Oral Language and Phonological Development



Running head: ORAL LANGUAGE AND PHONOLOGICAL AWARENESS

Oral Language and Phonological Awareness

Mary Jane McIlwain

EDRD 830, Dr. White

George Mason University

Oral Language and Phonological Development

A mother is playing with her two year old son during a family dinner. She smiles and says, “Say bulldozer.” The boy giggles and croaks his way of saying the word, “buwdoswa”. The mom, “Say it again, but don’t say dozer.” He proudly responds, “Buw!”

This two year old boy just displayed his awareness of syllables in this particular word. He could do this with bulldozer, but not with cowboy. He could manipulate the syllables of a few of the words he used often—the vocabulary that he had built up in his receptive register and could express in a consistent way. The mother continues to read, play word games, and talk with the child as he grows to three, four, and five years old. At this point in time there are a great many words he can orally break into syllables because they have become a part of his language.

Several scholars have found vocabulary to be predictive of success in phonological training in preschool years (Kuo & Anderson, 2006; Lonigan, 2007). Furthermore, both phonological awareness and phonemic awareness has been shown to be precursors to successful reading acquisition (Phillips & Torgesen, 2006). A great many programs and studies are now suggesting that we begin explicitly teaching phonological awareness early because the task can be trained beginning in early childhood education environments and because many children are already developing these skills during the preschool years (Burgess, Hecht, & Lonigan, 2002; Jordan, Snow, & Porche, 2000; Lonigan, Anthony, Bloomfield, Dyer, & Samwel, 1999; Lonigan et al., 2003; Lonigan & Whitehurst, 1998; Whitehurst et al., 1999) .

This view has been setting many academic research agendas around phonological awareness; and its ultimate level, phonemic awareness, has made its way into many classrooms and homes with varying degrees of success. Isolating the phonological awareness as the quickest route to reading acquisition has generated a somewhat linear take on reading acquisition. Additionally, this environment has invited a deficit model approach intended to close the achievement gap through phonological training via high quality preschool programs and family literacy interventions. However, opening the research lens to view a wider role of oral language might create a different definition for reading acquisition and decoding altogether.

It seems that we may not be seeking to understand the role of oral language in light of two significant possibilities. First, children may reach that watershed moment when their linguistic and metalinguistic skills allow for phonological awareness to develop at different times within the early childhood period. Second, oral language may play a more significant role in decoding than is being quantified in the current research. The review will first discuss children’s development of metalinguistic awareness, with particular attention being given to the construct of phonological awareness and its connection to reading acquisition and development. Next, the paper will explore oral language development in children. Finally, the review will conclude by advocating for a more culturally responsive agenda in research and practice.

Metalinguistic Awareness, Phonological Awareness and Reading Development

Metalinguistic Awareness and Phonological Awareness

Metalinguistic awareness is the ability to attend to and monitor the use of various linguistic components (phonemes, morphemes, syntax, semantics) in addition to considering the meaning of the particular communicative act (Chaney, 1994; Roth, Speece, Cooper, & De La Paz, 1996). It would seem that a more varied the use of language structures, vocabulary and semantics would benefit a child in all forms of communication by offering a flexible use of language receptively and expressively. It could also be that this awareness of the flexible nature of language is dependent on time and exposure to language and on their attentional control (Akhtar, Jipson, & Callanan, 2001; Behrend, Scofield, & Kleinknecht, 2001; Biemiller, 2006). Therefore, it would follow that the development of metalinguistic skills is initially based on exposure to language and cognitive control of attention and at some point the relationship between oral language and metalinguistic awareness becomes reciprocal. An important aspect of this theory, however, is to realize that much of this could be true without print, without reading instruction. It could be that children are naturally developing these skills in the context of their homes, communities, and schools when their attention and purpose is to learn about their world.

Some research studies and reviews have suggested that the multifaceted and developmental nature metalinguistic awareness involves various language and cognitive complexities (Chaney, 1994; Roth, Speece, Cooper, & De La Paz, 1996) and that this is also true for phonological awareness in particular (Anthony et al., 2002). There is a present debate questioning the nature of rhyme and syllable awareness as compared to phoneme awareness. Earlier studies grappled with the thought that phonemic awareness and rhyming abilities developed in separate domains, and that phonemic awareness should be in training programs during emergent literacy experiences at school and at home (Phillips & Torgesen, 2006). Recent studies have angled toward the idea that phonological awareness is a single construct with varying levels of linguistic and cognitive complexity, much the same way all other metalinguistic abilities may develop. More specifically, the simple to complex aspects of phonological awareness involve a spiraling progression of sensitivity to words, syllables, rhyme, and phonemes. Furthermore, the timing of this progression could also depend on cognitive growth (Anthony & Lonigan, 2004; Anthony et al., 2002; Lonigan, 2006, , 2007) and therefore should be treated as a developmental skill. Finally, Lonigan (2007) also determined that general language abilities and vocabulary, rather than receptive and expressive vocabulary alone, have a causal relationship with the development of phonological awareness.

