VULNERABILITY MITIGATION THROUGH THE ASSISTANCE …



_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ AJSW, Volume 9 Number 1 2019CHIGBU, K.PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174205Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed& Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).VULNERABILITY MITIGATION THROUGH THE ASSISTANCE FOR ORPHANS AND OTHER VULNERABLE CHILDREN IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIESCHIGBU, KingsleyABSTRACTThis paper analyzes the United States of America (U.S). House Resolution 1409 (H.R.1409) also referred to as the “Assistance for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children in Developing Countries Act of 2005 (AOVC).” This legislation enables the U.S. to provide support to orphans and other vulnerable individuals including those subjected to violence and other forms of exploitation due to Human Immune deficiency Virus (HIV) or Acquired Immuno-Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) in the developing countries. The Act is administered through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Using the Multi-Phasic Policy Analysis Model (MPAM), the author assesses the AOVC implementation in Sub-Saharan Africa (36 countries), using the Annual Congressional Reports and data from the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The reports and data were subjected to the six criteria of the MPAM. Focusing on 2005 and 2011, lessons learned show that improvements are needed, despite the progress the AOVC has recorded in addressing the needs of vulnerable children in Sub-Saharan Africa. This analysis also includes recommendations for social work policy, practice, and research.KEY TERMS: Orphans, vulnerable children, violence, exploitation, AIDS-related parental death, social work, Sub-Saharan AfricaKEY DATESReceived: 06 September 2018Revised: 02 January 2019Accepted: 01 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: AnalysisAuthor/s:CHIGBU, Kingsley, School of Social Work, University of St Thomas. 2115 Summit Avenue, St Paul, MN 55105., Phone: 651-962-5836. E-mail: kchigbu@stthomas.eduINTRODUCTIONThe Assistance for Orphans and Vulnerable Children Act (AOVC) is administered through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). One of the main purposes of the AOVC is to provide HIV/AIDS prevention support to orphans and families in the developing countries (USAID, 2002). The Act authorizes the President to facilitate assistance for orphans and other at-risk children in the global south through the USAID. It also requires the President to put in place a monitoring mechanism for the programs so developed and gives discretionary authority to the Secretary of State to consult with the administrator of the USAID in appointing a Special Advisor for Assistance to Orphans and Vulnerable Children for proper implementation of the Act. The legislation also requires the President to provide an annual report to Congress on the implementation of the policy. Despite the enormous amount of resources allocated towards the Act (Kidmann, Petrow, & Heymann, 2007), the impact of the legislation on preventing AIDS-related death among parents in Sub-Saharan Africa has not been adequately assessed.This policy analysis has two objectives: To describe the impact of the Act on prevalence of HIV/AIDS-related orphans in Africa and to provide specific recommendations for improving the implementation of the Act based on the analysis. This paper addresses two questions: How has the Act impacted the number of deaths due to AIDS in Africa, and what lessons are learned from the analysis? Using the Multi-Phasic Policy Analysis Model (MPAM), a policy analysis model derived from integrating aspects of existing models (Chambers & Wedel, 2005; Ginsberg & Miller- Cribbs, 2005; DiNitto & Cummins, 2005) with two new criteria – cultural consideration and sustainability, the author assesses the AOVC implementation in Sub-Saharan Africa (36 countries), relying on information from the Annual Congressional Reports related to the AOVC, and the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The reports and data were subjected to each of the criteria of the MPAM. Focusing on 2005 to 2011, lessons learned show that improvements are needed, despite the progress the AOVC has recorded in addressing the needs of vulnerable children in Sub-Saharan Africa.This analysis focuses on the implementation of the Act in Sub-Saharan Africa because the sub-region had the highest prevalence of HIV/AIDS prior to the enactment of the Act in 2005 (Foster & Williamson, 2000; World Bank, 2004), and because the U.S. has invested significant amounts of resources towards the prevention of AIDS in the sub- region. The paper presents lessons learned from the analysis under the appropriate criteria. It also addresses the implications of the findings for numerous aspects of policy, education, advocacy, research, violence and exploitation prevention, and humanitarian assistance.BACKGROUND OF THE AOVC ACTHouse Resolution 1409 (H.R.1409) otherwise cited as the “Assistance for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children in Developing Countries Act of 2005” is an amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. The amendment was introduced by Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana and Barbara Lee, former U.S. Representative of California 9th District on March 17, 2005. It was reported by Committee on September 13, 2005, passed by the House of Representatives (House) and the Senate on October 18, 2005 and October 24, 2005 respectively, and was signed into Public Law No: 109-95 (119 STAT.) on November 8, 2005. Section 2 of the Assistance for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children in Developing Countries Act of 2005 (AOVC Act) highlights Congressional findings, which provides the rationale and the basis for the Bill.Rationale and goals of the AOVC ActLeading to the enactment of the AOVC by the US Congress, it was estimated that 143, 000,000 children in Sub- Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean were orphans as of 2004 (UNICEF, 2004). Among these children, 16,200,000 had lost a parent to Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS; Foster & Williamson, 2000; UNICEF, 2004, 2009). The findings noted lack of substantial international support towards addressing the disease at the time, and the burden that HIV/AIDS pandemic imposes on the affected communities. Although not explicitly noted as part of the rationale for the Act, other scholars also allude to additional need for interventions dedicated towards maintaining vulnerable children in safe environments including protecting them from trafficking (Kathryn, 2013; Rotabi, Smith, Roby, & Bunkers, 2017; ). This indication also extends the relevance of the AOVC Act in Sub-Saharan Africa.DefinitionsThe term, orphan, refers to a child whose parent died because of AIDS (UNICEF, 2004; UNICEF, 2006). In addition, other vulnerable children are children (age 15 years and below) from the developing countries whose living conditions are like those of orphans in the global south (USAID, 2004). This includes children who have dropped out of school,children who are homeless, and those being sexually exploited and subjected to violence due to lack of parental support (The World Bank, 2004; Cheney, 2017). The Annual Congressional Reports or Reports are the yearly USAID’s report to Congress on the status of the Act (USAID, 2005, 2007). In this analysis, the author uses terms such as Act, AOVC Act, policy, legislation, and enabling legislation in referring to the Assistance for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children Act of 2005.The Multi-Phasic Policy Analysis Model (MPPAM)The Multi-Phasic Policy Analysis Model is a policy analysis framework that integrates selected aspects of three policy analysis models (Chambers & Wedel, 2009; Ginsberg & Miller-Cribbs, 2005; & DiNitto & Cummins, 2005) with additional analytical domains - cultural considerations and sustainability in the critical evaluation of policies. In deriving this framework, the author clustered the overlapping criteria of Chambers and Wedel (2009), Ginsberg and Miller-Cribbs (2005), and DiNitto and Cummins’ (2005) models into simple overarching categories. The author subsequently grouped the categories into six broad analytical criteria that encompass the constructs that the original models address. The two new analytical criteria (cultural considerations and sustainability) were included in the MPPAM model because according to Arnstein (1969), policies achieve better outcomes with the participation of stakeholders (Arnstein, 1969; Selvam, 1998; USAID, 2007). In addition, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP, 1994) highlights that sustainable policies achieve better outcomes than policies that do not meet such requirement (UNDP, 1994). Each of the MPPAM criteria has sub-criteria as shown in Table 1. In this analysis, the AOVC is subjected to the criteria of the MPAM.Table 1: MPPAM conceptual criteria and sub-criteriaModelSelected DimensionsSelected Analytical Criteria(MPAM)Chambers &Wedel (2005)Ginsberg& Miller-Cribbs (2005)DiNitto & Cummins (2005)Goals and objectives:Principles and purposes;Long/short-term; manifest/latent.Forms of benefits & services: Personal/expert social eligibility rules: Protective regulations;Decision-making;Latent/manifest intentions: power;Means/asset test; private contracting, prior contributions;Attachment to workforce.Administration & Service Delivery:Centralization;Referral and case management;Client participation/procedural rights.Financing:The insurance principle;Fees for service;Indigenous/external collaborations.Intended/unintended consequences:Correct conceptualization of problem;Extent of problem;Target population;Design fit with objectives;Maximization of chances for successRelationship between cost/benefits;Fidelity to process and objectives; are the goals being reached?Is this the most effective alternative?Underlying Principles:Conceptualization of problemThe insurance principleValues; Client participation/rightsGoals and Objectives:Forms/duration of benefitsManifest and latentClearly stated goalsFinancing:The insurance principle;Fees for service;Indigenous/external collaborations.Administration and Service Delivery:EligibilityDecision-making powerMeans/assets testingCultural Considerations:CollaborationEthical considerationsSustainability:Prior contributionsEmergency provisionsStaff attritionEvaluation (Process):Policy adjustmentsIntended/unintended consequencesEvaluation (Outcome):Policy adjustmentsIntended/unintended consequences.Table 1 shows the sources of the Multi-Phasic Policy Analysis Model (MPPAM). The MPAM is a combination of the Chambers and Wedel, Ginbsberg and Miller-Cribbs, and Cummins policy analysis model, with sustainability and cultural considerations added by the author.The determination of guiding principles, goals and objectives, administration and services delivery, and adequate financing components of this process are derived from Chambers and Wedel’s (2009) model. The process and outcome evaluation components are selected from Ginsberg and Miller-Cribbs’ (2005), and DiNitto and McCinnis’ (2005) models. Table 1 also shows the included eight elements used in analyzing the AOVC. The seven elements are: the underlying principles of the AOVC, goals and objectives of the AOVC, the administration and delivery of the AOVC, process evaluation of the AOVC, outcome evaluation of the AOVC, sustainability of the AOVC, cultural considerations entrenched in the AOVC, and financing of the AOVC.ANALYZING THE AOVC ACT OF 2005 THROUGH THE MPPMThis analysis is based on a review of seven Annual Congressional Reports (2005 to 2011). The analysis focuses on prevalence of orphans due to HIV-AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa. This analysis involved independent review of the reports (2005 to 2011). The isolated findings from the reports were merged to describe the rates of AIDS-caused orphans in Sub-Saharan Africa, a main reason for child orphanage. Data from UNICEF and UNAIDS were used in describing the AIDS-related parental death in Sub-Saharan Africa. Each of the seven elements shown in Figure 1 is applied in evaluating the policy.Assumptions of the MPAMIn this analysis, the author applied the steps of MPAM, as shown in Figure 1. The MPAM, as an analytical model is built on the principle that policy analysis should begin with assessment of the focal policy’s underlying principles, following which its goals and objectives should be assessed. Further, the MPAM also holds that the financing and administration aspects of a policy should be assessed immediately following the first two steps, while both process evaluation should be considered as a continuum leading to the outcome evaluation aspect. Importantly, the MPAM holds that cultural considerations and sustainability are exogenous guiding principles that are directly related to administrative and evaluative aspects of a policy. Hence, within the MPAM, the three exogenous analytical constructs are the guiding principles, sustainability, and cultural considerations. The three exogenous analytical factors are related, while the guiding principles are assumed to have a direct relationship with the policy goals and objectives. The guiding principle effect on financing is mediated by the policy goals and objectives, while the guiding principle effect on the policy’s ultimate outcome (evaluation) is further mediated by the process evaluation aspect. The financing component of MPAM is assumed to have direct effects on the policy’s administration and process evaluation. Further, the relationships between the policy goals and objectives and its process evaluation is mediated by the policy’s administration.Steps to the AOVC analysis using MPAMThe first step involves assessing whether the policy has guiding principles that informed it, and whether those guiding principles are reflected in the implementation of the AOVC. The second step involves assessing the goals and objectives of the policy and ascertaining whether the goals and objectives were implemented in the execution of the AOVC. The third step is assessment of adequacy of the policy’s financing. The fourth step involves a determination of the administrative and services delivery elements of the policy, and ascertaining whether they were adhered to, and whether they were adequate. The fifth step is concerned with determining and ascertaining the policy’s position through process evaluation; and the sixth step involves the outcome evaluation of the policy. Based on the MPAM model, both the cultural considerations and sustainability elements are assessed throughout the steps of the analysis. In other words, cultural considerations and sustainability are exogenous guiding factors that span steps 1 to 6 in the analytical process.Figure 1. The MPAM Graphic Model and Analytical StepsDetermination of the underlying principlesThis criterion examines how the Act conceptualizes the problem that it addresses. It also examines the values and ethical factors addressed by the policy, and how it guarantees clients’ participation (Chambers & Wedel, 2009). The enabling legislation provides a clear description of its guiding principles and the rationale behind its enactment by Congress (Gary, 2009, 2010; Chambers & Wedel, 2009; House Resolution 1409 (H.R.1409). The Act documents the causal relationships between HIV/AIDS and the increased rate of death of heads of households in Sub-Saharan Africa. Thus, the prevention of the disease is a remarkable value-laden effort (Yamashita, 2007). The Act enumerates the challenges faced orphans in the developing countries. It also addresses social justice and advocacy issues as the legislation gives voice to communities, children and organizations for the betterment of humanity. The Annual Congressional Reports show evidence of the basic values addressed by the Act such as access to education, right to inheritance, protection from harm and exploitation, and commitment to social justice (Mapps, 2008). Overall, the Reports show that the policy executors inculcate aspects of dignity, respect, empowerment, social justice, and equity in administering the policy in the sub-region (USAID, 2007; Gary, 2008, 2009, 2010).Goal and objectives determinationThis aspect of the MPPAM addresses whether the goals and objectives of the policy are clear and feasible. It also examines the policy in terms of the benefits provided by it, the duration of the benefits, and the latent and manifest goals of the Act (Chambers & Wedel, 2009). Section 3 of the Act addresses the manifest goals that the Act addresses and highlights the types of services that it provides. According to Doblestein (2003), manifest goals reflect the aspects of policy objectives that are clearly stated. Thus, the objectives of the Act and the forms of services that it clearly seeks to deliver constitute its manifest goals. Some of the main goals of the Act include: increasing the capacity of USAID towards a better service-delivery capacity in the area of HIV/AIDS prevention, provision of school assistance to orphans, granting nutritional support to vulnerable children, providing family assistance to people in helpless conditions, and preventing the exploitation of orphans in the global south (Michal, 2001; Kidmann, Petrow, & Heymann, 2007; Gary, 2010).These goals clearly fit the challenges facing numerous children in third world countries (Michal, 2001). As emphasized by Gary (2009), the objectives of the Act can also be understood from the types of services that it enables the USAID to provide. The Act also addresses the feasibility of its goals by empowering the President to use his discretion in ensuring that the policy achieves success by collaborating and working with the Secretary of State, and the USAID Administrator (USAID, 2005). It also authorizes the USAID administrator to conduct annual needs assessments and to gather best practice information to guide its future implementation. The legislation does not providea deadline for when this assistance would lapse. As such, the duration of the benefits remains open-ended. This characteristic of the legislation confirms the unwavering commitment of the U.S. to global humanitarian assistance (Axinn & Levin, 1992; Gary, 2009, 2010; USAID, 2007).The latent goals of the policy are the rationales of which do not appear in the Act. According to DiNitto and Cummins (2005), one of the critical issues to address in policy analysis is the unstated agenda that the policy addresses. Agendas inferred from the Act include expansion of U.S. democratic leadership in the world (Hayde, 2003) and actualization of the interest of the U.S. in global stability. From these standpoints, the implementation of the Act is consequential to the peace and stability of the world. This is because the existence of crises in Sub-Saharan Africa (which have been associated with struggles for scarce resources) could result to the recruitment of vulnerable children into militant groups that pose threats to global security (Machel, 2001). Another way to understand the latent goals of the Act derives from Cialdini’s (2009) assumption that people reciprocate kindness. From this perspective, the Act may be seen as a means through which U.S. builds positive assets and alliances with the developing countries.Administration and service deliveryAccording to Chambers & Wedel (2009), a good policy should highlight the means for the actualization of its implementation. Similarly, Ginsberg