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Ethnic Identity: Crisis and Resolution. By: Ruiz, Aureliano Sando, Journal of Multicultural Counseling & Development, 08838534, Jan90, Vol. 18, Issue 1

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Ethnic Identity: Crisis and Resolution

Contents

1. CAUSAL (STAGE 1)

2. COGNITIVE (STAGE 2)

3. CONSEQUENCE (STAGE 3)

4. WORKING THROUGH (STAGE 4)

5. SUCCESSFUL RESOLUTION (STAGE 5)

6. DISCUSSION

7. REFERENCES

Ethnic identity and its relationship to the counseling process have received more attention during the last two decades than ever before. This may be a result of the greater recognition of this country's current and projected demographic changes and of its increasingly culturally plural nature. Researchers and practitioners alike seem more interested in studying ethnic identity and its counseling implications. Yet, it is now evident that human services professionals must move beyond mere interest and give the topics of ethnic identity and its counseling ramifications the utmost attention. Continual and thorough study of ethnic identity and its relationship to the counseling process is needed given the historical neglect of the topics, their importance in the formulation and application of a comprehensive counseling approach, and their ever increasing relevancy in working with ethnically different clients.

"Ethnic identity provides an individual with a sense of historical continuity to life, a continuity based on preconscious recognition of traditionally held patterns of thinking, feeling, and behaving that is the cornerstone of a sense of belonging" (Arce, 1982, pp. 137-138). Moreover, ethnic identity is a complex and multidimensional construct that can encompass such factors as ethnic identity formation, ethnic identification, language, self-esteem, degree of ethnic consciousness, and the ethnic unconscious (Devereux, 1980), among others.

Several recent studies have been published relating to the identity formation of Chicano, Mexican American, and Latino youth. Bernal, Knight, Organista, Garza, and Maez (1987) reported on the conceptualization and measurement of ethnic identity in Mexican American preschool children. In their study, the children responded to an ethnic identity questionnaire that covered items such as ethnic label, ethnic grouping, ethnic self-identification, their own ethnic behaviors, and those of the group. Bernal et al. (1987) found that the children's self-descriptions about ethnic identity were concrete and global and consistent with the developmental level for their ages, that ethnic identity was emerging in some of the children but not in others, and that most of the children had limited or no ethnic knowledge. Moreover, Bernal et al. (1987) assessed the children's mothers in regard to their level of acculturation. parental desires for the cultural orientation of their children as adults, and the degree of parental teaching about ethnic background. The study found a lack of relationship between the parents ethnic background and the children's ethnic identity. According to Bernal et al. (1987) this lack of relationship simply meant that many of the children were too young to understand even basic ethnic concepts and characteristics.

Garcia's (1982) exploratory research examined ethnicity among Mexican-origin populations from a multidimensional perspective. This research conceptualized and defined the psychological components of ethnicity that include ethnic consciousness, identification, and identity. In addition,-Garcia examined the psychological components of ethnicity in relation to measures of political consciousness.

Keefe and Padilla (1987) conducted an interdisciplinary and community-based study that explored the relationship between ethnicity, acculturation, and assimilation. Their study attempted to measure cultural knowledge and ethnic identification among Mexican American adults through the use of cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty scales. These scales cover language preference, cultural heritage, cultural identification, ethnic social orientation, ethnic pride and affiliation, and perceived discrimination. The Keefe and Padilla study stated that ethnic loyalty and ethnic social interactions are the persistent elements of Chicano ethnicity; that geographic stability, coupled with family ties, ensures the ethnic character of the Chicano community; and that Chicano family ties are maintained and strengthened from generation to generation. In addition, the study described the heterogeneous nature of the Mexican American community and how this heterogeneity operates at both the individual and community levels.

Phinney and Rotheram (1987) edited a text that focused on children's ethnic socialization. From the empirical and theoretical contributions to the text, the editors identified the following four unifying themes that serve as a foundation for the understanding of children's socialization: (a) Ethnic group differences have a significant impact on development; (b) The impact of ethnicity varies with the child's age; (c) Ethnic socialization has variant implications depending on the child's specific ethnic group; and (d) The role of ethnicity in development is affected by the immediate environment and the historical and sociocultural context. Phinney and Rotheram also presented data from their own research on behavioral differences among Afro-American and Mexican American children and suggested how such differences may be related to children's ethnic identity. The research by Phinney and Rotheram found a higher cross-ethnic awareness among Mexican American children than was found for Afro-American children; stated that children's ethnic identity evolves with personal identity; suggested that ethnic behavior patterns become more stable and discerned with age; and suggested based on preliminary results, that there is an increasing relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem, vet cautioned that more data are needed.

