International Institute for Strategic Studies



15th Regional Security SummitThe IISS Manama DialogueFirst Plenary SessionSaturday 23 November 2019Sheikh Khalid bin Ahmed Al KhalifaMinister of Foreign Affairs, BahrainDr John Chipman, Director-General and Chief Executive, IISSWith that, could I invite our host, Sheikh Khalid bin Ahmed, to address this opening plenary. Thank you very much.Sheikh Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa, Minister of Foreign Affairs, BahrainDear participants, firstly, let me thank Mr Bill Emmott, Chairman of Trustees of the IISS, and of course my friend Dr John Chipman, who I have done this panel with several times. I will have to also continue to thank Mr Fran?ois Heisbourg. I want to thank you for your dedication to IISS and the Manama Dialogue and I heard you are here with us, so thank you very much again. The title of this panel is very fitting to the situation and the picture in the Middle East: ‘Cooperation and Competition’. If you look at the region today, we find states with competing objectives. There are states that seek cooperation, stability and prosperity; and there are states that seek domination and harmful competition. Amongst the states of the region, the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council), Egypt and Jordan are the cornerstones of regional stability.The GCC, Egypt and Jordan are major contributors to peace and security, not only in the region but the world. We have taken the lion’s share of the burden in the region in fighting terrorism, protecting vital shipping lanes, combatting foreign-backed militias and dealing with the refugee crisis. We have also taken the brunt of the attacks. We have experienced terrorist attacks, drone and missile attacks on critical infrastructure, attacks on our shipping vessels, among other threats. Yet we remain solid and steadfast in our commitment to ensuring regional stability and security. Going forward, the GCC, Egypt and Jordan are poised to play an indispensable role in the security of the region. Our cooperation spans all fields, including trade, education, energy and water. Bahrain’s commitment to the GCC and our allies is unwavering as we face shared challenges and cooperate in pursuing our goals.In securing the region, regional countries cannot go it alone. The region is a global region, and just as the international community benefits from the region, it also shoulders its share of responsibilities towards it. Global powers are an integral part of the regional architecture and in an interconnected world, that will remain the case. The United States of America is and will remain an integral part of the stability, security and prosperity of our region. We, in Bahrain, share a strategic relationship with the US based on shared values and interests. We are continuing and deepening this partnership at all levels.We are continuing our efforts to set up the Middle East Strategic Alliance with the US, GCC and Jordan, further cementing our strategic ties. We also share a historic and strategic relationship with the United Kingdom. The region’s partnership with the UK is also a major contributor to peace and security in the region. Other major allies and partners, like France, Germany, Italy, Japan and Australia, among many others, also play a major role in the region and we appreciate our strong bilateral and multilateral ties.What about Russia and China? Russia and China are not new to the region. Cultural, trade and political ties have existed and grown between us for a very long time. Today, Bahrain and the rest of the GCC have close ties with Russia and China, among many other European and Asian states. Much has been made of potential competition between great powers in our region but we do not see this as a foregone conclusion. Instead, we envision a more cooperative approach where the interests of all relevant stakeholders are respected.I must also add that when we talk about our partnership with the allies and friends, this is not a one-way street. Bahrain and the rest of the GCC are doing our part in securing our own region. We are involved in securing our seas, airspace and countries through our own means and armed forces. We have and continue to take part in coalitions to combat piracy, terrorism, illicit trade, among other challenges. Our armed forces have participated in liberating Kuwait, securing Afghanistan and fighting Daesh. They are currently involved in the fight to restore legitimacy and security in Yemen.We are committed to doing our part and sharing the burden of protecting our region in partnership with our friends and allies. What are the major challenges we face? What are the impediments to better cooperation in the region? I will focus today on hegemony, interference and terrorism. Unfortunately, there are countries in the region that prefer confrontation to cooperation and behave in ways that threaten the safety and security of neighbouring states. The principles of non-interference, respect of sovereignty and good neighbourliness are not new concepts. They are the cornerstone of the rules-based international system we all benefit from. The United Nations Charter includes these principles, and for good reason.Yet the principles seem to have been forgotten by some countries in the region. The primary example of this is Iran. It is truly unfortunate that Iran continues to interfere in the affairs of the region and continues its attempts to impose its hegemony. In Iraq, Iran continues to impede Iraq’s process as a modern state capable of providing for its population. Iran does not care about the Iraqi people. It pays no attention to the health of the Iraqi economy, nor whether people in Iraq feel safe and confident in the future. Iran cares only about its own interest and pursuing its hegemonic ambitions.In Lebanon, Iranian interference has led to stagnation, paralysis in Lebanon’s political system and repeated confrontation internally and with their neighbours. Here, again, Iran’s interference is for the sole purpose of extending its influence and hegemony through its terrorist proxy, Hizbullah, regardless of the negative effects on Lebanon and its people. In Syria, Iranian militias have established a substantial presence, no doubt aimed at deepening its involvement in Syria and establishing long-term control. We value the role and interests of the US and Russia in Syria, and we would like to see those efforts come together for the sake of stability and security in Syria. Without international cooperation in Syria between major powers, regional countries will continue to compete over it and attempt to impose control.In Yemen, Iran continues to back the Houthi terrorist group and benefits from the continuation of conflict in Yemen, inhibiting the prospects of the political solution that we all desire. I would like to be clear. Iran did not merely take advantage of the Houthi attempt to take over Yemen to get a foot in the door. Iran helped create the Houthi terrorist group from the start and provides it not only with weapons and training, but also with guiding ideology and slogans, as they are still doing in other parts of the Middle East.In my country, Bahrain, we have experienced the full brunt of Iran’s interference for almost 40 years. Despite periods of increased cooperation and despite our numerous efforts over the years to have better relations, Iran just does not seem