Appendix A - Western Political Science Association



Black and Red:African American Newspapers and Communism between 1910 and 1949 Crystal H. BrownUniversity of OregonCbrown5@uoregon.eduAbstractThe purpose of this study was to examine the perspective that African American newspapers presented about the Soviet Union and communism between 1910 and 1949. The analysis indicated three major themes. Black newspapers initially argued that Jewish oppression in pre-Communist Russia was like African American oppression in the United States before the Civil Rights Movement. The idea was that if communism could help liberate the Jews, it could help liberate African Americans. Secondly, the Scottsboro case in the 1930s brought the Communist Party to the forefronts as they strongly supported the nine African American young men on trial. Lastly, the opinion of the Soviet Union was overwhelmingly positive between 1910 and 1949. Nevertheless, due to strong pressures from domestic political groups like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), communism did not flourish in the United States. Keywords: Social movements, communism, African American, Soviet Union, NewspapersBlack and Red: African American Newspapers and Communism between 1910 and 1949 For a moment in history, many African Americans aligned their political ideology with communism. During the early 20th century, the Soviet government encouraged any American with technical skills to move to the Soviet Union, and this especially included a call for African Americans ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"1c9tm9ouq3","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Matusevich 2008)","plainCitation":"(Matusevich 2008)"},"citationItems":[{"id":566,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":566,"type":"article-journal","title":"Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society","container-title":"African Diaspora","page":"53-85","volume":"1","issue":"1","source":"booksandjournals.","abstract":"African presence in Russia predated the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. The arrival of the new Communist rule with its attendant vociferous anti-racist and anti-colonial propaganda campaigns enhanced the earlier perceptions of Russia as a society relatively free of racial bias, a place of multiethnic coexistence. As a result dozens of black, mostly Afro-Caribbean and African-American, travellers flocked to the \"Red Mecca\" during the first two decades of its existence. Some of those arrivals were driven by the ideology; however, the majority of them were simply searching for a place of racial equality, free of Western racism. To an extent their euphoric expectations would be realized as the black visitors to Soviet Russia were usually accorded a warm welcome and granted the opportunities for professional and personal fulfillment that were manifestly absent in their countries of origin. The second wave of black migration to the Soviet Union was quantitatively and qualitatively different from the early pre-war arrivals. It also took place in the context of the new geopolitical reality of the Cold War. After the 1957 Youth Festival in Moscow, the Soviet Union under Khrushchev opened its doors to hundreds, and eventually to thousands, of students from the Third World, many of them from Africa. By extending generous educational scholarships to young Africans, the Soviet Union sought to reaffirm its internationalist credentials and also curry favor with the newly independent African states. The members of this new diasporic community hailed predominantly from the African continent. If the Soviets had hoped for a major propaganda coup, their hopes were not entirely realised. As a propaganda weapon African students tended to jam and even to backfire. Instead of becoming the symbols of Soviet internationalist effort, they came to symbolise Westernization and \"foreign influences.\" <fre>La présence africaine en Russie a précédé la prise de pouvoir bolchévique en 1917. L&apos;arrivée du nouveau pouvoir communiste, avec son aille antiraciste active et ses campagnes de propagande anticoloniale, ont mis en valeur les premières perceptions de la Russie comme une société relativement libre de parti pris racial, un lieu de coexistence multiethnique. En conséquence, des douzaines de Noirs, principalement des Afro-Caribéens et des Afro-Américains, se sont rassemblés à la ? Mecque Rouge ? durant les deux premières décennies de son existence. Quelques-unes de ces arrivées étaient motivées par l&apos;idéologie ; cependant, la majorité d&apos;entre eux étaient simplement à la recherche d&apos;un lieu d&apos;égalité raciale, libéré du racisme occidental. Leurs attentes euphoriques allaient en partie être satisfaites étant donné que les visiteurs noirs en Russie soviétique avaient droit à un accueil chaleureux et se voyaient offrir des opportunités d&apos;épanouissement professionnel et personnel manifestement absentes dans leurs pays d&apos;origine. La deuxième vague de migration noire vers l&apos;Union soviétique était quantitativement et qualitativement différente des premières arrivées d&apos;avant guerre. Elle se produisait aussi dans le contexte de la nouvelle réalité géopolitique de la Guerre froide. Après le Festival de la Jeunesse en 1957 à Moscou, l&apos;Union soviétique sous Khrushchev ouvrit ses portes à des centaines, puis finalement à des milliers, d&apos;étudiants du Tiers-Monde, beaucoup venant d&apos;Afrique. En accordant de généreuses bourses d&apos;études à des jeunes Africains, l&apos;Union soviétique voulait réaffirmer ses références internationalistes et cherchait aussi les faveurs des Etats africains nouvellement indépendants. Les membres de cette nouvelle diaspora venaient principalement du continent africain. Si les Soviétiques avaient espéré un coup de propagande majeur, leurs espoirs ne furent pas totalement réalisés. Les étudiants africains eurent tendance à bloquer et à se retourner contre cette arme de propagande. Au lieu de devenir les symboles de l&apos;effort internationaliste soviétique, ils vinrent symboliser l&apos;occidentalisation et les ? influences étrangères ?.</fre>","DOI":"10.1163/187254608X346033","ISSN":"1872-5465","shortTitle":"Journeys of Hope","author":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",11,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Matusevich 2008). Newspapers that catered to African Americans had accounts of them leaving the United States for the Soviet Union. This article explores the content of black newspapers regarding the rhetoric used to describe the Soviet Union, immigration to the region, and travel and performances there for political purposes between 1910 and 1949. This project posits that communism and the Civil Rights Movement, as social movements, informed each other in their early stages. The proof is in the newspaper articles from the early 20th century that looked to communism as inspiration for equality in the United States. It follows that black newspapers connected African Americans together in a way that shaped and informed the social movements at the time. Some argue that the black press was a means to fight against racism by creating solidarity ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"g9XGNfcJ","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Detweiler 1922; Oak 2012)","plainCitation":"(Detweiler 1922; Oak 2012)"},"citationItems":[{"id":234,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":234,"type":"book","title":"The Negro press in the United States","publisher":"The University of Chicago Press","publisher-place":"Chicago, Ill.","number-of-pages":"x, 274 p.","source":"Hathi Trust","event-place":"Chicago, Ill.","URL":"","author":[{"family":"Detweiler","given":"Frederick German"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1922"]]},"accessed":{"date-parts":[["2015",4,9]]}}},{"id":684,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":684,"type":"book","title":"The Negro Newspaper Volume I","publisher":"Ulan Press","number-of-pages":"186","source":"Amazon","abstract":"This book was originally published prior to 1923, and represents a reproduction of an important historical work, maintaining the same format as the original work. While some publishers have opted to apply OCR (optical character recognition) technology to the process, we believe this leads to sub-optimal results (frequent typographical errors, strange characters and confusing formatting) and does not adequately preserve the historical character of the original artifact. We believe this work is culturally important in its original archival form. While we strive to adequately clean and digitally enhance the original work, there are occasionally instances where imperfections such as blurred or missing pages, poor pictures or errant marks may have been introduced due to either the quality of the original work or the scanning process itself. Despite these occasional imperfections, we have brought it back into print as part of our ongoing global book preservation commitment, providing customers with access to the best possible historical reprints. We appreciate your understanding of these occasional imperfections, and sincerely hope you enjoy seeing the book in a format as close as possible to that intended by the original publisher.","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Oak","given":"Vishnu V."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2012",10,28]]}}}],"schema":""} (Detweiler 1922; Oak 2012) and relieve African American anger and dissatisfaction rather than attacking the oppressive system ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2cmpa024k1","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Simmons 2006)","plainCitation":"(Simmons 2006)"},"citationItems":[{"id":482,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":482,"type":"book","title":"The African American Press: A History of News Coverage During National Crises, with Special Reference to Four Black Newspapers, 1827-1965","publisher":"Mcfarland & Co Inc Pub","publisher-place":"Jefferson, N.C.","number-of-pages":"199","source":"Amazon","event-place":"Jefferson, N.C.","abstract":"This work examines both predominately black newspapers in general and four in particular - the \"Chicago Defender\", the \"Pittsburgh Courier\", the \"Black Dispatch\" (Oklahoma City), and the \"Jackson (Mississippi) Advocate\" - and their coverage of national events. The beginnings of the black press are detailed, focusing on how they reported the anti-slavery movement, the Civil War and the Reconstruction era. Their coverage of the migration of blacks to the industrial north in the early twentieth century and World War I are next examined, followed by the black press response to World War II and the civil rights movement. The survival techniques used by the editors, how some editors reacted when faced with threats of physical harm, and how the individual editorial policies affected the different newspapers are fully explored.","ISBN":"978-0-7864-2607-2","shortTitle":"The African American Press","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Simmons","given":"Charles A."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2006",1,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Simmons 2006). Others saw the black press a tool for the upper class African Americans to establish control and identity; in essence, instructing others on what to think, feel, and how to interact with dominant society ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2128q46jme","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Myrdal and Bok 1995)","plainCitation":"(Myrdal and Bok 1995)"},"citationItems":[{"id":201,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":201,"type":"book","title":"An American Dilemma","publisher":"Transaction Publishers","publisher-place":"New Brunswick, NJ","number-of-pages":"812","edition":"New edition edition","source":"Amazon","event-place":"New Brunswick, NJ","abstract":"In this landmark effort to understand African American people in the New World, Gunnar Myrdal provides deep insight into the contradictions of American democracy as well as a study of a people within a people. The title of the book, An American Dilemma, refers to the moral contradiction of a nation torn between allegiance to its highest ideals and awareness of the base realities of racial discrimination. The touchstone of this classic is the jarring discrepancy between the American creed of respect for the inalienable rights to freedom, justice, and opportunity for all and the pervasive violations of the dignity of blacks. The appendices are a gold mine of information, theory, and methodology. Indeed, two of the appendices were issued as a separate work given their importance for systematic theory in social research. The new introduction by Sissela Bok offers a remarkably intimate yet rigorously objective appraisal of Myrdal—a social scientist who wanted to see himself as an analytic intellectual, yet had an unbending desire to bring about change. An American Dilemma is testimonial to the man as well as the ideas he espoused. When it first appeared An American Dilemma was called “the most penetrating and important book on contemporary American civilization” by Robert S. Lynd; “One of the best political commentaries on American life that has ever been written” in The American Political Science Review; and a book with “a novelty and a courage seldom found in American discussions either of our total society or of the part which the Negro plays in it” in The American Sociological Review. It is a foundation work for all those concerned with the history and current status of race relations in the United States.","ISBN":"978-1-56000-856-9","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Myrdal","given":"Gunnar"},{"family":"Bok","given":"Sissela"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1995",1,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Myrdal and Bok 1995). Nonetheless, most scholars agree that the black press was one of the most single powerful forces that shaped African American political thought. Therefore, excavating information through the newspapers helps place authors, texts, and racial markers as subjects negotiating the world around them. I investigated two questions in the framing of this project. First, what did black newspapers present to African Americans about the Soviet Union? Secondly, what caused African Americans to abandon communism as a viable ideological strategy to inform the Civil Rights Movement? To answer these questions, I analyzed black newspapers published between 1910 and 1949. This was a crucial time as communism had just developed in the Soviet Union and African Americans began talking about communism as a political strategy. The early 20th century was a time when all political ideological approaches were available to African Americans to use to fight for racial justice ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2q0o642p33","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Dawson 2001)","plainCitation":"(Dawson 2001)"},"citationItems":[{"id":512,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":512,"type":"book","title":"Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies","publisher":"University of Chicago Press","number-of-pages":"429","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.","ISBN":"978-0-226-13860-2","note":"00461","shortTitle":"Black Visions","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Dawson","given":"Michael C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Dawson 2001). I begin this paper with a discussion about my research methodology, which leads to a discussion of my findings. In summary, this project’s central consideration is how the black press viewed the Soviet Union and how these views informed African American political ideology through the communist social movement. The Relationship between African Americans and the Soviet Union Focusing on African American perspectives of the new Soviet Union and the communist system provided key insights in to African Americans’ mobilization against racial violence, exclusion, and oppression in the United States. The views of the Soviet Union and communism were a compelling range of positive and negative views that developed and shaped the early Civil Rights Movement in the United States ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"21il2mh14v","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Dawson 2001, 87)","plainCitation":"(Dawson 2001, 87)"},"citationItems":[{"id":512,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":512,"type":"book","title":"Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies","publisher":"University of Chicago Press","number-of-pages":"429","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.","ISBN":"978-0-226-13860-2","note":"00461","shortTitle":"Black Visions","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Dawson","given":"Michael C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001"]]}},"locator":"87"}],"schema":""} (Dawson 2001, 87). Michael Dawson (2001) examined in his influential book, Black Visions, six political ideologies: black liberalism, disillusioned black liberalism, black Marxism, black conservatism, black feminism, and black nationalism as political operatives for African Americans. Three of the six categories (i.e. black liberalism, black nationalism, and black Marxism) were either shaped by their conflict with communist ideology or came out of a direct connection with communist ideology. Black