Investigative Psychology - SAGE Publications

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Investigative Psychology

CHAPTER OBJECTIVES

Explore the many ways psychology contributes to investigations of crime. Examine the history, methods, limitations, and problems of criminal profiling. Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of predicting human behavior. Describe the psychological autopsy. Introduce geographical profiling and mental mapping. Review the history, research, and application of the polygraph. Assess the usefulness of forensic hypnosis. Investigate the psychology of pretrial identification methods, such as lineups, photospreads,

and face recognition procedures.

I nvestigative psychology, the application of psychological research and principles to the investigation of criminal behavior, is a term coined by David Canter, the director of the Centre for Investigative Psychology at the University of Liverpool in England. Investigative psychology probably began in 1985, when Canter was called to Scotland Yard to explore the possibilities of integrating existing investigation procedures and techniques with psychological principles (Canter, 1995). Eventually, he developed a graduate program in investigative psychology at the University of Surrey and, 10 years later, moved to the University of Liverpool to direct a graduate program in investigative psychology there.

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From a psychological perspective, three fundamental questions characterize all criminal investigations (Canter & Alison, 2000, p. 3): (1) What are the important behavioral features of the crime that may help identify and successfully prosecute the perpetrator? (2) What inferences can be made about the characteristics of the offender that may help identify him or her? (3) Are there any other crimes that are likely to have been committed by the same person? These questions are central to the entire process of investigative psychology. In this chapter, we broaden the field of investigative psychology slightly to include topics of psychological autopsies, suicide-by-cop, the polygraph, and forensic hypnosis. We will begin by exploring an activity that has prompted considerable media attention, psychological profiling.

Profiling: The Psychological Sketch

Profiling--one of the tasks often associated with investigative psychology--requires sketching the significant psychological and demographic features of a person or persons. In some instances, the profile summarizes the psychological features of persons who may commit a crime, such as identifying potential terrorists who plan to hijack or blow up a plane. In the United States, for example, the nation's major airlines have used a profiling system known as the Computer Assisted Passenger Prescreening System (CAPPS) (Armstrong & Pereira, 2001). CAPPS, a more limited version of the passenger prescreening systems used in Europe and Israel, was created after the midair explosion of TWA Flight 800 over Long Island Sound in 1996, which resulted in the deaths of 230 people. At first, it was thought that the explosion was the result of a terrorist attack, but further investigation several months later revealed the cause to be frayed electrical wiring in or near the fuel tanks located in the midsection of the aircraft.

CAPPS uses basic data disclosed by passengers when they reserve and buy tickets-- such as their names, addresses, and how they paid for tickets--to look for patterns that identify potential terrorists. For example, passengers who purchase one-way tickets, pay in cash, travel alone, buy tickets for passengers with different last names on the same credit card, and buy tickets with the same credit card shortly after another transaction are targeted for further investigation or closer surveillance (Armstrong & Pereira, 2001). The federal government uses similar profiles in its search for drug couriers and potential terrorists. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Department of Homeland Security, for example, have developed lists of likely characteristics of offenders.

Do these profiling techniques actually work? CAPPS did flag two of the four hijackers aboard American Airlines Flight 77 (which crashed into the Pentagon) as suspicious when they checked in at Dulles Airport on the morning of September 11, 2001. Unfortunately, neither man was questioned or searched at the airport, although their bags were carefully scanned before being loaded onto the plane. After the attacks on September 11, passengers as well as baggage were searched, a practice that continues today, as all air travelers are well aware.

In reference to the drug courier profiles, critics have argued that although they discover evidence of drug trafficking, they are also so broad in their description that they can apply to a great number of passengers and result in the temporary detention and questioning of numerous innocent individuals.