and Miller-Cribbs (2005) acknowledge that a policy that has no clearly defined framework for its implementation is a failed endeavor. The MPPAM addresses the following aspects of administration and services delivery: Eligibility criteria, decision-making power, and means/assets testing (Chambers & Wedel, 2009; DiNitto & Cummins, 2005). The Act provides specific guidance on how its objectives should be implemented. For example, Section 2 of the Act gives overall and subordinate administrative powers to the President, the Secretary of State, and the administrator of the USAID, respectively (USAID, 2006). The Congressional Reports reviewed during this analysis account consistently for how these services are delivered, and they specify the number of grants given out to collaborating international and local organizations (USAID, 2007).Section 3 of the Act details the beneficiaries of the policy. These include orphans, other vulnerable children, and widows (Gary, 2009). In terms of eligibility rules, this analysis uncovers some challenges faced by USAID in assessing and determining criteria for service at the initial stages of the policy implementation (2005 to 2007) due to difficulties in differentiate between people who are eligible and those that are not (USAID, 2007). The efficiency of the USAID in delivering school services, psychological services and nutritional supports is negatively impacted by the challenge of eligibility determination in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, with full establishment of the Vulnerability Indicator Database in 2010 record-keeping software used in identifying the status of individuals in the sub-region), the agency is beginning to experience greater efficiency (Gary, 2010). The USAID also engages in annual means/assets tests and gathers best practice data through its monitoring system. This system consistently assesses the workforce needs of the policy and other overhead costs necessary for the smooth implementation of the Act.Cultural considerationsCultural competence as an imperative aspect of policy is well-documented in the literature. According to Fischer, Miller, and Sydney (2007), policy analysis ought to reflect the cultural implications of the policy being analyzed. In meeting this requirement, Section 3 of the Act requires the strengthening of social ties, inclusion and engagement of local organizations, and participation of community members in the policy implementation process. The Reports also show substantial evidence of cultural considerations by USAID staff and administrators in coordinating AIDS services in the sub-region. For example, the agency completes a series of stakeholders’ meetings each year, and it provides opportunity for local people to contribute to the program’s development and implementation (UNICEF, 2008; Gary, 2010).SustainabilityThis analysis criterion focuses on prior contributions made towards improving the lives of orphans, emergency provisions put in place for unforeseen needs that may arise during the implementation of the policy, and staff attrition problems. Each of these factors affects the implementation and outcome of a policy (Chambers & Wedel, 2009; Fischer, Miller, & Sydney, 2007). Prior to the enactment of this Act, the U.S. maintained substantial assistance to the developing countries through the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, and the country invested considerable efforts towards eliminating HIV/AIDS, Malaria, Tuberculosis, and other diseases in Africa. This effort was sustained through House Resolution 1298, cited as the “United States Leadership against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria Act of 2003.”Although these prior contributions were not specifically targeted towards HIV/AIDS orphans, they show a sustainable trend and commitment by the U.S. in constantly adjusting to the needs of these countries as they arise (Hayde, 2003; Jowett, & Miller, 2005). Also, the USAID mobilized efforts in 2010 through emergency funding inaddressing the needs of Haitian children who were affected by the earthquake (Gary, 2010). This was possible because the Act empowers the President to appropriate emergency funding to the USAID to address emergency situations in protecting vulnerable children in the developing states.FinancingAccording to Ginsberg (2005), ascertaining how a policy is financed forms the most exciting aspect of policy analysis. Likewise, Chambers & Wedel (2009) emphasize the importance of financial provisions for the smooth implementation of policy. This Act empowers the President to determine the amount of money needed annually for the implementation of the policy. In 2005, 1.2 million orphans received services related to AIDS while 2 million children were served in 2006. In addition, between 2007 and 2008, the U.S. increased its funding of the implementation of the Act. This resulted to a total of $5.14 billion (including $ 1.86 billion by coordinating bodies, and $3.38 billion by the U.S. government) being spent on implementing the policy, through a total of 2,044 projects (USAID, 2007, Gary, 2009).In the subsequent year, the U.S. committed $2.6 billion to programs assisting vulnerable children in 107 countries through 1, 900 projects (Gary, 2010). Furthermore, a total of $2.8 billion was disbursed towards the implementation of the Act in 2011to several agencies, including the Department of Agriculture, and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (USAID, 2011). Overall, the Reports show that the funding of this Act has increased from $1.8 billion dollars in 2005 to $18.9 billion in 2010. Contributions from USAID’s partners and donor countries have also increased. Interestingly, the cost for HIV/AIDS care has remained largely uniform in most countries; the annual cost for educating orphans ranges from less than $1,000 in Kenya to about $2,000 in Eritrea (USAID, 2006). Therefore, the equitable distribution of funds among these countries remains a challenge to be addressed.The costs of this Act include financial costs and other opportunity costs that the U.S. absorbs due to its commitments towards the implementation of the Act. As noted by Jowett and Miller (2005), the U.S. commitment to alleviating the suffering of people in numerous countries imposes some financial burden on the local economy. Arguing differently, Kivumbi, Nangendo, and Ndyabahika (2004) highlight the effects of decentralized financial management on policy outcomes and emphasize a need for more funding from the U.S. These two contending views show the effects of social exchange on the perception of the giver-receiver relationships between the U.S. and the developing countries. The Annual Reports show that the implementors of Act are able to control waste, as it requires the Report to provide basis and rationale for each project undertaken. Thus, in providing this rationale, the USAID also clarifies why alternative programming or policies could not have been undertaken instead of the implemented program.EvaluationThis criteria involves both the process and outcome evaluation of the policy. The USAID (2010) highlights data- driven performance monitoring as an important aspect of policy analysis. Similarly, McLaughlin (1987) reports that one of the best ways to approach policy analysis is to examine information gathered from its implementation. Similarly, the three policy analysis frameworks (Chambers & Wedel, 2009; Ginsberg & Miller-Cribbs, 2005; DiNitto & Cummins, 2005) from which the MPPAM derives reports the importance of considering evaluative elements in the policy analysis process. The criteria for policy evaluation under the MPPAM include the adjustments reflected on the policy based on lessons learned and the intentional and unintentional consequences of the policy (Ginsberg, 2005, Popple & Leighninger, 20111994).Section 3 of the Act mandates the President to establish and retain an evaluation and monitoring mechanism to assess the impact of the policy. Review of the Reports show that the USAID is consistent in fulfilling the evaluation requirement of the Act. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the Reports show commitments by the U.S. towards accomplishing the goals of the Act. This is evidenced by increased provision of preventive services for HIV/AIDS, such as health education, protective sex education; early treatment for AIDS-infected parents and children, and nutrition and housing support (USAID, 2011). However, none of the Congressional Reports shows the rates of increase or decrease in AIDS orphans in the sub-region.Ash, Berg, and Coiera (2004) address the unintended consequences of a policy as the errors that are made during the formulation or implementation of Act. They argue that errors or unanticipated circumstances could be either good or bad. They also claim that that most unintended consequences are not usually obvious (Ash, Berg, & Coiera, 2004). Thus, it is by anticipating these consequences that policy implementation becomes successful. Ginsberg (1994) acknowledges that the goal of policy analysis includes ascertaining the outcomes or consequences that the policy is designed for. One of the unintended consequences of this Act is that its implementation may create dependency rather than self-reliance among the adults who receive these services Chambers and Wedel (2009).Trends in AIDS-related parental deaths in Sub-Saharan Africa (2005 to 2011): Accentuating Continued NeedThis aspect of the analysis describes the level of AIDS-induced parental deaths in Sub-Saharan Africa, in a comparative form. Hence, the 2002 total mean death is compared with the 2009 total mean deaths. Because the 2002 data is a projected estimate for 2010, it is used as the baseline level, while the 2009 figures are used as the post- baseline level. The 2009 data is considered an appropriate comparison with the 2010 projected estimates because this analysis only utilizes its lower estimates (UNICEF, 2002; UNICEF, 2009).In terms of differences in the number of parents that died because of AIDS between 2002 and 2009 in Sub-Saharan Africa (36 countries), the minimum number of deaths in 2002 and 2009 range between 99 and 1,400, respectively while the maximum number of AIDS-related deaths based on 36 countries between 2002 and 2009 are 1,172,000 and 1,800,000, respectively. The overall mean difference between 2002 and 2009 are 152,308.3056 (SD = 245246.55186) and 288,661.111 (SD = 469652.43640), respectively. Equatorial Guinea had the lowest AIDs-related parental death in 2002 (99) while Gambia had the least amount of AIDS-related parental deaths in 2009 (1400). South Africa had the highest number of deaths in 2002 (1,172,000) while Nigeria (1,800,000) had the highest number of deaths associated with AIDS in 2009.914400146438DOs stand for double orphans. LE stands for low estimates. - denotes decline while + indicates increase in orphan.indicates a country with >500,000 increase in orphans in 2009.Table 2 shows the changes that have occurred in the AIDS-related deaths among parents in the 36 countries between 2002 and 2009. Table 2 shows the results of the comparison between Sub-Saharan and the rest of the world in terms of HIV/AIDS-related deaths. As shown in Table 2, Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest number of newly infected people or people who died of AIDS in 2009 (1,800,000 or 1,300,000) compared to Oceania (4,500 or 1,400).Table 3: Global prevalence of HIV-AIDS by region as of 2009.RegionPeople with HIVNewly InfectedHIV-related deathsSub-Saharan Africa22.5 million1.8 million1.3 millionMiddle East and North Africa460, 00075,00024,000South and South-East Asia4.1million270,000260, 000East Asia770,00082,00036,000Central and South America1.4 million92,00058,000Caribbean240,00017,00012,000Eastern Europe and Central Asia1.4 million130,00076,000Western and Central Europe820,00031,0008,500North America1.5 million70,00026,000Oceania57,0004,5001,400Total33.3 million2.6 million1.8 millionAs shown in Table 3, South Africa had the highest deaths in 2002 (1,172,000) but had the largest decrease in the number of deaths between 2002 and 2009 (428,000) while deaths in Nigeria increased from 549,000 in 2002 to 1,800,000 in 2009 with a total difference of 1,251,000. Also, Botswana (53,000), Sierra Leone (36,000), Burkina Faso (22,000), Togo (20,000) and Namibia (10,000) all had substantial decreases in the number of AIDS-related deaths between 2002 and 2009. On the other hand, Nigeria, Uganda, the United Republic of Tanzania, Kenya, and the Democratic Republic of Congo had the highest increases (1,251,000; 902,000; 849,000; 471,000; and 68,000) between2002 and 2009, respectively.Limitations of the analysisFirst, this analysis of the AOVC is restricted to years 2005 to 2011. A lot of shifts in trend has occurred since then; hence, the current place and prevalence of AIDs-related parental deaths in Sub-Saharan Africa has yet to be analyzed, using literature that reflect a current timeframe. This highlights a need to engage in a further review of the impact of the policy beyond 2011. Further, while it is practically impossible to attribute any causality between the AOVC and the rate of OVCs in Sub-Saharan Africa, it is also important to note that as of 2019, child orphanage and its attendant vulnerabilities continue to exist. For example, in a qualitative study of orphans and vulnerable children and their care givers in Zimbabwe, (Ringson, 2019), findings showed that misappropriation of inheritances has remained an issue, exposing the children to further vulnerabilities. The MPAM is a new policy analysis model and is being applied for the first time in analyzing the AOVC. Further, the quantitative descriptive aspects of this analysis utilized secondary datasets. In addition, the author could not ascertain how the variables were measured, as the codebooks for these datasets were either unavailable or inconclusive. As such, the quantitative aspect of the analysis was restricted to descriptive comparisons. Further, both the 2002 and 2009 data are based on estimates and projections (USAID, 2002 & UNICEF, 2009). Furthermore, the author did not remove the outliers that emerged from the dataset considering the substantive importance of the issue of deaths caused by AIDS. This is because; the outliers help to understand the trends of HIV/AIDS trends in the countries that were included in this analysis. This is because; the author believes that the subject being addressed in this article is of a substantive significance.DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORKDiscussionThe AOVC Act is concerned with the wellbeing of a large group of people in more than 107 countries (USAID, 2007, Mapps, 2008; Yamashita, 2007; Foster & Williamson, 2000; Floyd et al., 2007), and it addresses a range of substantive issues including child exploitation, rights deprivation, family disintegration, and the AIDS pandemic. These issues are very serious as their impacts are of international concern (Machel, 2001). The Congressional Reports show strengths in the areas of financing, sustainability, administration, underlying principles, goals and objectives, cultural consideration, and sustainability (USAID, 2007, 2009, 2011). The amount of details provided by the Act in ensuring that these critical aspects of policy are covered is commendable. However, despite that the Act provides succinct requirements for evaluating its implementation, the Reports do not clearly provide data on the direct impact of the policy on preventing AIDS-related deaths among parents in Sub-Saharan Africa.Among the proposed outcomes of the Act is that its implementation will alleviate the sufferings enumerated in it. A descriptive analysis of the impact of the policy in Sub-Saharan Africa shows that more parents have died because of AIDS in most of the countries between 2002 and 2009. However, care ought to be taken in interpreting this result because the datasets used in the analysis are based on estimates. Furthermore, since death does not occur immediately following HIV/AIDS infection, the 2002 and 2009 datasets may not be independent of each other.In addition, three extreme outliers emerged in both the 2002 dataset and the 2009 dataset (Nigeria, South Africa, and Uganda). Thus, these few countries may have contributed to the high number of increases in AIDS-related deaths and may have influenced the findings. Due to the substantive nature of this analysis and the measurement criteria specifically chosen for it, the removal of the outliers was not considered an ethical option. The 2009 data are the low estimates (as that it accounts for both single and double orphans). Thus, if the absolute estimate would have been used a higher average may have been derived.Finally, this analysis shows that South Africa, Botswana, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Guinea, South Africa, Swaziland, and Togo, all had decreases in parental deaths due to AIDS between 2002 and 2009. This finding suggests that some improvement in reducing AIDS-related parental deaths have occurred in these countries. Again, because the issue of AIDS is of substantive concern, and despite that this study cannot ascertain whether the decreases reported in this study are solely as a result of this Act, any amount of decline in AIDS-related death is encouraging. Overall, this analysis shows that the Act was carefully enacted in a manner that addresses all aspects of the analytical framework used in this analysis, except the unintended consequences aspect (Ginsberg, 1994).Implications for Social WorkThis analysis shows that most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa still have high rates of AIDS and AIDS- related parental deaths, a main cause of child orphanage, and a strong correlate of violence and victimization of children and orphans, as of 2011. Sub-Saharan Africa had 1.8million cases of new HIV/AIDS infection in 2009 (UNICEF, 2009), notwithstanding the contributions of this Act towards addressing the issue. The findings from this analysis show reasons to reassess the policy strategy of USAID in implementing the Act. In other to address this, the USAID should assess the efforts that have resulted to the decrease in AIDS-related orphans in eight of the African countries and consider replicating in the strategies in the rest of the countries that are covered by the Act.Further, social workers and other professionals who work at the international level should seek ways to consistently advocate the needs of orphans in the developing countries (Jowett & Miller, 2005). Furthermore, the USAID should utilize mixed methods approaches in identifying and measuring the impact of the implementation of the Act on parental deaths caused by AIDS. This would make it easy for future data-driven policy analysis to be thoroughly conducted on the Act rather than relying on estimates and projections (Chambers & Wedel, 2009; UNICEF, 2002; UNICEF, 2009).REFERENCESAssistance for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children in Developing Countries Act. Pub. L. No. 109-95, 22USC § 2152F, 119 STAT. 2111.Arnstein, S. R. (l969). A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 35, 216-224. Axinn, J., & Levin H. (1992). Social welfare. A history of the American response to need. New York: LongmanPublishing Company.Chambers, D., & Wedel, K. (2008). Social policy and social programs: A method for the practical public policy (5th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson Education Inc.Cheney, K. (2017). Crying for our elders: African orphanhood in the age of HIV and AIDS. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press.DiNitto, D., & Cummins, K. (2005). Social welfare politics and public policy (6th ed.). Boston: Pearson Education Inc.Doblelstein, A. (2003). Welfare policy and analysis (3rd ed.). California: Brooks/Cole-Thompson Learning.Floyd, S., Crampin, A., Glynn, J., Madise, N., Mwenebabu, M., Mnkhondia, S. & Fine, P. (2007). The social and economic impact of parental on children in northern Malawi: Retrospective population-based cohort study. AIDS Care, 19(6), 781–790.Foster, C., & Williamson, J. (2000). A review of current literature on the impact of HIV/AIDS on children in sub- Saharann Africa. AIDS, 14, S275–S284.Gary, N. (2008). Second annual report to congress: Supporting highly vulnerable children: Progress, promise and partnership. Retrieved from , N. (2009). US government and partners: Working together on a comprehensive, coordinated and effective response to highly vulnerable children. Third Annual Report to Congress on Public Law 109-95, the Assistance for Orphans and Other VulnerableGary, N. (2010). A whole-of-approach government approach to child welfare and protection. Fourth annual report to congress on public law 109-95, the Assistance for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children Act of 2005.Retrieved from Ginsberg, L. (1994). Understanding social problems, policies and programs. Columbia, South Carolina: SouthCarolina University Press.Ginsberg, L., & Miller-Cribbs, J. (2005). Understanding social problems, policies and programs. Columbia, South Carolina: South Carolina University Press.Kidmann, R., Petrow, S., & Heymann, S. (2007). Africa’s orphan crisis: Two community-based models. AIDS Care, 19(3), 326–329.Jowett, M. & Miller, N. (2005). The financial burden of malaria in Tanzania: Implications for future government policy. International Journal of Health Planning and Management, 20, 67-84.Joyce, K. (2013). The child catchers: Rescue, trafficking, and the new gospel of adoption. New York: Public Affairs. Mache, G. (2001). The impact of war on children. United Kingdom: C. Hurst & Co.Mapp, S. (2008). Human rights and social justice in a global perspective. An introduction to international social work. New York: Oxford University Press.Ringson, J. (2019). The impact of inheritance experiences in orphans and vulnerable children support in Zimbabwe: A caregivers' perspective. Child and Family Social Work,0(0). doi:10.1111/cfs.12630Rotabi, Karen Smith, Jini L. Roby, and Kelley McCreery Bunkers. 2017. “Altruistic exploitation: Orphan tourism and gobal social work.” British Journal of Social Work 47 (3): 648–65. Children Villages. (2011). AIDS orphan facts, figures and statistics. Retrieved from ABOUT-SOS/WHAT-WE-DO/ORPHAN-STATISTICS/Pages/aids-orphan-statistics.aspxUnited Nations Children’s Fund. (2004). Children on the Brink 2004: A joint report of new orphan estimates and a, framework for action. New York: UNAIDS, UNICEF, USAID collaboration.United Nations Children’s Fund. (2009). The state of the world’s children 2009. Geneva: UNICEF.United Nations Development Project. (1994). Governance for sustainable human development. Retrieved from Nations International Children Emergency Fund. (2002). Children on the brink 2002. A joint report on orphan estimates and program strategies. Retrieved from People/childrenonthebrink_en.pdfUnited States Agency for International Development. (2007). USAID anti-trafficking in persons and programs in Africa: A review. Retrieved from , J., Cox, A. & Johnston, B. (2004). A framework and resource guide. Conducting a situation analysis of orphans and vulnerable children affected by HIV/AIDS. Retrieved from Bank (2004). Reaching out to Africa’s orphans. A framework for public action. Africa Region Human Development Series. Retrieved from 1103037153392/ReachingOuttoAfricasOrphans.pdfYamashita, K. (2007). Highly vulnerable children: Causes, consequences and actions. The US Government special advisor for orphans and vulnerable children first annual report to congress, August, 2007. Retrieved from Journal of Social Work93726174205Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed & Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN GHANA: THE ATTITUDES OF MALE VICTIMS OF ACCRAABSTRACTMANTEY Efua EsaabaThe prevalence of domestic violence against males and their attitude towards reporting is charaterised by the social construct of masculinity which excludes weakness in men and view them as physically dominant over women. Due to these views men are often times viewed as the perpetrators of domestic violence which prevent them from stepping forward to report their experiences. Using a qualitative research design, the study captured men’s attitude and domestic violence through a phenomenological process to understand the lived experiences of the participants. Purposive and social network approaches were used to recruit participants of the study and in-depth interviews were done to solicit information from 10 men, hence ten (10) case studies of men. Findings indicate that, domestic violence cases against men were woefully not reported due to conceived male masculinity, stigma and the fear of not being believed. The study recommends sensitization to encourage men report cases and address the issue of stigmatization.KEY TERMS: Domestic violence, male victims, reported cases, attitudesKEY DATESReceived: 06 September 2018Revised: 02 January 2019Accepted: 01 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: Original researchAuthor/s:MANTEY, Efua Esaaba, Department of Social Work, University of Ghana, P. O. Box LG419 , Legon, Accra, Ghana, Email: eemantey@ug.edu.gh, Telephone: +233277513875INTRODUCTIONDomestic violence is a prevalent reality in almost all societies, and it occurs among all demographic groups. While perpetrators and victims of domestic violence can be of either male or female gender, the majority of cases have a male perpetrator and a female victim (Casey et al 2012). Pinheiro (2006) has estimated that thirty-five per-cent of women worldwide have experienced either physical or sexual intimate partner violence at some point in their lives. However, some national studies show that up to seventy per cent (70%) of women have experienced either physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner in their lifetime. The prevalence of physical violence within the domestic settings has been highest in Africa, with almost half of the countries of the continent reporting lifetime prevalence of over forty per cent (40%); the Democratic Republic of Congo having the highest figure of sixty-four per cent (64%) of such cases as at 2007 (Adebayo, 2014).According to the statistics available at the Accra Regional Office of the Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana Police Service as at the eighth month of 2007, one hundred and sixteen men had been physically abused. In the Ghanaian society, women, on the contrary, are subjected to discriminatory cultural practices that expose them to the violent tendencies of their male counterpart. Literature reveals that women in violent relationships are more likely than men to report forms of violence among almost all cultures of the world. In other words, male victims compared to female are less likely to tell anyone about partner abuse. Fewer number of male victims of domestic violence compared to female report cases to the police and other law enforcement agencies. The reasons for the lower tendency to report domestic violence among men seem to partly find an explanation in the patriarchal relationship that entrusts power, might, and physical strength to men. Therefore, male victims of violence are mostly ridiculed and shamed when they report cases of domestic abuse they suffer in the hands of their female spouses. Men who report abuse by their spouses are considered “weak” and unable to manage domestic crisis Garrat (2012).More so, most patriarchal societies perceive men as perpetrators and not victims of domestic violence. This stereotypical misconception seems to have found further expression in the one-sidedness of scholarly work on domestic violence, which mostly studies men as culprits and women as victims of gender-based violence. Men have also been victims of domestic violence. This article attempts to investigate the attitude of male victims towards reporting domestic violence, and the effect of domestic violence on the male victim. Because of the stereotypical notion that men are perpetrators, male victims hardly own-up, therefore, this author used the social networking approach to access research participants. The study is organised into four sections of background, theory and literature review, methods, results, conclusions, policy recommendations, and implications for social work.THEORY AND LITERATURE REVIEWThis paper is philosophically anchored on the social change theory on domestic violence as espoused in (Blau, 1964; Homans, 1961 & Kelley, 1959). The theory assumes that members of the family will resort to violence to obtain their goals for as long as what is to be gained outweighs the cost. This implies that within the family, each and every one has personal desires he or she would wish for, hence, the opposite spouse serves as a stumbling block to achieving such needs. Homans (1961) is of the opinion that, the key assumptions of the exchange perspective are that social behaviour is a series of exchanges and in the course of these exchanges individuals attempt to maximize their rewards and minimise their costs.The social exchange theory further assumes that women are victims and men are perpetrators of domestic violence. In this paper, the author challenges this proposition and argues that men are not only perpetrators but could be victims, too. Contrary to the opinion of the proponents of this theory that women would resort to violent acts in order to make the male partner succumb to their desires, there could be instances of unprovoked attacks on men by their female spouses.There are few studies that sought to unravel the attitude of men victims in relation to reporting violent attacks to law enforcement agencies. For instance, Josolyne (2011) is of the opinion that societal perceptions are likely to perpetuate the common assumption that women are always victims and, implicitly, that men are the main perpetrators of such violence. Because of this misconception, male victims are mostly constrained to take up a position of the victim that would warrant the right to justice. Invariably, social prejudice dampens the ability of men to report cases of domestic violence. Also, Josolyne (2011) stated that the police are regularly accused by ‘abused men’ of ignoring male abuse and favouring women during domestic call-outs and investigations. The apathy of the police towards male victims discourages the latter from presenting themselves as victims who seek justice.However, violence against men is real. Just like women, men suffer physical, emotional and psychological abuse within the domestic set up. Adebayo (2014) echoed the notion that men victims bear the effects of violence in silence, which consequently give them emotional and psychological stresses, these short-term effects, could, in the long run, have far-reaching health consequences such as depression, cardiac attacks, and other mental illnesses.On the whole, the gap pointed out as lack of sufficient studies in male victims and the theoretical weaknesses that underpin studies on domestic violence, as presented in this section serves as a motivation for this study.METHODSThis paper was designed on qualitative research techniques because the variables under investigation, which are men’s attitudes and effects of domestic violence could be better explained through a phenomenological process to understand the lived-experiences of the participants. This is because the variables relate to individual subjective realities. Through the qualitative strategy, the researcher was able to examine the deeper patterns and multiple dimensions of domestic violence. The author did ten (10) case studies of men who have suffered one form of domestic violence or another. The ten respondents were, therefore, purposively sampled; subsequently, the author did in-depth interviews with these victims. As discussed earlier, male victims of domestic violence experience stigma and most often shy away from letting other people know their predicament, therefore, the author had to rely on the social network approach to access the research participants.Operationalising the social network approachThe social network approach to qualitative inquiry explores the interactions among research respondents within a spatial context or sample frame (Adam & Kriesi, 2007). Social network attempts to unravel the opportunities, advantages, and challenges that are nested in the inter-connectedness among research participants. Because male victims seldom share their predicaments with few close friend and associates, this author used a network of friends and family living in the study communities to access the initial respondents. After the interview, the author asked the initial interviewees to help identify other individuals who shared similar domestic experiences. The initial interview generated a snowball effect through which subsequent respondents were accessed. The social network approach helped the author to unpack and better understand the research variables, which are the effect and men’s attitude towards domestic violence.The data collection processes were a bit difficult in terms of getting respondents, especially, from perceived affluent members of the communities because these are people who most of the times are unwilling to discuss their domestic affairs with people they hardly know. Therefore, some of them were sometimes unwilling to participate in a close to two-hour interview. Among the relatively less affluent community of Madina, the author accessed respondents with little difficulty. This was partly because, some of the participants who were being abused due to financial difficulty were ready to discuss, in confidence, their plight with close friends and associates. Subsequent to the field interviews, the data was analysed and the results were thematically organised on the two objectives of the research, which were the attitudes of men towards reporting, and the effects of domestic violence on men victims. Although, ten (10) participants were interviewed, the author presented supporting empirical narrations from five (5) participants because some of the cases were similar, therefore, using all ten (10) cases would have been monotonous and a waste of limited writing space.Study areaThe study was conducted in the Greater Accra region precisely Accra central and Madina. In other instances, information was solicited from participants who resided within the province of Kissieman, Adenta, and Mnai Djorm. The motive for choosing these locations was influenced by the heterogeneous behavioural traits processed by the various residents within the researcher’s choice of site.Fig 1: Map of AccraEthical considerationBefore proceeding with the soliciting of information, the nature and purpose of the study were made known to the respondents. The respondents were made aware of the ethical principles the researcher is bound to keep. Since issues pertaining to domestic violence are sensitive, the interview was conducted on a one-on-one basis.Additionally, the author adhered to the ethical principles of social work practice. Informed consent of the respondents was solicited before the interviews. The participants were made aware of the confidentiality principle that governs social research. As much as possible, discussions respected the respondents’ right to self- determination, devoid of prejudice and subjective judgement.RESULTSThis section presents the demographic characteristics of the participants and the issues that emerged from the data collected from the field interviews. In literature, the attitudes of men towards reporting domestic violence and abuse to the law enforcement agencies have been described as apathetic and marked by social prejudice, which dampens the victims’ spirit. Also, existing literature showed that similar to women, male victims of domestic violence suffer physical, emotional and psychological effects within the domestic set up. These effects sometimes result in serious health consequences such as depression, cardiac and mental illnesses (Josolyne, 2011 & Adebayo, 2014). Data on the case studies supports existing information on male victims. However, some study sites specific nuances emerged from the analysis of the field interviews. The remaining portion of this section is organised on the demographic characteristics of respondents and the two main themes, which are the attitudes of male victims and the effects of domestic violence on male victims.Demographic characteristicsThe research participants were selected from different background of the country’s demographic spectra. The average age of the ten case studies was thirty-five (35) years; five (5) of them were married, four (4) of them were in a consensual union, and one (1) was divorced. The minimum educational attainment was the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE) and the highest is a Bachelor’s Degree. On the occupational front, the majority of the participants worked in the informal sector of the country’s economy, in jobs such as construction, driving, and carpentry. The few who worked in the formal sector were actors and administrative staff.Table 1: Demographic characteristics of respondentsPARTICIPANT NAMEAGEMARITAL STATUSEDUCATIONAL BACKGROUNDOCCUPATIONRELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONYaw24Consensual unionSenior HighUnemployedChristianKwabenaDidnot mentionMarriedJunior HighConstructionChristianKwadwo27Consensual unionTertiaryActorChristianKofi43MarriedJunior HighBus driverMuslimKwami45MarriedSeniorHigh(6 Form)ConstructionChristianKwasi24Consensual unionTertiaryN.G. OChristianKwaku32MarriedSenior HighSellingof Clothing’sChristianKomla40DivorcedPrimary SchoolBicycle repairerChristianKuuku45MarriedSenior HighCarpentryChristianKojo35Consensual unSenior HighBus DriverChristianAttitudes of male victimsThe outcomes of the case studies on the attitudes of men victims reveal apathy, low self-esteem, and unwillingness to report cases of abuse to the law enforcement agencies as the main attitudes of men in an abusive relationship. The author deducted from the field data that societal prejudice, and stereotypical viewpoints such as gender power relations, and low self-esteem prevented men victims from seeking redress whenever they find themselves in violent matrimonial situations. Most of the participants were of the view that it was unheard-of for a man to report to the police that he had been physically assaulted by his wife. Most Ghanaian families repose ultimate security responsibilities such as protecting female spouses and children from physical abuse by an outsider on the man. The two dominant family systems in Ghana, which are the patrilineal and matrilineal put man as the head. In patrilineal, the man is responsible for the needs, including security and protection of the female and young members of the family. In matrilineal, lineage is traced to the mother, therefore, children inherit their maternal uncles. In both lineage systems, men are the providers and protectors of the other members of the family. These family power relations that entrust familial authority in men, therefore, make it difficult for male victims of domestic violence to report their