liberalism stressed the importance of a race-neutral political approach and supported capitalism, which was a response against communism. Black nationalism emphasized that African Americans were an oppressed nation brought together by their shared experiences, which was a similar perspective as communist ideology. Black Marxism saw class as a race issue because capitalism was built from free labor which placed African Americans at a disadvantage. This ideology was strongly supported by communism. This paper uses Dawson’s framework but pans outward to look at communist influence as a political operative for African Americans generally. Black newspapers demonstrated the change in black political ideology that Dawson addressed in his book. The years between 1910 and 1949 are crucial to investigate as they were formative in shaping the political voice that African Americans asserted to gain civil rights. African Americans initially linked their political ideology with communism because it was a viable option that offered a different economic system that could possibly undermine capitalism and thus racial oppression ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"BBncBFAd","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Blakely 1980; Blakely 2007; Garder 1999; Haywood 1978)","plainCitation":"(Blakely 1980; Blakely 2007; Garder 1999; Haywood 1978)"},"citationItems":[{"id":259,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":259,"type":"article-journal","title":"Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist","container-title":"Afro - Americans in New York Life and History (1977-1989)","page":"83-1989","volume":"4","issue":"2","abstract":"Black Bolshevik attempts to combine autobiography, polemics and Marxist historical interpretation. As autobiography it is in places rich, even compelling. It is the most detailed autobiography thus far by a black American radical; and it will not disappoint the reader who is seeking to identify the kinds of circumstances which have driven some black Americans to radical politics. In addition to telling his own story well, [Harry Haywood] provides valuable sketches of numerous other communists, black and white. Haywood's polemics, however, are less enlightening. Although his account does shed light on the disposition of forces in the CPUSA's internal struggles. Those who have read his Negro Liberation (1948) will find little new of Haywood's ideas. In extending his analysis now up through the 1960s, his main conclusion is that the progressive, revolutionary form of black nationalism which he sensed was latent since the 1920s finally exploded to the surface; but it fell under bourgeois intellectual leadership because the Communist Party had become too conservative. Haywood's characterization of himself as a Bolshevik is quite appropriate in that the only Soviet leadership which he respects is that of Lenin and Stalin, and he views himself as primarily a Stalinist. His positions on black nationalism, Trotsky, the Spanish Civil War, the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, World War H and other issues all reflect this.","ISSN":"03642437","author":[{"family":"Blakely","given":"Allison"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1980"]]}}},{"id":793,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":793,"type":"chapter","title":"African Imprints on Russia: An Historical Overview","container-title":"Africa in Russia, Russia in Africa: three centuries of encounters","publisher":"Africa World Press","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This book presents an interdisciplinary look at the complex nature of historical, political, and cultural ties between Africa and Russia. A diverse group of accomplished historians, sociologists, political scientists, and journalists have contributed essays that reveal and explain a variety of \"invisible links\" tying together the seemingly incongruent cultural and historical traditions of Africa and Russia. From African presence in early imperial Russia to the Soviet adventures in colonial and post-colonial Africa to the role and predicament of African Russians in the post-Soviet society, this volume stakes out a vast emerging field for further scholarly research and interpretation.","ISBN":"978-1-59221-330-6","language":"en","editor":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"author":[{"family":"Blakely","given":"Allison"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2007"]]}}},{"id":587,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":587,"type":"article-journal","title":"African Americans in the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s: The Development of Transcontinental Protest","container-title":"The Western Journal of Black Studies","page":"190","volume":"23","issue":"3","source":"","abstract":"Introduction The end of World War I ushered in a new era for African Americans who had been...","ISSN":"0197-4327","note":"00002","shortTitle":"African Americans in the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s","language":"eng","author":[{"family":"Garder","given":"John L."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1999",9,22]]}}},{"id":480,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":480,"type":"book","title":"Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist","publisher":"Liberator Press","publisher-place":"Chicago","number-of-pages":"700","edition":"No Dustjacket edition","source":"","event-place":"Chicago","abstract":"\"On July 28, 1919, I literally stepped into a battle that was to last the rest of my life. Exactly three months after mustering out of the Army, I found myself in the middle of one of the bloodiest race riots in U.S. history.\" Like thousands of other Black veterans in 1919, young Harry Haywood realized that, although the \"war to end all wars\" was over, the battle on the home front was still raging. A child of slaves, Harry Haywood became a pioneer theorist of Black Power and a leader of the communist movement in the thirties. Black Bolshevik is a dramatic and personal narrative of fifty years of the black struggle and the American left, including first-hand accounts of the Chicago race riot of 1919, the defense of the Scottsboro Boys, organizing sharecroppers in the South , and the Spanish Civil War. Author of the classic Negro Liberation, member of the Communist Party's Politburo and head of its Negro Department in the thirties, Haywood was expelled as a dissident in the fifties.","ISBN":"978-0-930720-52-0","note":"00138","shortTitle":"Black Bolshevik","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Haywood","given":"Harry"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1978",5,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Blakely 1980; Blakely 2007; Garder 1999; Haywood 1978). The divisions in black political thought that came later related to “core concepts such as citizenship, equality, black power, self-determination, separation, integration and justice” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"hh3NZVdy","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Dawson 2001, 5)","plainCitation":"(Dawson 2001, 5)"},"citationItems":[{"id":512,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":512,"type":"book","title":"Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies","publisher":"University of Chicago Press","number-of-pages":"429","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.","ISBN":"978-0-226-13860-2","note":"00461","shortTitle":"Black Visions","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Dawson","given":"Michael C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001"]]}},"locator":"5"}],"schema":""} (Dawson 2001, 5). Black liberalism was the strongest fraction that undermined communism and took hold of the 1960s fight for civil rights. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) emerged and black liberalism, which is still the most influential political ideology today for African Americans, captured black audiences. Each of these concepts has been a struggle within the history of black political movements and among African Americans. Few scholars have examined the relationship between communism, the Soviet Union, and African Americans. The ones who have examined the relationship either looked at it from a historical perspective or a social ideological perspective. My work takes in to account how the social, historical, and political come together to inform life experiences. And, I examine how history is recorded through printed communication like newspapers using both qualitative and quantitate methodologies. This work brings a unique understanding to the relationship between African Americans and communism by tracing their interactions as presented in black newspapers early in the development of black political ideology and the communist movement. This project goes deeper beyond the theoretical conception of why African Americans did not choose communism as a viable political option, to looking at evidence presented in black newspapers between 1910 – 1949. Newspapers captured the essence of what was happening at this pivotal movement in history. MethodI used an inductive approach to perform a content analysis of the dominant ideologies and themes presented to African Americans in black newspapers between 1910 and 1949. I analyzed the findings of 15 black newspapers that contained 377 articles related to my topic of interest. I used content analysis to ensure reliability of the dominant themes as newspapers reflect broad issues that I may not capture objectively and robustly in personal interviews ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2ejci9pdi2","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Mayring 2000; Prasad 2008)","plainCitation":"(Mayring 2000; Prasad 2008)"},"citationItems":[{"id":344,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":344,"type":"article-journal","title":"Qualitative Content Analysis","container-title":"Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research","volume":"1","issue":"2","source":"qualitative-","URL":"","ISSN":"1438-5627","language":"de; en","author":[{"family":"Mayring","given":"Philipp"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2000",6,30]]},"accessed":{"date-parts":[["2016",10,18]]}}},{"id":74,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":74,"type":"article-journal","title":"Content Analysis: AMethod of Social Science Research","container-title":"New Delhi: Rawat Publications","volume":"5","abstract":"Scribd is the world's largest social reading and publishing site.","URL":"","author":[{"family":"Prasad","given":"B. Devi"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008"]]},"accessed":{"date-parts":[["2016",10,18]]}}}],"schema":""} (Mayring 2000; Prasad 2008). The results of this study will help to summarize the range of opinions about the Soviet Union and communism in black newspapers and to trace how the opinions changed over time given the political climate. The data come from themes that developed out of the articles. Data Extraction ProcedureIf an article was not associated with African Americans, it was excluded from the analysis. The newspapers were electronically archived in three different databases: America’s Historical Newspapers for African American Newspapers 1827-1998, Chicago Defender, and Ethnic Newswatch. The databases did not contain clear and relevant subject terms related to African Americans, communism, and the Soviet Union. Therefore, I used a combination of words to search for terms to generate a large sample, such as: “Soviet Union,” “Russia,” “USSR,” “Eastern Europe,” “Communism,” “Communist,” “Utopia,” “Black,” “Negro,” “Colored,” or “African American.” The search generated 555 articles published between 1910 and 1949. The articles were represented in 15 newspapers that I then reviewed for their significance to the research topic. I narrowed the data down to 377 articles. More than 70% of the articles came from black newspapers like, the Chicago Defender, the Detroit’s Plaindealer, the Cleveland Gazette, the Mississippi Negro Star, and the Arkansas State Press. Appendix A contains a complete list of the 15 newspapers I used in this analysis.Data inclusion and exclusion process. After collecting the articles, I printed them from the electronic archives. The data collected are from all sections of the newspaper, which included news, news briefs, opinions or editorials, and feature or "lifestyle" stories, book and movie reviews, letters to the editor, reader comments. It was important to include these sections to get the full range of topics presented about the Soviet Union. I read each article to determine its relevance to African Americans, communism, and the Soviet Union. I excluded articles that simply mentioned the Soviet Union and communism but did not describe those terms in relation to African Americans. I also excluded articles that were republished from other newspapers. For example, early in the 20th century black newspapers would often reprint articles from the Chicago Defender because it was the only black paper to print a daily post at the time ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"eX1dRhFs","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Michaeli 2016; Staples 2016)","plainCitation":"(Michaeli 2016; Staples 2016)"},"citationItems":[{"id":1407,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1407,"type":"book","title":"The Defender: How the Legendary Black Newspaper Changed America","publisher":"Houghton Mifflin Harcourt","publisher-place":"Boston","number-of-pages":"656","source":"Amazon","event-place":"Boston","abstract":"“An extraordinary history…Deeply researched, elegantly written…a towering achievement that will not be soon forgotten.” —Brent Staples, New York Times Book Review ?Giving voice to the voiceless, the Chicago Defender condemned Jim Crow, catalyzed the Great Migration, and focused the electoral power of black America. Robert S. Abbott founded The Defender in 1905, smuggled hundreds of thousands of copies into the most isolated communities in the segregated South, and was dubbed a \"Modern Moses,\" becoming one of the first black millionaires in the process. His successor wielded the newspaper’s clout to elect mayors and presidents, including Harry S. Truman and John F. Kennedy, who would have lost in 1960 if not for TheDefender’s support. Along the way, its pages were filled with columns by legends like Ida B. Wells, Langston Hughes, and Martin Luther King. Drawing on dozens of interviews and extensive archival research, Ethan Michaeli constructs a revelatory narrative of race in America and brings to life the reporters who braved lynch mobs and policemen’s clubs to do their jobs, from the age of Teddy Roosevelt to the age of Barack Obama.","ISBN":"978-0-547-56069-4","shortTitle":"The Defender","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Michaeli","given":"Ethan"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2016",1,12]]}}},{"id":1398,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1398,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"‘The Defender,’ by Ethan Michaeli","container-title":"The New York Times","source":"","abstract":"Franklin Roosevelt’s White House feared, threatened and shunned The Chicago Defender for calling out its racism.","URL":"","ISSN":"0362-4331","author":[{"family":"Staples","given":"Brent"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2016",1,4]]},"accessed":{"date-parts":[["2016",11,8]]}}}],"schema":""} (Michaeli 2016; Staples 2016). I excluded articles from the analysis when it was reprinted. Thus, I only examined the original articles. For the purposes of my research, it was important that each article specifically linked African Americans to communism or the Soviet Union. Defining the nine different categories. I next categorized each article based on the various themes the texts presented and I coded them per those themes. This method is used in qualitative research to develop thematic categories from raw data analysis (Thomas, 2006). Each category presented a specific theme as African Americans were grappling with changing the systems in place that negatively impacted them. Categorizing the texts in this way would assist in mapping out the various perspective the newspaper presented about the Soviet Union. The goal was to objectively capture what was presented in the data without influencing the results. The nine categories that emerged from this inductive study were the following: (1) positive towards the Soviet Union (POSITIVE), (2) negative towards the Soviet Union (NEGATIVE), (3) neutral towards the Soviet Union (NEUTRAL), (4) visiting or touring the Soviet Union (VISIT), (5) African American women in the Soviet Union (WOMEN), (6) African Americans living in the Soviet Union (LIVES), (7) Soviet Union supported pan-African movement towards freedom (PANAFRICA), (8) positive attitudes towards the United States and Western Europe (POSWEST), and (9) negative attitudes towards the United States and Western Europe (NEGWEST). These themes informed the analysis for this study. Categorizing the newspaper articles. The data in Figure 1 shows a wide distribution of articles that represented different perspectives of the Soviet Union. In the content analysis 152 of the 377 articles were positive towards the Soviet Union. These showcased the progressive achievements of African Americans in the Soviet Union and cited positive attributes, views, policies about the country. I further categorized these articles as “living in the Soviet Union” (21 articles) if the article