Rodriquez and DeBlassie (1983) reviewed theoretical and empirical studies to investigate patterns of ethnic designation, ethnic identification skills, and ethnic group preference among Chicano children. In terms of ethnic designation, these researchers noted that ethnic labels have been positively accepted but that these labels vary according to geography. Moreover, labeling variation and socioeconomic status were predictably connected for boys but not for girls. The study's review of empirical research on Chicano children, as related to ethnic identification and ethnic group preference, revealed a complexity of ethnic patterns. Accurate ethnic identification skills were found in three cited studies among Chicano children in preschool and in first, second, third, and fifth grades. Two other studies, however, found a low level of identification skills among preschool participants and Chicanos entering kindergarten. Similarly, the studies on ethnic preference among Chicano and Anglo children disclosed mixed results.

However, although these studies (Bernal et al., 1987; Garcia, 1982; Keefe & Padilla, 1987; Phinney & Rotheram, 1987; Rodriguez & DeBlassie, 1983) offer a context for Chicano, Mexican American, and Latino ethnicity and identity formation, they are primarily empirical in nature and are not designed to serve as counseling models. What is currently needed is a comprehensive model for counseling Chicano, Mexican American, and Latino clients that identifies stages of ethnic identity development, describes ethnic identity processes and issues, and provides interventions and techniques.

Several models (Atkinson, Motten, & Sue, 1979; Bulhan, 1980; Cross, 1971) dealing with cultural, racial, or ethnic minority identity development have been reported in the literature. The Atkinson et al. model of minority identity development consists of five stages that oppressed people experience as they struggle toward self-understanding in regard to their own culture, the dominant culture, and the oppressive connection between the two cultures. The model reflects a process that has been observed by the authors for more than two decades in their work with minority clients. The model's major contributions to the field of counseling are the acknowledgement of identity transformation processes that involve minority groups and the use of these processes to explain individual differences within ethnic minority groups. Although the model is multicultural and systematic, it could be improved by providing culturally specific examples, detailed interventions, and empirical verification. Based on an empirical study, Bulhan's model consists of three identification patterns or phases and covers processes such as assimilation, repudiation of the dominant culture, and commitment to sociopolitical transformation. Each phase represents reactions to the dominant Anglo-American world and to the indigenous culture. The Bulhan (1980) model examines human factor problems in relation to socioeconomic domination and cultural change. Furthermore, the model uses factor analytic explorations on ethos, group reference, and self-image. Bulhan's model contributes to the counseling field by providing a broader context or sociopolitical framework of identity development. However, the model clearly lacks discussion of counseling implications and therapeutic processes. The Cross (1971) model examines black identity development through a description of an Afro-American model of self-actualization. The five-stage model delineates the processes that occur in the Negro-to-Black transformation. A pioneering effort. Cross' model has contributed to the counseling field by serving as a benchmark for the study of black identity development and as a guide to other cultural, racial, or ethnic minority identity models. Yet, the model is limited by the lack of data from formal counseling sessions as well as the absence of specific counseling interventions.

Although the existing models of ethnic identity development can be of value in working with Chicano or Latino clients, these models are not adequate. Currently, a model is needed that aids in the understanding of ethnic identity conflicts particular to Chicano or Latino clients and that provides counseling interventions to help resolve the conflicts. Furthermore, given the accelerated rate of growth of the Chicano/Latino population in this country and its increasing demand for counseling services, the need for a Chicano/Latino ethnic identity model is evident.