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After the terrorist attacks of September 11 and with the heightened threat of more terrorism, psychologists and behavioral scientists were asked to further develop profiles that would help security personnel identify potential terrorists from passenger lists. These profiles usually take into consideration the clothes the passenger is wearing, the person's nationality, travel history, behavioral patterns while at the airport, and even the book that he or she may have just purchased at the airport bookshop. That is, to improve their ability to identify potential terrorists, profile researchers would examine the buying habits, dress patterns, and cultural and social backgrounds of previous airline terrorists. Furthermore, since September 11, both the airlines and the federal government have likely implemented additional approaches to profiling and screening passengers, most of which are not revealed to the public.

Profiling of potential hijackers is not new. To digress briefly, the word hijack originated in the Midwest around 1912 to 1920 and is a shortened form of the command, "Hold your hands up high, Jack" (Dailey & Pickrel, 1975b). Apparently, it was first used by bands of individuals who habitually robbed farmers and eventually came to mean the use of force or trickery to compel individuals to do things they do not want to do. In 1961, Time magazine coined the term skyjacking to refer to the seizure of aircraft.

After the first official hijacking of an American aircraft occurred in 1961, a trickle of skyjackings continued until the epidemic years between 1968 and 1978. In 1968, there were 36 skyjackings, 20 of them involving American aircraft, with most diverted to Cuba (Arey, 1972). This "contagion effect" became even more apparent in 1969 with 71 skyjackings, 58 of which were diverted to Cuba from the United States and other parts of the world. Some skyjackers were homesick Cubans, some claimed to be political activists, but most apparently wanted to become significant and newsworthy.

Sixty-nine skyjackings occurred in 1970, and similar instances continued until the United States began to beef up and improve its airport security. One of the skyjacking incidents that attracted extensive media attention was the case of D. B. Cooper, who demanded and received money and a parachute and then jumped from the aircraft. The Cooper story became well-known with much speculation generated about whether he lived or died from his jump. Books, posters, T-shirts, rock songs, and a movie--The Pursuit of D. B. Cooper, starring Robert Duvall and Treat Williams-- document the considerable ongoing interest in the heist. Even a restaurant in Salt Lake City was named after him. His daring feat also illustrates a good example of the contagion or copycat effect. Cooper himself may have been reacting to the early rash of skyjackings mentioned above. However, his demand for money and a parachute prompted others to do the same.

Of the 19 foiled hijacking attempts in 1972, a total of 15 demanded both money and parachutes. During the same year, three hijackers demonstrated that it was possible to survive a jump from a 727 by parachuting out the back (all were later captured or shot). The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) soon required all 727s to be fitted with a device that automatically locks the rear door while in flight. The idea of demanding a ransom and parachutes did not originate with Cooper, however. A hijacker with a gun tried to take over an Air Canada plane just 12 days prior to the Cooper hijacking. The hijacker demanded money and parachutes but was subdued by the flight crew when he tried to put on the parachute. Cooper, though, decided to use

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a bomb in a briefcase instead of a gun, a plot that he may have copied from the 1970 movie Airport.

Not long after the Cooper skyjacking, in August 1972, the FAA issued a directive that all U.S. carriers had to either search or deny boarding to those who fit a certain profile (Daily & Pickrel, 1975a). The profile had been developed by FAA psychologists in response to the rash of skyjackings in the late 1960s and early 1970s.

They had concluded that, in general, skyjackers were different from the usual air traveler of that time in such aspects as socioeconomic class and mannerisms in the airport terminal (Daily & Pickrel, 1975a). The "typical" skyjacker was generally an "unsuccessful" member of society, was inadequate socially and occupationally, was lacking in resourcefulness, appeared to have substantial feelings of helplessness or hopelessness, and perhaps was suicidal. Apparently, the skyjacking was a way of improving his or her situation and gaining some control and significance in the world. However, although the skyjacker profile was helpful at first, it eventually proved inadequate and incomplete because cultural, social, political, and security forces are always in a state of flux. Consequently, the most useful profiles must be continually evaluated and updated with new information.

The preboarding procedure mandated by the FAA seemed to work. During the years 1973 and 1974, only four American aircraft were involved in skyjackings, none of which turned out to be successful in terms of getting the skyjacker flown to the desired destination (Civil Aeronautics Board, 1975).