referenced an African American person living in the Soviet Union. I categorized an article “negative towards the Soviet Union” (58 articles) if it clearly indicated adverse attributes to the country and communism. I labeled articles “neutral” (44 articles) if they simply detailed facts without announcing biases for or against the Soviet Union. Neutral articles tended to focus on agreements between the United States and European countries, the movement of soldiers to a specific region in the world, etc. I labeled articles “visits” or “tours to the Soviet Union” if they indicated actors, musicians, artists, scholars, or political leaders traveling to the region for political tours or educational exchange programs. The next category presented perspectives about the United States and Western Europe considering the Soviet Union. These articles compared the Soviet Union and their policies to that of the United States and Western Europe. The articles often identified the United States and Western Europe as colonizers while the Soviet Union was portrayed as demonstrating equality between the masses. On the other hand, there were articles that were positive towards the United States and Western Europe. These tended to emphasize the efforts of the American and Western European governments to save Europe from the disastrous wars. This category encompassed a total of 6 positive articles and 61 negative articles. Most articles published about the United States and Western Europe were not favorable towards these countries, only 2% reflected a positive message while 12% were very negative about the countries. The last two categories addressed African American women and the pan-African diaspora. There were six articles that talked specifically about African American women and the Soviet Union. The articles tended to show a positive attitude towards the Soviet Union and communism specifically as it related to women. There was one negative article that mentioned Ada Wright that was published in the Chicago Defender in 1933. She was the mother of two of the boys from the Scottsboro case. She was kicked out of Bulgaria for being too disruptive. There was a special additional article that referenced the achievements (e.g. singing, dancing, teaching) of African American women who travelled to Russia (before it became the Soviet Union) in 1914 ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"144ashhg88","properties":{"formattedCitation":"{\\rtf ({\\i{}Broad Axe} 1914)}","plainCitation":"(Broad Axe 1914)"},"citationItems":[{"id":1416,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1416,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"Dames and Daughters","container-title":"Broad Axe","publisher-place":"Chicago, IL","page":"4","event-place":"Chicago, IL","issued":{"date-parts":[["1914",1,19]]}}}],"schema":""} (Broad Axe 1914). The newspapers reflected that women were entertainers, attended workshops that dealt with home economics, and some had permanently moved there with their husbands.I placed articles that focused on the continent of Africa in the Pan-African category. One article that stood out talked about Ethiopia getting aid from the Soviet Union while Britain only talked about giving aid to the country ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"1gqi7u5g30","properties":{"formattedCitation":"{\\rtf (\\uc0\\u8220{}Ethiopians Get Soviet Aid While Britain Talks\\uc0\\u8221{} 1946)}","plainCitation":"(“Ethiopians Get Soviet Aid While Britain Talks” 1946)"},"citationItems":[{"id":773,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":773,"type":"article-journal","title":"Ethiopians Get Soviet Aid While Britain Talks","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"1-1967","issued":{"date-parts":[["1946"]]}}}],"schema":""} (“Ethiopians Get Soviet Aid While Britain Talks” 1946). There were numerous articles published about pan-Africanism after 1949, which is out of the scope of this study. These articles questioned the role of the United States and Western Europe in African countries due to colonization and capitalism. However, they supported the influence of the Soviet Union in African countries ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"1s27fvbsmo","properties":{"formattedCitation":"{\\rtf (\\uc0\\u8220{}Soviet Note Blocks Deal on Ethiopia\\uc0\\u8221{} 1937)}","plainCitation":"(“Soviet Note Blocks Deal on Ethiopia” 1937)"},"citationItems":[{"id":400,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":400,"type":"article-journal","title":"Soviet Note Blocks Deal on Ethiopia","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"24-1967","abstract":"LONDON, Sept. 24--A monkey wrench was thrown into British plans to recognize Fascist Italy's \"Ethiopian empire\" and to cover up Italian piracy in the Mediterranean when the Soviet Union, in a sharp note to Rome, bluntly denounced the Fascist power as the...","issued":{"date-parts":[["1937"]]}}}],"schema":""} (“Soviet Note Blocks Deal on Ethiopia” 1937). It is important to mention these articles because they were the first to reference the struggle Africans had to establish themselves as independent from colonial rule.Data Analysis ProcessAfter identifying and categorizing the nine themes, I obtained results by coding the articles by categories and placing them in Microsoft Excel to see the relationships among the data. I placed a “one” in each category when an article fit in to that specific category. In reference to the first question, I performed a content analysis of the newspapers to capture the opinions at the time. The underlining purpose was to identify the point at which black newspapers were no longer supportive of communism. In reference to the second and underlining question, I mapped the newspapers out by decades to capture when the opinions changed towards the Soviet Union. This next section goes into greater detail about the process of mapping the results. This was a very different process from extracting the data for analysis as part of the methodology. I extracted the articles from the databases using words and phrases, but I coded the documents using a system that took the entire article into account. I then ran an analysis in excel to compare the different thematic categories with one another. The results presented in Figure 1 address the 377 articles included in the study. Excel is considered an excellent and simple way to analyze and track entire coded texts to test patterns or relationships among the data ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"GWOJynEX","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Ose 2016)","plainCitation":"(Ose 2016)"},"citationItems":[{"id":1404,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1404,"type":"article-journal","title":"Using Excel and Word to Structure Qualitative Data","container-title":"Journal of Applied Social Science","page":"147-162","volume":"10","issue":"2","source":"jax.","abstract":"Applied social science projects that involve many interviews produce a vast amount of data or text that is difficult to structure and analyze systematically. Computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software is too advanced and sophisticated when all we want is to sort and structure the text. A new method, using Microsoft Word and Excel, has been developed. The method produces a flexible Word document of interview data separated into logical chapters and subchapters. All text is coded, and the codes correspond with headings in the final document. Systematic manual coding ensures that all the content is coded, not just words or terms that are extracted from the text. After several years of using and refining the method, both in projects with relatively few interviews and in those with more than 100, I believe that the method is efficient when there are four or more interviews. The method is also suitable for coding and structuring answers to open-ended questions in Web-based surveys. The coding may be performed by a supervised research assistant or a multidisciplinary analytical team, depending on the complexity of the problem. The purpose of the method is not to quantify qualitative data but only to sort and structure large amounts of unstructured data. The method consists of 10 steps, screenshots of which are included in the paper.","DOI":"10.1177/1936724416664948","ISSN":"1936-7244, 1937-0245","journalAbbreviation":"Journal of Applied Social Science","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Ose","given":"Solveig Osborg"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2016",9,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Ose 2016). I used a coding method developed by Solveig Ose who considered entire texts for analysis not just phrases. According to this method, all the data is collected and separated into logical categories, in my case I used those as headings in for each category. The purpose of this type of analysis is not to quantify qualitative data but to structure large amounts of unsorted data ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"RPkOmlzO","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Ose 2016)","plainCitation":"(Ose 2016)"},"citationItems":[{"id":1404,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1404,"type":"article-journal","title":"Using Excel and Word to Structure Qualitative Data","container-title":"Journal of Applied Social Science","page":"147-162","volume":"10","issue":"2","source":"jax.","abstract":"Applied social science projects that involve many interviews produce a vast amount of data or text that is difficult to structure and analyze systematically. Computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software is too advanced and sophisticated when all we want is to sort and structure the text. A new method, using Microsoft Word and Excel, has been developed. The method produces a flexible Word document of interview data separated into logical chapters and subchapters. All text is coded, and the codes correspond with headings in the final document. Systematic manual coding ensures that all the content is coded, not just words or terms that are extracted from the text. After several years of using and refining the method, both in projects with relatively few interviews and in those with more than 100, I believe that the method is efficient when there are four or more interviews. The method is also suitable for coding and structuring answers to open-ended questions in Web-based surveys. The coding may be performed by a supervised research assistant or a multidisciplinary analytical team, depending on the complexity of the problem. The purpose of the method is not to quantify qualitative data but only to sort and structure large amounts of unstructured data. The method consists of 10 steps, screenshots of which are included in the paper.","DOI":"10.1177/1936724416664948","ISSN":"1936-7244, 1937-0245","journalAbbreviation":"Journal of Applied Social Science","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Ose","given":"Solveig Osborg"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2016",9,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Ose 2016). To code the data in this study I added a numeric value of “one” to each category where the article exemplified one of the nine themes. For instance, if an article was positive about the Soviet Union, I placed a value of “one” in that category.The findings in this project are not much different from research produced by other communist and Soviet Union scholars such as Allison Blakely and Maxim Matusevich. These authors found that many African Americans had a very positive disposition towards the Soviet Union and vice versa ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"lufmh0vc5","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Blakely 1980; Blakely 2007; Heywood et al. 2015; Matusevich 2008)","plainCitation":"(Blakely 1980; Blakely 2007; Heywood et al. 2015; Matusevich 2008)"},"citationItems":[{"id":259,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":259,"type":"article-journal","title":"Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist","container-title":"Afro - Americans in New York Life and History (1977-1989)","page":"83-1989","volume":"4","issue":"2","abstract":"Black Bolshevik attempts to combine autobiography, polemics and Marxist historical interpretation. As autobiography it is in places rich, even compelling. It is the most detailed autobiography thus far by a black American radical; and it will not disappoint the reader who is seeking to identify the kinds of circumstances which have driven some black Americans to radical politics. In addition to telling his own story well, [Harry Haywood] provides valuable sketches of numerous other communists, black and white. Haywood's polemics, however, are less enlightening. Although his account does shed light on the disposition of forces in the CPUSA's internal struggles. Those who have read his Negro Liberation (1948) will find little new of Haywood's ideas. In extending his analysis now up through the 1960s, his main conclusion is that the progressive, revolutionary form of black nationalism which he sensed was latent since the 1920s finally exploded to the surface; but it fell under bourgeois intellectual leadership because the Communist Party had become too conservative. Haywood's characterization of himself as a Bolshevik is quite appropriate in that the only Soviet leadership which he respects is that of Lenin and Stalin, and he views himself as primarily a Stalinist. His positions on black nationalism, Trotsky, the Spanish Civil War, the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, World War H and other issues all reflect this.","ISSN":"03642437","author":[{"family":"Blakely","given":"Allison"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1980"]]}}},{"id":793,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":793,"type":"chapter","title":"African Imprints on Russia: An Historical Overview","container-title":"Africa in Russia, Russia in Africa: three centuries of encounters","publisher":"Africa World Press","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This book presents an interdisciplinary look at the complex nature of historical, political, and cultural ties between Africa and Russia. A diverse group of accomplished historians, sociologists, political scientists, and journalists have contributed essays that reveal and explain a variety of \"invisible links\" tying together the seemingly incongruent cultural and historical traditions of Africa and Russia. From African presence in early imperial Russia to the Soviet adventures in colonial and post-colonial Africa to the role and predicament of African Russians in the post-Soviet society, this volume stakes out a vast emerging field for further scholarly research and interpretation.","ISBN":"978-1-59221-330-6","language":"en","editor":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"author":[{"family":"Blakely","given":"Allison"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2007"]]}}},{"id":215,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":215,"type":"book","title":"African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy: From the Era of Frederick Douglass to the Age of Obama","publisher":"University of Illinois Press","number-of-pages":"265","source":"Google Books","abstract":"Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.","ISBN":"978-0-252-09683-9","note":"00000","shortTitle":"African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Heywood","given":"Linda"},{"family":"Blakely","given":"Allison"},{"family":"Stith","given":"Charles"},{"family":"Yesnowitz","given":"Joshua C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2015",2,7]]}}},{"id":566,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":566,"type":"article-journal","title":"Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society","container-title":"African Diaspora","page":"53-85","volume":"1","issue":"1","source":"booksandjournals.","abstract":"African presence in Russia predated the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. The arrival of the new Communist rule with its attendant vociferous anti-racist and anti-colonial propaganda campaigns enhanced the earlier perceptions of Russia as a society relatively free of racial bias, a place of multiethnic coexistence. As a result dozens of black, mostly Afro-Caribbean and African-American, travellers flocked to the \"Red Mecca\" during the first two decades of its existence. Some of those arrivals were driven by the ideology; however, the majority of them were simply searching for a place of racial equality, free of Western racism. To an extent their euphoric expectations would be realized as the black visitors to Soviet Russia were usually accorded a warm welcome and granted the opportunities for professional and personal fulfillment that were manifestly absent in their countries of origin. The second wave of black migration to the Soviet Union was quantitatively and qualitatively different from the early pre-war arrivals. It also took place in the context of the new geopolitical reality of the Cold War. After the 1957 Youth Festival in Moscow, the Soviet Union under Khrushchev opened its doors to hundreds, and eventually to thousands, of students from the Third World, many of them from Africa. By extending generous educational scholarships to young Africans, the Soviet Union sought to reaffirm its internationalist credentials and also curry favor with the newly independent African states. The members of this new diasporic community hailed predominantly from the African continent. If the Soviets had hoped for a major propaganda coup, their hopes were not entirely realised. As a propaganda weapon African students tended to jam and even to backfire. Instead of becoming the symbols of Soviet internationalist effort, they came to symbolise Westernization and \"foreign influences.