This article presents a Chicano/Latino ethnic identity model that attempts to fulfill the need. This model of ethnic identity development is based on case histories derived from counseling sessions. The model's case histories are primarily of Chicano, Mexican American, and other Latino university students. The ethnic identity model is grounded on the following four premises: (a) that marginality correlates highly with the concept of maladjustment (LeVine & Padilla, 1980); (b) that both marginality and the pressure to assimilate can be destructive to an individual (LeVine & Padilla, 1980); (c) that pride in one's own ethnic identity is conducive to mental health (Bernal, Bernal, Martinez, Olmedo, & Santisteban, 1983); and (d) that during the acculturation process, pride in one's own ethnic identity affords the Hispanic more freedom to choose (Bernal et al, 1983). The model presents five stages (causal, cognitive, consequence, working through, and successful resolution) in relationship to ethnic identity conflicts, interventions, and resolution. The five stages are introduced in their typical order of occurrence. Each stage is distinctive, yet common aspects do exist. Stages 1 through 3 center on the development of ethnic identity conflicts. Specifically, Stage 1 focuses on experiences and emotions; Stage 2 stresses thoughts; and Stage 3 centers on the combined and intensified results of the previous stages. Stage 4 emphasizes treatment, whereas Stage 5 deals with problem resolution. All five stages, to varying degrees, encompass the issue of ethnic identity and associated thoughts and emotions.

CAUSAL (STAGE 1)

The literature is replete with references that either state or imply that racism, ethnocentrism, and classism have a direct impact on ethnic identity conflicts. Besides these three "isms," there are other variables that also contribute to ethnic identity conflicts. Variables such as parental messages or injunctions about ethnic identity can either affirm, ignore, negate, or denigrate their child's ethnicity. For example, the following pejorative parental injunctions have been reported as being heard frequently: "Don't marry a (someone from their own ethnic group) ... they are worthless, marry an Anglo instead"; "Marry a white so that you can get rid of your Spanish last name"; and "I don't want you to have them (members of their own ethnic group) as your friends" (stated with the inference that their own ethnic group members are inferior). Also, criticism only in the primary language (even though the parent is bilingual), and the pronunciation of the child's name in the primary language solely when the parent is angered seem to contribute to ethnic identity conflict in their offspring. What is often lacking in cases such as these is ethnic affirmations of positive self and ethnic definitions. Other variables that may contribute to an ethnic identity conflict include the failure to identify with one's own ethnic group or rejection from that group and a marginal ethnic identity resulting from confusion, uncertainty, or a lack of familiarity with one's culture (Bayard, 1978). Additional variables are traumatic events or humiliation centered on one's ethnicity and the absence of support from the immediate environment, attributed to factors such as social or geographic isolation from one's ethnic community. The following case will illustrate the impact of these variables.

Jorge (all names used are pseudonyms), a Chicano, grew up in a

midwestern city. At age 12, Jorge first encountered other

Chicanos (outside his family) at a community event. This initial

encounter with members of his own ethnic group was disturbing,

because it evoked in him feelings of ambiguity and confusion and

a sense of social awkwardness. Jorge recognized that he was a

Chicano, yet he felt alien from the other Chicanos. Consequently,

Jorge began to question his culture and ethnicity. This question-

ing caused him much distress. Six years later, Jorge's family

moved to southern California, whose population includes a high

concentration of Chicanos. He saw the move as an opportunity to

learn more about his people. However, despite his efforts, Jorge

faced rejection for not looking Chicano (he happens to be very

light skinned) and for behaving so unlike other Chicanos. It was

an emotionally painful period of his life.

Appropriate counseling interventions for this stage are as follows. First, the counselor should encourage the cessation of negative injunctions, especially the messages that disaffirm ethnicity. The counselor indicates the detrimental consequences of the negative injunctions and describes the benefits of the nonuse of ethnic negating injunctions. Second, the counselor can teach the rephrasing of injunctions so that the client's ethnicity and self-worth will be validated. Instruction is given on how to substitute negative words or phrases with positive words or phrases that result in ethnic-affirming parental injunctions. Also, the counselor encourages the use of ethnic self-affirmations (positive self-statements). Third, the counselor might encourage participation in various activities that can promote ethnic appreciation and pride, such as a visit to an exhibition where works or contributions of the client's ethnic group are on display, a drama with ethnic themes, or an ethnic-centered festival or community event. But issues such as the lack of ethnic identification, ethnic marginality, traumatic events and isolation require interventions from the working through stage (Stage 4).

