to quell the revolt, Washington then swiftly and unequivocally recognized the newborn Republic of Panama. Roosevelt would sign a treaty giving Panama the same amount of funds as agreed with Colombia, but for a ten-mile-wide strip rather than the six-mile strip agreed with Bogota and gave the U.S. the right to intervene at the two terminal cities of Panama and Colón.Reaction in the press to the Roosevelt administration’s handling of the uprising was largely negative. Public Opinion claimed that the “Panama foray is nefarious. Besides being a rough-riding assault upon another republic over the shattered wreckage of international law and diplomatic usage, it is a quite unexampled instance of foul play in American politics.” The New York Times echoed these views. Modern interpretations of the episode have almost been largely condemnatory towards Roosevelt. Almost every account of the incident stresses his “Big Stick” philosophy and maintains that the Colombian’s had every right to disapprove their treaty with the United States; that they were at a distinct disadvantage in a contest of strength with their northern neighbor; and that Roosevelt’s personal prestige as well as the national interest was tied to the speedy acquisition of a canal zone at Panama. Indeed, Roosevelt’s boast in April 1911 that “I took the Canal Zone” certainly add weight to the idea. There are reasons to find this narrative somewhat unsatisfactory however.An analysis of Roosevelt’s letters and correspondence surrounding the Panamanian Uprising reveal a more nuanced picture. In a personal letter written on October 10th, scarcely three weeks before the revolt, Roosevelt stated that, in relation to Panama, “whatever other governments can do, the United States cannot go into the securing by such underhand means, the secession.” It is also by no means conclusive that the United States discreetly facilitated the uprising. As Roosevelt would later assert, “There was no need of any outsider to excite revolution in Panama. There were dozens of leaders on the Isthmus already doing their best to excite revolution. It was not a case of lighting a fuse that would fire a mine- there were dozens of such fuses being lit all the time...” Such was the splintered nature of the Panamanian independence movements that it would have been almost impossible to covertly back such a group given the lack of unity and the diversity amongst the revolutionary leaders. Indeed the very fact that four hundred Colombian troops managed to land at Colón before Roosevelt acted would certainly suggest that he had no concrete involvement in the revolt or advance knowledge of when it would take place. In fact, the presence of the U.S.S. Nashville, which dropped anchor at Colón in the days after the uprising, would spare the lives of the outnumbered Colombian army members The Colombian government proceeded to plea for American aid in putting down the revolt and offered, in return, to approve the ill-fated Hay-Herrán Treaty either by presidential decree or by summoning an extra session of congress with new and friendly members. In the face of such an outrageous reversal of its stated position, it is little surprise that Roosevelt supported Panamanian independence. As he wrote on November 6th, Colombia “signed their death warrant when they acted in such infamous bad faith about the signing of the treaty. Unless Congress overrides me, which I do not think probable, Colombia’s grip on Panama is gone forever.” It is also worth noting that, despite the criticisms from sections of the press, most American’s overwhelmingly approved of Roosevelt’s actions. They cared about the canal, not about the means he used to acquire it. And the new treaty required ratification by both nations. The Panamanian government ratified it on November 18th with the U.S. Senate voting in February 1904 to endorse the treaty by sixty-six votes to fourteen. This certainly runs counter to the claim that Roosevelt’s handling of the uprising and its fallout was ‘embarrassing’.It is not difficult to see why Roosevelt chose to place such an emphasis on the acquisition of a canal in the isthmus. In fact, it can be linked to his passion for naval expansion. During the War of 1898, the battleship USS Oregon, stationed in the Pacific, embarked upon a hard 14,000-mile voyage, lasting more than two months, before it could engage the Spanish fleet off the coast of Cuba. The importance of an isthmian canal in the grander strategic picture was therefore paramount. An inter-oceanic canal would confer diplomatic, military and strategic power on the United States, tighten its hold on the sphere of influence in the Western Hemisphere, and exclude European influence.4.2 CubaCuba is another essential case to consider when analyzing whether the United States acted in an imperial manner between the turn of the 19th century and the first decade of the following century. No longer ruled by the Spanish empire following America’s crushing victory in 1898, Cuba would become a topic of intense internal debate in America as to how Washington should treat the newly independent island. Indeed, the Cuban question had divided America since before the first shot had been fired. When McKinley had sought authority from Congress to use armed force against Spain in April 1898, he found that lawmakers were unwilling to grant him free reign in the conflict. An amendment by a Colorado senator- Henry M. Teller- disclaimed any United States intention to “exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control” over the island and to” leave the government and control of the Island to its people.” The resolution was passed resoundingly in the House and by sixty-seven votes to twenty-one in the Senate. This is partly attributable to the fact that some supported the amendment for fear that annexation would commit the United States to assume Cuba’s large bond debt. McKinley’s acceptance of the Teller Amendment showed that he did not regard explicit territorial expansion to be a necessary part of the United States mission in Cuba. On the other hand however, his refusal to fully acknowledge Cuba’s independence demonstrated clearly that he did consider the expansion of U.S. international power to be a logical pre-requisite to the realization of America’s broader aims. In the aftermath of America’s emphatic triumph over Spain, during his annual message to Congress, McKinley pledged to assist Cubans in forming “a government which shall be free and independent, thus realizing the best aspirations of the Cuban people.” However, moments later he added: “Until there is complete tranquility in the island and a stable government inaugurated military occupation will be continued.” Some continued to argue for keeping Cuba indefinitely. Leonard