\" <fre>La présence africaine en Russie a précédé la prise de pouvoir bolchévique en 1917. L&apos;arrivée du nouveau pouvoir communiste, avec son aille antiraciste active et ses campagnes de propagande anticoloniale, ont mis en valeur les premières perceptions de la Russie comme une société relativement libre de parti pris racial, un lieu de coexistence multiethnique. En conséquence, des douzaines de Noirs, principalement des Afro-Caribéens et des Afro-Américains, se sont rassemblés à la ? Mecque Rouge ? durant les deux premières décennies de son existence. Quelques-unes de ces arrivées étaient motivées par l&apos;idéologie ; cependant, la majorité d&apos;entre eux étaient simplement à la recherche d&apos;un lieu d&apos;égalité raciale, libéré du racisme occidental. Leurs attentes euphoriques allaient en partie être satisfaites étant donné que les visiteurs noirs en Russie soviétique avaient droit à un accueil chaleureux et se voyaient offrir des opportunités d&apos;épanouissement professionnel et personnel manifestement absentes dans leurs pays d&apos;origine. La deuxième vague de migration noire vers l&apos;Union soviétique était quantitativement et qualitativement différente des premières arrivées d&apos;avant guerre. Elle se produisait aussi dans le contexte de la nouvelle réalité géopolitique de la Guerre froide. Après le Festival de la Jeunesse en 1957 à Moscou, l&apos;Union soviétique sous Khrushchev ouvrit ses portes à des centaines, puis finalement à des milliers, d&apos;étudiants du Tiers-Monde, beaucoup venant d&apos;Afrique. En accordant de généreuses bourses d&apos;études à des jeunes Africains, l&apos;Union soviétique voulait réaffirmer ses références internationalistes et cherchait aussi les faveurs des Etats africains nouvellement indépendants. Les membres de cette nouvelle diaspora venaient principalement du continent africain. Si les Soviétiques avaient espéré un coup de propagande majeur, leurs espoirs ne furent pas totalement réalisés. Les étudiants africains eurent tendance à bloquer et à se retourner contre cette arme de propagande. Au lieu de devenir les symboles de l&apos;effort internationaliste soviétique, ils vinrent symboliser l&apos;occidentalisation et les ? influences étrangères ?.</fre>","DOI":"10.1163/187254608X346033","ISSN":"1872-5465","shortTitle":"Journeys of Hope","author":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",11,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Blakely 1980; Blakely 2007; Heywood et al. 2015; Matusevich 2008). This project simply affirms their findings by placing it in the context of African American newspapers. The project also connects what Dawson (2001) examines as ideological shifts in African American approaches to political perspectives to a practical change that occurred, which was captured in newspapers. The validity of this study is confirmed by other research and scholars who found similar trends in their studies. Perspectives in Black Newspapers about the Soviet Union from 1910 – 1949After separating the articles by relevance to my topic of interest, there were a total of 377 articles remaining. Of those 377 articles nine different themes emerged within the articles over a 40-year time span. I then categorized the articles by decades to see when the newspapers changed their opinion about the relationship between African Americans, the Soviet Union, and communism. One of the central aspects to this project was identifying the perspective the black press presented overtime. The goal was to see where the major shift occurred when African Americans no longer supported communist ideology. To capture this change, I organized the data by years. I placed the articles by decade in ten year increments (e.g. 1910-1919, 1920-1929, 1930-1939 and 1940-1949). Organizing the articles by ten years increments worked best because the time aligned with the various political events during the time. World War I occurred between 1910 and 1919. Women got the right to vote in the United States in the 1920s and there was a severe increase in lynching of African American men. The Great Depression happened late October 1929 and lasted until the end of 1939. World War II occurred in the late 1939 and lasted until 1945. The beginning of Cold War occurred in 1945 and lasted through the late 1940s. Publications between 1910 and 1919. Articles between 1910 and 1919 condemned Russia for its harsh treatment of their Jewish minority population. The data showed that 6 articles were published between 1910 and 1949, four of the articles were negative towards the Soviet Union and 2 were negative towards the United States and Western Europe. The four negative articles wrote specifically about Russia’s relationship with its Jewish minority, religious freedom, and alliances in Europe after World War I. For instance, a negative article reported on the struggles Jewish people faced particularly in the areas occupied by Russia ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"jo4pjtfa8","properties":{"formattedCitation":"{\\rtf ({\\i{}Cleveland Gazette} 1910)}","plainCitation":"(Cleveland Gazette 1910)"},"citationItems":[{"id":474,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":474,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"Fanatical Mob Attacks Jews","container-title":"Cleveland Gazette","publisher-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","page":"4","section":"News/Opinion","event-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","issued":{"date-parts":[["1910",1,17]]}}}],"schema":""} (Cleveland Gazette 1910). The Langston Hughes identified the African American struggles in the United States with the harassment and inequality Jewish people encountered in pre-communist Russia ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"11u0p9bk61","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Hughes 1946)","plainCitation":"(Hughes 1946)"},"citationItems":[{"id":82,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":82,"type":"article-journal","title":"The Soviet Union and Jews","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"14-1967","abstract":"YEARS AGO when I was a child in Kansas, summer evenings on the front porch or winter evenings by the stove in the kitchen, my grandmother used to read to me from the daily paper or from the Negro weeklies that we took, usually the...","author":[{"family":"Hughes","given":"Langston"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1946"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Hughes 1946). The articles also linked African American struggles to the African Diaspora in the Caribbean, Western Europe, and Africa, as many blacks were fighting for equality ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"a574N40Q","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Hughes 1967)","plainCitation":"(Hughes 1967)"},"citationItems":[{"id":715,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":715,"type":"article-journal","title":"How U. S. and Russia Treat Minority Groups","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","issue":"National Addition","abstract":"In the South, two years ago, a well-known Negro woman, a teacher, was severely injured in an automobile wreck when her car turned over, throwing the passengers into a field beside a country road.","author":[{"family":"Hughes","given":"Langston"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1967",11]]}}}],"schema":""} (Hughes 1967). Publications between 1920 and 1929. Of the 44 articles analyzed between 1920 and 1929, eight articles were positive towards the Soviet Union, 14 were negative, and 7 were neutral. Although the articles highlighted job opportunities for African Americans in the Soviet Union, most articles were suspicious of what communism offered. A person by the pseudo name Cameraman wrote in the Broad Ax in November 1925 that the Communist Party was “turning to blacks because they couldn’t persuade Whites.” An article published in the Cleveland Gazette heavily criticized the Soviet Union because a “million dollar fund [was] available for bolshevist propaganda in the United States and hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children [were] alleged to be starving in Russia.” The Negro Star, in 1923, published an article from a commentator who complained that while there were many problems at home in Oklahoma, the newspaper was focusing on the Soviet Union. The Gazette, in 1925, compared the horrendous situation of the Jews in Russia to African Americans in the United States. The author argued that both groups in these countries needed their own government’s attention. These articles reflected the need to focus on problems at home in the United States rather than abroad. Publications between 1930 and 1939. Between 1930 and 1939 seventy-four articles published were positive towards the Soviet Union while only eleven articles were negative. The positive perspective of the Soviet Union increased by 60 percent in the 1930s, the negative perspective decreased by 12 percent, and the neutral perspective increased by 46 percent. During this decade, the Great Depression was in full swing and many people did not have faith in the capitalist system. The newspapers emphasized how the Soviet Union began to incorporate people from Central Asia, who were visibly different from ethnic Russians, into society. For instance, an Article published in the Chicago Defender argued that “color play(ed) no part in Russia” because anyone over 18 years of age had the right to vote and these rights were enforced by the government ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2pmlio8i4r","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(H. Smith 1934)","plainCitation":"(H. Smith 1934)"},"citationItems":[{"id":671,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":671,"type":"article-journal","title":"Race No Barrier to Opportunity in Soviet Russia","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"12-1967","abstract":"MOSCOW.--Had you visited the Soviet Biological station near Murmansk, deep in the Arctic circle, in the summer of 1930, you would have noticed among the group of Russian scientists there one unmistakable Negro.","author":[{"family":"Smith","given":"Homer"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1934"]]}}}],"schema":""} (H. Smith 1934). Smith emphasized that millions of African Americans were disenfranchised in the United States because of the Grandfather Clause, Property Taxes, etc. while millions of Soviet Union citizens were electing leaders irrespective of their ethnic or racial background (1934). A newspaper article in the Chicago Defender stressed that the Soviet Union, “admits all races” and that “minorities live in harmony with whites” (1932). The overall message the newspapers projected was that there were no barriers to opportunity for African Americans in the Soviet Union, and that African Americans should consider moving abroad. Publications between 1939 and 1949. The 1940s had both the most positive articles and the most negative articles published about the Soviet Union. Black newspaper published 74 positive articles and 29 negative articles about the Soviet Union. The highest number of negative newspaper articles, 20 articles, about the United States and Western Europe was also published during the 1940s. African Americans like Padmore, who was living in the Soviet Union and supportive of communism, published editorials and articles about their positive experiences in the Soviet Union. For example, in the Chicago Defender, George Padmore wrote that the Soviet Union was the defender of African Americans because they are promoting and encouraging blacks to fight for equality in the United States. One very negative perspective came from Philip Randolph who argued that, “…Negro people cannot afford to add to the handicap of being black, the Soviet Union handicap of being Red” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"ltbnv4glo","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Randolph 1940)","plainCitation":"(Randolph 1940)"},"citationItems":[{"id":736,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":736,"type":"article-journal","title":"Randolph Hits Critics in Negro Congress Affair","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"6-1967","abstract":"Will you kindly carry this statement in reply to your interesting article on the position I took in the National Negro Congress, recently held in Washington, D. C., in the Chicago Defender of May 11? I am not averse to your criticism. I simply want to analyze it.","author":[{"family":"Randolph","given":"A Philip"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1940"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Randolph 1940). African Americans, like Randolph, were voicing their loyalty to the United States and refused to align with communism because, for them, the focus needed to be more on African American struggles in the United States and less on issue abroad in Europe and in African countries. The data showed that the major shift in black newspapers began in the late 1940s as most African Americans turned towards domestic issues in the United States. An article published in the Chicago Defender said that there are “very few Negroes in Russia and we are Americans so we need to stay and fight in our country for our rights….At least in America we have the same language and we’re a dominate [minority] group so we can fight here for equality and we speak the same language” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"11edhs15k1","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Malcolm 1945)","plainCitation":"(Malcolm 1945)"},"citationItems":[{"id":260,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":260,"type":"article-journal","title":"Calls Russian Equality Negro's 'Pipe Dream'","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"12-1967","abstract":"On many occasions I have heard minority group members speak of Russia as though it were the \"promised land,\" saying they would like to go there to get away from American race prejudice. Now I don't blame any self respecting citizen from being provoked...","author":[{"family":"Malcolm","given":"Christian"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1945"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Malcolm 1945). More articles of this nature appeared reflecting the idea that focusing on internal issues in the United States was more important to solve institutional racial problems than relying on the Soviet Union and communist ideology. The next section will discuss the results from the data analysis and the three themes that were presented in the articles. ResultsIn answer to the first question that sought to understand the perspectives of the Soviet Union and communism presented in the black press, 40% of the articles between 1910 and 1949 were positive, 15% were negative, 12% were neutral, 6% mentioned people living in the Soviet Union, 2% were positive towards the West, and 16% were negative towards the West. The number of articles published clearly indicated that black newspapers were positively presenting the Soviet Union and communism. The data showed that there were very few articles published between the 1910s and the 1920s. The bulk of articles were written between the 1930s and 1940s. Most of the positive articles published between 1920 and 1939, while most of negative articles about the Soviet Union were published in the late 1940s. The second question in this project sought to answer why communism did not survive as a viable option for African Americans to use to fight against racial oppression. It was grounded in the idea that a dramatic shift had to occur overtime that caused African Americans to no longer support communist ideology. The data in Table 1 showed that the largest shift happened in the 1940s. The number of articles that were negative towards the Soviet Union tripled compared to the previous decades. The data also showed that the number of positive articles doubled in the same time frame. As mentioned in the analysis section of this paper, the articles that were negative about the Soviet Union critiqued and challenged the notion that international affairs were as important as domestic affairs in the United States ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"ir0p8l4sj","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Malcolm 1945; Padmore 2007)","plainCitation":"(Malcolm 1945; Padmore 2007)"},"citationItems":[{"id":260,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":260,"type":"article-journal","title":"Calls Russian Equality Negro's 'Pipe Dream'","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"12-1967","abstract":"On many occasions I have heard minority group members speak of Russia as though it were the \"promised land,\" saying they would like to go there to get away from American race prejudice. Now I don't blame any self respecting citizen from being provoked...","author":[{"family":"Malcolm","given":"Christian"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1945"]]}}},{"id":643,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":643,"type":"book","title":"The Life and Struggles of Negro Toilers","publisher":"Borgo Press","number-of-pages":"128","source":"","abstract":"Originally published in London in 1931 by the R.I.L.U. (Red International of Labour Unions) Magazine for the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, this publication had three purposes: \"To briefly set forth some of the conditions of life of the Negro workers and peasants in different parts of the world; to enumerate some of the struggles which they have attempted to wage in order to free themselves from the yoke of imperialism; and, to indicate in a general way the tasks of the proletariat in the advanced countries so that the millions of black toilers might be better prepared to carry on the struggles against their white imperialist oppressors and native (race) exploiters, and join forces with their white brothers against the common enemy-World Capitalism.