COGNITIVE (STAGE 2)

At the cognitive stage, three erroneous beliefs related to ethnic identity have been identified.

1. An association is made between group membership and poverty and prejudice. Persons holding this belief think that the maintenance of one's ethnic identity will only lead to the perpetuation of their low-income lifestyle and the continual confrontation with prejudice.

2. Escape from poverty and prejudice is possible only through assimilation. Teske and Nelson (1974) defined assimilation as a unidirectional process toward the dominant group and acculturation as a reciprocal process. The false belief stated above assumes that there is only one option (assimilation) to escape poverty and prejudice. It does not consider other possibilities such as biculturality, cultural democracy, or acculturation.

3. Success is possible only through assimilation. This belief assumes that, by shedding one's cultural, ethnic, and linguistic heritage, one can present a socially acceptable image to others and to oneself, which will then translate into economic, social, and personal success. The following case illustration will demonstrate how these erroneous beliefs can affect people.

Charles, an Afro-American teenager, grew up in an upper-middle-

class, predominately Anglo community. His father was Afro-

American, his step-mother was Anglo, and his high school friends

were all Anglo. While at college, he unsuccessfully attempted to

befriend other Afro-American students, join an Afro-American

organization, and live among Afro-Americans. His inability to

connect with other Afro-Americans eventually led him to think

that Anglos were friendlier than Afro-Americans and, therefore,

better. From his brief experience living among other Afro-

Americans, he came to believe that being Afro-American meant only

suffering and poverty. Subsequently, he developed the thought that

success in all its forms demanded the divestment of his Afro-

American ethnicity while concurrently incorporating all that is

Anglo.

Exploration of these and other ethnic-centered erroneous beliefs frequently can assist one in determining the specific type of ethnic identity conflict experienced by the client. Specific conflicts can be: an ethnic identity search, a marginal ethnic identity, ethnic identity confusion, or varied combinations of these. Treatment interventions for this stage center on cognitive strategies. In particularly, the counselor needs to confront absolute and either/or thinking and to point out alternatives.

CONSEQUENCE (STAGE 3)

At the consequence stage, the fragmentation of ethnic identity becomes more evident. Aspects of ethnic identity such as skin color, name, language, cultural customs, and so forth are rejected or perceived as inferior. The client is hurt, shamed, or embarrassed by his or her accent, ethnic appearance, barrio (neighborhood), and so on. This fragmentation can result in the lack of ethnic identification and the estrangement from one's own group. Individuals who undergo severe ethnic identity conflicts often attempt to escape from their despised ethnic self-image by assuming an alien ethnic identity. This is illustrated by the following case excerpts.

Ashamed of his name, Rogelio Lara became Roger Lars. Furthermore,

because he was embarrassed about his dark skin color and despite

discomfort, he attempted to hide his pigmentation by wearing long-

sleeved shirts throughout the year.

Carla negated her culture by rejecting her ethnic past and by

assuming an impervious attitude to all that she once was. Although

she was able to speak Spanish, Carla repeatedly refused to do so

and in spite of her dark complexion, argued that she had white

skin.

Tomas Morales thought that being Mexican meant being inferior.

Viewing others outside his ethnic group as superior, he allowed

them to redefine him. He permitted them to change his name and to

view him as an ethnic caricature. Tomas' given name was changed to

Tommy and his surname to "More-or-less." Tommy More-or-less, age

35, suffered from ethnic identity conflicts and low self-esteem.

The use of defense mechanisms to manage ethnic identity issues accelerated in the consequence stage. Several of these defenses have been identified by others: Kitano (1982) stated how Japanese-Americans may use denial and identification; Klein (1976), in her study of Jews, found the use of denial, dissociation, and dichotomization; Maduro (1982), in his work with Latinos, noted the use of denial, identification with the aggressor, splitting-idealization, and projective identification. Finally, Westermeyer (1979), in his study of American Indians, reported the use of projection, denial, and rationalization.