It is believed that empirical support for a single, developmental construct for phonological awareness and its direct relationship with oral language is now surfacing for two reasons First, more sophisticated statistical analysis has led to more intricate models (Anthony & Lonigan, 2004; Lonigan, 2007). Second, recent studies have focused on children in the formative years, before formal reading instruction begins (Burgess, 2006).

The move to study children before formal reading instruction has allowed researchers to tap into the field of oral language research and uncover some interesting and causal relations between vocabulary and phonological awareness. Lonigan (2007) has considered a line of thought that recognizes that children with highly developed levels of phonemic awareness have reached this height, not so much do to drilling, but more due to language and attentional control. In fact, Lonigan (2007) demonstrated through reanalysis of previous data that effective vocabulary impacted phonological awareness, rather than the other way around. Another step in the direction of upacking role of language and metalinguistics has shown that syntax and semantics create the context for vocabulary growth in children (Behrend, Scofield, & Kleinknecht, 2001; Biemiller, 2006).

Phonological Awareness and Its Relationship to Reading Development

Metalinguistic skills are related to both reading acquisition and reading development (Chaney, 1994; Kuo & Anderson, 2006; Roth, Speece, Cooper, & De La Paz, 1996); however, the “unpacking” of this relationship has been seen as problematic in the current research (Kuo & Anderson, 2006). The relationship between metalinguistics and reading seems relatively linear. For example, in order for children to understand the purpose of a letter and a letter sound, they must have the ability to control two concepts. First, oral language consists of words which are made up of sounds (phonological awareness). Second, the words and phrases we use orally can be represented in print (print awareness). It is understandable why research focused a great deal on these two principles (Anthony & Lonigan, 2004; Burgess, 2006; Lonigan, 2006; Phillips & Torgesen, 2006; Speece, Ritchey, Cooper, Roth, & Schatschneider, 2004).

Earlier studies revealed the causal relationship between phonological awareness and reading acquisition, and more specifically, decoding (Phillips & Torgesen, 2006; Roth, Speece, Cooper, & De La Paz, 1996; Speece, Ritchey, Cooper, Roth, & Schatschneider, 2004; Storch & Whitehurst, 2002; Whitehurst & Lonigan, 1998). Conceptual models developed over the past decade have included the inside-out and outside-in view of reading acquisition and development, as well as the “bottleneck theory.” The inside out outside in conceptual model for reading acquisition and development was originally proposed by Whitehurst and Lonigan (1998). This model defined two domains for reading skills. Inside out skills consisted of code related tenets, such as phonological awareness and letter knowledge. Outside in skills consisted of language and conceptual knowledge. The authors believed that these domains were stand alone entities that were not impacted by the same experiences. Moreover, it was proposed that, although outside in skills may be tied to emergent literacy components, these skills did not provide significant influence until after the acquisition stage was completed. The inside out skills were more important during the acquisition stage, which was considered to be kindergarten, first and second grades. (Whitehurst & Lonigan, 1998). These findings were extended by a subsequent study that found these emergent literacy characteristics (oral language and concept knowledge) became increasingly important as reading developed in children.

The “bottleneck” theory is similar to the above model. This conceptual framework states that phonological awareness, phonemic awareness, and letter knowledge are of the most importance during the acquisition stage. Therefore the wide space of emergent literacy narrows to code related skills in order to begin processing text (Roth, Speece, Cooper, & De La Paz, 1996; Storch & Whitehurst, 2002). The world reopens as the children transition out of the bottle and into the world of fluent reading. Finally, it is at this point that syntactic, semantic, and discourse abilities facilitate continued reading development. Phillips and Torgesen (2006) findings coincided with this metaphor in that they found the syntactic and semantic cues aided students in decoding, but only after the students attained a high level of phonemic awareness.