\"","ISBN":"978-1-877880-04-9","note":"00000","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Padmore","given":"George"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2007",9,30]]}}}],"schema":""} (Malcolm 1945; Padmore 2007). African Americans began to focus more on issues within the United States. The next section goes into the themes that were extracted from the inductive content analysis. Three Major Themes Excavated from the Black NewspapersI found three major themes throughout the articles. The first is that African Americans identified with the Jewish minority in Russia who were being persecuted by the aristocrats. There were 20 articles that highlighted the perspective that the groups were very similar. African Americans saw communism as a way to liberate themselves from the yolk of oppressive laws in the United States in the same way that Jews were liberated by communism in 1917. The articles were specifically about Russia’s relationship with its Jewish minority, religious freedom, and alliances in Europe after World War I. This was prior to the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. For instance, one article said that, “…a fanatical mob attacked the Jews and pillaged their shops and houses in January, 1910. Sixteen men and three women were severely injured. Troops suppressed the disorders” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"pcYpqamx","properties":{"formattedCitation":"{\\rtf ({\\i{}Cleveland Gazette} 1910)}","plainCitation":"(Cleveland Gazette 1910)"},"citationItems":[{"id":474,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":474,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"Fanatical Mob Attacks Jews","container-title":"Cleveland Gazette","publisher-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","page":"4","section":"News/Opinion","event-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","issued":{"date-parts":[["1910",1,17]]}}}],"schema":""} (Cleveland Gazette 1910). This article highlighted the suffering Jews experienced in Russia, which speaks to similar instances that African Americans experienced in the United States with lynching and Jim Crow laws. Under the same theme of the African American connection to the struggles of the Jewish minority in Russia, came an opinion that a divide developed between the two groups. Another article, written by the editor of the Gazette in 1914, Harry C. Smith, to the editor of a Jewish magazine, Henry Weitdenthal highlights the notion of this divide. Smith wrote a public complaint in the Gazette to Weitdenthal about a theater production that would be put on by the Carnation Club titled, “The Nigger” at the Metropolitan Theater in Cleveland, with a Jewish man taking the lead role. Smith argued that showing this play “would be just as consistent from a racial, prejudice standpoint for our organization to give at one of the local theaters a play, called ‘The Sheeny” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"1qnf4je5do","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Smith, 1914)","plainCitation":"(Smith, 1914)","dontUpdate":true},"citationItems":[{"id":1417,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1417,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"Carnation Club Promotes Racism","container-title":"Gazette","publisher-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","page":"26","event-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","author":[{"family":"Smith","given":"Harry C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1914"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Smith, 1914, p. 26). “Sheeny” was a degoratory term used to describe Jews. He goes on to say that there would not be such a person that would be “guilty of such an insulting act to the Jewish or any other class of people in this community” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"xQvee363","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(1914, 26)","plainCitation":"(1914, 26)"},"citationItems":[{"id":1417,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1417,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"Carnation Club Promotes Racism","container-title":"Gazette","publisher-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","page":"26","event-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","author":[{"family":"Smith","given":"Harry C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1914"]]}},"locator":"26","label":"page","suppress-author":true}],"schema":""} (1914, 26). Towards the end of the article, Smith mentioned that in Russia, Germany, France, and Turkey, Jewish people are struggling against “miserable prejudice” far worse than African Americans in the United States, so Jewish people should not promote racism ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"CkFeMg8q","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(1914, 26)","plainCitation":"(1914, 26)"},"citationItems":[{"id":1417,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1417,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"Carnation Club Promotes Racism","container-title":"Gazette","publisher-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","page":"26","event-place":"Cleveland, Ohio","author":[{"family":"Smith","given":"Harry C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1914"]]}},"locator":"26","label":"page","suppress-author":true}],"schema":""} (1914, 26). Smith was appealing to Weitdenthal to intervene in the situation as he is a leader in his community. The second major theme was that black newspapers supported communism but they also expressed doubts about the Soviet Union in the late 1940s. Articles in black newspapers had a highly positive attitude towards the Soviet Union and communism; 40% of the articles were positive. The Soviet Union offered jobs to African Americans and other opportunities that were not available to them in the United States. The Chicago Defender highlighted that the Soviet Union, “admit[ted] all races” and that “minorities live[d] in harmony with whites” in 1932. There were ten articles that compared the governing systems of the Soviet Union and the United States to one another. The black newspapers projected the idea that the Soviet Union offered a better system of equality than in the United States. One article from the Chicago Defender, focused on crime and claimed that “crime against human life is down in Russia, while African Americans are being lynched in the US” (1936). Many of the crimes against African Americans are linked to the race problems in the United States during the Great Depression and lack of resources While the overall positive perspective of the Soviet Union newspapers increased by 60 percent in the 1930s, the negative perspective decreased 12 percent and the neutral perspective increased by 46 percent in 1930. The black press supported communist ideology although they seem to have had some problems with it. In the Gazette (1935), an article talked about how “Russia is wrong about religion but right about race” and in the Chicago Defender one author argued in 1932, that communism meant that the Russian government is under Satan’s authority. In the Chicago Defender, an opinion piece by Barnet Page said that, “as between Communism and democracy, democracy is preferable. Organized Communism is government under Satan, with a dictator and his select henchmen in control. Communism considers human beings as puppets” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"fsJDQH1m","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(1932, 7)","plainCitation":"(1932, 7)"},"citationItems":[{"id":139,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":139,"type":"article-newspaper","title":"What the People Say: Democracy vs. Communism","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","publisher-place":"Chicago, IL","event-place":"Chicago, IL","author":[{"family":"Page","given":"Barnet"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1932"]]}},"locator":"7","label":"page","suppress-author":true}],"schema":""} (1932, 7) . On the other hand, the editor of the Plaindealer in 1933 was very positive towards Soviet Union because they claimed to be “for worker’s rights and equality” (Communism for Workers Rights, 1933). The newspapers presented a variety of perspectives from 1910-1949.The third major theme sprung up in relation to the Scottsboro Case, the Communist Party, and the Soviet Union. The Scottsboro, Alabama case was prominent in newspapers around the country ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2387q4jdt7","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Casper et al. 2007)","plainCitation":"(Casper et al. 2007)"},"citationItems":[{"id":763,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":763,"type":"book","title":"A History of the Book in America: Volume 3: The Industrial Book, 1840-1880","publisher":"The University of North Carolina Press","publisher-place":"Chapel Hill","number-of-pages":"560","source":"Amazon","event-place":"Chapel Hill","abstract":"Volume 3 of A History of the Book in America narrates the emergence of a national book trade in the nineteenth century, as changes in manufacturing, distribution, and publishing conditioned, and were conditioned by, the evolving practices of authors and readers. Chapters trace the ascent of the \"industrial book--a manufactured product arising from the gradual adoption of new printing, binding, and illustration technologies and encompassing the profusion of nineteenth-century printed materials--which relied on nationwide networks of financing, transportation, and communication. In tandem with increasing educational opportunities and rising literacy rates, the industrial book encouraged new sites of reading; gave voice to diverse communities of interest through periodicals, broadsides, pamphlets, and other printed forms; and played a vital role in the development of American culture.Contributors:Susan Belasco, University of NebraskaCandy Gunther Brown, Indiana UniversityKenneth E. Carpenter, Newton Center, MassachusettsScott E. Casper, University of Nevada, RenoJeannine Marie DeLombard, University of TorontoAnn Fabian, Rutgers UniversityJeffrey D. Groves, Harvey Mudd CollegePaul C. Gutjahr, Indiana UniversityDavid D. Hall, Harvard Divinity SchoolDavid M. Henkin, University of California, BerkeleyBruce Laurie, University of Massachusetts, AmherstEric Lupfer, Humanities TexasMeredith L. McGill, Rutgers UniversityJohn Nerone, University of IllinoisStephen W. Nissenbaum, University of MassachusettsLloyd Pratt, Michigan State UniversityBarbara Sicherman, Trinity CollegeLouise Stevenson, Franklin & Marshall CollegeAmy M. Thomas, Montana State UniversityTamara Plakins Thornton, State University of New York, BuffaloSusan S. Williams, Ohio State UniversityMichael Winship, University of Texas at Austin","ISBN":"978-0-8078-3085-7","shortTitle":"A History of the Book in America","language":"English","editor":[{"family":"Casper","given":"Scott E."},{"family":"Groves","given":"Jeffrey D."},{"family":"Nissenbaum","given":"Stephen W."},{"family":"Winship","given":"Michael"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2007",8,23]]}}}],"schema":""} (Casper et al. 2007). This was a situation in which nine African American teenage boys were accused of raping two white women on a train in Scottsboro, Alabama. In the southern part of the Unite States, it was not uncommon for African American men to be accused of rape. The nine young men were arrested before they could be put on trial and lynched. The case became an international issue and mimicked to the world the injustices in the United States. The Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA) raised funds to support the families in the case and helped with a legal team. This case was headline news for a long time in the 1930s with twenty articles mentioning it.The CPUSA was affiliated with the Communist International (Comintern), which was established by Lenin in Moscow in 1919 to streamline the communist movement under the umbrella of the Soviet Union ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"1qbi1knunj","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Haywood 1978; Matusevich 2008)","plainCitation":"(Haywood 1978; Matusevich 2008)"},"citationItems":[{"id":480,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":480,"type":"book","title":"Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist","publisher":"Liberator Press","publisher-place":"Chicago","number-of-pages":"700","edition":"No Dustjacket edition","source":"","event-place":"Chicago","abstract":"\"On July 28, 1919, I literally stepped into a battle that was to last the rest of my life. Exactly three months after mustering out of the Army, I found myself in the middle of one of the bloodiest race riots in U.S. history.\" Like thousands of other Black veterans in 1919, young Harry Haywood realized that, although the \"war to end all wars\" was over, the battle on the home front was still raging. A child of slaves, Harry Haywood became a pioneer theorist of Black Power and a leader of the communist movement in the thirties. Black Bolshevik is a dramatic and personal narrative of fifty years of the black struggle and the American left, including first-hand accounts of the Chicago race riot of 1919, the defense of the Scottsboro Boys, organizing sharecroppers in the South , and the Spanish Civil War. Author of the classic Negro Liberation, member of the Communist Party's Politburo and head of its Negro Department in the thirties, Haywood was expelled as a dissident in the fifties.","ISBN":"978-0-930720-52-0","note":"00138","shortTitle":"Black Bolshevik","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Haywood","given":"Harry"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1978",5,1]]}}},{"id":566,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":566,"type":"article-journal","title":"Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society","container-title":"African Diaspora","page":"53-85","volume":"1","issue":"1","source":"booksandjournals.","abstract":"African presence in Russia predated the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. The arrival of the new Communist rule with its attendant vociferous anti-racist and anti-colonial propaganda campaigns enhanced the earlier perceptions of Russia as a society relatively free of racial bias, a place of multiethnic coexistence. As a result dozens of black, mostly Afro-Caribbean and African-American, travellers flocked to the \"Red Mecca\" during the first two decades of its existence. Some of those arrivals were driven by the ideology; however, the majority of them were simply searching for a place of racial equality, free of Western racism. To an extent their euphoric expectations would be realized as the black visitors to Soviet Russia were usually accorded a warm welcome and granted the opportunities for professional and personal fulfillment that were manifestly absent in their countries of origin. The second wave of black migration to the Soviet Union was quantitatively and qualitatively different from the early pre-war arrivals. It also took place in the context of the new geopolitical reality of the Cold War. After the 1957 Youth Festival in Moscow, the Soviet Union under Khrushchev opened its doors to hundreds, and eventually to thousands, of students from the Third World, many of them from Africa. By extending generous educational scholarships to young Africans, the Soviet Union sought to reaffirm its internationalist credentials and also curry favor with the newly independent African states. The members of this new diasporic community hailed predominantly from the African continent. If the Soviets had hoped for a major propaganda coup, their hopes were not entirely realised. As a propaganda weapon African students tended to jam and even to backfire. Instead of becoming the symbols of Soviet internationalist effort, they came to symbolise Westernization and \"foreign influences.