Wood, for instance, who in 1900 was to replace General John R. Brooke as commander of the American occupation force in Cuba, believed that the nation should not be bound by the Congressional pledge. To McKinley’s credit, he would honor Teller’s amendment. However he saw no hope of complete Cuban independence without a period of American involvement to reform Cuban politics and develop its economy. The official military occupation would therefore last until 1901, by which time Roosevelt had ascended to the presidency.Senator Orville Platt attached an important amendment to the Cuban appropriation bill of 1901. Accordingly, the United States was to relinquish political control over Cuba and end its military presence. However, America would retain the right to ‘guarantee’ Cuban ‘independence’. More specifically, the United States would have the right to intervene in Cuba should its independence be threatened by internal turmoil or foreign invasion. Furthermore, the island republic would pledge not to cede part of its territory to a third power, while leasing to the United States some naval bases in perpetuity. The United States navy was particularly interested in using Guantanamo Bay as a key naval base for its Caribbean strategy, and its lease to the United States would be a vital condition for ending their military presence. These terms were duly accepted by the provisional Cuban government, and the brief period of American suzerainty over Cuba came to an end in 1901.Cuba was also the scene of one of the most bitter and protracted struggles of Theodore Roosevelt’s political career. His fight for congressional enactment of a tariff that would place the Cuban and Philippine economies on a more prosperous footing encountered virulent opposition. When the six-month-old Cuban republic approved its first treaty- a reciprocal trade agreement with the U.S. - in December 1902, formidable sugar interests mobilized in Washington to oppose the agreement. The matter required Roosevelt’s personal intervention, with him reminding Congress of his predecessor’s commitment to a trade reciprocity agreement with Cuba. Invoking the responsibilities attending the growing American presence in the Caribbean region, he stressed the “special” nature of Cuban-American relations, before adding that “We expect Cuba to treat us on an exceptional footing politically, and we should put her in the same exceptional position economically.” Following interminable wrangling on Capitol Hill, Roosevelt convened a special session of Congress in November 1903 and exhorted legislators to ratify the treaty. A year after completion of negotiations for the treaty, and a year after extraordinary pressure from the White House, the Senate approved the convention on December 16th. The pact thoroughly integrated the U.S. and Cuban economies. Cuba’s sugar and mineral wealth moved north, as American farm and industrial products moved south. U.S.-Cuban trade skyrocketed from $27 million in 1897 to over $300 million in 1917.The United States restored order to Cuba in the aftermath of Spanish rule but ultimately assumed few direct responsibilities. The divisive nature of the Platt Amendment ensured that nationalist opponents to American influence would direct their anger towards the United States when poverty or difficult economic times hit the island. As early as 1906, U.S. officials had to land troops in order to maintain order. Yet the decision to never formally annex the island reflects America’s uneasiness to accrue significant colonial prizes, unlike the classical European metropoles. As a confidential memorandum to the Secretary of the Navy in 1901 had stated: “Nothing so much astonishes the Europeans as the fact that Cuba has not been annexed.” 4.3 The Philippines The third case that I have chosen to examine in this chapter is that of the Philippines. Like Cuba, the United States would essentially acquire the islands as a result of the emphatic victory achieved over the Spanish in 1898, with Admiral Dewey inflicting a catastrophic defeat on the Spanish fleet at Manila Bay. Though Spanish diplomats were aghast at American claims on the Philippine islands, the United States offer of $20 million would see them acquiesce. Unlike Cuba however, Washington ultimately chose to formally govern over the Philippines in the aftermath of the war. The decision was largely a pragmatic response to the situation brought about by the war. McKinley reasoned that having fought battles and expelled Spanish forces from various islands, the United States could not simply leave them once the fighting was over. Nobody seriously supposed that an independent Philippine government could survive by itself in that age of high imperialism. In both Washington and London, it was widely held that if the United States should leave, Japan or Germany would move in; and the British, who would have found German control of the island a serious threat to their own position in East Asia, informally urged the United States to keep the Philippines for itself. McKinley himself wrote that “we could not turn them over to France or Germany- our commercial rivals in the Orient- that would be bad business and discreditable…”The mishandling of the aftermath of the war was perhaps America’s gravest misstep. The war had ended in conditions of extreme uncertainty. The Spanish were no longer a major factor there, but the Philippine rebels who had done so much to assure the American victory were seething with discontent. Having fought for two years to capture Manila, they saw it turned over to a foreign power and were not even allowed to attend the surrender ceremony. They would swiftly transform from being allies of the Americans to adversaries. In an atmosphere where the rebel leader Aguinaldo and his men were ordered to stay out of Manila, gradually isolated from decisions, and insulted by racial slurs, an insurrection was again inevitable. In open defiance of Washington, Aguinaldo and other prominent Filipinos organized a government at Malolos, wrote a constitution, and proclaimed the Philippine Republic in late January, 1899. The resulting fallout was bloody and placed huge doubt on the idea that the American mission in the Philippines was a moral, civilizing one. Before the insurrection collapsed in 1902, over 5,000 Americans and 200,000 Filipinos had died. One hundred and twenty-five thousand American troops had to be used to quell the insurrection, which cost the United States at least $160 million.Before the end of 1900 a civil commission was set up in the Philippines alongside the military authority, with powers enlarged a year later. Its head, and then first governor-general, was William H. Taft. A telegram sent by Taft to the recently elected Roosevelt in response to the