These conceptual models were developed in the late 1990s during the time that many studies involving phonological awareness and reading acquisition were conducted on school age children. The foundation of both models is based on the idea that phonological skills emerge from formal reading instruction (i.e. once letters and sounds are explicitly taught in school). The move to study younger children has shown that the relationship between phonological awareness and reading is not as bidirectional as once thought; but, rather, there is a foundational tie between oral vocabulary and phonological awareness (Burgess, 2006) which begins to come together during the toddler years. Lonigan (2006) revisited the inside out outside in construct given the new understandings related to phonological awareness and language. He considered the idea that the two domains are not necessarily independent of common experiences, as once thought. They may be tied together through listening comprehension, understanding syntax, and definitional vocabulary. In fact, a study situated at the preschool level which did not involve any phonological training revealed that there was causal relationship between vocabulary and phonological development. Additionally, this relationship exists during the preschool years and into the early elementary years (Lonigan, 2007).

A Summary of Metalinguistic Awareness, Phonological Awareness, and Reading

Dickenson (2006) captures a great deal of the findings related to metalinguistic awareness and reading acquisition and development discussed to this point through a window metaphor. His focus was specifically directed toward vocabulary development and it relationship with the phonological aspects of metalinguistics. He conceptualized that a window is open for this learning from preschool through fourth grade. During this time a child’s environment is critical in that it helps form the brain functions that allow for attentional control and higher cognitive functioning. Language is a key factor in this environment because it allows for the continuous development in attention and cognitive functioning, which together eventually define that watershed moment when metalinguistic awareness begins to form. Finally, it is this awareness that creates the connections between print and language.

It is important to note that the relationship between phonological awareness and reading actually begins before formal literacy instruction (the explicit teaching of letters, sounds, and sight words). Moreover, a unique contributor to the timing of the onset of metalinguistic awareness has been found to be oral vocabulary development rather than the explicit drilling of the various levels of phonological awareness and letter sounds. The research in the fields of metalinguistic awareness, cognition, literacy, and language have all contributed to a clearer understanding of the processes involved in becoming literate. Clearer understandings of how literacy develops is beginning to move us away from the linear conception of literacy and language is somewhat contextualized by the earlier conceptual models of reading acquisition and research projects. More recent studies and more sophisticated statistical modeling are leading some to a more systems view of reading acquisition and development (Dickinson, McCabe, & Essex, 2006).

Oral Language Development

The research on oral language development has been critical to our understanding of literacy acquisition and development. Much of the research is beyond the scope of this review. Therefore, this section is organized to revisit many of the previous studies cited, but using the lens of the socio-cultural and sociolinguistic factors that impact language development in preschool through elementary level classrooms. First, however, we will take a brief look at the various aspects of oral language.

Vocabulary, Syntax, and Semantics

Much of the aforementioned research has started to tie phonological awareness to vocabulary (Anthony & Lonigan, 2004; Biemiller, 2006; Bracken, 2005; Burgess & Lonigan, 1998; Dickinson, McCabe, & Essex, 2006) and definitional vocabulary (Lonigan, 2007). Scholars in the field of literacy are still looking to explain ways that syntax and semantics help vocabulary and more in depth concept development in children; and more specifically, they are studying how story book reading lends itself to this development (Pan, Rowe, Singer, & Snow, 2005; , "Pathways to Reading: The Role of Oral Language in the Transition to Reading", 2005; Storch & Whitehurst, 2001), How does a child internalize a word or fact about the world?

Fast mapping is a concept of word acquisition first framed by Susan Carey in 1978. She proposed that to learn a word a child must its syntactical properties and how the meaning relates to other words and concepts already known. Initial word learning consists of direct modeling and over teaching at the infant and early toddler stage. However, by the age of two a child a child learns words based on their use in linguistic context and the specific situation that surrounds its use (Carey, 1978). This system is further explained by noting a word to world path that is created through syntax and social engagement which allow the word to be internalized and extended (Behrend, Scofield, & Kleinknecht, 2001). Yet another path for word learning is less direct involves overhearing words (Akhtar, Jipson, & Callanan, 2001). The various paths can be described as expressive, receptive, passive, explicit, and or coincidental. However, it is important to note that they all involve linguistic and social contexts.

Sociolinguist and Sociocultural Dimensions to Language Learning

The context in which language is learned involves an interaction between a child and another person and a specific linguistic structure. These relationships and structures are different between and among various ethnic, socioeconomic, and family cultures (Craig, Connor, & Washington, 2003; Fillmore & Snow, 2003). However, the language characteristics of the middle and upper class cultures are those that successfully transfer to literacy in English in the American public schools (Fillmore, 2000; Fillmore & Snow, 2003). As a result, many family literacy projects and research studies have sought to influence or manipulate the language experiences in the homes of at risk children (Jordan, Snow, & Porche, 2000; Landry & Smith, 2007; Lonigan & Whitehurst, 1998; Pan, Rowe, Singer, & Snow, 2005) and their preschool classrooms (Lonigan et al., 2003; Lonigan & Whitehurst, 1998; Phillips & Torgesen, 2006). Most of these studies and interventions involve the traditional use of storybooks, which do provide substantial linguistic and social contexts within which to learn language.