Over the years, interest in profiling has waxed and waned, and it is often fueled by sensational media events. After a series of school shootings in the 1990s, considerable attention was directed at developing profiles of the type of high school student who would be likely to open fire on classmates or school officials. When the Washington, D.C., area was terrorized by sniper shootings in the fall of 2002, sniper profiles were the rage. However, despite the enormous media interest--including depictions of profilers in the entertainment media--profiling is not as frequent an investigative activity of police officials or psychologists as we might assume. Many police psychologists question the technique. In a nationwide survey of police psychologists, for example, 70% said they did not feel comfortable profiling and seriously questioned its validity and usefulness (Bartol, 1996). Nevertheless, in recent years there has been an upward trend in the use of profiling, with some indications that profiling has become more commonplace within police investigations (Homant & Kennedy, 1998; Snook, Eastwood, Gendreau, Goggin, & Cullen, 2007). In the sections to follow, we will cover profiling in three forms: criminal profiling, psychological autopsies, and geographical profiling.

Criminal Profiling

Criminal profiling is the process of identifying personality traits, behavioral tendencies, geographical location, and demographic or biographical descriptors of an offender (or offenders) based on characteristics of the crime (Bartol & Bartol, 2004). The primary goal of criminal profiling is to narrow the field of possible suspects to a more reasonable number from the hundreds or thousands of possible suspects within a specific population. Profiling is also a form of prediction. Based on crime scene information and the behavioral patterns or habits of the offender, the profiler tries to

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"predict" who the offender or offenders might be and where and how the next crime may occur. To a very large extent, the profiling process is dictated by the quality of the data collected on previous offenders who have committed similar offenses. It should be emphasized at the outset that profiling--even in its most sophisticated form-- rarely can point directly to the person who committed the crime. Moreover, profilers do not claim to do this. Instead, the process helps develop a manageable set of hypotheses for identifying who may have been responsible for the crime. If done competently, a profile will provide some statistical probabilities of the demographic, geographic, and psychological features of the offender. More important, it should eliminate large segments of the population from further investigation.

The term profiling is used in several ways to identify different kinds of information. The term we use here--criminal profiling--refers to identifying and describing essential information about a suspect. Psychological profiling refers to a behavioral sketch of an individual who may or may not be a suspected offender. Crime scene analysis, or the more technical terms criminal investigative analysis and crime scene investigation, pertains to developing a rough behavioral or psychological sketch of an offender based on clues identified at the crime scene. According to R. A. Knight, Warren, Reboussin, and Soley (1998), "This technique attempts to derive hypotheses about the personality of the offender from analysis of a crime scene, victim information, and current knowledge of offenders from previous research" (p. 47).

Racial profiling, on the other hand, is defined as

police-initiated action that relies on the race, ethnicity, or national origin rather than the behavior of an individual or information that leads the police to a particular individual who has been identified as being, or having been, engaged in criminal activity. (Ramirez, McDevitt, & Farrell, 2000, p. 53)

Racial profiling has become so well-known to ethnic minorities or people of color during traffic stops that they have come to label the phenomenon "driving while black" or "driving while brown" (abbreviated as DWB) as a play on the legally accepted term DWI (driving while intoxicated). Racial profiling is based on the assumption by some law enforcement officials that ethnic or racial minorities are most often used as couriers of illegal drugs or other contraband. This unwarranted assumption has led to a disproportionate number of "pretext" stops of members of minority groups. A pretext stop is one in which a driver is pulled over for a mild traffic infraction, such as crossing the center line or driving a vehicle with a defective taillight. The stop allows the officer to conduct a visual search of the vehicle and, under some conditions, order drivers and even passengers out of the car.

Psychological profiling was used by the U.S. Office of Strategic Services (OSS) during World War II in an effort to identify the tendencies and thought processes of Adolf Hitler (Ault & Reese, 1980). It is very likely, though, that earlier efforts to understand the thinking of kings and military leaders predated the OSS by several hundred years. David Canter--whom we credited with coining the term investigative psychology-- and his colleague Laurence Alison point out that psychological profiling is basically an offshoot of psychological testing (Canter & Alison, 2000).