offer of a return to domestic politics is revealing. Taft writes that while honored to be offered the position, he must decline for the situation is “most critical” and that from an economic standpoint the change proposed “would create much disappointment and lack of confidence among people; two years now to follow of greater importance in development of islands than previous two years.” So there was an undoubted will on the part of the administrative hierarchy within the Philippines, led by Taft, to stay the course and institute meaningful reform on the islands. His championing of the Philippines Tariff Bill was further evidence of this. The measure, which proposed to remove or reduce the rates of duty between the Philippines and the United States passed the House in 1902 but was held up for months in the Senate despite Taft’s urgings. The bill also enjoyed the support of Roosevelt’s administration but would prove to be an occasion where the Senate was not overridden by the chief executive. A cable received by Roosevelt from Governor Taft outlined his fears that starvation will result from the delays in the passing of the Bill and that “We have assumed great responsibility toward the Philippine Islands which we are in honor bound to fulfill. We have the specific duty of taking every measure in our power to see to their prosperity. The first and most important step in this direction has been the accomplished by the joint action of the military and civil authorities in securing peace and civil government” before adding that if the Bill does not pass “it is feared that outbreaks will occur in consequence of the idleness that prevails among the industrial classes.” This was a sentiment echoed by General Wood in a letter from the headquarters of the Philippines Division in Manila to Roosevelt in the summer of 1906. Though he declares that the civil government and the military authorities are cooperating “very harmoniously” and that the “general conditions of the Islands are quiet”, he echoes Taft’s earlier concerns, stating that “Idleness, due to discouraged agriculture, which, in turn, is directly due to the absence of reciprocity arrangements with the United States, is at the root of all the trouble. These people are not a warlike or troublesome people naturally, but there is so little doing in the country agriculturally that idleness is very general, and out of idleness grows ladronism. I fully believe that, when reciprocity is established and agriculture takes the start which it then will, you will find that conditions of ladronism will disappear.” The congressional impasse over the Philippines Tariff Bill was not resolved and the issue festered into Roosevelt’s second term. Late 1905 saw proposals for a new bill, providing for free entry into the United States of Philippine products and also opening up the islands to investment, with the existing restrictions to be swept away. It would mark a shift from the previous policy aimed at excluding outside capital and keeping “The Philippines for the Filipinos”, a policy that had singularly failed. Taft, by then Secretary of War, was again in favor of free trade. This was impossible however until the expiration of the ten years’ provision in the peace treaty with Spain, by which her ships and commerce enjoyed the same privileges as those of the United States. The treaty did not expire until April, 1909 and it was not until then- under Taft’s presidency- that Congress would act on a tariff bill that provided for free trade with the Philippines.By 1907 the Philippines could safely be granted a National Assembly, as well as local government councils; though behind this fa?ade all key administrative posts were kept firmly in American hands. Compared to the bloody heights of the Filipino-American conflict, namely events before 1902, Roosevelt’s presidency did not witness wide scale rebellion on the islands that had occurred in earlier years. Accusations that the decision to retain control of the Philippines was fuelled by a desire for commercial conquest are difficult to support. A 1901 report quoted in the New York Times is revealing. The report is declared to show “that the United States shared in the Philippines trade last year to the extent of $5,427,506, representing profits of about $1,085,541. This paltry sum,” says the report,” is insignificant when we consider the other side of the account. It has cost us more than $85,000,000 to maintain our army in the Philippines for the past year. Other nations, without incurring the expense of a dollar towards that end, are getting $48,000,000 worth of the Philippine trade. We will have expended, when the next year closes, at the very lowest estimate for the maintenance of our army in the Philippines and our operations in the Orient not less than $450,000,000. And this does not include the immense increase in naval expenditures and the $20,000,000 paid to Spain under the treaty of 1899.” So if the fruits of economic imperialism were the immediate goal, the United States conduct in the Philippines must be classed as a miserable failure.Concluding RemarksThe three cases in this chapter were chosen because of their importance in the wider strategic climate of the period of my study and because I feel that the diversity of the selected regions provides a rounded analysis of American diplomatic conduct at this juncture. The Panama Canal, Cuba and the Philippines represented distinct theatres: the Caribbean, Central America and the Pacific, each of which would become integral to the United States security strategy and hemispheric sphere of influence. Though Cuba and the Panama Canal lie on the United States relative doorstep, their incorporation into America’s sphere of influence should not be taken for granted given the scramble for their acquisition at various junctures throughout history. The proximity of Panama to the U.S. had not stopped French efforts at building an isthmian canal in the 1880s. Victory over Spain in 1898 brought America spoils in both the Caribbean and the Pacific. With the establishment of a quasi-protectorate over Cuba with the Platt Amendment and the more straightforward incorporation of Puerto Rico under the terms of the Treaty of Paris in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War, the United States established a firm foothold in the Caribbean. These new Caribbean possessions greatly enhanced the U.S. ability to patrol sea lanes to a potential isthmian canal, the strategic importance of which was undisputed. And the somewhat muddled decision to govern the Philippines was driven by a similar motive- a strategic desire to halt the advance of competing Powers and heighten American influence in the Pacific theatre. Three distinct but pivotal cases, all linked by a