\" <fre>La présence africaine en Russie a précédé la prise de pouvoir bolchévique en 1917. L&apos;arrivée du nouveau pouvoir communiste, avec son aille antiraciste active et ses campagnes de propagande anticoloniale, ont mis en valeur les premières perceptions de la Russie comme une société relativement libre de parti pris racial, un lieu de coexistence multiethnique. En conséquence, des douzaines de Noirs, principalement des Afro-Caribéens et des Afro-Américains, se sont rassemblés à la ? Mecque Rouge ? durant les deux premières décennies de son existence. Quelques-unes de ces arrivées étaient motivées par l&apos;idéologie ; cependant, la majorité d&apos;entre eux étaient simplement à la recherche d&apos;un lieu d&apos;égalité raciale, libéré du racisme occidental. Leurs attentes euphoriques allaient en partie être satisfaites étant donné que les visiteurs noirs en Russie soviétique avaient droit à un accueil chaleureux et se voyaient offrir des opportunités d&apos;épanouissement professionnel et personnel manifestement absentes dans leurs pays d&apos;origine. La deuxième vague de migration noire vers l&apos;Union soviétique était quantitativement et qualitativement différente des premières arrivées d&apos;avant guerre. Elle se produisait aussi dans le contexte de la nouvelle réalité géopolitique de la Guerre froide. Après le Festival de la Jeunesse en 1957 à Moscou, l&apos;Union soviétique sous Khrushchev ouvrit ses portes à des centaines, puis finalement à des milliers, d&apos;étudiants du Tiers-Monde, beaucoup venant d&apos;Afrique. En accordant de généreuses bourses d&apos;études à des jeunes Africains, l&apos;Union soviétique voulait réaffirmer ses références internationalistes et cherchait aussi les faveurs des Etats africains nouvellement indépendants. Les membres de cette nouvelle diaspora venaient principalement du continent africain. Si les Soviétiques avaient espéré un coup de propagande majeur, leurs espoirs ne furent pas totalement réalisés. Les étudiants africains eurent tendance à bloquer et à se retourner contre cette arme de propagande. Au lieu de devenir les symboles de l&apos;effort internationaliste soviétique, ils vinrent symboliser l&apos;occidentalisation et les ? influences étrangères ?.</fre>","DOI":"10.1163/187254608X346033","ISSN":"1872-5465","shortTitle":"Journeys of Hope","author":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",11,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Haywood 1978; Matusevich 2008). CPUSA focused on unemployment during the Great Depression, the Scottsboro case, and civil rights. African Americans learned about the CPUSA from testimonies published in newspapers. Famous African Americans, like Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, Paul Robeson, and W.E.B. Dubois, supported communist beliefs. For instance, Langston Hughes published an article in the Chicago Defender that said, “In Moscow I asked how these things [racial equality] was achieved… I was told that the soviet schools taught that all men are equal” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"rtesbsnae","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Hughes 1946)","plainCitation":"(Hughes 1946)"},"citationItems":[{"id":82,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":82,"type":"article-journal","title":"The Soviet Union and Jews","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"14-1967","abstract":"YEARS AGO when I was a child in Kansas, summer evenings on the front porch or winter evenings by the stove in the kitchen, my grandmother used to read to me from the daily paper or from the Negro weeklies that we took, usually the...","author":[{"family":"Hughes","given":"Langston"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1946"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Hughes 1946). Although Hughes later denounced communism in favor of his literary career, he was still one of its most prominent leaders. DiscussionThis research paper sought to trace how the black press presented the Soviet Union between 1910 and 1949. Its central questions were: What did the black newspapers present to African Americans about the Soviet Union? And, what caused African Americans to abandon communism as a viable ideological strategy to inform the Civil Rights Movement? The various socialist movements in Europe and especially communist ideology presented a viable option for African Americans to fight for racial equality. In the 20th century, black political thought became more internationally focused as African Americans attempted to link their struggle with other oppressed groups in the world. However, towards the late 1940s, there is a distinguishable change in the black newspapers as African Americans started to lean more towards internal issues. Scholars like Dawson ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2icg8al9md","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(2001)","plainCitation":"(2001)"},"citationItems":[{"id":512,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":512,"type":"book","title":"Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies","publisher":"University of Chicago Press","number-of-pages":"429","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.","ISBN":"978-0-226-13860-2","note":"00461","shortTitle":"Black Visions","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Dawson","given":"Michael C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001"]]}},"suppress-author":true}],"schema":""} (2001) have written extensively about this change and shift overtime of African American political thought. The analysis produced by this project only reaffirms his findings through the venue of newspaper publications.Diverse Views of Communism The black newspapers studied in this project originally fixated on how African Americans would use communist ideology to inform their experiences in the United States. Communist supporters wrote in the newspaper that the Soviet Union demonstrated that equality was possible through communist policies, while others argued that the Soviet Union and communism did not speak to the shared experiences of African Americans ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2h9bga9o02","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Haywood 1978; Klehr, Haynes, and Anderson 1998)","plainCitation":"(Haywood 1978; Klehr, Haynes, and Anderson 1998)"},"citationItems":[{"id":480,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":480,"type":"book","title":"Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist","publisher":"Liberator Press","publisher-place":"Chicago","number-of-pages":"700","edition":"No Dustjacket edition","source":"","event-place":"Chicago","abstract":"\"On July 28, 1919, I literally stepped into a battle that was to last the rest of my life. Exactly three months after mustering out of the Army, I found myself in the middle of one of the bloodiest race riots in U.S. history.\" Like thousands of other Black veterans in 1919, young Harry Haywood realized that, although the \"war to end all wars\" was over, the battle on the home front was still raging. A child of slaves, Harry Haywood became a pioneer theorist of Black Power and a leader of the communist movement in the thirties. Black Bolshevik is a dramatic and personal narrative of fifty years of the black struggle and the American left, including first-hand accounts of the Chicago race riot of 1919, the defense of the Scottsboro Boys, organizing sharecroppers in the South , and the Spanish Civil War. Author of the classic Negro Liberation, member of the Communist Party's Politburo and head of its Negro Department in the thirties, Haywood was expelled as a dissident in the fifties.","ISBN":"978-0-930720-52-0","note":"00138","shortTitle":"Black Bolshevik","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Haywood","given":"Harry"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1978",5,1]]}}},{"id":603,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":603,"type":"book","title":"The Soviet World of American Communism","publisher":"Yale University Press","publisher-place":"New Haven","number-of-pages":"416","edition":"First Edition. First Printing. edition","source":"","event-place":"New Haven","abstract":"Drawing on documents newly available from Russian archives, this important book conclusively demonstrates the continuous and intimate ties between the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) and Moscow. Digging even deeper than the authors' earlier volume, The Secret World of American Communism, it conclusively demonstrates that the CPUSA was little more than a pawn of the Soviet regime.","ISBN":"978-0-300-07150-4","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Klehr","given":"Mr Harvey"},{"family":"Haynes","given":"John Earl"},{"family":"Anderson","given":"Kirill"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1998",2,17]]}}}],"schema":""} (Haywood 1978; Klehr, Haynes, and Anderson 1998). The newspapers captured these changes and the tug-of-war black leaders were having over which ideology would inform the early Civil Rights Movement. Black newspapers in the first half of the twentieth-century provide an especially valuable window into these diverse African American views of the Soviet Union and communism at a time when virulent anticommunism and Red Scares pervaded U.S. government and society ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"136vol72lu","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Fariello 2008; Fariello 2008; Hagedorn 2008; Oshinsky 2005; Shepley 2011)","plainCitation":"(Fariello 2008; Fariello 2008; Hagedorn 2008; Oshinsky 2005; Shepley 2011)"},"citationItems":[{"id":217,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":217,"type":"book","title":"Red Scare: Memories of the American Inquisition","publisher":"W. W. Norton & Company","number-of-pages":"580","edition":"1 edition","source":"Amazon","abstract":"This remarkable document of an era that permanently changed the American political landscape offers firsthand accounts of the 20 years of anti-Communist repression instigated by the U.S. Government in 1947, during which millions of Americans were investigated. Arthur Miller, Alger Hiss, and Pete Seeger join more than 60 others to reveal how the hunt for the \"disloyal\" penetrated every rank of American life from professors and scientists to schoolteachers and union members and throughout every level of government. Here too are stories from the other side: from an FBI agent, a paid informer, and a government security man, among others. Together these voices capture the sorrow, rage, and heroism of one of America's darkest hours.Named\"Outstanding Work on Intolerance in North America,\" by the Myers Center for the Study of Human Rights.","ISBN":"978-0-393-33504-0","shortTitle":"Red Scare","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Fariello","given":"Griffin"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",12,1]]}}},{"id":217,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":217,"type":"book","title":"Red Scare: Memories of the American Inquisition","publisher":"W. W. Norton & Company","number-of-pages":"580","edition":"1 edition","source":"Amazon","abstract":"This remarkable document of an era that permanently changed the American political landscape offers firsthand accounts of the 20 years of anti-Communist repression instigated by the U.S. Government in 1947, during which millions of Americans were investigated. Arthur Miller, Alger Hiss, and Pete Seeger join more than 60 others to reveal how the hunt for the \"disloyal\" penetrated every rank of American life from professors and scientists to schoolteachers and union members and throughout every level of government. Here too are stories from the other side: from an FBI agent, a paid informer, and a government security man, among others. Together these voices capture the sorrow, rage, and heroism of one of America's darkest hours.Named\"Outstanding Work on Intolerance in North America,\" by the Myers Center for the Study of Human Rights.","ISBN":"978-0-393-33504-0","shortTitle":"Red Scare","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Fariello","given":"Griffin"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",12,1]]}}},{"id":124,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":124,"type":"book","title":"Savage Peace: Hope and Fear in America, 1919","publisher":"Simon & Schuster","publisher-place":"New York","number-of-pages":"560","edition":"Reprint edition","source":"Amazon","event-place":"New York","abstract":"Written with the sweep of an epic novel and grounded in extensive research into contemporary documents, Savage Peace is a striking portrait of American democracy under stress. It is the surprising story of America in the year 1919. In the aftermath of an unprecedented worldwide war and a flu pandemic, Americans began the year full of hope, expecting to reap the benefits of peace. But instead, the fear of terrorism filled their days. Bolshevism was the new menace, and the federal government, utilizing a vast network of domestic spies, began to watch anyone deemed suspicious. A young lawyer named J. Edgar Hoover headed a brand-new intelligence division of the Bureau of Investigation (later to become the FBI). Bombs exploded on the doorstep of the attorney general's home in Washington, D.C., and thirty-six parcels containing bombs were discovered at post offices across the country. Poet and journalist Carl Sandburg, recently returned from abroad with a trunk full of Bolshevik literature, was detained in New York, his trunk seized. A twenty-one-year-old Russian girl living in New York was sentenced to fifteen years in prison for protesting U.S. intervention in Arctic Russia, where thousands of American soldiers remained after the Armistice, ostensibly to guard supplies but in reality to join a British force meant to be a warning to the new Bolshevik government. In 1919, wartime legislation intended to curb criticism of the government was extended and even strengthened. Labor strife was a daily occurrence. And decorated African-American soldiers, returning home to claim the democracy for which they had risked their lives, were badly disappointed. Lynchings continued, race riots would erupt in twenty-six cities before the year ended, and secret agents from the government's \"Negro Subversion\" unit routinely shadowed outspoken African-Americans. Adding a vivid human drama to the greater historical narrative, Savage Peace brings 1919 alive through the people who played a major role in making the year so remarkable. Among them are William Monroe Trotter, who tried to put democracy for African-Americans on the agenda at the Paris peace talks; Supreme Court associate justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., who struggled to find a balance between free speech and legitimate government restrictions for reasons of national security, producing a memorable decision for the future of free speech in America; and journalist Ray Stannard Baker, confidant of President Woodrow Wilson, who watched carefully as Wilson's idealism crumbled and wrote the best accounts we have of the president's frustration and disappointment. Weaving together the stories of a panoramic cast of characters, from Albert Einstein to Helen Keller, Ann Hagedorn brilliantly illuminates America at a pivotal moment.","ISBN":"978-0-7432-4372-8","shortTitle":"Savage Peace","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Hagedorn","given":"Ann"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",4,22]]}}},{"id":491,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":491,"type":"book","title":"A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy","publisher":"Oxford University Press","publisher-place":"Oxford ; New York","number-of-pages":"624","source":"Amazon","event-place":"Oxford ; New York","abstract":"Acclaimed historian David Oshinsky's chronicling of the life of Senator Joe McCarthy has been called both \"nuanced\" and \"masterful.\" In this new paperback edition Oshinsky presents us with a work heralded as the finest account available of Joe McCarthy's colorful career. With a storyteller's eye for the dramatic and presentation of fact, and insightful interpretation of human complexity, Oshinsky uncovers the layers of myth to show the true McCarthy. His book reveals the senator from his humble beginnings as a hardworking Irish farmer's son in Wisconsin to his glory days as the architect of America's Cold War crusade against domestic subversion; a man whose advice if heeded, some believe, might have halted the spread of Communism in Southeast Asia and beyond. A Conspiracy So Immense reveals the internal and external forces that launched McCarthy on this political career, carried him to national prominence, and finally triggered his decline and fall. More than the life of an intensly- even pathologically- ambitious man however, this book is a fascinating portrait of America in the grip of Cold War fear, anger, suspician, and betrayal. Complete with a new Foreword, A Conspiracy So Immense will continue to keep in the spotlight this historical figure-a man who worked so hard to prosecute \"criminals\" whose ideals work against that of his- for America.","ISBN":"978-0-19-515424-5","shortTitle":"A Conspiracy So Immense","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Oshinsky","given":"David M."