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Criminal profiling has gained popularity in law enforcement circles since it was first used by the Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1971 (Pinizzotto & Finkel, 1990). In more recent years, criminal profiling has intrigued the public through such films as Silence of the Lambs and TV series such as CSI: Crime Scene Investigation, CSI: Miami, CSI: New York, Crossing Jordan, and Autopsy in the United States and Cracker in the United Kingdom. Despite the media attention and popular TV and movie depictions of highly successful and probing profilers employing sophisticated techniques to identify the offender, reality is far from that picture. If the number of actual success stories in profiling is compared to the total number of misses or failures, the ratio of hits to misses might be close to chance. Furthermore, it should be emphasized early in this section that there are very few full-time employment opportunities for professional criminal profilers, even highly experienced ones. Although criminal profiling is a fascinating area, students aspiring to become forensic psychologists should keep their career options open to the many other forensic areas that are growing and emerging each year and not narrow their interests to such limited topics as criminal profiling.

However, it is also very important to understand the many aspects of profiling, as it is such a pervasive and ultimately important topic in the field of forensic psychology. When the media contact psychologists for comment on a sensational crime, psychologists are typically asked about the "profile." Moreover, in contrast to the applied aspects of criminal profiling, the one area that drastically needs attention from forensic psychologists is profiling research. In other words, it is critical that we learn how reliable or valid the various profiling procedures and methods currently used are and how (or if) they can be improved to allow meaningful application to law enforcement and other forensic realms. Consequently, in this section, we will spend some time going over the key concepts in the field, the current state of the "art," and the available research.

Contrary to popular belief, criminal profiling is not and should not be restricted to serial murders or serial sexual assaults. It has considerable potential value when applied successfully to crimes such as arson, burglary, shoplifting, and robbery and to white-collar crimes such as bank fraud or embezzlement. However, because of the limited research base available, its effectiveness in these areas has yet to be demonstrated.

More recently, computer-based models of offender profiles based on extensive statistical data collected on similar offenses have been introduced. With the necessary empirical research, they may hold considerable promise in advancing the accuracy of criminal profiles. But, so far, there are very little research data on the utility, reliability, and validity of computer-based profiling. This point leads us to the general topic of predictions of human behavior.

Dynamic and Static Risk Factors in Prediction

An important issue in the prediction and profiling of human behavior is the distinction between dynamic risk factors and static risk factors (Andrews & Bonta, 1998; Andrews, Bonta, & Hoge, 1990). Dynamic risk factors are those that change over time and situation. For example, our attitudes, values, and beliefs have considerable potential for change, in contrast to static risk factors, such as our gender, birth order, ethnic background, and biological parents. In short, dynamic factors can change, whereas static factors cannot.

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IN FOCUS 3.1 The FBI Academy Behavioral Science Unit

The FBI Behavioral Science Unit is one of the instructional components of the FBI's Training Division at Quantico, Virginia. Its mission is to develop and provide programs of training, research, and consultation in the behavioral and social sciences for the FBI and law enforcement community that will improve or enhance their administration, operational effectiveness, and understanding of crime. This work includes conducting high-impact research and presenting a variety of cutting-edge courses on topics such as applied criminal psychology, clinical forensic psychology, crime analysis, death investigation, interpersonal violence, research methodology, stress management in law enforcement, and violence in America.

The Behavioral Science Unit conducts specialized and applied training in the above disciplines as they pertain to law enforcement for new agents, FBI services and symposia, the FBI National Academy Program, international police officers, field police schools, and criminal justice?related organizations and conferences.

The Behavioral Science Unit also coordinates with and supports other FBI units, such as the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC) and the Critical Incident Response Group (CIRG), which provides operational assistance to the FBI field offices and law enforcement agencies. The Behavioral Science Unit does not presently recruit from outside the FBI.

Source: Behavioral Science Unit, FBI Academy. Available: .