common goal- to establish the United States as the eminent power in the Caribbean, the Isthmus and the Pacific.Chapter 5: Influence of the European and Pacific Powers“We do not wish to see any Old World military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become a military power ourselves.”Theodore Roosevelt, First Annual Message to CongressDecember 3, 1901It is the intention of this chapter to explore further the motivations behind the events analyzed in the preceding chapters. It will therefore study the relations between the United States and three countries- Germany, Japan and Britain- and ask whether rivalries of power politics and global influence were motivations for the American conduct in the Caribbean and Pacific as earlier outlined. The chapter primarily relates to the parameters of Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency, although not exclusively.5.1 Britain Having opted for a policy of neutrality, that was in essence a pro-American stance, Britain entered the 20th century on amicable terms with Washington. This would soon be tested by opposition to the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty of February 1900, which prohibited U.S. fortification of a future canal through the Americas. One of the chief opponents of the treaty was Vice President Roosevelt. McKinley’s assassination in 1901 however would give Roosevelt the platform to renegotiate the treaty and craft something that was more in line with his vision. A revised second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was agreed and Roosevelt subsequently took an active part in the effort to secure Senate ratification, which succeeded in a lopsided vote in December. However, the cordial relations between the nations would face a stern challenge in the form of the Venezuela Crisis of 1902-03. The Venezuelan government had floated large loans to London and Berlin, which went into complete default in 1901. Interestingly, when the German government was considering forcible measures in response, they sought clearance from Roosevelt. While Roosevelt would warn against any attempt at territorial aggrandizement, he offered no objection to punishment of the Venezuelan government’s actions. Writing to Hermann Speck von Sternburg of the Kaiser’s diplomatic service, he wrote: “If any South American State misbehaves towards any European country, let the European country spank it; but I do not wish the United States or any other country to get additional territory in South America.” In the summer of 1902, London agreed to a joint naval intervention that had been proposed by Germany. On December 20 the powers implemented a full coastal blockade, while the government of Italy presented its own demands and withdrew its diplomats from Caracas. Roosevelt would soon regret giving prior approval to the intervention and would push for arbitration, as requested by the Venezuelan leader Castro. Quickly realizing its error and facing serious criticism at home to boot, the British government moved swiftly to find an honorable way out, and would readily accept the American recommendation to submit its claims against Venezuela to arbitration. By the following February, the protocols were signed and the blockade lifted. When Roosevelt formally issued his corollary to the Monroe Doctrine in June of 1904 the British government would actually become an early advocate of it. Their acceptance of America’s assertion of its right to police the Western hemisphere was a remarkable reversal from its bold blockade in Venezuela scarcely eighteen months before. The genuineness of Britain’s acquiescence in and even encouragement of American hegemony in the Caribbean was demonstrated when Sir John Fisher, upon becoming Britain’s first sea lord in 1904, moved promptly toward a near total withdrawal of British naval power from the region, leaving the protection of British colonial and other interests there in American hands. 5.2 Germany While Britain increasingly came to be seen as an ally to Washington in this period, the same cannot be said of Germany. American suspicions of Germany’s expansionist impulses were longstanding. Bismarck had identified the south-western Pacific as a potential theater for German imperialism, with Samoa one of its chief interests. Despite the United States negotiating a treaty for the rights to a naval station on the island of Tutuila in 1878, German influence in the area soon gained ascendancy, with Great Britain supporting its ambitions there in return for German recognition of British interests in Africa and the Middle East. In addition, 1888 saw Germany oppose the reigning rulers in Samoa and establish a government under its control. At this juncture however, America lacked the military power or a world policy outlook to curb German ambitions. The words of former Chancellor Bismarck in 1898 underlined the general German derision towards the Monroe Doctrine and displayed the ambitions that the nation held. Describing the Spanish-American War as “indefensible”, Bismarck attacked the Monroe Doctrine as an “insolent dogma, which no single European power has ever sanctioned” before continuing to accuse America of possessing a “pigmy navy” that was incapable of enforcing the doctrine. The Junkers were not the only group in Germany contemptuous of, or hostile to, the United States at this time. The rising tide of German nationalism at the close of the century had been typified by the movement for a more powerful navy; the future of Germany, the Emperor proclaimed, was on the water; and the leaders of the big-navy movement naturally echoed this view. As chapter 3 of this thesis demonstrated, the German navy saw a rapid buildup in the concluding decades of the 19th century. Between 1880 and 1900 alone, German warship tonnage grew by 197,000. The first decade of the 20th century saw an even more astonishing acceleration, with an increase of close to 700,000 tons. It is significant that the German decision to launch an ambitious naval program came the very same year that the United States acquired Pacific and Caribbean colonies for the peripheral defense of an isthmian canal. The two countries were thus placed on a collision course, for Germany was as anxious to establish a commanding position within range of the new canal as she was to join the worldwide race for colonies.Those championing an increased navy had their eyes on a variety of interesting points which might serve as bases for the increasing forces of Imperial Germany. One of those points, for example, was the Danish West Indies. Their strategic position near the approach to the proposed isthmian canal explains the German interest. It would be a mistake to assume that they were the only location of interest to Germany in the region