However, reading stories in and of itself is not enough to enhance language learning. Attention and varied purposes and words play a role as well (Pan, Rowe, Singer, & Snow, 2005). Moreover, some studies show that the perceived lag in language does not show until children reach a more formal educational stage in late preschool or kindergarten (Chaney, 1994; Thomas-Tate, Washington, Craig, & Packard, 2006). Thus, it could be assumed that all children come to us with language and experiences that could be tapped for literacy learning. It is noted by some scholars and policy makers that researchers and practicing teachers need to find a way to teach literacy in English in ways that do not marginalize the languages and cultures the children have been learning throughout their formative years (Feldman, 2002; Fillmore, 2000; Fillmore & Snow, 2003).

A Summary of Oral Language Development

It is particularly important to value and extend the language the children bring with them in any setting, whether that setting is in the home or in a school. In order for children to continue developing vocabulary and conceptual knowledge of their world, they need to be able to connect the new to the known. They do this through their syntactic and pragmatic abilities as they relate to another caring individual. Storybook reading helps to create this linguistic and social context in some cultures, but it is important to note that oral language is primarily developed through purposeful and varied use of words and grammatical structures to learn about the world.

This premise is particularly important as it pertains to phonological awareness and literacy acquisition and development. Vocabulary has been found to be causally related to phonological awareness. Additionally, a more recent construct of phonological awareness acknowledges that its development is dependent on various cognitive abilities that are dependent on language (Anthony & Lonigan, 2004), and these come together at different times for different children.

Therefore, it is possible that a five year old from a Spanish speaking home may still be developing the attentional control and vocabulary necessary to reach a metalinguistic intersection that would take him to print. What happens to this child when he is forced to adapt to a new linguistic and cultural context for language learning that does not match the one that supported him during his formative years?

Culturally Responsive Teaching and Research

Movement along the Continuum from Intervention to Prevention to Convention

The link between phonological awareness and reading acquisition has been well established(Ashby & Rayner, 2006; Burgess & Lonigan, 1998). Some studies use a somewhat linear model to develop intervention studies designed to ensue at risk populations the phonological awareness necessary to acquire literacy successfully before they entered kindergarten or first grade (Ashby & Rayner, 2006; Burgess, Hecht, & Lonigan, 2002; Jordan, Snow, & Porche, 2000; Lonigan, Anthony, Bloomfield, Dyer, & Samwel, 1999) Many of these models use storybook reading and other forms of exposure to print in the interventions.

However, more recent studies have taken a systems view of language and literacy development that embraces a more defined developmental view of literacy and language (Anthony & Lonigan, 2004; Dickinson, McCabe, & Essex, 2006; Lonigan, 2006, , 2007). It is noted that the window for vocabulary and phonological learning is open from age four through fourth grade. If this is true, then it would follow that the perceived language lag for some preschool children may not be able to be closed by the time they are school age.

Many studies note the timing of metalinguistic awareness and print awareness varies from child to child. On the other hand, several studies referred to what they called the stable nature of phonological awareness as the sign that early intervention is necessary (Burgess, 2006; Lonigan, Burgess, Anthony, & Barker, 1998). The child’s environment, whether home or school, is critical in his language and literacy development. The child’s home culture may be well on its way to providing the important cognitive and language foundations. However the guarantee of continued progress in these tenets could be dependent on the classroom culture and the bridge between home and school. Therefore, it also could be that the perceived stable nature of phonological awareness is more due to the teaching practices than it is to the theory of metalinguistics itself.

The window for learning remains open through fourth grade. Perhaps, finding ways to allow the u nature of learning experienced by some cultures becomes the convention for all children. This would require more knowledge about how various cultures engage in language learning so classrooms could connect to those strengths in the children.

This paper opened with a scenario the author knew well. It was a description of her experiences with her child, which did lead to successful literacy acquisition and development. It would be interesting to be able to close with another scenario that described an alternative path to success in school. However, no such path is known by the author at this time. The recent studies have led us to a more clearly defined conceptual understanding of the relationship between oral language and literacy acquisition. The next step may be discovering the different paths that could be forged between the different linguistic and cultural backgrounds and phonological awareness and reading.

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