Dynamic factors can be subdivided into stable and acute (Hanson & Harris, 2000). Stable dynamic factors, although they are changeable, usually change slowly and may take months or even years to change. Acute dynamic factors, on the other hand, change rapidly (in days, hours, or even minutes) and include such things as mood swings, emotional arousal, and alcohol or other drug-induced effects. Hanson and Harris (2000) found that acute dynamic factors, such as anger and subjective distress, were better predictors of the tendency of sex offenders to reoffend than were the more stable dynamic factors, such as the sex offender's attitudes about women.

This is important to profiling because serial offenders, whether serial rapists, burglars, arsonists, killers, or pedophiles, often change their modus operandi (MO) as they become more proficient at their crime--or, as noted by Turvey (2002), it may change due to an offender's deteriorating mental state or the increased use of drugs or alcohol.

The MO--the actions and procedures an offender uses to commit a crime successfully--can be considered a stable dynamic factor. It is a behavioral pattern that the offender learns as he or she gains experience in committing the offense. Burglars are continually changing their procedures and techniques to better accomplish their goals, and serial killers often become more daring and risky in their selection of victims. Because the offender generally changes the MO until he or she learns which method is most effective, investigators may make a serious error if they place too much significance on the MO when linking crimes. Turvey (2002) also points out that some offenders improve their MO through educational and technical materials.

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"Professional journals, college courses, textbooks, and other educationally oriented media available at a public library, or now via the Internet, can provide offenders with knowledge that is useful toward refining their particular MO" (Turvey, 2002, p. 232). Turvey further illustrates his point by asserting that "arsonists may read Kirk's Fire Investigation (DeHaan, 1997); rapists may read Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation (Burgess & Hazelwood, 1995); murderers may read Practical Homicide Investigation (Geberth, 1996); and bank robbers may subscribe to security magazines" (p. 232). In addition, many offenders read newspaper, magazine, and television accounts of their crimes, which sometimes provide clues that the police have identified concerning the MO. Such accounts may prompt the offender to alter his or her methods of operations. In some instances, the offender may perfect the MO by engaging in a career or profession that enhances the methods used, such as joining a volunteer fire department or even becoming a fire investigator.

A similar but distinct feature is the signature. The signature is thought to be related to the unique cognitive processes of the offender and, because it is relatively consistent in its characteristics, may be more useful in the profiling process. In other words, the signature probably has greater stability than the MO, although both are stable, dynamic factors.

The signature is a symbolic communication by the offender that goes beyond what is necessary to commit the crime. For example, some burglars tailor their styles (or their signature) to convey messages to victims and investigators, hoping to induce some strong emotional reactions from the victims, such as fear or anger. The burglar may leave a frightening or threatening note or "violate" some personal item, such as intimate clothing, a photograph, or a diary. Consequently, the emotional reactions of burglarized victims often run the gamut from anger and depression to fear and anxiety (Brown & Harris, 1989).

Related to the signature is the issue of psychopathology. Experienced profilers have argued for many years that profiling serial violent offenders is most successful when the offender exhibits some form of psychopathology at the scene of the crime, such as sadistic torture, evisceration, postmortem slashings and cuttings, and other mutilations (Pinizzotto, 1984). This is based on the theory that when a person is mentally disordered, he or she demonstrates greater consistency in behavior from situation to situation. However, whether persons with mental disorders are more consistent in their behavioral patterns than stable individuals remains very much open to debate, and systematic empirical research on the topic is lacking.

Additional Crime Scene Concepts

During the 1980s, the FBI's Behavioral Science Unit (BSU) (see In Focus Box 3.1) interviewed incarcerated sexual murderers in an effort to identify some common behavioral characteristics and motives of serial killers (Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas, 1988; Ressler, Burgess, Hartman, Douglas, & McCormick, 1986). In the late 1980s, further study focused on the behavioral and motivational features of serial rapists (Hazelwood & Burgess, 1987, 1995). This resulted in the development of a typology that classifies crime scenes as organized, disorganized, or mixed. An organized crime

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