however. In 1899 they also had designs on the Galapagos, also of importance if Germany were to influence the passage of the projected canal. Curacao also attracted the eye of Admiral von Tirpitz, with further suggestions for acquiring Dutch possessions in the West Indies. The possibility of a naval station on the coast of southern Brazil was also floated, a suggestion made even more authentic by the presence of an estimated 300,000 German expatriates living there by the century’s end.The discourse within Germany in this period is also worth noting. Professor von Schulze-Gaevernitz, writing in Die Nation in March 1898, asserted that “the most pressing need for Germany is new markets, new land for capital and endeavor. South America lies before them. They have growing and prosperous colonies there…” He continues: “The more Germany is condemned to an attitude of passive resistance to the United States, the more emphatically must she defend her interests in Central and South America, where she to-day occupies an authoritative position…For this purpose we need a fleet capable not only of coping with the miserable forces of South American States, but powerful enough, if the need should arise, to cause Americans to think twice before making any attempt to apply the Monroe Doctrine in South America.”Germany’s renewed assertiveness on the global stage was highlighted in the aftermath of American victory in 1898. With the American Admiral Dewey having blockaded Manila Bay in the aftermath of routing the Spanish fleet there, warships from Britain, France, Japan and Germany had moved toward the harbor, interested in the newly vulnerable strategic archipelago. While most of the ships observed the protocol of a blockade, reporting to Dewey and anchoring where they would not impede his blockade operations against the Spanish, the Germans brought in five ships comparable in power to the American squadron and became irritated by Dewey’s position. They often failed to report, anchored where they chose, and displayed ostentatious chumminess with Spanish officials in Manila, even exchanging visits with the Spanish captain general. The situation became even tenser when a German warship interfered with the Filipino rebels’ operation against the Spanish, a move that enraged Dewey. Though the unrest was defused, the skirmishing in Manila Bay had demonstrated Germany’s predatory interests in the Philippines and beyond its supposed natural sphere of influence.So belief in a German threat to American interests was growing rapidly even before Roosevelt became president. As early as 1898, Roosevelt himself believed that “of all the nations in Europe it seems to me that Germany is by far the most hostile to us.” Correspondence between the United States Naval Attaché in Berlin-Lt. Commander Barber- and the Navy Department in the aftermath of conflict with Spain reveals the suspicions that Washington held: “Considering that the Germans are likely to be our next antagonists and that ‘imitation is the sincerest form of flattery’, we cannot do better than imitating their very thorough system so that they can see what they will have to encounter on our coast when they attempt to attack it.” By 1901, Roosevelt was certain that only a major naval building program could deter the Kaiser’s ambitions. “I find that the Germans regard our failure to go forward in building up the navy this year as a sign that our spasm of preparation, as they think it, has come to an end, that we shall sink back so that in a few years they will be in a position to take up some step in the West Indies or South America which will make us either put up or shut up on the Monroe Doctrine…”Germany’s increasingly daring imperialist mindset at this time is reflected in the existence of a contingency war plan to invade the United States around the turn of the century. The development of Operationsplan Drei demonstrates that Germany’s increased ambitions on the world stage were not only mere rhetoric. German naval documents show that as early as March 1889, studies existed which dealt with the possibility of a German-American war. Their original concept of a direct descent upon New York, Norfolk, Boston, or elsewhere was eventually modified to include the prior seizure of an advanced base in Puerto Rico or Cuba. By 1901 the Army General Staff had joined the Admiralty Staff in joint planning, General Alfred von Schlieffen originally estimating that fifty thousand men would be required to take and hold Cuba. A later version of the plan substituted Puerto Rico for Cuba, and reduced the troop strength for its seizure to something over twelve thousand men. Finally, in 1906, the war operations plan was reduced to a mere theoretical exercise, as rising tensions in Europe made it too dangerous to consider committing Germany’s entire naval strength to operations in another part of the world. The continued increase in United States naval strength also acted to discourage German planners, and in 1909 the German navy’s Caribbean-South Atlantic squadron was discontinued. It was little secret that the ambitious Wilhelm II was exploring the possibility of further acquisitions in the imperial sweepstakes and harbored ambitions of gains in the Caribbean. A 1902 letter addressed to the Department of State from the Dutch Consulate in Curacao reflects this. The letter states that “there has been much activity of late in this vicinity among German war ships. At this moment four are lying in the inner bay…” with the expected arrival of “one or two more”. Tellingly the message concludes with the assertion that the ships are “ostensibly here for coal…It is generally thought that it portends an enforcement of claims against Venezuela.” Wilhelm’s aggression during the subsequent Venezuela Crisis underlined his unpredictability and underlines why Washington could never fully discount his motives or ambitions, whatever the region. His correspondence with Roosevelt from the months before that crisis saw him seek to cultivate friendly relations between the two nations. Having sent his brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, on a successful good-will tour to America and been deeply impressed by “the splendid and cordial reception” afforded to him, Wilhelm offers a bronze statue of his ancestor Frederick the Great to the United States as a token of his gratitude. It is his hope that the gift will be “looked upon as a lasting sign of the intimate relations which have been successfully fostered and developed between our two great nations.” A telegram sent to Roosevelt the following month saw him accept praise for his help in “the development of the great Harvard University”, in particular his role in the “creation of the German Museum.” The telegram ends with Wilhelm stating