situations to the law enforcement agencies. The case of Yaw and Kukuu whose wife constantly abused him is presented in the following extract. Yaw has been in an abusive relationship for the past five years. He is a taxicab driver who hardly makes ends meet. Yaw’s poor financial situation made him vulnerable to violent acts by his wife who always says she is married to a “weak” man. Yaw recounted his situation as follows:When we got married, she was very polite to me and my family. At that time, my work was bringing money. But for the past three years, the taxi work has gone down, the rise in prices of fuel and competition from Uber have reduced the customers I used to get. Also, my car has become old, so most passengers do not want to hire me. This woman (Yaw’s wife) started complaining that I don’t take of her, I don’t give housekeeping money. She had been insulting me, sometimes when we are in our room she’ll insult and raise her voice. Because I don’t want other people to know what is going on in our room, I’ll plead with her and promise her that I’ll give her more money. In fact, she has now become a ‘Tiger’ hitting me always.Kukuu Currently, things have gotten worse. Now, she has gone to her parents with our two children, after she assaulted me and hurt me. She hit me with a stick, I got a cut on my right eye, so I could not go to work the following day. I could not tell anyone about it because people will laugh at me. I only informed my close friend and he advised me to report to the police, but I didn’t know how to do that because I know women go to the police when their husbands beat them, but not men. I’m sure the police will not take me seriously even when I go there.The above narrations by Yaw and Kukuu corroborate Josolyne (2011) that societal perceptions perpetuate the assumption that women are the only victims and, implicitly, that men are the main perpetrators of such violence. We can infer from Yaw’s demeanour that he holds strongly to the erroneous assertion that only women could be victims of domestic violence, hence his unwillingness to let other people know his marital plight. Male victims of violence are mostly ridiculed and shamed when they report cases of domestic abuse they suffer in the hands of their female spouses. Additionally, the above extract from the field interviews confirms the assertions in Garrat(2012) and Adebayo (2014) that men who report being abused by their spouses are considered “weak” and unable to manage domestic crisis.An important point which came out of the above narration but had not been echoed sufficiently in existing studies is the fact that the poor employment situation of the male spouse as a cause of domestic violence. According to Yaw, he and his wife lived in harmony after their marriage until his taxicab business began to face challenges. It is common with most male breadwinner families that some female spouses, out of frustration, abuse their husbands as a way to get the man live up to his matrimonial responsibilities. This notion confirms some the propositions of the social change theory on domestic violence that women resort to abuse when their desires are not being met (Blau, 1964; Homans, 1961 & Kelley, 1959).Effects of domestic violence on men victimsThe aftermath of an abuse always has devastating effect on all types of victims of violence. Therefore, men victims are no exception; they suffer physical, psychological and emotional tortures in the hands of their spouses. The men interviewed for the case studies explained various degrees of these negative consequences on their lives. Among the ten (10) cases investigated, the majority explained emotional and psychological effects as the main outcomes of the abuses they suffered from their spouses. Very few participants added physical injuries as a result of the violence they suffered from spouses. The cases of Komla and Kojo who have been assaulted by their spouses are partly presented in the narrations below: Komla who divorced his partner as a result of persistent physical assault narrated part of his ordeal as:When she hit me, I got hurt on my head and had to go to the hospital. Unfortunately, I couldn’t tell the doctor the truth. I told her I was knocked down by a motorbike, which was not true. I was hurt in the arm, too. At this moment, one of my fingers is not working. My arm was cut like five times. At the moment, I have two stitches there as well. There were also cut on my arm and my ribs. There was no way we could continue, so she had parked her belongings and left.Kojo narrated part of the emotional effect of abuse in the following extract:It really affected me emotionally because, as a worker working with an NGO that, deal with children and family issues, I do not want to talk about my emotional torture I am going through at home. Anytime I go to work, I do not think right because I was emotionally disturbed. I would try one day to send the case to Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU), so we can discuss it there… I, the family are not handling it well and are in favour of the woman but, if you send it to DOVVSU, I am sure they would not be biased and solve the issue fairly.Komla’s explanations confirm that violence against men, similar to all other demographic categories, has both physical. The evidence narrated by Kojo that he was unwilling to talk about his situation is in tandem with Adebayo (2014) that men victims bear the effects of violence in silence. His narration also points to the fact that the emotional effect of violence on male victims has a negative consequence on the work they do. Indeed, all victims of domestic violence suffer multiple effects, which sometimes result in low mental alertness and ultimately in gloomy performance at the workplace. Kojo had explained that he worked for a non-governmental organisation that assists children from deprived families. It is likely that some of these children under Kojo’s care were from abusive relatives, therefore, allowing such children to see his predicament could remind them of the past bad situation they had gone through.More so, from Kojo’s narration, it seems male victims seek assistance from security and welfare institutions as the last resort. Despite all the physical and emotional stresses Kojo had gone through, he was yet to seek help or report to any institutions. He explained that he was considering reporting his case to the DOVVSU only because family-based dispute settlement arrangements worked in favour of his spouse. Also, the delay on the side of law enforcement agencies handling domestic cases is off-putting for some male victims, who as a result refuse to report cases of abuse. For instance, Kofi narrates in the quotation below that he refused to report his situation because of delay in dispensing cases: The issue became something like a household case so I did not get the opportunity to report there. I also did not think of reporting there because of the time I think I would waste.These factors discussed above reinforce the notion that male victims would like to keep their predicament to themselves.CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONSThe foregone discussions indicate that male victims of domestic abuse are most of the times unwilling to report their situations to either the law enforcement agency or the Department of Social Welfare (DSW) which is mandated by law to give support services such as counseling, and home visits to victims. On the whole, many of the participants agreed that domestic abuse is an infringement on human rights, but societal prejudice, whichincludes gender stereotype prevents men from seeking legal redress. Additionally, some of the participants expressed misgivings about how law enforcement institutions such as the police and DOVVSU give little attention and sometimes ridicule them whenever they reported cases. This author, therefore, concludes that the attitudes of law enforcement agencies and other cares givers towards male victims is a major factor that explains the lackadaisical postures of men on reporting abuse. It is also, important to state that the reason law enforcement agencies do not take male victims seriously is partly as a result of the perceived notion that men, because of their position in the family are perpetrators, while women and children are victims. Therefore, any man who reports abuse case to the police and other institutions is seen as a coward who is unable to take care of his family. Similarly, male victims bear the effect of abuse with anguish. Unlike women, male victims shy away from letting other people know the cause of injuries they sustained as a result of domestic violence, they sometimes ascribe physical injuries to motor accidents rather than domestic brawl. The psychological and emotional effects of violence on male victims are mostly borne in silence, this could have a more damning consequence on health situation and could result in other conditions such as high blood pressure.This author recommends that a well thought through public sensitisation activities aimed re-orienting law enforcement agencies to change their attitudes towards male victims could be a good step forward to enhance confidence in these agencies among male victims. Such sensitization could take the form of workshops for police officers, especially, those working for the Domestic Violence and Victim’s Support Unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana Police Service and the officials of the Social Welfare Department. Public sensitization should, also, target the entire spectra of Ghanaians so as to bring about attitudinal change and defeat social stereotypes, especially, the prejudice that perceives men as the perpetrators and not as victims of violence.It is important that the justice delivery system deals fairly with male victims. Often, there is the perception that, in family cases, the scales of justice are tilted in favour of women. Men are mostly asked to leave their abode for women and children whenever there are misunderstandings between spouses. Men pay alimony, lose custody of children and suffer insecurity when there is either separation or divorce as a result of domestic violence. It is highly recommended that male victims should be equally assisted by state institutions and other organisations to assert their rights. Because male victims shy away from reporting abuse directly to institutions, they could be encouraged to make complaints through electronic media such as emails, and other social media platforms including WhatsApp, twitter, and messenger. For instance, victim support institutions and security agencies could create a toll-free telephone line (The men’s hotline) to be used by male victims.Regular visits by practitioners, for instance, Department of Social Welfare (DSW) to the houses of male victims of violence can also aid in the assessment of how such a person is been treated by loved ones. Agencies and social welfare practitioners should ensure confidentiality in their dealings with male victims. Confidentiality could engender trust between agencies and practitioners on one side and the victims on the other side. This could encourage male victims to report cases and seek assistance promptly because confidentiality could reduce male victims’ exposure to ridicule and stigma.By and large, studies have indicated that negative attitudes against domestic violence are more pronounced in rural and less economically developed areas of the country. Therefore, sensitisation and awareness raising programmes and messages should target populations with lower economic status to enable a change in attitudes and norms that reinforce domestic violence. In this study, the author largely investigated inter-personal violence and abuse, however, domestic violence has an inter-generational vicious cycle, whereby, children who grow up in abusive families tend to be violent in both childhood and adult lives. Therefore, future studies could examine the possible measures to curb the intergenerational dynamics of the menace.THE IMPLICATION FOR SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION AND PRACTICEThe findings of this study have various implications for social work practice and education in Ghana. Social workers as educators should start from the classroom by teaching students the essence of men reporting the domestic violence they encounter. Also, they can liaise with the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection and other stakeholders to provide sensitization activities that could improve attitudes of men in reporting domestic violence. More so, the mainstream media can be used by social workers to educate the public particularly men about the need to change their negative attitude towards reporting cases of violence they experience. Men are still the unheard gender and social workers in their practice and training can advocate and reinforce an improvement in the domestic violence reporting discourse by engaging men.Additionally, social workers could help to advocate for the implementation of policy to ensure that the needs of men in terms of cases of domestic violence are met. Again, social workers can assist male victims of domestic violence by helping them to form support groups to provide readily available services and resources by way of sharing their experiences or receiving support from other group members.REFERENCESAdam, S. & Kriesi, H. (2007). The network approach. In P.Sabatier (Ed.), Theories of the policy process, 129-154. Cambridge, MA: Westview Press.Adebayo, A. (2014). Domestic Violence Against Men: Balancing the Gender Issues in Nigeria. American Journal of Sociological Research, 4(1), 14-19.Akrani, G. (2010). What is report? meaning, features or characteristics. Available: city.2010/11/what-is-report-meaning-features-or.htmlGarratt, Z. (2012). Domestic violence against men-is it a forgotten crime? (BSc Dissertation). Birmingham University, Criminology.Ganley, A. (2002). Understanding domestic violence: preparatory reading for participants. Available: , B. (2009). An introduction to qualitative research. The NIHR research design service for Yorkshire & the Humber. NIHR RDS EM / YHHenning, K. Connor-Smith, J. (2011). ‘Why doesn’t he leave? Relationship continuity and satisfaction among male domestic violence offenders’. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 26(7), 1366-1387.Joysolyne, S. (2011). Men’s experience of violence and abuse from a female Partner: Power, masculinity and institutional system. (Doctoral Research). University of East London, Stratford Campus.Jura, F. (2015). Domestic violence: Causes and implications for the educational system. International Journal of Research in Humanities, 2(4), 62-72.Katy, K. (2009). The hidden side of domestic abuse: Men abused in intimate relationships. Pandora’s Project. , J. (2012). Family and domestic violence: A Background Paper, Department for Child Protection, Government of Western Australia.Pinheiro, P. (2006). Report of the independent expert for the United Nations study on violence against children.United Nations Secretary-General’s study on violence against children. Geneva: United Nations.PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174215Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed& Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).KNOWLEDGE, ATTITUDES, AND PRACTICE TOWARDS ‘FEMALE CIRCUMCISION’ AMONG HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS: IN THE CASE OF JIGJIGA CITY, ETHIOPIAABSTRACTBezabih, Mezgebu BayuThe main purpose of this study was to assess the knowledge, attitudes and practices of female adolescents towards ‘female circumcision’ (also known as genital cutting or mutilation) among Ethiopian Somali in regional state of Fafen zone using a case study of Jigjiga City High School students. To achieve this objective, descriptive research design of the survey type was done. The population consisted of female students. To run the study, 180 students from the aforementioned school were selected by using simple random sampling technique. The researcher had constructed as well as adopted instruments from Bogalech (2008). The collected data was analyzed through percentage and one sample t-test. The finding of the study depicted that almost all respondents have knowledge or awareness about female ‘circumcision’ but the majority of respondents disfavor this practice of female genital cutting. It is recommended that the government or concerned bodies should work with religious leaders and schools to reduce negative effects of the practice.KEY TERMS: knowledge, attitudes, practices, female circumcision, female genital mutilation (FGM), Ethiopia, studentsKEY DATESReceived: 06 September 2018Revised: 02 January 2019Accepted: 01 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: Original researchAuthor/s:BEZABIH, Mezgebu Bayu College of Education and Behavioural Sciences, Bahir Dar University P.O. Box 79, Bahir Dar, Ethiopia Email: mezgepsyche@, Phone +251-9 10016358INTRODUCTIONFemale genital cutting, sometimes called circumcision, female circumcision or female genital mutilation is a deep rooted traditional practice with lifelong physical and social consequences for girls and women. (Brym and Lie, 2007) noted that an estimated 132 million girls and women world wide have undergone circumcision and that at least 2 million girls are at risk of undergoing it every year.Female genital mutilation is one of the widely prevailing cultural phenomena which still exist in many countries of Africa. Currently female circumcision is practiced in 28 African countries. Although the prevalence differs from country to country, it is estimated that it ranges from 90% in Mali to 20% in Senegal(Hailu,2008).Some countries where female circumcision is practiced the conditions constitute major public health problems which put a lot of burden an already deficient health services (Brym and Lie, 2007). Girls from new born child to young women are subjected to this operation (Hailu, 2008).World Health Organization (WHO) defines female circumcision as all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or others injury to females genital organ whether for cultural or other non-therapeutic reasons usually under unhygienic circumstance and by elder women who lacks medical training (WHO, 2001). In relation to this, WHO mentioned that female circumcision is typically performed as a rite of passage on girls between the age four and 14 years. In some cultures, people think it enhances fertility. Furthermore, they commonly assume that women are naturally unclear and removal of clitoris make them clean. In addition, they believe uncircumcised girls are less likely to remain virgin before marriage and less faithful with it (WHO, 2001).Accordingly, some people think that female circumcisions lessen or eradicate sexual arousal in women (Bryn and Lie, 2002.p.77). Female circumcision is a cultural practice of almost all ethnic groups in Ethiopia with only a few exceptions. Its prevalence in Ethiopia is of order of 74% according to Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey (Hailu, 2008). Hailu (2008) explained that as practiced in many different forms depending on ethnic groups. The practices still survive primarily in large areas of the country, and also some sedentary groups as well as many mobile pastoralists practiced this operation in most country (Hailu, 2002).The study by Olayinka (1992) indicates that some people, especially illiterate who have no enough knowledge about circumcision are in favor of the action. They hold the belief that if female circumcision is