WORKING THROUGH (STAGE 4)

The working through stage begins With the client experiencing psychological distress. This distress is caused by an inability to cope with ethnic conflict and the client's realization that an alien ethnic identity no longer suffices. At this point, the client is more willing to enter counseling than before, or if already in counseling, more resolved to disclose ethnic identity concerns. When appropriate, the initial phase of counseling begins with the use of an ethnocultural assessment instrument. But if sufficient information is already available, as in the case of a former client, the counselor can then move directly to the intervention phase. An ethnocultural assessment tool is used to gather history, to increase understanding of the client's attitudes and feelings about ethnicity, and to expedite the counseling process. When assessing individuals, one can use Silva's (1983) cross-cultural and cross-ethnic assessment or Comas-Diaz and Jacobsen's (1987) five-stage ethnocultural assessment. Silva's assessment tool collects data relating to culture and ethnicity and assists in the appraisal and interpretation of behavior, culture, and ethnicity. Comas-Diaz and Jacobsen's instrument not only gathers important information, but also communicates an interest in the client and helps to create an atmosphere that encourages disclosure of ethnocultural identity conflicts. With both individuals and groups, Ruiz's (1984) sentence completion stems may be helpful.

After the assessment is completed, there is an eclectic application of. the succeeding interventions. Using ethnotherapy (Cobbs, 1972; Klein, 1976, 1980), the counselor attempts to alter negative attitudes about race and ethnicity by means of group interaction, as well as by racial, ethnic, and personal exploration. The process of ethnotherapy recognizes and confronts self-hatred, facilitates the sharing of secrets, examines stereotypes, and so forth. The counselor seeks to evoke feelings, to search appropriately for buried thoughts, and to establish genuinely accepting interactions.

Another intervention that may be used in conjunction with ethnotherapy is pluralistic counseling (LeVine & Padilla, 1980; Padilla, 1981). Pluralistic counseling can be defined as the recognition of the client's culturally based beliefs, values, and behaviors that pertain to the adaptation to her or his own cultural milieu. The counselor takes into account the client's personal and family history, as well as her or his cultural and social orientation.

Ethnocultural identification (Comas-Diaz & Jacobsen, 1987) can be used as an auxiliary therapeutic tool to facilitate coping with change in cultural values and transitional experiences and to promote the integration of the ethnocultural self. Ethnocultural identification is a process through which clients attribute ethnocultural characteristics to their counselor or therapist. Besides conducting an ethnocultural assessment, the counselor's role in ethnocultural identification and related therapeutic work includes reflecting the conflicted ethnocultural identity back to the client, acknowledging the influence ethnicity has on the client's life and the reality of discrimination in society, exploring and working through manifest and symbolic meanings of ethnicity and race, and facilitating the integration of ethnocultural identity into the whole identity. In addition, the counselor encourages the working through of specific issues of ethnicity in relation to Other aspects of the client's identity. Besides ethnocultural identification, other interventions include the recognition and use of the client's natural support system (Pearson, 1985) such as family, peers, and other informal relationships in the counseling process and the use of culture-specific techniques (Ruiz, 1975) that explore language. music, name, skin color, and so on.

What often emerges during and as a consequence of the above-mentioned interventions is a process of dis-assimilation (Hayes-Bautista, 1974), an increase of ethnic consciousness, the reclaiming and reintegration of disowned ethnic identity fragments, the reconnection with ethnic continuity, and other healing processes. At this point, the client's beliefs and associated affect have been transformed. And the client no longer believes or feels that it is necessary to enhance his or her self-image by embracing all that is Anglo-American while devaluing all that is part of his or her ethnic background.

SUCCESSFUL RESOLUTION (STAGE 5)

In the final stage, successful resolution, clients find greater acceptance of self, culture, and ethnicity. Their self-esteem is improved and ethnic identity is now appraised as a resource and a strength. Rather than perceiving ethnicity as a limitation (cognitive stage), clients now recognize ethnicity as a vehicle for success. The image of one's own ethnic group accrues positive qualities and the client's idea of physical beauty is broadened to include a cross-section of his or her ethnic group members. The client's own ethnic self-image is further enhanced as a result of this pride in his or her skin color and other distinguishing attributes. More interactions with the person's ethnic group suggest increased ethnic identification. Furthermore, the client is more willing to acknowledge, understand, and transmit ethnicity. These changes reflect a healthy ethnic identity and greater harmony within the client toward his or her ethnic community.