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2005",9,29]]}}},{"id":692,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":692,"type":"book","title":"The Palmer Raids and the Red Scare: 1918-1920","publisher":"AUK Authors","number-of-pages":"27","edition":"2.0 edition","source":"Amazon","abstract":"In this volume of the Explaining Modern History Series, Nick Shepley explores the roots of American anti Communism and how a strong and independent left wing movement in the USA was broken during and immediately after World War One. Essential reading for anyone trying to make sense of America in the 1920s and beyond.","shortTitle":"The Palmer Raids and the Red Scare","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Shepley","given":"Nick"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2011",12,20]]}}}],"schema":""} (Fariello 2008; Fariello 2008; Hagedorn 2008; Oshinsky 2005; Shepley 2011). Articles in black newspapers between the years of 1910 and 1949 regularly appeared from communist party members and sympathizers including: Paul Robeson, Robert Robinson, W. E. B. Dubois, Langston Hughes, etc., who glorified the Soviet life for people of color ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"jLrYoynv","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Carew 2010; Jordan 2001)","plainCitation":"(Carew 2010; Jordan 2001)"},"citationItems":[{"id":458,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":458,"type":"book","title":"Blacks, Reds, and Russians: Sojourners in Search of the Soviet Promise","publisher":"Rutgers University Press","number-of-pages":"297","source":"Google Books","abstract":"One of the most compelling, yet little known stories of race relations in the twentieth century is the account of blacks who chose to leave the United States to be involved in the Soviet Experiment in the 1920s and 1930s. Frustrated by the limitations imposed by racism in their home country, African Americans were lured by the promise of opportunity abroad. A number of them settled there, raised families, and became integrated into society. The Soviet economy likewise reaped enormous benefits from the talent and expertise that these individuals brought, and the all around success story became a platform for political leaders to boast their party goals of creating a society where all members were equal. In Blacks, Reds, and Russians, Joy Gleason Carew offers insight into the political strategies that often underlie relationships between different peoples and countries. She draws on the autobiographies of key sojourners, including Harry Haywood and Robert Robinson, in addition to the writings of Claude McKay, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes. Interviews with the descendents of figures such as Paul Robeson and Oliver Golden offer rare personal insights into the story of a group of emigrants who, confronted by the daunting challenges of making a life for themselves in a racist United States, found unprecedented opportunities in communist Russia.","ISBN":"978-0-8135-4985-9","shortTitle":"Blacks, Reds, and Russians","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Carew","given":"Joy Gleason"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2010",8]]}}},{"id":792,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":792,"type":"book","title":"Black Newspapers and America's War for Democracy, 1914-1920","publisher":"The University of North Carolina Press","publisher-place":"Chapel Hill","number-of-pages":"256","edition":"1st edition","source":"Amazon","event-place":"Chapel Hill","abstract":"During World War I, the publishers of America's crusading black newspapers faced a difficult dilemma. Would it be better to advance the interests of African Americans by affirming their patriotism and offering support of President Wilson's war for democracy in Europe, or should they demand that the government take concrete steps to stop the lynching, segregation, and disfranchisement of blacks at home as a condition of their participation in the war?This study of their efforts to resolve that dilemma offers important insights into the nature of black protest, race relations, and the role of the press in a republican system. William Jordan shows that before, during, and after the war, the black press engaged in a delicate and dangerous dance with the federal government and white America--at times making demands or holding firm, sometimes pledging loyalty, occasionally giving in.But although others have argued that the black press compromised too much, Jordan demonstrates that, given the circumstances, its strategic combination of protest and accommodation was remarkably effective. While resisting persistent threats of censorship, the black press consistently worked at educating America about the need for racial justice.","ISBN":"978-0-8078-4936-1","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Jordan","given":"William G."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001",5,28]]}}}],"schema":""} (Carew 2010; Jordan 2001). Their written accounts illustrated blacks in public positions and jobs that were not available to African Americans in the United States. The articles between 1910 and 1949 indicated an overall positive perspective of the Soviet Union and thus communism; however, African Americans were not convinced enough to abandon capitalism or the democratic system. For instance, an article published in the Chicago Defender argued that “…Our forefathers helped build, fight, and die for America. With all its perplexing problems this is our homeland, so let’s stop ‘pipe dreaming’ about some place on this earth where the citizenry are unselfish. Just don’t give up trying to gain our rightful place as men among men in America” ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"khfoqgue","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Malcolm 1945)","plainCitation":"(Malcolm 1945)"},"citationItems":[{"id":260,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":260,"type":"article-journal","title":"Calls Russian Equality Negro's 'Pipe Dream'","container-title":"The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967)","page":"12-1967","abstract":"On many occasions I have heard minority group members speak of Russia as though it were the \"promised land,\" saying they would like to go there to get away from American race prejudice. Now I don't blame any self respecting citizen from being provoked...","author":[{"family":"Malcolm","given":"Christian"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["1945"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Malcolm 1945). This newspaper article denoted that African Americans should attempt to solve racial problems within the country where they had citizenship. The United States, according to this writer, was a place for African Americans to fight for justice. It is in their homeland that they could influence institutional policies to facilitate change. Later, the African Americans secured major triumphs that included 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The beginnings of the domestic organizations like the NAACP began taking charge of the fight for civil rights ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"23df43iisf","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Dawson 2001)","plainCitation":"(Dawson 2001)"},"citationItems":[{"id":512,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":512,"type":"book","title":"Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies","publisher":"University of Chicago Press","number-of-pages":"429","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.","ISBN":"978-0-226-13860-2","note":"00461","shortTitle":"Black Visions","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Dawson","given":"Michael C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Dawson 2001). Other links as to Why Communism Failed in the United StatesThroughout the 20th century, the ideological approaches that African Americans used helped shift policies to redistribute power, which forced the United States to be more inclusive. When African Americans linked the Civil Rights Movement with the Soviet Union, it put international pressure on the United States. The fight between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War is one of the factors that fueled the Civil Rights Movement after 1945. The United States did not want to lose its power by looking hypocritical in promoting democracy when their citizens did not all have equal rights ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"2dje2uobl7","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Blakely 2007; Heywood et al. 2015; Matusevich 2008)","plainCitation":"(Blakely 2007; Heywood et al. 2015; Matusevich 2008)"},"citationItems":[{"id":793,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":793,"type":"chapter","title":"African Imprints on Russia: An Historical Overview","container-title":"Africa in Russia, Russia in Africa: three centuries of encounters","publisher":"Africa World Press","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This book presents an interdisciplinary look at the complex nature of historical, political, and cultural ties between Africa and Russia. A diverse group of accomplished historians, sociologists, political scientists, and journalists have contributed essays that reveal and explain a variety of \"invisible links\" tying together the seemingly incongruent cultural and historical traditions of Africa and Russia. From African presence in early imperial Russia to the Soviet adventures in colonial and post-colonial Africa to the role and predicament of African Russians in the post-Soviet society, this volume stakes out a vast emerging field for further scholarly research and interpretation.","ISBN":"978-1-59221-330-6","language":"en","editor":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"author":[{"family":"Blakely","given":"Allison"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2007"]]}}},{"id":215,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":215,"type":"book","title":"African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy: From the Era of Frederick Douglass to the Age of Obama","publisher":"University of Illinois Press","number-of-pages":"265","source":"Google Books","abstract":"Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, the essays in this volume use close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, and memoirs of policymakers and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? Other contributions explore African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. The volume concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.","ISBN":"978-0-252-09683-9","note":"00000","shortTitle":"African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Heywood","given":"Linda"},{"family":"Blakely","given":"Allison"},{"family":"Stith","given":"Charles"},{"family":"Yesnowitz","given":"Joshua C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2015",2,7]]}}},{"id":566,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":566,"type":"article-journal","title":"Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society","container-title":"African Diaspora","page":"53-85","volume":"1","issue":"1","source":"booksandjournals.","abstract":"African presence in Russia predated the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. The arrival of the new Communist rule with its attendant vociferous anti-racist and anti-colonial propaganda campaigns enhanced the earlier perceptions of Russia as a society relatively free of racial bias, a place of multiethnic coexistence. As a result dozens of black, mostly Afro-Caribbean and African-American, travellers flocked to the \"Red Mecca\" during the first two decades of its existence. Some of those arrivals were driven by the ideology; however, the majority of them were simply searching for a place of racial equality, free of Western racism. To an extent their euphoric expectations would be realized as the black visitors to Soviet Russia were usually accorded a warm welcome and granted the opportunities for professional and personal fulfillment that were manifestly absent in their countries of origin. The second wave of black migration to the Soviet Union was quantitatively and qualitatively different from the early pre-war arrivals. It also took place in the context of the new geopolitical reality of the Cold War. After the 1957 Youth Festival in Moscow, the Soviet Union under Khrushchev opened its doors to hundreds, and eventually to thousands, of students from the Third World, many of them from Africa. By extending generous educational scholarships to young Africans, the Soviet Union sought to reaffirm its internationalist credentials and also curry favor with the newly independent African states. The members of this new diasporic community hailed predominantly from the African continent. If the Soviets had hoped for a major propaganda coup, their hopes were not entirely realised. As a propaganda weapon African students tended to jam and even to backfire. Instead of becoming the symbols of Soviet internationalist effort, they came to symbolise Westernization and \"foreign influences.\" <fre>La présence africaine en Russie a précédé la prise de pouvoir bolchévique en 1917. L&apos;arrivée du nouveau pouvoir communiste, avec son aille antiraciste active et ses campagnes de propagande anticoloniale, ont mis en valeur les premières perceptions de la Russie comme une société relativement libre de parti pris racial, un lieu de coexistence multiethnique. En conséquence, des douzaines de Noirs, principalement des Afro-Caribéens et des Afro-Américains, se sont rassemblés à la ? Mecque Rouge ? durant les deux premières décennies de son existence. Quelques-unes de ces arrivées étaient motivées par l&apos;idéologie ; cependant, la majorité d&apos;entre eux étaient simplement à la recherche d&apos;un lieu d&apos;égalité raciale, libéré du racisme occidental. Leurs attentes euphoriques allaient en partie être satisfaites étant donné que les visiteurs noirs en Russie soviétique avaient droit à un accueil chaleureux et se voyaient offrir des opportunités d&apos;épanouissement professionnel et personnel manifestement absentes dans leurs pays d&apos;origine. La deuxième vague de migration noire vers l&apos;Union soviétique était quantitativement et qualitativement différente des premières arrivées d&apos;avant guerre. Elle se produisait aussi dans le contexte de la nouvelle réalité géopolitique de la Guerre froide. Après le Festival de la Jeunesse en 1957 à Moscou, l&apos;Union soviétique sous Khrushchev ouvrit ses portes à des centaines, puis finalement à des milliers, d&apos;étudiants du Tiers-Monde, beaucoup venant d&apos;Afrique. En accordant de généreuses bourses d&apos;études à des jeunes Africains, l&apos;Union soviétique voulait réaffirmer ses références internationalistes et cherchait aussi les faveurs des Etats africains nouvellement indépendants. Les membres de cette nouvelle diaspora venaient principalement du continent africain. Si les Soviétiques avaient espéré un coup de propagande majeur, leurs espoirs ne furent pas totalement réalisés. Les étudiants africains eurent tendance à bloquer et à se retourner contre cette arme de propagande. Au lieu de devenir les symboles de l&apos;effort internationaliste soviétique, ils vinrent symboliser l&apos;occidentalisation et les ? influences étrangères ?.</fre>","DOI":"10.1163/187254608X346033","ISSN":"1872-5465","shortTitle":"Journeys of Hope","author":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",11,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Blakely 2007; Heywood et al. 2015; Matusevich 2008). The United Stated eventually had to succumb to demands to enforce voting and civil rights for African Americans. A key piece to this puzzle is the labor parties that were often linked to communism. The Comintern (Communist International), an organization that represented the international Communist Party, directed the CPUSA in 1924 to double its efforts in getting African Americans to join. As a result, the Communist Party created the American Negro Labor Congress (ANLC) in 1925, however the organization was not very successful ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"mvn2tbmou","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Dawson 2001; Robinson and Kelley 2000)","plainCitation":"(Dawson 2001; Robinson and Kelley 2000)"},"citationItems":[{"id":512,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":512,"type":"book","title":"Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies","publisher":"University of Chicago Press","number-of-pages":"429","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.","ISBN":"978-0-226-13860-2","note":"00461","shortTitle":"Black Visions","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Dawson","given":"Michael C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001"]]}}},{"id":1086,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":1086,"type":"book","title":"Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition","publisher":"The University of North Carolina Press","publisher-place":"Chapel Hill, N.C","number-of-pages":"480","source":"Amazon","event-place":"Chapel Hill, N.C","abstract":"In this ambitious work, first published in 1983, Cedric Robinson demonstrates that efforts to understand black people's history of resistance solely through the prism of Marxist theory are incomplete and inaccurate. Marxist analyses tend to presuppose European models of history and experience that downplay the significance of black people and black communities as agents of change and resistance. Black radicalism must be linked to the traditions of Africa and the unique experiences of blacks on western continents, Robinson argues, and any analyses of African American history need to acknowledge this.To illustrate his argument, Robinson traces the emergence of Marxist ideology in Europe, the resistance by blacks in historically oppressive environments, and the influence of both of these traditions on such important twentieth-century black radical thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James, and Richard Wright.","ISBN":"9780807848296","note":"00002","shortTitle":"Black Marxism","language":"English","author":[{"family":"Robinson","given":"Cedric J."},{"family":"Kelley","given":"Robin D. G."