eradicated, part of their culture would like wise be eradicated living the society deprived of their original culture. Other groups of people who have awareness about the effect of circumcision are against the action. Female adolescent, the main victims of circumcision may hold one of the above views.This study has tried to examine knowledge, attitudes and practices of female adolescents towards circumcision with particular references to female adolescents of Jigjiga City High School students. The general objective of this study was to assess to what extent female adolescents have knowledge of circumcision, to examine their attitude towards the practice of circumcision and to investigate how much female genital mutilation is practiced with particular reference to Jigjiga City.In Ethiopia, female genital cutting is removing the clitoris of girls. The practice is called Yeset lji grizat (??? ?? ????.). Communities have done female Yeset lji grizat for different reasons. Some parents circumse their girls for the sake of reducing or eliminating sensitive tissue of outer genitalia so as to reducesexual desire in the girls. This ie beliwved to maintain chastity before marriage, fidelity during marriage and increase male sexual pleasure. Circumcision for initiation of girls is alo done to initiate them into womenhood, for social integration and maintenance of social cohesion.METHODSThe study was a descriptive research via cross-sectional study design. This study was conducted in Ethiopian Somali Regional State, Fafen Zone, Jigjiga City among Shike Abduselam General Secondary School female adolescents who were attending their education in the academic year of 2017/18. The participants of this study were 180 female student selected using convenient sampling technique with the inclusion criteria of being female adolescent and were available during the time of data collection from March 15 to March 30, 2017). To collect the required data, Likert scale was adopted from previously conducted researches by Bogalech (2008). The collected data was analyzed via quantitative method of data analysis that inculcated percentage and one sample t-test.RESULTSTable 1: Demographic characteristics of the respondentsCharacteristicsResponse optionsFrequencyPercentage (%)Age12-132513.8814-167038.8817-208547.22Marital statusSingle16088.88Married2011.12Divorced--Separated--Widowed--ReligionMuslim15083.33Orthodox2011.12Protestant105.56Others-As shown in Table 1, the majority of the respondents fell into the age range of 17- 20 (47.22%) followed by 38.88%. Between 14-16 years and 13.88% of the participants were between age range of 12 and 13. With regard to marital status of participants, the majority which accounts 88.88% were single and the remaining 11.12 % were married. Concerning religion of respondents, 83.33 % of them were Muslim followers, 11.12 were Orthodox and the remaining 5.56% were protestant.Table: 2 one sample t-tests on the knowledge of female adolescents about FGMVariablesN?MeanSDdfTSig.Female adolescents1804221.086.88517840.97*.000P*<0.05; ? = expected mean; M= observed mean; SD = standard deviation. Table 2 displayed that there is statistically significant difference between expected mean and observed mean (df=178, t=47.20, P<.05). However, the observed mean (21.08) is less than the expected mean (42) this implies that female adolescents - in the study area had little knowledge about female genital mutilation.Table 3: Participants response on practice of FGM (N=180)QuestionResponsesFrequencyPercentage (%)Have you been circumcised?Yes13072.23No5027.77How old are you when you had been circumcised?Birth-5 years6033.336-10 years905011-17 years3016.67Is circumcision performance by your willing?Yes1910.55No16189.45Is circumcision performed only for one girl or with group of peers?For single girl10860With group7240Who performed circumcision in your area?Traditional birth attendance12267.78Old women5832.22Nurse/doctors-Table 3 shows that a significant number of participants (72.33%) responded that they had been circumcised. This indicates thewide spread presence of the practice in the area. On the other hand 27.77% of the respondents noted that they had not been circumcised. 50% of participants had been circumcised between the age range of six and ten. On the other hand, 16.67% of the respondents were circumcised between age 11 and 17 years and the rest 33.33% of participants were circumcised below age six. With regard to willingness of respondents for circumcision, among the circumcised participants, 89.45% were circumcised without their willingness and the rest 10.55% responded that they had been circumcised with their willingness.Concerning the expertise of circumcision, 67.78% of participants responded that female circumcision in their area is performed by traditional birth attendants who had no formal education on the issue and 32.22% participants noted that circumcision was performed by elderly women who had no training about circumcision. None of the respondents revealed that circumcision was performed by nurses/ doctors.Table 4: Respondent’s attitude towards circumcisionVariablesN?MeanSDDfTSig.Attitude1804231.064.92417838.56*.000P*<0.05; ? = expected mean; M= observed mean; SD = standard deviationTable 4 shows that there is statistically significant difference between expected mean and observed mean (df 178,t=38.56, P<.05). However, the observed mean of 31.06 is less than the expected mean (42), implying that females have negative attitude towards the practice of female genital cutting.DISCUSSIONWith regard to knowledge of female adolescents about female genital cutting, the result displayed that female adolescents have little knowledge about the practice. The study differs from previous studies conducted by Bogalecha (2008). According to her findings, most Ethiopian women who found between the age range of 14 and 40 had awareness about circumcision. Concerning attitudes, the finding of this study showed that the majority of respondents were against the practice of female genital mutilation. In relation to this, a previous study by Bogalech (2008) revealed that less than one in three women who had circumcision were in favour of it, expressing the practice should continue. Regarding the practice of circumcision, the result of this study revealed that majority of had been circumcised. A similar finding by Rahman and Tuobia (2000) revealed that female circumcision in Ethiopia is commonly performed on girls anywhere between the age four and twelve.CONCLUSIONThe study showed that female adolescents had unfavorable attitudes towards female genital cutting. The participants disfavored the practice of female genital mutilation. A majority of women has been exposed to the practice which indicate that females in the area have limited chance to escape from this unpleasant and harmful practice. It is recommended that the government and concerned bodies should work with religious leaders and schools to teach society about its harms.REFERENCESBogalech, A. (2008). Literature review of female genital mutilation. Addis Ababa: Population Media Center.Benokraitis, N. and Macoinis, J., (2010). Seeing ourselves; Classical contemporary and cross culture reading sociology (8th ed ). New York: Prentice – Hall.Hailu, A. (2008). Astep forward in the long march to eliminate female genital mutilation. In Somalia and Afar region. Addis Ababa: Population Media Center.Henselin, J., (2009). Exploring social life, reading to accompany essential of sociology, adown ward to early approach (4th ed). Bostson: MA Allyn and Bacon.Hirut, T., (2002). The study of female genital mutilation: a guide to laws and policies worldwide (5th ed.).London: Zed Books Ltd.Lie, J. and Robert, B., (2009). Sociology your campus for your world (2nded ). Belmont, CaliforniaMorgan, T., C.a nd Rechard, A., K. (1993). Introduction to psychology (7th ed.). New Delhi: McGraw Hill Company.Olayinka. K. T. (1992). The circumcision of women and strategies for education. London: Zed Books Ltd. Tobia. N and Anika R. (2000). Female genital mutilation a guide to laws and policies worldwide, (5thEd.).London: Zed Books Ltd.World Health Organization (WHO), (2001). Female genital mutilation: Report of a WHO Technical working group. Geneva: World Health Organization.African Journal of Social Work, 9(1), 201926PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174205Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed & Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).USING AFRICAN UBUNTU THEORY IN SOCIAL WORK WITH CHILDREN IN ZIMBABWEABSTRACTMUGUMBATE, Jacob and CHERENI, AdmireUsing indigenous knowledge systems such as Ubuntu in social work with children empowers them, their families, communities and workers. Yet, the potential of using frames that draw on indigenous ways of knowing, in children’s work, remain unrealised since social workers prefer Western models and theories. Ubuntu inspired models of social work view children from family, community, environmental and spiritual perspectives. In contrast, Western models are inspired by individualitic values, governmental policies and professional viewpoints. However, as will be shown in this article, foreign models have failed to live up to expectations because they tend to disempower and diminish the strengths of everyone involved in case situations. For example, the social worker has to administer a model that they are not fully familiar with or which contradicts their own values. The family is forced to adopt values that they do not know let alone believe in. The community becomes powerless in the process. This article discusses the use of Ubuntu theory in social work with children in Africa. The discussion includes five frameworks of Ubuntu: the orature, scholarly, liberation, practice and integrated. The Ubuntu inspired Zera model of child growth and development was used to aid the discussion. We conclude that, given social work’s emphasis on using strengths perspectives, i.e., those broader frames that deliberately look for and build on the strengths of clients and client systems, social work practice with children in Africa should engage with Ubuntu, as a matter of principle..KEY TERMS: Ubuntu; Africa; Zimbabwe; indigenous; children; social workKEY DATESReceived: 06 September 2018Revised: 02 January 2019Accepted: 01 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: AnalysisAuthor/s:MUGUMBATE, Jacob, PhD, School of Health and Society, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Wollongong, NSW, Australia. Formerly at Bindura University, Zimbabwe. Email: jmugumba@uow.edu.au CHERENI, Admire, PhD, School of Social Work, Midlands State University, ZimbabweINTRODUCTIONUbuntu philosophy, commonly represented by communal relationality, communal ideals and human excellence forms part of the knowledge and wisdom of how African communities and families raise children. Ubuntu represents the worldviews of indigenous black populations of Sub-Saharan Africa, transmitted from generation to generation through observation, experience, language and art. The widely acknowledged maxims I am because we are and A person is a person through other persons indicate that relationality is a crucial ingredient for human excellence. This suggests that, as with every member of the family, children “develop personhood through other persons,” which means that they must “prize communal and harmonious relationships with others” (Metz, 2016, p.324). One other maxim ? it takes a village to raise a child ? means that meaningful interactions among the child, family members and those outside the family circle are necessary for children to realise human excellence Interestingly, from this optic, adults play a critical role to create the relational conditions that enable children to realise their personhood. Therefore, there is no doubt that Ubuntu informs ideal child rearing practices in African contexts. Given social work’s emphasis on using strengths perspectives, i.e., those broader frames that deliberately look for and build on the strengths of clients and client systems, one is more inclined to think that social work practice with children in Africa should, as a matter of principle, engage with Ubuntu.Surprisingly, modern day social work with children does not seem to acknowledge fully the potential of Ubuntu to inform perspectives, theories and models that social workers use in professional practice. Social workers tend to prefer Western models and theories (Rankopo and Osei-Hwedie, 2011). Unlike Ubuntu which represents communitarian ideals, communal relationality, spirituality and excellence, Western perspectives, theories and models tend to be subjective or individualistic or both and heavily legislated by governments or standardized by professionals. Arguably, such perspectives fail to match the aspirations and ideals of the African communities, within which children grow up and realise their personhood. If anything, they tend to disempower and diminish those involved in raising children as well as the social work professionals who work as guardian ad litem (Muwanga-Zake, 2009). As Mushunje (2017, p. 108) said, ‘colonial welfare-based social work, in which the social worker is central to the process, no longer suffices for the wellbeding of vulnerable children”. The social worker has to use a model that he or she is not fully familiar with or which contradicts his or her own values. The family is forced to adopt values that they do not know let alone believe in. When Western models applied in social work encounters, the strength is diminished, making community members powerless to contribute meaningfully to children’s physical growth and social development. For example, in the African ubuntu, child adoption is done by relatives without the intervention of professionals. Further, parents and communities reward and punish children without the need for professionals, courts and juvenile jails. Uncles and aunts provide mentorship, counselling and support to children without the need for professional case workers and other professionals.BACKGROUND TO UBUNTUHistory of UbuntuUbuntu is a philosophy that originates from Sub-Saharan Africa where Bantu people live. Buntu or bantu means a human being while Ubuntu refers to the view, process, content and quality of being a human. Human excellence describes the quality of being human. Umhuka is the opposite of Ubuntu and it means to act like an animal and not in ways expected of a human being.Although the Zulu noun Ubuntu is widely used, other nouns are used in different societies. In Angola, it is known as gimuntu, Botswana (muthu), Burkina Faso (maaya), Burundi (ubuntu), Cameroon (bato), Congo (bantu), Congo Democratic Republic (bomoto/bantu), Cote d’Ivoire (maaya), Equatorial Guinea (maaya), Guinea (maaya), Gambia (maaya), Ghana (biako ye), Kenya (utu/munto/mondo), Liberia (maaya), Malawi (umunthu), Mali (maaya/hadama de ya), Mozambique (vumuntu), Namibia (omundu), Nigeria (mutunchi/iwa/agwa), Rwanda (bantu), Sierra Leonne (maaya), South Africa (ubuntu/botho), Tanzania (utu/obuntu/bumuntu), Uganda (obuntu), Zambia (umunthu/ubuntu) and Zimbabwe (hunhu/unhu/botho/ubuntu). It is also found in other Bantu countries not mentioned here. The word cloud shown in Fig. 1 illustrates the different names for Ubuntu. Ubuntu and Maaya are the most popular nouns.Fig 1: Names for Ubuntu in different countriesIn this discussion, more nouns and examples will be drawn from the Shona people predominant in Zimbabwe but also in Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana. Related nouns exist in most of Sub-Saharan communities.Ubuntu theoryUbuntu can be viewed from four different frameworks: 1) the orature, 2) scholarly, 3), liberation and 4) practice. These four are discussed first, before an integrated framework is suggested.The orature framework says that Ubuntu is largely not written but is ‘tacit, sacred and embedded in practices, relationships and rituals’ (Muwanga-Zake, 2009, p. 414). In agreement, Gikandi (2003) argued that orature is passed through the spoken word and thrives in communities when it is practiced or lived. Ubuntu exists in African orature (oral literature) since time immemorial. Most of it is not written, hence the use of the term orature which was coined by Ugandan theorist Pio Zirimu (Gikandi, 2003). In Zimbabwe, Ubuntu is carried in folklore (ngano), songs (nziyo), stories (nyaya), poems (detembo), teasing (zvituko), epics, jokes or humour (comic/funnies) (nyambo), irony (dimikira) and proverbs (tsumo) and (zvirahwe). It is a rich oral tradition and a lived experience which form part of the African culture.The scholarly framework emanates from the work of different Ubuntu writers and scholars that can be divided into early writers like Mbiti and Samkange and present-day writers. Mbiti and Samkange are regarded as the fathers of written Ubuntu, but not necessarily the fathers of Ubuntu because Ubuntu existed before them, only that it was not in written format. Mbiti’s view, often termed the African view of man says: “What happens to the individual happens to the whole group, and whatever happens to the whole group happens to the individual. The individual can only say: ‘I am because we are; and since we are, therefore I am’, (Mbiti, 1969, p. 106). In support of this view, Samkange and Samkange (1980) defined Hunhuism or Ubuntuism as African humanism classified into three maxims: valuing human wellbeing, respectful relationships and people-centred leadership. For Maphalala (2017), Ubuntu has three pillars: interpersonal values (regard for others), intrapersonal values (regard for self) and environmental values (regard for environment). In their analysis of Ubuntu, Mugumbate and Nyanguru (2013) noted that the philosophy could improve social work education, practice and research concurring with Ramose (1999) and Chilisa (2012)’s frameworks that view Ubuntu as ontological (has philosophical assumptions about the nature of reality), epistemological (a way of knowing) and axiological (it forms ethics and values). Others such as Tutu (2000) have argued that ubuntu is spiritual and theological.The liberation framework of Ubuntu was advanced during the fight against, and transition from colonial rule. The philosophy of Ubuntu was adopted and popularised as a social and political ideology by Africans (Dolamo, 2014). Fighters, supporters and promoters of the liberation wars would always tell communities that they were fighting so that Africans ‘could become humans again’. To decolonize was to bring lost Ubuntu back. Statesmen and liberators such as Kwameh Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Nelson Mandela of South Africa were among those who used Ubuntu. Carrying on with liberation work, Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu popularised the philosophy of Ubuntu through efforts to reconcile black and white South Africans after centuries of colonialism, dispossession and apartheid (Battle, 1997; Tutu, 2000). The liberation framework emphasise ownership of nhaka (inheritance) such as ancestral land; possession (as opposed to dispossession or colonialism); liberty; self-determination, respect,recognition, justice, cohesion, forgiveness and communalism among other virtues. This framework did not end with the coming of political independence, because from an Ubuntu perspective, it is argued that you cannot be a person if you are dispossessed of your inheritance, land, rights or property. Present day leaders and politicians are carrying the same argument.Ubuntu exists in professional practice. For example, the Code of Ethics of Social Workers