DISCUSSION

The ethnic identity model is related to the studies on identity formation of Chicano, Mexican American, and Latino youth. The Bernal et al. (1987) study's exploration of parental attitudes can be connected to the model's parental messages (Stage 1), to the development of erroneous beliefs (Stage 2), and to the transmission of ethnicity (Stage 5). Garcia's (1982) study has influenced the model by defining and operationalizing the complexity of ethnicity. The Keefe and Padilla (1987) study's Cultural Awareness and Ethnic Loyalty Scale complements the model's assessment instruments (Stage 4). Also, the Keefe and Padilla study's focus on family and community aids in the model's use of the natural support system (Stage 4). The Phinney and Rotheram (1987) study has had an impact on the model by clarifying terms related to ethnic socialization and by stressing ethnic behavior patterns. Finally, the Rodriquez and DeBlassie (1983) study is tied to the model's denial of one's ethnic background (Stage 3) and to the ethnic identification process (Stage 5).

The ethnic identity model presented in this article differs significantly from existing models of identity development (Atkinson et al., 1979; Bulhan, 1980; Cross, 1971). The Atkinson et al. model of minority identity development consists of five stages (conformity, dissonance, resistance and immersion, introspection, and synergetic articulation and awareness). Each stage of the Atkinson et al. model has been examined through the use of a similar set of attitudes (toward oneself, others of same group, others from different minority group, and individuals from the dominant group). Furthermore, that model attempts to assist the counselor to understand the minority client's behavior. Bulhan's model discusses three identification phases (capitulation, revitalization, and radicalization) and the dynamics of cultural-in-betweenity of African students in this country and in Somalia. Cross' model of Negro-to-Black conversion consists of five stages (pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion, internalization, and commitment). The Cross model describes the identity transformation of Afro-Americans. Although these models (Atkinson et al., 1979; Bulhan, 1980; Cross, 1971) have made a contribution, they have failed to address either entirely or in detail the following points covered by the ethnic identity model. First, these previous models provide only limited description of contributing factors to ethnic identity conflicts. Moreover, specific ethnic identity conflicts are not identified nor is the process of ethnic identity fragmentation dealt with in-depth. Second, except for the Atkinson et al. model, which does mention several general counseling approaches, the models are lacking in counseling interventions and assessment instruments. Third, the models are devoid of any reference to language and only briefly discuss defense mechanisms. Furthermore, the ethnic identity model presented in this article differs from the above three models in other respects. In contrast to the existing models, the ethnic identity model begins at a more precursory level (causal and cognitive stages). Next, the ethnic identity model provides the counselor with a repertoire of counseling interventions with multicultural applications. Finally, although applicable to other ethnic groups, the model was developed primarily with Chicano, Mexican American, and other Latino clients.

Based on my observations, the five stages of ethnic identity conflict and resolution found in this article often occur in the sequence stated, although one may move directly to Stages 4 and 5 from the causal stage ( 1) or from the cognitive stage ( 2). It was also observed that, even though interventions may be applied at any time during the first three stages, clients seem to delay confronting their ethnic identity conflicts until the later part of Stage 3. It seems that the painful thoughts and emotions and the overuse of defense mechanisms found in Stage 3 are a primary motivation toward treatment (Stage 4).

The ethnic identity model described in this article identifies the development, transformation, and resolution of ethnic identity conflicts. More than just a schema, this model combines several therapeutic modalities and culture-specific techniques to provide a more comprehensive approach than previous models. Moreover, the ethnic identity model helps to clarify and delineate ethnic identity and counseling processes. I hope that this ethnic identity model will stimulate empirical study by both clinicians and investigators. Study is needed to continue to identify and delineate the sources and the extent of ethnic identity conflicts and related ethnic identity disorders. Also, there is still a great need to investigate the development, refinement, and efficacy of the treatment modalities and new culture-specific techniques.

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Silva, J. S. (1983). Cross-cultural and cross-ethnic assessment. In G. Gibson (Ed.), Our kingdom stands on brittle glass (pp. 59-66). Silver Spring, MD: National Association of Social Workers.

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Westermeyer, J. (1979). Ethnic identity problems among ten Indian psychiatric patients. The International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 25, 188-197.

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By Aureliano Sandoval Ruiz

Aureliano Sandoval Ruiz is a counselor with Psychological Services, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.

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