Race, Gender, and Authority in the Workplace: Theory and ...
Race, Gender, and Authority in the Workplace: Theory and Research
Author(s): Ryan A. Smith
Source: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 28 (2002), pp. 509-542
Published by: Annual Reviews
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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2002. 28:509-42
doi: 10.1146/annurev.soc.28.110601.141048
Copyright ?) 2002 by AnnualReviews. All rightsreserved
RACE, GENDER, AND AUTHORITY IN THE
WORKPLACE:Theory and Research
RyanA. Smith*
RutgersUniversity,School of Managementand LaborRelations,50 Labor CenterWay,
New Brunswick,New Jersey 08901; e-mail: rasassocOl@
Key Words
job authority, authorityattainment,race inequality, gender inequality
U Abstract This chaptersurveys sociological approachesto the study of job authority, including theoretical foundations, measurement,and emergence as an importantdimension of social inequality. The focus here is mainly on studies of race and gender
differences in the determinants of authority and the consequences of race and gender
differences in authority for income. Despite significant advancements in the overall
socioeconomic status of minorities and working women, race and gender remain important impediments to their attainmentof authority.This pattern,which is consistent and
robust in state-level, national, cross-national, and cross-temporal studies, is sustained
net of an incumbent's human capital investments and structurallocation within and between several economic units. Following a review of the predominantexplanations for
gender and racial disparities in job authorityis the conclusion that the most promising
explanations for persistent racial and gender disparities in authorityconcern the racial
and gender demography of the workplace and the tendency on the part of authority
elites to reproduce themselves through both exclusionary and inclusionary processes.
Suggestions for future research include additional delineation of these processes based
on samples of multiple racial/ethnic groups of men and women and studies that synthesize quantitative and qualitative approaches to understanding the effects of employer
and employee attitudes/preferencesand practices on the authorityattainmentprocess.
INTRODUCTION
The conceptualizationof job authorityas animportantdimensionof social inequality may be tracedto the earlytheoreticaltreatisesof MaxWeberandKarlMarx.The
most directuse of authorityin quantitativeassessmentsof workinequalityis rooted
in Dahrendorf's (1959) critique and extension of Marx's theory of class relations
and class conflict. Three consecutive, and sometimes overlapping, developments in
the sociological study of job authority may be discerned. First, building on the work
of Karl Marx and Max Weber, researchers embarked upon theory development,
operationalization, and the measurement of job authority for use in quantitative
*Currentaddress:P.O. Box 357, Maplewood,NJ 07040.
0360-0572/02/0811-0509$14.00
509
510
SMITH
studiesof class analysisandstatusattainment.1Next, the MarxandWeberlineages
splinteredthe subsequentconceptualizationandmeasurementof authorityinto two
differentbutnot necessarilymutuallyexclusive arguments.One is the neo-Marxian
argumentthatjob authorityis a categoricaldiscretephenomenonthatlends itself
to the largerstudyof class analysis(Wright& Perrone1977, Lopreato1967, 1968,
Wright 1993). The other argumentinvolves the view thatjob authorityis gradational or scalar,lending itself to the analysis of statusgroups-which is more in
line with the Weberiantradition(Blau 1977, Halaby & Weakliem 1993, Halaby
1993). As a corollaryto this debate, some researcherschallenged Dahrendorf's
originaldichotomousformulationof authority,arguingthatjob authoritycan also
be conceptualizedas a polytomousvariable-that is, a variablewith threeor more
hierarchicallevels (Robinson 1979, Robinson & Kelley 1979).
Finally,embeddedin the debatesurroundingthe relativeinfluenceof demandside versus supply-side explanations of group inequality,the role of race and
genderversusachievement-orientedcriteriain explainingauthorityoutcomes,has
dominatedauthorityresearchin recentyears. Overall,this researchechoes earlier
claims that authorityis a unique and importantindicatorof workplacestratification comparableto, sometimesmore helpful than,or otherwisecomplementaryof
traditionalindicatorsof socioeconomic statusin explainingboth genderandracial
inequalityat work.
This chapterreviews the sociological literatureon race, gender,andjob authority. The theoreticalfoundationsof job authorityand its emergenceas an important
indicatorof socioeconomic statusare discussed. Next, this chapterexamineshow
job authorityhas been operationalizedandmeasuredfor use in quantitativeassessments of workplaceinequality.It then reviews severalprominentexplanationsfor
race and genderdifferencesin authority,followed by a summaryof the dominant
literaturethatdescribesthe causes and financialcosts of racial and genderexclusion fromjob authority.The most promisingexplanationsfor persistentracialand
genderdisparitiesin authorityoutcomes concernthe racial and genderdemography of the workplaceand the tendencyon the partof authorityelites to reproduce
themselvesthroughboth exclusionaryand inclusionaryprocesses. Thereis a definite need for more studiesto furtherexplorethese phenomenavia quantitativeand
qualitativestrategiesdesigned to yield detailedinformationon decisions made on
the supply-sideand demand-sideof the authorityrelationship.
JOB AUTHORITY AND ITS MULTIPLEDIMENSIONS
The Importance of Job Authority
Accordingto Max Weber,authoritymay be definedas the "probabilitythata commandwith a given specific contentwill be obeyed by a given groupof persons...
1A detailedreview of the class and statusattainmenttraditionsis beyond the scope of this
chapter.See Kurz & Muller (1987) for the formerand Matras(1980) and Brieger (1995)
for the latter.