capable of viewing Bahrain as anything other than a target. These past few months, Iran has stepped up its belligerent actions and attacked oil-refinery installations in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Iran has also attacked commercial ships in the Sea of Oman and the Arab Sea, threatening maritime safety and security.What is the way forward with Iran? When we talk about the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), the current one which could be on its deathbed or comatose, we do want a better JCPOA. A better alternative for us is to have a JCPOA that will stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons; stop a possible arms race in the region; stop them from weaponising their rockets, which we have examples of in the attacks on the facilities in Saudi Arabia; and stop their hegemonic policies and aims in the region. That will be the JCPOA that we all want. That could be the JCPOA that will ensure long-term peace and stability in the region. We, in the GCC, as responsible countries, have never and will never advocate for regime change in Iran. We have never and will never interfere in Iran’s internal affairs. We have nothing but respect for the Iranian people and we want to see them prosper because peace and prosperity in Iran will benefit the entire region. We call upon Iran to pay more attention to its neighbours than other international relationships, and to seek peace with us. Iran cannot solve its problems with the international community whilst ignoring the countries of the region. Their interest is here amongst their neighbours.What about Iran’s new proposal to set up a regional grouping for countries around Hormuz? The proposal is fundamentally flawed. It does not include countries geographically outside the region but with vital interest in the region. As I said, this is an international region and any effort to establish or set up a regional grouping of countries must take this into account. We all have a stake in the region, whether we are considered regional or not. What occurs in one area of the world will undoubtedly affect another. We have also been offered a so-called non-aggression pact as well. However, the questions remain on what this pact means and whether it includes Iran’s interferences and the action of their proxies. Will this pact only consider conventional threats and ignore the actions of Iran’s terrorist proxies? This is not acceptable. What we lack, more than anything else, with Iran is trust. There is a serious lack of trust when dealing with the Iranian regime. We have no choice but to take anything we hear from them with a grain of salt. Without sincere steps to build trust, effective cooperation in the region will remain difficult.In the past, we had examples of achieving a good level of trust with the late Shah of Iran when he recognised Bahrain and became a most important ally for us in the region here after taking the advice of the former King of Saudi Arabia, King Faisal, the former King of Jordan, King Hussein, and the late Emir of Kuwait, Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmad al-Sabah. And he became a very important partner in trade and commerce. However, that only lasted for a decade. We had windows with the Islamic Republic during the time of President Hashemi Rafsanjani, who had personal agreements with the late King of Saudi Arabia, King Abdullah, and the former President, Khatami. We do not see that the Islamic Republic is an impediment. We do look forward to working with the Islamic Republic on better grounds.Another challenge in the region is Israel’s action in the West Bank. Israel continues to ignore international law and the relevant UN resolutions as it expands its settlements in the West Bank and continues its occupation of the Golan Heights. Israel must show its desire to make peace and commit to the establishment of an independent and sovereign Palestinian state. Then can it truly benefit from the better relations with the region. The hopes and aspirations of the Palestinian people must be heard. They deserve to live in their own sovereign country, like everyone, and to seek a better, more secure future for their people. Any effort must place peace at the forefront of its objectives and any broker must be a broker for peace, not just security.On the challenge of terrorism, we remain committed with our allies in fighting all forms of terrorism, including fighting Daesh and al-Qaeda, the Houthi and Iranian proxies like Hizbullah and [Inaudible], among many others. We have not and will not hesitate to join forces with our friends and allies in fighting terrorism wherever it arises and in any part of the globe. We call upon all countries of the region to commit to fighting terrorism in all its forms, wherever it arises, and to stop all forms of support, whether direct or indirect, to terrorist and extremist groups.As I conclude my remarks, it is important to recognise that there are many pressing challenges we need to pay attention to other than what I have spoken about, such as water scarcity; educating our youth for the challenges of our century; economic development and providing jobs for the next generation; and combatting the effects of climate change. Yet cooperation on these issues is impeded by the challenges we face of hegemony and terrorism. If not for the security challenges, we would have been able to devote more time, resources and energy to those other challenges and opportunities. I reiterate the critical importance of the GCC, Egypt and Jordan as the bedrock for security in the region, along with our international partners. It is this partnership that is best placed to challenge and bring an end to the conflicts that stand between the region and true stability and prosperity for all.Just like we need to address climate change worldwide, we need a change of climate here as it were, in the region; a change of ideas and a change of outlook. We need a climate that is more conducive to peace and cooperation, where countries are more prone to cooperate for the common good and less prone to confrontation, armed competition and hegemonic ambitions. I feel optimistic that this is possible and Bahrain will do its utmost and will do its part to pursue peace, stability and prosperity in the region and beyond. Thank you very much.Dr John Chipman, Director-General and Chief Executive, IISSSheikh Khalid, thank you very much for those remarks. Two reactions from me. One, I think many will have taken note of your diplomatic maxim near the end that any broker must be a broker for peace, not just a broker for security. I think that offers a general strategic guideline that all of us should take into account. Secondly, I think when we move to the debate we will be interested in discussing in more detail the kind of arrangement with the Islamic Republic of Iran that would work to deal with the multiple challenges it poses. In short, do we need what you styled in essence as a grand-bargain JCPOA that takes into account all the challenges and threats? Or is it possible to update, modernise and improve an arms-control agreement and then exercise policies of defence, deterrence and good governance to deal with the influence networks? I think it would be interesting to have a sense of which of these two approaches is the one most likely to succeed. ................
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