in Zimbabwe produced by the CSW describes Ubuntu as humaneness. The Code says “ubuntu/unhu/humaneness includes the stipulations of the philosophy that: ‘...places emphasis on values of human solidarity, empathy, human dignity and the humaneness in every person, and that holds that a person is a person through others’ (CSW, 2012, p. 1). It further states that the mission of social work includes promoting social justice, unhu/ubuntu, human rights, positive change, problem solving and improvements in individual and community relationships and the development of society in general (CSW, 2012, p. 2). Besides adoption of Ubuntu in Zimbabwe, South Africa’s White Paper for Social Welfare states that social development (as opposed to social welfare or social services used in other countries in Africa) is guided by key principles such as democracy, partnership, Ubuntu, equity, and inter-sectoral collaboration, among others (Government of South Africa, 1996). The Paper describes Ubuntu as the principle of caring for each other’s well-being and fostering the spirit of mutual support. The adoption of Ubuntu in practice settings (as well as pedagogically) has not reached critical levels, perhaps it is still at take-off, but is definitely growing.An integrated framework of UbuntuLooking at all the views on Ubuntu presented under the four different frameworks discussed, it could be summarised that Ubuntu exist at five levels: the individual, the family, the community, the environment and the spirit. Figure 1 illustrates these levels.Figure 2: An integrated framework of UbuntuIndividual levelFamily levelCommunity levelEnvironmental levelSpiritual levelAs shown in Figure 2, the individual is part of a larger system. The individual is about the body, the mind, knowledge, inheritance, possessions and inventions. These belong to the individual but they are only meaningful insofar as they contribute to the betterment of self together with family and community. Two ubuntu concepts can help with further clarity. The ukama concept, theorises that an individual belongs to a family while in ujamaa theory, individuals and their families belong to a community, and they should respect communal relationships.The relationships that exist in the community are social, economic or political. The community values the environment and spiritual wellbeing of its people. In other words, the individual is part of a larger group, the family; the family is part of a larger community; the community exists in an environment that, in turn, is part of a larger spiritual world. While the individual and family levels are all important, Rankopo and Osei-Hwedie (2011,p. 138) have argued that “Thus, in search of relevance in social work, the starting point must be the community, the bedrock of culture”. We agree with this assessment.The integrated framework can be used for assessing needs of children; evaluating programmes; critical analysis of interventions; promoting collaboration and participation; and developing ethics and research methods. In this discussion, we will use the integrated framework of Ubuntu to explore the different roles individuals, families, communities, environments and spirits play in child growth and development.USING THE INTEGRATED FRAMEWORK OF UBUNTUUbuntu theory is about how Africans view themselves, interact with others, their environment, and their spiritual beings and how outsiders ought to interact with them. As shown in Table 1, each of the five levels contributes to child growth and development.Table 1: An integrated framework of Ubuntu in social work with childrenLevelResponsibilitiesContributions available at all levelsIndividual (munhu)The child is responsible for learning and personalhygieneThe individual family, community, environment and spirit are all responsible for:Safety Identity Morality Communality HumanityFamily (ukama)The family is responsible for conception, basic needs and socialisationCommunal (ujamaa)The community is responsible for socialisationand basic needsEnvironmental (nyika)The environment is reponsible for basic needsSpiritual (mweya)The spirit is responsible for companionship, comfort and adviceIndividual levelIn Ubuntu, children are thought to pass through different stages of physical growth and social development. Table 2 shows stages of child development in Zimbabwe. We have named this the zera (stages) model.Table 2: The Zera Model of children growth and development in Zimbabwean cultureZeraDescriptionWhat happens at this stage?ZvichauyaFuture babyMarriage – parents marry and have sexMhuruFoetusConception – pregnancyRusvavaBaby – from birth to few months oldBirth – baby is bornMuchecheBaby – upto two yearsTraining and Learning1 – social and biological skillsNdumurePost breastfeedingIndependence– child is given room to explore, more self-directed learningGondoraExploring with independenceTraining and Learning2 – social and occupational skillsPwereExploring with adulthoodTransition to adulthood – adult roles are acquired and mentorship is providedMhandara/JayaYoung adultMaturity – accepted as an adult and mentorship is continuedIn doing social work with children, it is important to acknowledge these stages and how they are conceptualised within African contexts. At zvichauya stage, the motivation of any adult person is to get married and have children. An adult in Ubuntu already carries a zvichauya, a future baby. Hence, a marriage that gives children is highly valued, and marriages that do not produce children are highly stigmatised or prohibited. In rusvava and mucheche stages, the concern is to ensure a safer birth, survival of the baby and learning of skills such as eating, walking, talking, listening and safety. At the ndumure stage, breastfeeding is stopped, and independence is promoted as thechild becomes a gondora. From this stage, more occupational training and learning is expected. Skills gained include cooking, cleaning, farming and caring. The pwere stage is the midway between being a ‘baby’ and a mature child. At this stage, mentorship provided by relatives who have this role such as aunts and uncles, is provided. The final stage that takes children to about 16-20 years is the mhandara (for girls) and jaya (for boys). At this stage, children begin to transition into adulthood resulting in some of them being accepted as adults, but others still considered to be children.The implications of these stages for understanding the individual child matter for social work with children. For example, these stages emphasise local understandings of a child’s developmental needs and parental responsivity. During the stage of ndumure, parents and community members may encourage independence in activities of daily living including toilet training, feeding and communication. At the stage of mhandara and jaya, the expectation is that the child has developed talents and mastered specific life skills that potentially contribute to further economic independence. Social workers must recognise that each person exists within a cultural setting and a community and that the individual and community shape, influence and benefit from each other (CSW, 2012, p.3). There are obvious methods of casework with children that clash with Ubuntu values. These include fostering and adoption, institutionalisation and probation work. At each stage, the child, family, community, environment and spiritual world have responsibilities of providing protection, identity and connectedness as discussed earlier.Family levelThe family plays a huge role at every stage of the child. The ukama view of Ubuntu states that a child belongs to the family, and they are bound together through blood, rules and identity. Family does not only refer to one’s spouse and offspring, but all relatives. The concept of extended family has been very useful in offering opportunities for care of orphans and vulnerable children in Africa. In Ubuntu, much value is placed on parents’ involvement in children’s development. For example, a lot of education, socialisation and mentoring takes place within the home and community to protect Ubuntu values. Parents are often worried about the values their children will obtain from the Western modelled education system (Maphalala, 2017). Often, schools ignore Ubuntu, creating conflict. Another example is the failure of institutional approaches as well as legislated child adoption in Africa. These failures show the discrepancies between foreign inspired models and cultural expectations (Mtetwa and Muchacha, 2017).Community levelThe community is made up of individuals, families, leaders and knowledge holders. In Ubuntu, children belong to the community. Social workers using community-focused approaches when working with children need to take into account community expectations when designing and delivering programs. The community has a role to play to protect children, for socialisation and creating an identity (Mtetwa and Muchacha, 2017). This is strengthened by the Ubuntu belief that children become human beings through others.Environmental levelEnvironment issues have gained traction in social work since they contribute to achieving sustainable communities (Dominelli, 2014). Ubuntu values the physical environment (Seehawer, 2018). The environment is the provider of food, shelter, beauty and warmth. The individual is part of a natural system comprised of the land, animals, vegetation and other elements from which basic needs are met. Africans use Ubuntu to conserve the environment so as to achieve a balance between current and future needs. For example, mutupo (a special animal valued by families) concept is a way to protect animals while zviyera (spiritually important places) concept is a strategy to conserve mountains, valleys, forests, rivers, oceans, dams and certain plant and animal species that are considered special. Another Ubuntu concept, nhaka, teaches that the environment is an inheritance that came from ancestors, and it should therefore be passed on to the next generation.Spirituality social workUbuntu values spirituality because it plays a huge role in the life of Africans including children (Seehawer, 2018). The child is part of a whole, comprised of God, Ancestors, Elders, family and community. Spiritual issues are often ignored in social work, yet they are important for achievement of holistic functioning. For example, prayer, fasting, prophecy, healers play an important part in the life of Africans. Another example, spiritually it is expected that ancestors or God provide protection but for this to happen the child must be dedicated, baptised, cleansed where necessary and learn spiritual values through prayer, song, reading, stories or dance. So social workers must expect that children will pray before meals or sleeping; attend church on Friday, Saturday or Sunday; attend major religious ceremonies even in the middle of school terms; attend indigenous camps or schools; and hold very strong religious and cultural views.CONCLUSIONBefore concluding, we would like to provide a glossary of some of the major concepts used in this write-up. Ubuntu refers to African knowledges, expectations and practices of how individuals, families and communities must interact with each other, the environment and the spirits. The unhu view says that individuals should always act in manners that enhance the wellbeing of their family and community. Ukama view of ubuntu says that the individual belongs to the family and whatever they do, they consider the family. The ujamaa view argues that individuals and families must always act in the best interest of their community. The nyika concept says the individual, their family and their community belong to the environment which they must satisfy always. This is related to nhaka concept, which says that nyika is an inheritance that must be protected. Lastly, mweya concept argues that above all, we have spirits that look after us, and that we should revere. The zera model or framework shows the stages of child growth and development in Zimbabwe. With the exception of Ubuntu (which is Zulu) and ujamaa (which is Swahili) all the concepts are in Shona language.African knowledge systems are often neglected because of limited written literature, underutilisation or neglect in favour of Western approaches. In this discussion we have discussed the theory of Ubuntu and used the Zera Model of child growth to show the usefulness of indigenous knowledge. We conclude that Ubuntu can transform and indigenise social work with children in Africa. It can empower social workers and provide solutions that aknowledge or increases the strengths of individuals, families and communities and their environmental and spiritual values. Given social work’s emphasis on using strengths perspectives, we conclude that social work practice with children in Africa should, as a matter of principle, engage with Ubuntu.REFERENCESAndersson, J. A. (1999). The politics of land scarcity: land disputes in Save Communal Area, Zimbabwe. Journal of Southern African Studies, (4), 553.Battle, M. (1997). Reconciliation: The ubuntu theology of Desmond Tutu. Cleveland: Pilgrim Press.Canda, E. R. and Furman, L. D. (2010). Spiritual diversity in social work practice: the heart of helping / EdwardR. Canda and Leola Dyrud Furman. Oxford?; New York?: Oxford University Press.Chavunduka, G. L. (2001). Dialogue among civilisations. The African religion in Zimbabwe today. Occasional paper, 1. Harare/Münster: Crossover Communication.Chilisa, B. (2012). Indigenous research methodologies. Los Angeles: Sage.Council of Social Workers (CSW) (2012). Social workers code of ethics. Statutory Instrument 146 of 2012. Dolamo, R. T. H. (2014). Botho/Ubuntu: Perspectives of black consciousness and black theology. StudiaHistoriae Ecclesiasticae, 40(Suppl. 1), 215-229.Dominelli, L. (2014). Promoting environmental justice through green Social Work practice: A key challenge for practitioners and educators. International Social Work, (Issue 4), 338.Gikandi, S. (Ed). (2003). Encyclopedia of African literature. London: ernment of South African. (1996). White paper on welfare. Government Gazette Number 16943.Mangena, F. (2012b). Towards a hunhu/ubuntu dialogical moral theory. Phronimon: Journal of the South African Society for Greek Philosophy and the Humanities, 13 (2), 1-17.Maphalala, M. C. (2007). Embracing Ubuntu in managing effective classrooms. Gender and Behavior, 15, 10237- 10249.Metz, T. (2016). Recent philosophical approaches to social protection: From capability to Ubuntu. Global Social Policy, 16(2) 132–150Muvangua, N. and Cornell, D. (2012). uBuntu and the law?: African ideals and postapartheid jurisprudence / edited by Drucilla Cornell and Nyoko Muvangua. New York?: Fordham University Press.McClune, C. (2018). Ubuntu Linux in Zimbabwe: the digital unhu in open source practices. Media, Culture & Society, 40(2), 161–177.Metz, T. (2007). Towards an African moral theory. The Journal of Political Philosophy, 15(3), pp. 321-341. Mbiti, J. S. (1969). African Religions and Philosophy. London: HeinemannMtetwa, E., & Muchacha, M. (2017). Decolonising childcare practice in rural Zimbabwe. In M. Gray (Ed.), The handbook of social work and social development in Africa (pp. 121-132). London: Routledge.Mugumbate, J., & Nyanguru, A. (2013). Exploring African philosophy: The value of ubuntu in social work.African Journal of Social Work, 3(1), 82-100.Mushunje, M. (2017). The role of social work in the protection of vulnerable children. Lessons from Zimbabwe. In M. Gray (Ed.), The handbook of social work and social development in Africa (pp. 108-120). London: Routledge.Muwanga-Zake, J. W. F. (2009) Building bridges across knowledge systems: Ubuntu and participative research paradigms in Bantu communities. Discourse: Studies in the cultural politics of education, 30(4), 413- 426.Ramose, M. B. (1999). African Philosophy through Ubuntu. Harare: Mond Books.Rankopo, M. J., & Osei-Hwedie, K. (2011). Globalization and Culturally Relevant Social Work: African Perspectives on Indigenization. International Social Work, (Issue 1), 137.Samkange, S. and Samkange, T. M. (1980). Hunhuism or Ubuntuism: A Zimbabwean indigenous political philosophy. Salisbury (Harare): Graham Publishing.Seehawer, M. K. (2018). Decolonising research in a Sub-Saharan African context: Exploring Ubuntu as a foundation for research methodology, ethics and agenda. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 1-14.Shoko, T. (2013). Shona traditional religion and medical practices : Methodological approaches to religious phenomena. Journal of Religion in Africa, 43(3), 360-360. doi:10.1163/15700666-12341261Tutu, D. (2000). No future without forgiveness: A personal overview of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. London: Rider Random House.PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174205Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed & Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).THE ETHNICITY OF DEVELOPMENT? DISCOURSES SHAPING DEVELOPMENTAL POLITICS IN RURAL MATABELELAND SOUTH, ZIMBABWEABSTRACTNDHLOVU G. NokukhanyaThe focus of this study was to discuss the conditions of rural women in Matabeleland South, who are going through various levels of development challenges, marginalisation, exclusion and discrimination. More particularly the study focused on exploring the experiences of these women and the specific challenges they face in relation to their socio-economic realities and their ethnicity. The research objective of this study was to explore how rural women describe their situation in Matabeleland South with regards to the specific challenges they face in relation to their socio-economic realities and their ethnicity. An exploratory, qualitative approach was adopted because it is appropriate for getting first-hand information as it provides a platform for the researcher to explore participants’ experiences in detail. A focus group discussion and face to face interviews were conducted and data was analysed using Tesch (1990)’s approach to data analysis. Findings showed that Matabeleland South has been politically and ethnically excluded from mainstream development resulting in the province being among the poorest in Zimbabwe and the rural women are hardest hit.KEY TERMS: ethnicity, development, rural women, Matabeleland South, Zimbabwe, politics, socio-economic realitiesKEY DATESReceived: 06 November 2018Revised: 15 February 2019Accepted: 20 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: Original researchAuthor/s:NDHLOVU, G. Nokukhanya, Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities, University of Fort Hare, 1 King William's Town Road, PB X1314, Alice 5700Email: Khanya.nokun@ / 201713228@ufh.ac.za / 081 512 1628.INTRODUCTIONZimbabwe is going through political and social turmoil which has negatively impacted the lives of its citizens. Poverty and various development challenges have taken over the lives of many. However, for the rural women of Matabeleland, their case is dire. This is because development for the people of Matabeleland cannot be divorced from the politics of ethnicity.Dangarembga (2004:16) through her character MaShingai, a rural woman, describes the condition of black women as “…the poverty of blackness on one side and the weight of womanhood on the other...” This statement is a true reflection of the conditions of most black rural women. But, for the rural women in Matabeleland, this poverty takes on different dimensions. It is the poverty of blackness, the poverty of womanhood and the poverty of being amaNdebele. Their socio-economic realities are determined by ethnicity and as