that “You may be assured that as I tried to do in the past, I shall never cease to endeavor also in future to bring our two nations closer together by fostering mutual good feeling and understanding….I hope that we both shall be allowed to pursue the happy task of consolidating the growing friendship between our two nations which as I fully agree with you shall be advantageous for the future welfare of mankind.” Yet within months, Wilhelm would demonstrate his lack of tact with his stubborn aggression towards Venezuela. Such wild unpredictability made his intentions difficult to predict and largely accounts for American suspicions towards Germany5.3 JapanIf Germany was the big worry in the Atlantic, Japan was the strategic threat in the Pacific. Though the United States rapidly increased its global sway and influence in the late 19th century, in many respects Japan’s rise was even more dramatic. The figures relating to its military and naval buildup are particularly striking. Determined to avoid being dominated and colonized by the West, as seemed to be happening elsewhere in Asia, the Japanese elite would initiate programs that saw military and naval personnel increase from 84,000 in 1890 to 234,000 by the end of that century. Even more significant was the increase in warship tonnage from 41,000 in 1890 to an estimated 496,000 by 1910. To put this in perspective, this twelvefold increase compares to a tripling of the U.S. navy in the same period, though admittedly Japan were starting from a lower base. These increases unsurprisingly led to a rise in status and prestige. It is also worth noting that Japan’s victory over China in 1894-1895 resulted in large reparations of China to Japan that were mostly channeled towards Japan’s naval and army budgets. 1902 saw a historic alliance between Japan and Britain, which further isolated Russia in the Far East. With tensions simmering over Manchuria, Japan launched a surprise attack against Russia in 1904 that destroyed most of the Russian Pacific fleet. With its victory over a traditional ‘Great Power’, and increasingly thought of as a European power, Japan had come of age. No one could do anything significant in the Far East without first considering its response. Like the United States, Japan felt ready to stride on the world stage.As chapter 3 has shown, it is my belief that Roosevelt regarded Japan as a legitimate strategic adversary in the Pacific region, during the second term of his presidency in particular. The dispatch of sixteen American battleships to Japan’s supposed sphere of influence was an important ploy in the geopolitical mind games. This was not simply an imagined rivalry conjured up by Roosevelt however. It also registered on the consciousness of the wider public, the press and senior military personnel. A New York Times article in the months before the fleet’s departure captures the mood of the time. In the article, a “well-known navy officer” offers his views on the likely fallout from the forthcoming operation. “The chances are,” he said “that Japan will seize the Philippines and declare war before the fleet has been one week at sea.” The article continues by stating that “the vast majority of those in the naval service have long been of the opinion that sooner or later the Japanese situation would reach a crisis” before continuing to ponder the implications if “in the event of war Japan intends to carry it to the American continent.” There then follows a forensic breakdown of the respective naval fleets of both countries, the conclusion being that the tables of data “will be a bit reassuring to Americans”. So there can be little doubt that the United States was wary of the emerging Pacific power in Tokyo. This perceived security threat was further outlined by a bizarre episode involving Nicaragua, shunned in favor of Panama for the Isthmian Canal Zone. In the aftermath of Roosevelt’s agreement with Panama for a canal route, the Nicaraguan administration realized that if they were to benefit from the enormous wealth linked to a transit route, they would have to find an alternative to U.S. financing and technical planning. This led the Nicaraguan leader Zelaya to make overtures to foreign governments and entrepreneurs, including consultations with officials in Tokyo. There is no indication how seriously the Japanese took the proposal, but U.S. officials suspected that Japan was looking for an opportunity to establish a foothold on the isthmus near a canal site. Washington was therefore acutely aware of the ambitions harbored by the Japanese hierarchy and is likely to have stiffened their resolve to strengthening its position in the Pacific realm, to avoid potential gains and challenges to American hegemony on the isthmus.Concluding RemarksJustified or not, fear of Germany played a significant part in American thinking about the Caribbean and South America as a vital security zone. Concern for the national security blended in turn with economic objectives, status ambition, and even reforming zeal to motivate a quest for United States hegemony in the area. A fear that European rivals, in particular Germany, and Japan, might challenge American power and policies in the region encouraged the U.S. to play a leading role in the area and seek to establish the Caribbean as their sphere of influence. The Platt Amendment in Cuba can ultimately be construed as a safeguard against intervention by the European metropoles, a prospect that was unthinkable to the U.S. given its proximity to the strategically invaluable Canal Zone at Panama. So while Britain willingly acknowledged America’s arrival as a credible world power in this period and resultantly became an ally of sorts for Washington, the same cannot be said for Germany and Japan. Indeed, such was the level of distrust and competition between these two nations and Washington that they would inadvertently fuel U.S. resolve to develop and solidify their spheres of influence. Germany’s posturing in the Caribbean and at Manila Bay, coupled with Japan’s heightened assertiveness in the Pacific, ultimately led to the United States strengthening its hold in both theatres.Chapter 6: ConclusionsBefore I make my concluding remarks on the broader research question of the master thesis, I will address some of the sub questions pinpointed at the outset of this paper. Firstly, my studies have demonstrated that Theodore Roosevelt’s tenure precipitated a definite escalation in the power of the presidency, in particular in the area of foreign policy formulation. In this respect there can be little doubting his transforming legacy, as his diplomatic zeal would provide a blueprint for a number of his successors, though pointedly not William H. Taft. Indeed Taft’s policy is further proof that