AUTHORITY
RACE,GENDER,ANDWORKPLACE
511
The importantdifference between power and authorityconsists in the fact that
whereaspower is essentially tied to the personalityof individuals,authorityis always associatedwith social positions or roles... authorityis a legitimaterelation
of dominationand subjection.In this sense, authoritycan be describedas legitimatepower"(quotedin Dahrendorf1959, p. 166). In the last 20 years,the studyof
the relativedistributionof legitimatepower (job authority)within the context of
the workplacehas emergedas an importantareaof sociological investigation.Job
authorityis psychologicallyrewarding;it bringsstatusboth inside and outsidethe
workplace;it is related to job satisfaction,autonomy,class consciousness, class
position, voting behavior,partyidentification,and political views (Kluegel 1978,
Halaby 1979, Robinson & Kelley 1979, Wright 1979, Roos 1981, Spaeth 1985,
Mueller & Parcel 1986, Jaffee 1989, Reskin & Ross 1992, Adler 1993, Reskin &
Padavic 1994, Wilson 1997b, Smith 1999). In the sociological literature,however,
job authorityis perhapsmost associated with income. As noted by Wrightet al.
(1995, p. 407), "job authorityis one of the central ways in which the financial
rewardsof work are allocated."Elsewhere,Halaby& Weakliem(1993, p. 17) declaredthe studyof job authorityto be sociology's chief contributionto the studyof
earningsinequality.In short,job authorityis a highly coveted workplaceresource.
As such, it comes as no surpriseto learnthatit is unequallydistributedby race and
gender in Americansociety and cross-nationally.Explainingwhy this is the case
is one of the main objectivesof this chapter.
Select Typesand Dimensions of JobAuthority
Job authorityhas been conceptualizedand subsequentlymeasuredin a variety
of ways. Two majorclassificationsof authorityhave dominatedsociological literature:control over organizationalresourcesand control over humanresources.
Withinthese two possibilities, severaltypes of organizationalauthorityhave been
identified. Ownershipin the form of control over the means of production,also
known as control over the labor power of others (Wrightet al. 1982), is perhaps
the ultimate form of authority,but researchershave traditionallyconceptualized
ownership as something separate from authority---especiallyin postindustrial
societies (Dahrendorf1959). Sanctioning authority or span of responsibilityincludes the ability to influence the pay or promotionsof others (Mueller et al.
1989, Wrightet al. 1995). Span of control-denotes the numberof people under
directsupervision(Muelleret al. 1989). Decision-makingor managerialauthority
relatesto organizationalpolicy decisions, controlover products,services, budgets,
or purchases(Rosenfeld et al. 1998). Also, hierarchicalauthorityposition refers
to an individual'sformallocationwithinthe structureof organizationalhierarchies
(Kluegel 1978, Wrightet al. 1982, Speath 1985, Wrightet al. 1995). Finally,measuresof supervisoryauthorityestablishwhetheran individual"supervisesanyone
on the job," a query,however,thatfails to distinguishnominal supervisorystatus
(relaying informationfrom superiorsto subordinates)from the exercise of real
authority(Wrightet al. 1982, p. 714). Thus, there are multiple types and various
dimensions of authority.Because of this, researchershave approachedthe study
512
SMTH
of race andgenderdisparitiesin authorityfrommanydifferentangles-a fact that,
as discussedbelow, paintsa multidimensionaland often ambiguouspictureof the
extent of racial and gendergaps in authority.
THEORYAND MEASUREMENT
OF AUTHORITY
In his provocativebook, Class and Class Conflictin IndustrialSociety(1959), Ralf
Dahrendorfdeveloped a theorydetailingthe importanceof authority,specifically
job authority,in postindustrialorganizations.He arguedthat differentialsin job
authoritywere critical in understandingthe dynamicsof class relationsand class
conflict in modem society. Even though it is beyond the scope of this chapterto
discuss the debate surroundingthe source of class conflict, it is importantto pinpoint Dahrendorf'schief departurefrom Marx. For Dahrendorf,class formation
and class conflict ensue not from opposing intereststhatexist in the relationsbetween those who own the means andproductionversusthose who do not, as Marx
would contend. Instead, importantsocietal changes flowing from the onset and
developmentof industrializationhave led to the separationof those who own the
meansof productionfromthose who exercisecontroloverthe meansof production
in the form of legitimateauthorityover both organizationalresourcesand human
resources (Lopreato 1967, 1968, Hazelrigg 1972, Fox et al. 1977, Robinson &
Kelley 1979, Vanneman& Cannon1987). Dahrendorfposits authorityas the basic
determinantof class divisionin postindustrialsociety wherebyconflictensues over
the mannerin which authorityis unequallydistributedin society (Lopreato1967,
p. 281). Since conflict necessitates two opposing groups, Dahrendorfconceptualized authorityin strict dichotomous terms (i.e., those who exercise authority
versusthose who are subjectto it). Because this constructionhas importantimplications for the mannerin which authorityis measuredin quantitativeanalyses of
job inequality,it has met with widespreaddebate. Some have arguedthat a more
accuratedepictionof the postindustrialworkplacewould lead to an expandedconceptualizationof authoritybased on various hierarchicaland multidimensional
configurations(Lopreato1967, 1968, Robinson 1979, Robinson & Kelley 1979).
A brief review of this literaturefollows.
Dichotomous VersusPolytomous Authority
Presaging a later debate in authorityresearch on whether authorityshould be
conceptualized and measured as a class or status variable (Wright & Perrone
1977, Halaby & Weakliem 1993), Van den Berghe (1963) deridedDahrendorf's
tendency to view class conflict in solely dichotomous terms. According to Van
den Berghe, "Reducingevery conflict situationto a dualist opposition involves
strainingthe facts. Dahrendorfexperiencesthe same difficultyas Marxin handling
'intermediategroups"'(p. 701).
The debate over whetherjob authorityis better conceived as a dichotomous
variable (having authority or not) or polytomous variable (no, low, and high
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