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2000",1,24]]}}}],"schema":""} (Dawson 2001; Robinson and Kelley 2000). The ANLC targeted the NAACP as a middleclass organization and both organizations fought over membership. Eventually, the organization lost its membership to the NAACP. Lastly, another major reason why communism failed as a viable option could have been because the Soviet Union signed a pact with Germany in 1939, which was officially known as the Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Black leaders, such as Philip Randolph, resigned from the Negro Congress in protest and many black newspapers in the 1940s were not supportive of the Soviet Union. When Germany invaded the Soviet Union however, many blacks became in favor towards the Communist Party again, but their favor never reached the same level of support. The major national events of the 1940s led to the idea that the state could solve all societal problems even though the system was unfair. This was also the beginning of the Cold War when most people turned towards the state for security in a world that was very insecure with the threat of nuclear warfare. African Americans (black egalitarians) looked at the use of activism and social reform with in current institutions to change social conditions. They supported the idea that black people’s fate was tied to that of other black ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"22oh7p46ep","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Dawson 2001)","plainCitation":"(Dawson 2001)"},"citationItems":[{"id":512,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":512,"type":"book","title":"Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies","publisher":"University of Chicago Press","number-of-pages":"429","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.","ISBN":"978-0-226-13860-2","note":"00461","shortTitle":"Black Visions","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Dawson","given":"Michael C."}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2001"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Dawson 2001).There were many shifts in black political thought that were based on the international and national political climate. As indicated from the data, at various points in history the African American perspective of the United States and the Soviet Union changed. For instance, during periods of war and the Great Depression the articles tended to be more positive towards the Soviet Union. However, as the United States became more stable and a dominant world power, the articles became less favorable towards the Soviet Union. ConclusionThe likelihood of African Americans adopting communist ideology was improbable in the early twentieth century. African Americans did not share a historical connection with Russia or the Soviet Union as it had with Western Europe. The only mention of blacks in historical Russia is of Alexander Pushkin, the most famous Russian poet and founder of modern Russian literature. He was the great grandson of Abram Petrovich Gannibal-- an African brought to Russia, as a gift for Peter the Great, who eventually became a nobleman and military general ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"8ha734d4t","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Matusevich 2007)","plainCitation":"(Matusevich 2007)"},"citationItems":[{"id":604,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":604,"type":"book","title":"Africa in Russia, Russia in Africa: three centuries of encounters","publisher":"Africa World Press","number-of-pages":"424","source":"Google Books","abstract":"This book presents an interdisciplinary look at the complex nature of historical, political, and cultural ties between Africa and Russia. A diverse group of accomplished historians, sociologists, political scientists, and journalists have contributed essays that reveal and explain a variety of \"invisible links\" tying together the seemingly incongruent cultural and historical traditions of Africa and Russia. From African presence in early imperial Russia to the Soviet adventures in colonial and post-colonial Africa to the role and predicament of African Russians in the post-Soviet society, this volume stakes out a vast emerging field for further scholarly research and interpretation.","ISBN":"978-1-59221-330-6","shortTitle":"Africa in Russia, Russia in Africa","language":"en","author":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2007"]]}}}],"schema":""} (Matusevich 2007). Today 80 percent of African Americans still embrace democratic political ideologies, however, during this time all options were on the table in terms of competing political ideologies available to African Americans.It was not until the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 that African Americans became interested in communist ideology as a viable political ideology that could lead them to racial equality. The relationship between African Americans and the Soviet Union is fascinating as two dissimilar groups united for a brief time in history for a political and ideological stance ADDIN ZOTERO_ITEM CSL_CITATION {"citationID":"21bc24lq97","properties":{"formattedCitation":"(Matusevich 2008)","plainCitation":"(Matusevich 2008)"},"citationItems":[{"id":566,"uris":[""],"uri":[""],"itemData":{"id":566,"type":"article-journal","title":"Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society","container-title":"African Diaspora","page":"53-85","volume":"1","issue":"1","source":"booksandjournals.","abstract":"African presence in Russia predated the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. The arrival of the new Communist rule with its attendant vociferous anti-racist and anti-colonial propaganda campaigns enhanced the earlier perceptions of Russia as a society relatively free of racial bias, a place of multiethnic coexistence. As a result dozens of black, mostly Afro-Caribbean and African-American, travellers flocked to the \"Red Mecca\" during the first two decades of its existence. Some of those arrivals were driven by the ideology; however, the majority of them were simply searching for a place of racial equality, free of Western racism. To an extent their euphoric expectations would be realized as the black visitors to Soviet Russia were usually accorded a warm welcome and granted the opportunities for professional and personal fulfillment that were manifestly absent in their countries of origin. The second wave of black migration to the Soviet Union was quantitatively and qualitatively different from the early pre-war arrivals. It also took place in the context of the new geopolitical reality of the Cold War. After the 1957 Youth Festival in Moscow, the Soviet Union under Khrushchev opened its doors to hundreds, and eventually to thousands, of students from the Third World, many of them from Africa. By extending generous educational scholarships to young Africans, the Soviet Union sought to reaffirm its internationalist credentials and also curry favor with the newly independent African states. The members of this new diasporic community hailed predominantly from the African continent. If the Soviets had hoped for a major propaganda coup, their hopes were not entirely realised. As a propaganda weapon African students tended to jam and even to backfire. Instead of becoming the symbols of Soviet internationalist effort, they came to symbolise Westernization and \"foreign influences.\" <fre>La présence africaine en Russie a précédé la prise de pouvoir bolchévique en 1917. L&apos;arrivée du nouveau pouvoir communiste, avec son aille antiraciste active et ses campagnes de propagande anticoloniale, ont mis en valeur les premières perceptions de la Russie comme une société relativement libre de parti pris racial, un lieu de coexistence multiethnique. En conséquence, des douzaines de Noirs, principalement des Afro-Caribéens et des Afro-Américains, se sont rassemblés à la ? Mecque Rouge ? durant les deux premières décennies de son existence. Quelques-unes de ces arrivées étaient motivées par l&apos;idéologie ; cependant, la majorité d&apos;entre eux étaient simplement à la recherche d&apos;un lieu d&apos;égalité raciale, libéré du racisme occidental. Leurs attentes euphoriques allaient en partie être satisfaites étant donné que les visiteurs noirs en Russie soviétique avaient droit à un accueil chaleureux et se voyaient offrir des opportunités d&apos;épanouissement professionnel et personnel manifestement absentes dans leurs pays d&apos;origine. La deuxième vague de migration noire vers l&apos;Union soviétique était quantitativement et qualitativement différente des premières arrivées d&apos;avant guerre. Elle se produisait aussi dans le contexte de la nouvelle réalité géopolitique de la Guerre froide. Après le Festival de la Jeunesse en 1957 à Moscou, l&apos;Union soviétique sous Khrushchev ouvrit ses portes à des centaines, puis finalement à des milliers, d&apos;étudiants du Tiers-Monde, beaucoup venant d&apos;Afrique. En accordant de généreuses bourses d&apos;études à des jeunes Africains, l&apos;Union soviétique voulait réaffirmer ses références internationalistes et cherchait aussi les faveurs des Etats africains nouvellement indépendants. Les membres de cette nouvelle diaspora venaient principalement du continent africain. Si les Soviétiques avaient espéré un coup de propagande majeur, leurs espoirs ne furent pas totalement réalisés. Les étudiants africains eurent tendance à bloquer et à se retourner contre cette arme de propagande. Au lieu de devenir les symboles de l&apos;effort internationaliste soviétique, ils vinrent symboliser l&apos;occidentalisation et les ? influences étrangères ?.</fre>","DOI":"10.1163/187254608X346033","ISSN":"1872-5465","shortTitle":"Journeys of Hope","author":[{"family":"Matusevich","given":"Maxim"}],"issued":{"date-parts":[["2008",11,1]]}}}],"schema":""} (Matusevich 2008). Although the unity was short-lived, it still outlines a significant moment in African American and Soviet Union history and is an interesting story to tell and examine in research. Future projects will include articles published between 1949 and 1990—the fall of the Soviet Union. The early twentieth century exemplified a time when there were more options and political possibilities for African Americans to employ to fight for racial equality. It was also the time when African Americans developed and gave expression to a rich variety of political ideologies. This moment in history exemplified the short-lived union between African Americans and the Soviet Union as two vary dissimilar groups united for a brief time in history for a political and ideological stance. Communism played a tremendous role in shaping the discourse about racial equality as it related to the United States, and although the unity was short-lived, it still outlined a significant moment in African American and Russian history.References ADDIN ZOTERO_BIBL {"custom":[]} CSL_BIBLIOGRAPHY Blakely, Allison. 1980. “Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist.” Afro - Americans in New York Life and History (1977-1989) 4 (2): 83–1989.———. 2007. “African Imprints on Russia: An Historical Overview.” In Africa in Russia, Russia in Africa: Three Centuries of Encounters, edited by Maxim Matusevich. Africa World Press.Broad Axe. 1914. “Dames and Daughters,” January 19.Carew, Joy Gleason. 2010. Blacks, Reds, and Russians: Sojourners in Search of the Soviet Promise. Rutgers University Press.Casper, Scott E., Jeffrey D. Groves, Stephen W. Nissenbaum, and Michael Winship, eds. 2007. A History of the Book in America: Volume 3: The Industrial Book, 1840-1880. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.Cleveland Gazette. 1910. “Fanatical Mob Attacks Jews,” January 17, sec. News/Opinion.Dawson, Michael C. 2001. Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies. University of Chicago Press.Detweiler, Frederick German. 1922. The Negro Press in the United States. Chicago, Ill.: The University of Chicago Press. .“Ethiopians Get Soviet Aid While Britain Talks.” 1946. The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), 1–1967.Fariello, Griffin. 2008. Red Scare: Memories of the American Inquisition. 1 edition. W. W. Norton & Company.Garder, John L. 1999. “African Americans in the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s: The Development of Transcontinental Protest.” The Western Journal of Black Studies 23 (3): 190.Hagedorn, Ann. 2008. Savage Peace: Hope and Fear in America, 1919. Reprint edition. New York: Simon & Schuster.Haywood, Harry. 1978. Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist. No Dustjacket edition. Chicago: Liberator Press.Heywood, Linda, Allison Blakely, Charles Stith, and Joshua C. Yesnowitz. 2015. African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy: From the Era of Frederick Douglass to the Age of Obama. University of Illinois Press.Hughes, Langston. 1946. “The Soviet Union and Jews.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), 14–1967.———. 1967. “How U. S. and Russia Treat Minority Groups.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), no. National Addition (November).Jordan, William G. 2001. Black Newspapers and America’s War for Democracy, 1914-1920. 1st edition. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.Klehr, Mr Harvey, John Earl Haynes, and Kirill Anderson. 1998. The Soviet World of American Communism. First Edition. First Printing. edition. New Haven: Yale University Press.Malcolm, Christian. 1945. “Calls Russian Equality Negro’s ‘Pipe Dream.’” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), 12–1967.Matusevich, Maxim. 2007. Africa in Russia, Russia in Africa: Three Centuries of Encounters. Africa World Press.———. 2008. “Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society.” African Diaspora 1 (1): 53–85. doi:10.1163/187254608X346033.Mayring, Philipp. 2000. “Qualitative Content Analysis.” Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research 1 (2). , Ethan. 2016. The Defender: How the Legendary Black Newspaper Changed America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.Myrdal, Gunnar, and Sissela Bok. 1995. An American Dilemma. New edition edition. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.Oak, Vishnu V. 2012. The Negro Newspaper Volume I. Ulan Press.Ose, Solveig Osborg. 2016. “Using Excel and Word to Structure Qualitative Data.” Journal of Applied Social Science 10 (2): 147–62. doi:10.1177/1936724416664948.Oshinsky, David M. 2005. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford?; New York: Oxford University Press.Padmore, George. 2007. The Life and Struggles of Negro Toilers. Borgo Press.Page, Barnet. 1932. “What the People Say: Democracy vs. Communism.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967).Prasad, B. Devi. 2008. “Content Analysis: AMethod of Social Science Research.” New Delhi: Rawat Publications 5. , A Philip. 1940. “Randolph Hits Critics in Negro Congress Affair.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), 6–1967.Robinson, Cedric J., and Robin D. G. Kelley. 2000. Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition. Chapel Hill, N.C: The University of North Carolina Press.Shepley, Nick. 2011. The Palmer Raids and the Red Scare: 1918-1920. 2.0 edition. AUK Authors.Simmons, Charles A. 2006. The African American Press: A History of News Coverage During National Crises, with Special Reference to Four Black Newspapers, 1827-1965. Jefferson, N.C.: Mcfarland & Co Inc Pub.Smith, Harry C. 1914. “Carnation Club Promotes Racism.” Gazette.Smith, Homer. 1934. “Race No Barrier to Opportunity in Soviet Russia.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), 12–1967.“Soviet Note Blocks Deal on Ethiopia.” 1937. The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), 24–1967.Staples, Brent. 2016. “‘The Defender,’ by Ethan Michaeli.” The New York Times, January 4. 1. The percentage of articles that showed different opinions about the Soviet Union and the West (i.e. the United States and Western Europe). N= 377. Source: Data collected by the author, Crystal H. Brown, from America’s Historical Newspapers: African American Newspapers 1827-1998, the Chicago Defender, and Ethnic Newswatch.POSTIVE = Positive towards the Soviet Union, NEGATIVE = Negative towards the Soviet Union, NEGWEST= Negative towards the United States and Western Europe, and POSWEST = Positive towards the United States and Western Europe.Figure 1. The percentage of articles that showed different opinions about the Soviet Union and the West (i.e. the United States and Western Europe). Source: Data collected by the author Crystal H. Brown from America’s Historical Newspapers: African American Newspapers 1827-1998, the Chicago Defender, and Ethnic Newswatch. POSITIVE = Positive towards the Soviet Union, NEGATIVE = Negative towards the Soviet Union, NEGWEST = Negative towards the United States and Western Europe, POSWEST = Positive towards the United States and Western Europe, LIVES = Lives in Soviet Union, NEUTRAL = Opinions were not biased one way or another about the Soviet Union, VISIT = Visiting or touring the Soviet Union, WOMEN = African American women visiting or living in the Soviet Union, PANAFRICA = Soviet Union supported pan-African movement towards freedom, TOUR = Performing or giving political speeches in the Soviet Union. Appendix A1910192019301940?TotalChicago Defender 103460?95Sacramento Observer??2??2LA Tribune??37?10Plaindealer ?73944?90Cleveland Gazette 68239?46Negro Star??246?30Arkansas State Press???31?31Bags and Baggage ???8?8Kansas Whip??10??10 Wyandotte Echo??25??25The Appeal 17???8The Hutchinson Blade?16???16Chicago Broad Ax?3???3St Louis Advocate?2???2Chicago World ?1???1Total844160165377This are the black newspapers used in the data analysis. ................
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