Roosevelt’s impact on the office was not just a product of fortunate timing. If some suggest that Roosevelt’s diplomatic standing was a result of him being commander-in-chief at a time when America was a fledgling superpower, Taft’s reversal of Roosevelt’s position demonstrate that America’s increased standing and global reputation alone did not make for robust presidential diplomacy.My studies have also sought to highlight the degree to which Germany -and Japan- constituted a significant factor in the strategic deliberations of the U.S. government and navy. As this thesis has shown, the U.S. was keenly aware of the increased ambitions and strategic goals that both Berlin and Tokyo held. The challenge posed by these ambitious new powers led to Theodore Roosevelt’s more aggressive interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine and his ruthless stance towards the acquisition of the Canal Zone at Panama. The transformation of Cuba into a form of U.S. protectorate as authorized by the Platt Amendment was further evidence of Washington’s unwillingness to countenance European interference in their sphere of influence and in the general region of the prized isthmian canal. The acquisition of Puerto Rico augmented this policy, providing another invaluable strategic hub near the Canal Zone. I would therefore class the United States as an ‘empire without colonies’ in the Caribbean at this time. It can be said that America bought territory rather than stole it. And unlike European metropoles, the United States did not seek commerce –until Taft’s radical though short-lived policy swing- or simple conquest. The figures show that America’s presence in the Philippines led to substantial financial losses. And apart from the brief Philippines experiment, which was prompted by security and moral concerns as we have seen, the United States did not govern an overseas territory directly throughout this period. And unlike other traditional forms of imperialism, the acquisition of Philippines was from another Empire- the Spanish. This master thesis has also demonstrated the integral importance of a strong navy as the primary instrument that Theodore Roosevelt would use to achieve his broader strategic objectives. It would be impossible to attempt an analysis of U.S. foreign policy at the dawn of the 20th century without highlighting the essential importance of the American navy. The research also concludes that Theodore Roosevelt was a curious mix of realist and idealist. His realistic traits are obvious and undeniable- his dramatic escalation of American naval power, his energy for strategic matters and his drive to expand America’s spheres of influence. Yet in addition, there are idealistic elements to his record. His passion to establish reciprocal trade agreements with Cuba and the Philippines so that their economies may flourish was certainly not the actions of a cold-hearted imperialist but of a man intent on having the U.S. play a paternalist role in those regions. There can be no denying however that realism defined his diplomacy. Summing up Rooseveltian foreign policy, then, it may be said that it was derived from a view of the world as made up of great powers which would be perpetual competitors but which would also co-operate to maintain stability and equilibrium in various regions of the globe. In terms of power, such an approach produced a geopolitical outlook which defined America’s spheres of influence in the Western Hemisphere and parts of the Pacific Ocean..Turning to the overarching research question, I believe it is apparent that the United States behaved in an imperialistic manner during my periodization. However, I have also concluded that it was in many respects a distinctive imperialism, indeed a more prudent model than the earlier European metropoles. The Philippines ‘experiment’ of formal rule remains something of an aberration but a closer analysis shows that it was by no means a glaring imperial misstep. An examination of the center-periphery dynamic provides an insight into this. The 1902 Organic Act instituted Philippine citizenship under the protection of the United States, whose President appointed a Civil Governor as head of the islands’ executive branch and provided for the establishment of an insular form of representative government (with the first Philippine Assembly being elected in 1907). This can be construed as an acknowledgment from Washington that, in light of the violent uprisings that had greeted American occupation of the islands post 1898, attempts at rigidly controlling the Filipino people would be doomed to failure. Contrast this with the British response to the Indian Rebellion of 1857. The suppression of the revolt was swiftly followed by a formal transfer of rule from the British East India Company to the British Crown, who would directly govern the region from that point onward. While 17th century overseas expansion had been driven by explorers, settlers, or merchants –with the Crown sanctioning the initiatives but not playing an active role- as the 18th century progressed, "government rather than the subject was responsible for extending the empire. “ So rather than transfer power and decision-making from the center to the periphery, Britain tightened her grip on its colonial prizes, in marked contrast to American conduct in the Philippines. Even the best known instances of British indirect rule (as in Nigeria and latterly India) were ultimately subordinated to an overarching colonial state. Indirect rulers-chiefs, headmen, captains, or princes in the nominally independent "princely states" of the British Raj-were approved, supervised, tolerated, and sometimes appointed by their colonial overlords. The colonial state claimed ultimate authority and legal jurisdiction over the putative subjects of indigenous indirect rulers. And there are further indications that TR’s claim that “the people of the islands ... never developed so rapidly, from every standpoint, as during the years of American occupation” are not as exaggerated as one might initially suspect. While in British Burma 3.3 percent of the population were enrolled in schools in 1900 and 1 percent in Netherlands India in 1907, the Philippines could boast about 7 percent in 1907 and close to 94 percent of the children were attending primary school by 1913. TR could boast half a million pupils and primary school attendance averaging 70 percent before Congress in 1905. In addition, by 1913, 71 percent of all government positions were in Filipino hands. It is also worth noting that while America’s presence in the Philippines brought extolled considerable financial losses, many of Britain’s colonial endeavors yielded significant economic reward. One need only examine the figures for sugar exports to the colonial heartland from the British West Indies in the period 1820-1899 for evidence of the bounty that British presence reaped. And the jewel of Britain’s empire-India- was even more profitable. Between 1870 and 1913 India rose from third to first place among Britain’s export markets, as she doubled her share from 8 to 16 percent of the whole. Some 60 percent of India’s imports came from Britain in 1913. Britain’s favorable balance of trade with India was highly important, for India sustained a trading surplus with countries in Asia and Europe that enjoyed surpluses with Britain.That United States U.S. policymakers were cognizant of imperial precedents is undoubted. Indeed, it may well have shaped their decision-making. The British school system implemented in Egypt was claimed as a reference for the aforementioned American-Filipino model. Roosevelt’s declaration that America’s dependencies enjoyed a democratic comparative advantage over Europe’s, since “more distinctly than any of these powers we are endeavoring to develop the natives themselves so that they shall take an ever-increasing share in their own government” supplements this view. His belief in the superiority of America’s civilizing of the Philippines was again apparent in 1913 when he stated that “With the possible exception of the Sudan, and not even excepting Algiers, I know of no country ruled and administered by men of the white race where that rule and that administration have been exercised so emphatically with an eye single to the welfare of the natives themselves.” Another striking aspect of America’s foray into imperialism is that the new overseas territories were not accompanied by the arrival of white settlers. Except for Hawaii, white settlement was minimal. Instead, the U.S. military first occupied the territories and were then replaced by civilian administrators from the mainland. This was a form of administrative colonialism rather than settler colonialism. Contrast this with Germany’s attempts to create a settler economy by violent force in Southwest Africa.In respect of America’s other acquisitions, Guam was important for its location, about two-thirds of the way from Hawaii to the Philippines and within easy sailing distance of Shanghai, Canton, Hong Kong and Yokohama. It was therefore a vital refueling depot for Washington’s favored instrument of influence- the navy. The same is also true of Wake Island in the North Pacific Ocean. In the way of imperial powers of the past, naval bases and coaling stations were necessary to “exercise [an] influence in foreign affairs.” These were not egotistical prizes of Empire like the British had accrued but necessary coaling stations for the security challenges that the 20th century was certain to throw at Washington. The Philippines would become an unexpected cog in Washington’s Pacific network. Roosevelt’s first annual message to Congress is further evidence that the U.S. had a conscious security strategy in the Pacific theatre: “I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to Hawaii and the Philippines, to be continued from the Philippines to points in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the construction of such a cable. It is demanded not merely for commercial but for political and military considerations.” So the importance of these acquisitions as hubs in America’s broader strategic quest for influence should not be mistaken. This thesis echoes the later words of US War Secretary Stimson’s description of the bases America accumulated in the Pacific in the 1940s: ‘these are not colonies; they are outposts’.The presidency of William Taft is further evidence of an ‘informal imperialism’, albeit of a different kind to his predecessors. His administration oversaw an economic penetration that while not specifically trampling on the sovereignty of developing nations, often ensured that officials that were conducive to the interests of the United States held power. This was a more subtle, yet deeply insidious method of enhancing American interests that had no broader strategic engines behind the policy. It was an inescapable mutation of economic imperialism, the kind of which his predecessors had largely shunned. Roosevelt was hostile to the idea of economic imperialism and never engaged in it. Taft’s policies were a drastic shift from this and make the charge of blatant economic imperialism irrefutable.To conclude, the United States imperialism at the turn of the 19th century into the dawn of the 20th century was distinct from Britain’s classical style, as practiced primarily throughout the 19th century. Go (2011) encapsulates this with his expert distinction between ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ models of empire. For him, formal empires involve direct political control over territory and the subjugation of inhabitants of that territory into a status that is lesser, inferior, or dependent. By this measure of colonial rule, colonized peoples are treated as inferior to citizens in the metropole both in practice and in juridical theory or official doctrine. By contrast, informal empire “refers to the exercise of power over the internal or external affairs of nominally independent states through a variety of methods falling shy of annexation. Where Britain operated wide scale direct governance over distant territories and sought both commerce and conquest, the United States oversaw a limited suzerainty in the Philippines, which was short lived, unprofitable and dictated by security and strategic interests. 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First Great Triumph: How Five Americans Made Their Country a World Power (New York, 2002)Online Resources:→ Richard Lowry & Ramesh Ponnuru, “An Exceptional Debate: The Obama administration’s assault on American identity,” National Review Online (March 8th 2010) URL: →Modern Imperial Formations and the End of American Exceptionalism. Clara Altman (Brandeis University); Published on H-Empire (May, 2012) Retrieved on 7/7/12 from Resources: (continued)→Text of the Platt Amendment accessed via: → Wolf von Schierbrand, Germany. The Welding of a World Power (New York, 1902) pg. 352 [downloaded online via ] → Austin Harrison’s The Pan-Germanic Doctrine (1904) pp.232-233; Retrieved from → Juan Leets, United States and Latin America; dollar diplomacy (1912) pg.13; accessed via → → Presidential speeches also accessed via: Archival Material:→ Theodore Roosevelt Papers; Series 1, Reels 28/ 30/ 65; Roosevelt Study Centre, Middleburg , The Netherlands→ Dispatches from United States Consuls in Curacao, Netherlands and West Indies T197 Roll 12, No.49; Roosevelt Study Centre, Middleburg , The Netherlands ................
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