a result their access to basic services is severely hindered pushing them into a deep dark pit of poverty.This study discusses the conditions of rural women in Matabeleland South, who are going through various levels of development challenges, marginalisation, exclusion and discrimination. More particularly the focus is on exploring the experiences of these women and the specific challenges they face in relation to their socio- economic realities and their ethnicity. The research objective was to explore how rural women describe their situation in Matabeleland South with regards to the specific challenges they face in relation to their socio- economic realities and their ethnicity?BLACK RURAL WOMEN AND DEVELOPMENT: SETTING THE SCENE“I believe that black has been oppressed by white; female by male…. It follows from this that the black female worker and peasant is the most oppressed. She is oppressed on account of her color like all black people in the world; she is oppressed on account of her gender like all women in the world; and she is exploited and oppressed on account of her class like all workers and peasants in the world. Three burdens she has to carry” (wa Thiong'o: 2006:428).The 1995 World Summit for Social Development was an agreement between world leaders to focus on people centred development and its priority was poverty eradication. The 2000 Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) followed as an offshoot of the 1995 World Summit for Social Development. The aim was to eradicate poverty, hunger, illiteracy and the discrimination against women among others. Following the success of the Millennium Development Goals were 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which are also a call for poverty eradication. Lombard (2011:237) states that the “World Summit on Social Development, and the Millennium Development goals, reinvigorated social development.” According to Ngudu (2010: 16) the “key reason behind the summit was to address global poverty and unemployment.”However, despite these and other international, global and local strategies to enhance people centred development, the plight of women in many parts of Africa still remains unchanged. There are wide gaps between what’s on paper and the conditions of the women on the ground. While some women have benefited, a lot of women still remain in dire straits and rural women bear the brunt. They bear the brunt of being mothers, fathers, home defenders, care givers and farmers.Rural areas are predominantly known for being economic underdogs whose access to basic services is very limited. It is therefore not surprising that in this context, rural women are the wretched of the earth due to the numerous development challenges facing them. Consequently, according to Ahmed (2016:34) “The profile of a rural woman is that of a poor, ignorant, illiterate, superstitious and suppressed being. She has low levels of skills. Her access to information, assets, and opportunities is also low… She is under-represented. She is overworked…” and to this end, Dangarembga (2004:16) laments “This business of womanhood is a heavy burden." The rural woman is the face of poverty, she is an embodiment of misery and all things wretched. However, no matter how much outsiders try to define her struggles, it is only the one walking in those shoes who can accurately define and describe what being a poor rural woman means and feels like. Outsiders can never understand nor adequately describe the term ‘poor rural woman’ until they walk in her tennis shoes. To this end, Davids, Theron & Maphunye (2005:37) state that “poor people have their own understanding and interpretation of their social reality, and this is often removed from the outsider’s perspective.” For poor rural women, “poverty is a multi-faceted reality consisting of, inter alia, lack of power, income and resources to make choices and take advantage of opportunities” (Davids et al, 2005:37).For rural Matabeleland, the situation is worse and the women have been hardest hit. In the opening quote, wa Thiongo (2006), shares three burdens that rural women carry, the burden of being exploited on account of the colour of their skin, gender and class. The Matabeleland women, have an additional burden to carry. This burden is on account of being amaNdebele women. This says a lot about Zimbabwe as a nation, its focus, priorities and progress. To this end, wa Thiongo (2006: 253), asserts that “The condition of women in a nation is the real measure of its progress.” Clearly, the dire state of these women in Zimbabwe is an indication of the country’s focus, progress and its definition of the concept of development.THE CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENTThe term development is a multifaceted and multidimensional concept. Its meaning varies, depending on who is talking about it and for what context and there have been various debates on how to achieve it. That said, does the lack of a universal term impact on how development practitioners and politicians serve intended beneficiaries. Does this give one a right to marginalise a group of people? Does the above fact affect development in a particular area? Does it intentionally or unintentionally lead to discrimination and social exclusion of certain groups?Gray (2017:15) poses some very pertinent questions, she asks, “What is the purpose of development, for example? Is it economic development or poverty reduction or an enhancement of people’s quality of life?” What then is development and what is its intended purpose? Correll (2008: 458), argues that “development is perceived differently by the different actors. Commercial and central ministries in government see development as economic development. Civil society sees development as involving all aspects of society.” No matter the definition or purpose, the outcome of development should always be an improvement in what Gil (1992:25) calls “outcome variables of ways of life” for the intended beneficiaries. These “outcome variables of ways of life are circumstances of living of individuals, groups and classes; power of individuals, groups and classes; nature and quality of human relations among individuals, groups and classes and overall quality of life” (p25).People are at the core of development. Every development endeavour should centre around them, both as recipients and active participants in their own development. Development should therefore be a continuous and deliberate activity aimed at meeting basic human needs in a particular area. It should enable equal access to all. Development should not focus on race, language, ethnicity, sex, political affiliation and location of people.THE EARLY RAIN WHICH WASHES AWAY THE CHAFF? THE CASE OF MATABELELAND SOUTHThe study was carried out in the Sababa village which is under the Insiza district located in the Matabeleland South Province in the Southern part of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is in southern Africa, has eight provinces and two cities and is divided into districts, wards and villages. The country is landlocked and has a projected population of roughly 13 million people (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency ZIMSTATS, 2012). Insiza is situated about 100 kilometres south of Gwanda which is its administrative town, and about 150 kilometres from Bulawayo, Zimbabwe’s second largest city.Map 1: Matabeleland South Districts914400100713Source: ZIMSTATS, 2012Matabeleland South, shares its borders with South Africa and Botswana. The province consists mostly of young people who are still of school going age and the elderly, women in particular. This is mainly because of the migration of younger people to neighbouring countries like South Africa and Botswana (South Africa in particular) in search of greener pastures. According to Dube, Sithole and Nkala (2012), due to the exodus of the labour force in search of employment opportunities, the province is mainly populated by young people aged between 5 and 14 years and the old who are above 50 years.The province is culturally inhabited by amaNdebele. Eppel (2014) attributes this to the 1930 Land Apportionment Act which saw the amaNdebele being moved into desolate regions. Agriculture is the traditional livelihood strategy, however, rainfall is lower than in other provinces rendering it infertile. The province falls in natural farming regions V and is prone to drought and dry spells. According to ZIMSTATS (2012), lack of financial capital and low rainfall are major contributory factors that hamper farming which is the traditional livelihood strategy of the province.Exacerbating an already dire state is the fact that because the province is predominantly isiNdebele speaking, it consequently faces socio-economic marginalisation. Mtetwa, Dziro & Takaza (2013:32) state that “socio- economic marginalisation stigma and discrimination go hand in glove with socio-economic marginalisation of the population.” Eppel (2014) adds that marginalisation, exclusion and underdevelopment are terms associated with Matabeleland and that the province is a source of political opposition. As a result of this socio-economic marginalisation Matabeleland is one of the poorest provinces in the Zimbabwe.Mtetwa, Dziro & Takaza (2013:32) state that “This marginalisation can be due to political beliefs, ethnicity and religion. Coming three years after a protracted struggle for liberation, the civil strife in the early 1980s was cited as one of the major stumbling blocks to the development of Matabeleland South. During the said period, people of Matabeleland and midlands were labelled as dissidents that should be exterminated. As a consequence, more than twenty thousand people perished through a state sponsored operation codenamed Gukurahundi.” Gukurahundi is a Shona word which means the early rain that washes away the chaff.Mtetwa et al (2013:32) add that after this whole fracas, the Mugabe led Zimbabwean “government withdrew all development focus from the province” consequently propagating untold poverty. This poverty took the “form of a lack of Government-sponsored economic and social activities, inadequate infrastructure development and the migration of most young productive people” (Mtetwa et al, 2013:32). Mabhena (2014: 148) further adds that “ethnicity and the politics of development have shaped the development agenda in southern Matabeleland.” In the face of this exclusion, the people of Matabeleland, young people in particular have resorted to alternative survival strategies like ukukuta (illegal gold panning) and ukuba zinjiva (border jumping).wa Thiongo (1989:12) asks "So a handful of people still profited from the suffering of the majority, the sorrow of the many being the joy of the few?" This is the case in Zimbabwe, where a few privileged people get to enjoy ‘milk and honey’ while the rest languish in poverty. As a country, a few individuals are waxing great while the country is going through dire straits economically. Poverty, unemployment, migration, a breakdown of institutional systems and limited investment are the order of the day. Dodzo & Mhloyi (2017) unpack Zimbabwe’s “period of political plurality and tensions in governance systems.” They discuss “the consequent social upheaval and economic fragility, characterised by poor performance of key social sectors” as well as the failure of agriculture, the collapse of industries, increase in unemployment, the decline of aggregate expenditure among others. Consequently, Matabeleland is getting a triple dose of this with its rural areas feeling it in buckets. In the midst of this misery, it is the women who suffer the most. As wa Thiongo (2006:83) puts it “Women bear the brunt of poverty. What choices does a woman have in life, especially in times of misery?” In this case, the women of Matabeleland are hardest hit.METHODOLOGYResearch designAn exploratory, qualitative approach was adopted for this study. This is because it gives participants space to share their experiences, how they understand them and how they interpret these perceptions (Hennink, Hutter & Bailey, 2011). Such a qualitative design is appropriate for getting first-hand information as it provides a platform for the researcher to explore participants’ experiences in detail.This approach therefore afforded participants a platform to give a narration of their experiences with regards to their socio-economic realities. It also enabled the researcher to understand the perceptions of rural women’s socio-economic realities and how they link them to their ethnicity. In Matabeleland, where rural women have been subjected to various forms of development challenges, marginalisation and social exclusion, this approach could be seen as giving a voice to the voiceless. Data was obtained from in depth interviews and a focus group discussion through the use of an interview schedule. All the interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed accordingly.In addition, this is a case study approach. As already mentioned, Zimbabwe is undergoing various development challenges and the case study approach allowed the researcher to interrogate the various development challenges facing rural women with a particular focus on their socio-economic realities linked to their ethnicity. Even though the research focused on a single rural village, the findings from this study could give a better understanding of the plight of rural women in similar villages in Zimbabwe and beyond.Sampling and sample focusPurposive non-probability sampling was used in this research. This is because this type of non-probability sampling is based entirely on the researcher’s decision on who has the required attributes. The researcher identifieda sample that contained the most characteristic and representative qualities of the population (De Vos, 2002). The researcher was interested in locating a village in a district that is wrought with various development challenges. The researcher was particularly interested in exploring how women in this village articulate these challenges in relation to their socio-economic realities and their ethnicity. In consultation with various informants, Sababa village was identified. Sababa village is in the Insiza district and the main source of livelihood is agricultural farming, vegetable gardens, cultivating worms and stokvels.ParticipantsAll participants were purposively selected. With the permission of the village chief, 20 rural women were selected. Fourteen formed part of a focus group, six were individually interviewed (in-depth interviews) and four commuting traders were also interviewed (in-depth individual interviews). Additionally, eight informants were interviewed (in-depth). The list of informants included the village chief, acting Chief, Governor and Resident Minister of Matabeleland South, Provincial Administrator of Matabeleland South, NGO Field Coordinator, NGO Committee Member, Editor in Chief and a Senior Journalist. Thus the researcher had four sub-samples that were interviewed namely: fourteen women from the Sababa village who formed part of a focus group; six individual interviews with women from the village (not part of the focus group); four individual interviews with women from the village who commuted between Matabeleland South and South Africa in order to trade and eight informants. All in all, there were 32 participants.Data collection approachThe researcher relied on focus group discussions and individual face to face in-depth interviews for data collection. In both the face to face interviews and focus group discussions, the researcher encouraged the individuals to tell their stories. The interviews were carried out using interview schedules that had guiding questions. Furthermore, a tape recorder was used to ensure accurate capturing of data.Data collection instrumentsInterview schedules were developed so as to guide the questions and probe answers that the women and informants gave. An interview schedule was designed to guide the focus group discussion and in depth interviews with the six rural women and four commuting informants. Another interview schedule was developed to guide the in-depth interviews with the eight informants. The interview schedules were used in a flexible and informal way that gave room for new questions to be brought up during the interview. Both schedules covered questions pertaining to some basic details about the participants; development challenges facing rural women in relation to food insecurity, access to water, climate change, health, education and poverty; responses to development challenges and recommendations that could be made to government and the NGO sector.Data analysis strategyData was analysed according to the adaptation of Tesch (1990). The steps used by the researcher to guide the analysis included: reading through one transcript for meaning, assigning labels to the meanings of the text in the margins of the transcript (for all the transcriptions), classifying and grouping labels into themes and categories, revisiting the main themes and categories to make sure that the themes reflected the main objectives of the study, checking the categories to make sure that they were mutually exclusive, developing a framework for depicting the revised themes and categories, writing up the discussion of findings using the themes as main headings and categories as sub headings. The researcher then used the actual quotes of the respondents for discussing the findings and linked them to the authors in the literature review. The researcher was also critical in relating the actual quotes to relevant studies.ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONSInformed consentConsent to do research was obtained from the relevant authorities in Matabeleland South. Preceding the interview process, the researcher informed all the participants that they were not forced to share any information against their will. They were also informed of their right to pull out of the research any time in case they felt uncomfortable with the process. Fortunately, no participant walked out of the interview. However, some indicated that they were uncomfortable with some questions and chose not to respond to those questions. The consent of the participants was gained before recording the interviews.AnonymityThe subject of ethnicity and development challenges, especially in a country like Zimbabwe, aroused sensitive responses from the women and informants hence the researcher made sure that anonymity of the participants was respected and they were not compromised in any way. The researcher asked them to use pseudonyms to protect themselves. Pseudonyms were used even for those participants who insisted on using their real names.Voluntary participationPrior to the interview process, the researcher informed the participants that participation was voluntary, no one was forced to take part and if ever during the course of the interviews they felt uncomfortable they could leave. Fortunately none of them walked out of the interviews.PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGSProfile of the rural womenThe first group of participants to be interviewed were the 14 women who took part in the focus group discussions. Their ages ranged from 44 to 80, they were all isiNdebele speaking and their source of livelihood included vegetable gardens, mopani worms, stokvels and farming.The second group consisted of six women who took part in the individual interviews. Their ages ranged from 40 to 65 including one who didn’t know when she was born, they were all isiNdebele speaking, had the same source of livelihood except one who also sold home brewed beer on top of the other activities. Important to note is that the source of livelihood is the same for all women and it is an indication of the economic activities that the participants engage in as a survival strategy.From the profiles, one can see that these rural women were aged 40 and above and did not commute. As a result of marginalisation, exclusion and discrimination, most young people migrate in search of greener pastures hence there are generally more dependants in rural spaces, mainly women and children. In this situation they eke out a living through vegetable gardens, mopani worms and farming.The third group of women consisted of four commuting informants. These women are engaged in cross-border trading where they sell izikiriyo (curious) outside the country. Their particular country of choice is South Africa due to demand as well as proximity. Their ages were 29, 33, 35 and 70. With the exception of one woman, most cross-border traders are younger persons.Table 1: Profile of the InformantsTable 1 is presented with regards to participant’s sex, position held and years in the designated position. Some of these informants are based in the Sababa village for example the village chief and the acting chief, while others are based outside but have close ties with the village due to their line of work.ParticipantSexPosition HeldDuration WorkedInformantFemaleNGO Committee Member2 YearsInformantFemaleSenior Journalist8 YearsInformantFemaleGovernor and Resident Minister7 YearsInformantMaleEditor in Chief20 YearsInformantMaleChief10 YearsInformantMaleActing Chief3 YearsInformantMaleNGO Field Coordinator11 YearsInformantMaleProvincial Administrator10 YearsNote: Informants hold significant positionsProfile of ResourcesThis community has one primary school, one borehole, no health facilities and no secondary schools.Theme and CategoriesThe theme identified from the findings is socio-economic realities and the categories are poverty, politics, the ethnicity of development and exclusionary development.Socio-economic realitiesThe categories to be discussed in this section are poverty, politics, the ethnicity of development and exclusionary development. This broad theme of socio-economic realities pertains to the objective: “explore how rural women describe their situation in Matabeleland South with regards to their socio-economic realities.”Category 1: PovertyResearch findings indicated that poverty is one of the main socio-economic realities facing rural women in Matabeleland South. Davids et al (2005) define poverty as a multifaceted reality consisting of inter alia lack of power, income and resources to make choices and take advantage of opportunities. The participants projected poverty in various ways and this highlights the multifaceted aspect of their poverty as reflected in the following responses:“People here are really poor. We don’t have access to money, where will we get money when there is so much drought?” (Participant W6, Individual Interview)“People in this area are very poor, this year it has been worse. We have complained in previous years but there will be food on the table even though we will be struggling to send our children to school. This year we could not even harvest anything.” (Participant W2, Individual Interview)“Our children go to school without eating. They only eat in the evening and most fail at school because it is hard to concentrate when one is hungry.” (Participant W5, Individual Interview)The participants also shared that other indicators of poverty are their lack of access to health and education facilities, lack of employment opportunities and the shortage of rain and livestock. All the participants highlighted the vicious cycle of poverty in that it manifests itself in a number of ways. This can be their failure to send their children to school, food insecurity, constant illness due to hunger and other development challenges. Maphosa (2009) describes the poverty in rural Matabeleland as very complicated and multidimensional and highly noticeable because of the apparent deprivations. Moseley and Logan (2001) note these deprivations as inadequate access to health and educational services, poor roads and infrastructure and food shortages.Participants also highlighted the extent of poverty in the region. Sen (1999) states that development entails the removal of major sources of ‘unfreedom.’ These sources of ‘unfreedom’ include poverty, tyranny, poor economic opportunities as well as systematic social deprivation, access to education and health, neglect of public services as well as intolerance. It is evident therefore from the responses that various substantial freedoms are being compromised. The economic situation in Zimbabwe has depreciated and the state is failing to meet the basic needs of its citizens and as a result people are being neglected and the rural woman is hardest hit. With many of the amaNdebele rural women in Zimbabwe living under the poverty line, it is clear that the major sources of unfreedom have not been adequately addressed. Structural violence is the order of the day rendering the women vulnerable.Category 2: PoliticsThere was a general consensus that politics is used to use and abuse the people of Matabeleland as summarised in the following responses:“…At the end of the day, even the government efforts are politicised…People fail to benefit the way they should and you find all the resources are channelled to the wrong people. Those that are not supposed to benefit do and those that are genuine, genuine beneficiaries because of their political affiliation tend to be affected.” (Participant Blue, Informant)“I think politics plays a negative role. Some women are dedicated to working in the gardens and do not attend some of the political gatherings and this is interpreted as a sign of disassociation with the political party in question. This in turn puts a strain on relations between the women involved. That is how politics affects women in my opinion.” (Participant Yellow, Informant)“Because when you go to register, you hear that this is ZANU party food that is MDC party food. If the food came as a result of ZANU effort they don’t want MDC people to benefit.” (Participant Green, Informant)The participants noted that there is a link between the women’s socio-economic realities and politics. One participant specifically noted that when it comes to the development of Matabeleland, politicians “play dirty.” Itwas also noted that politicians are only interested in serving their interests at the expense of the Matabeleland people.Participants also pointed out that the state is only interested in the people of Matabeleland for political reasons and not development. They pointed that as a result, the ruling ZANU-PF party is not the amaNdebele people’s choice. Wiggins (2004) agrees that the 2002 and 2008 elections confirmed the fact that the ruling ZANU-PF party is not supported in Matabeleland and as a result, amaNdebele have been intentionally left out of Zimbabwe’s development agenda. Mabhena (2014:137), also argues that “development marginalisation of Matabeleland region…has been influenced by politics of revenge.”wa Thiongo (1989), asserts that poverty is an essential tool used by the post-colonial government to control people. He argues that the black government is responsible for oppressing its own citizens and laments at the fact that the government calls itself a ‘government for the people,’ yet it has done nothing to improve the lives of its people. This is the case in Matabeleland where the government of Zimbabwe has been biased in terms of access to basic services. This bias has seen amaNdebele being treated like foreigners in their own country.It is clear that politics have a huge role to play in marginalising people. Due to their political affiliation, the people of Matabeleland, have consequently been marginalised socially, economically, politically. Additionally they have been excluded from most development programmes. There is little or no improvement in their circumstances of living, power, nature and overall quality of life.Category 3: The ethnicity of developmentThe participants working in the government sector did not address the issue of tribalism or any link to tribal focused institutional systems of development. However, all the rural participants were IsiNdebele speaking and they attributed their socio-economic realities to what I call the ethnicity of development. They indicated that their interests as amaNdebele are being excluded and political domination is used to exclude them from development. The general view among the participants is summarised below:“Tribalism has really impacted negatively to the development of women in particular in Mat- South. Because if you go out to Mashonaland you will find women owning quite beautiful, big things, big projects but in Matabeleland it’s rare to get that. (Participant Purple, Informant)“The issue of political involvement in development has been an issue ever since for Matabeleland because of its political history, you know, the Ndebeles, the Shonas, you know, and this has really, really really affected development of women because even if there is a government drive to improve the lives of women, you will find that there is that political interference, you know, people from this side will not benefit from this one, such things. (Participant Brown, Informant)The participants also added that Shona speaking people are being given leadership positions in the Matabeleland province and when there are development projects, they only hire Shona speaking people while leaving amaNdebele people out. The participants reflected that if the intention is to develop people from Matabeleland, then, amaNdebele people should lead and be at the forefront of these development programmes.Another point which emerged from the findings was that the government is not interested in the people of Matabeleland and they are “not hiding it.” When they do “turn up,” which is normally mostly at election time they do it reluctantly. The participants indicated that their development or lack thereof is linked to the fact that they are amaNdebele people based in Matabeleland. Participants also noted that the ethnicity of development limits their access to human rights.From the above responses, it seems as if in Matabeleland South, the struggle for freedom is not yet over. Before they could even recover from colonisation, they had to endure black on black colonisation. This black on black colonisation has led to untold suffering for many of them. As a result of their location and ethnicity, they are being treated like vagrants in their own country. The development or lack thereof is linked to the politics of ethnicity and institutional systems of discrimination, marginalisation and exclusion. Wiggins (2004) indicates that poverty in the Matabeleland provinces has its roots in the Gukurahundi or the amaNdebele-Shona post-independence clashes, which have never been addressed. He attributes these clashes to the ZANU PF government’s involvement in two conflicts in Matabeleland around the early 1980s which saw the deaths and disappearances of over 20 000 amaNdebele people. Mabhena (2014:137), also argues that “it would be extremely difficult to understand the social, economic and political dynamics of southern Matabeleland without recognising the role of ethnic conflict and persecution in the making of this region.” For this reason it may be suggested that the issue of ethnicity still plays a huge role in the underdevelopment of the amaNdebele women who are mostly found in Matabeleland. As a result, they still face divers forms of marginalisation and discrimination from access to the political, social, economic and developmental benefits of independence.The participants pointed out that the Zimbabwean political dispensation has not been kind to the amaNdebele in Matabeleland. To this end, Mabhena (2014) notes that ethnicity has been used to marginalise the people ofMatabeleland from development. Consequently, according to Bird and Shepherd (2003), Matabeleland province struggles with spatial poverty and the socio-political and economic situation of Zimbabwe has further exacerbated the situation. Patel & Hochfeld (2013: 692) state that among other things, development encompasses the “provision of other publicly funded services and social programmes targeted at the poor and vulnerable groups such as primary education, primary health care, housing, basic services, public works (employment), and support for micro and small enterprises…” Therefore, development should be about access to basic services for all people not according to ethnicity lines. It should prioritise the respect of all human rights not a selected group to the detriment of other groups. This begs the question, if development is for people why are the amaNdebele rural women not included in development programmes? Are they still considered as chaff?From the narratives, one can see that there is a clear link between ethnicity and development. This view emanates from the fact that Matabeleland is the poorest province in Zimbabwe as a result of marginalisation and the ethnicity of development. It looks like the term development is for people has taken a different meaning in the context of Zimbabwe. It is fair to state that in Zimbabwe, the term development is defined on ethnicity grounds. Years after Gukurahundi, amaNdebele still face the poverty linked to their ethnicity.Category 4: Exclusionary developmentThis category brought out a lot of emotions from the participants. Participants indicated that the government is only interested in developing people from the Mashonaland province. This is demonstrated in the following narratives:“You find that when the government is bringing aid or assistance in Matabeleland they do it half- heartedly, but when they are developing Mashonaland they give with a very big heart. This really affects us as women in this region because we are discriminated against.” (Participant Red, Commuting Informant)“Women in Matabeleland face a lot of development challenges. It is very sad that the government has chosen to turn a blind eye to their suffering. If government gave Matabeleland the same attention they give to Mashonaland, we would be telling a different story today.” (FG8: Focus Group)“As women in Matabeleland we suffer a lot because the government has never prioritised us in development. We are always getting bread crumbs like birds. It’s like the government feels like we are a nuisance…” (FG2: Focus Group)Participants also indicated that when it comes to access to opportunities, people in Mashonaland are prioritised and amaNdebele are ignored. They also added that the government does not care for them as a result they have to be their own government.Midgley (2014), says that in social development, equal access to rights and opportunities, with special focus on previously disadvantaged communities are pivotal. This line of development calls for the active participation of people including their participation culturally, politically, socially and economically. van Breda (2015) stipulates that these rights are the right to basic services (for example health care, education and housing) as well as access to social welfare services. This access is fair, equitable and equal. Midgley (2010: 20) adds that “the investment of resources for social development also involves wider advocacy for social justice such as when community members face entrenched inequalities in resources and power or when they are exploited or discriminated against.” However, for the people of Matabeleland, the word equal access to rights and opportunities is non-existent. What is happening in Zimbabwe is development yes, but it is what I call exclusionary development because it favours Mashonaland provinces at the detriment of Matabeleland.Mabhena (2014: 137) argues that the “current hegemony of the Shona people in Zimbabwe and their desire to dominate Ndebele communities in the south has contributed significantly to development marginalisation of southern Matabeleland over the past 30 years” This ‘development marginalisation’ or exclusionary development is an indication that in the case of Zimbabwe, human rights refer to Mashonaland rights. People in Mashonaland, are prioritised in terms of access to key human rights. This background of exclusionary development, has had a direct impact on rural women’s ability to lift themselves out of poverty. This argument is supported by the narratives of the amaNdebele women as summarised below:“All I can say is that the government of Zimbabwe does not like the people of Matabeleland. Look at us. Look at our children. So much suffering. Why are we being excluded from development? (FG12: Focus Group)According to (Makumbe, 2012:34), “the government of Zimbabwe has for long been condemned for breaking human rights despite being a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights…” The rights ofamaNdebele women are human rights, but it seems like they are constantly infringed on. Their rights are neither acknowledged nor respected as a result they find themselves facing diverse development challenges. Consequently, they have resorted to alternative means in order to eke out a living.NOT YET UHURU? CONCLUSIONUnfortunately, despite this glaring marginalisation, there seems to be no help in sight for the amaNdebele. When it comes to development in Matabeleland, the government has turned a blind eye to the needs of the people and the only visible role player is the NGO. A sustainable solution to the Matabeleland problem is to address the root cause of the challenges and that is a government that genuinely cares about all people, a government that is no respector of ethnicity, language or background. A government that will redefine the term development to include all citizens in Zimbabwe not just a few. We can talk about policy, gender mainstreaming, social protection, poverty alleviation and education among others, but if the government or the relevant role players are not interested in the needs of all people, all we have are lavishly designed strategies that do nothing to improve the lives of people. Zimbabwe needs a government and role players that are interested in people centred development.REFERENCESAhmed, S. 2016. Socio-economic empowerment of rural women: An overview. International Journal of Social Impact. Volume 1, Issue 3 , DIP: 18.02.005/20160103.Bird, K and Shepherd, A. 2003. Livelihoods and chronic poverty in semi- arid Zimbabwe. World Development.31(3): 591-610.Correll, D. 2008. The politics of poverty and social development. International Social Work, 51(4), 453–466. Dangarembga, T. 2004. Nervous Conditions. CA: Seal Press.Davids, I., Theron, F., and Maphunye, K. J. 2005. Participatory development in South Africa. A development management perspective. Pretoria: Van Schaik.De Vos, A. 2002. Research at grassroots 2nd ed. Pretoria: Van Schaik.Dodzo MK |& Mhloyi M. 2017. Home is best: Why women in rural Zimbabwe deliver in the community. PLOS ONE 12(8): e0181771. , N., Sithole, M & Nkala, P. 2012. Assessing the causes and effects of contemporary labour migration between Zimbabwe and South Africa. Paper presented at the Global Business and Technology Association Conference, New York, 10-14 July 2012.Gil, D.G. 1992. Unravelling social policy: theory, analysis, and political action towards social equality.Rochester, Schenkman Books.Gray, M. (Ed.). 2017. The Routledge Handbook of Social Work and Social Development in Africa. London: Routledge.Hennink, M., Hutter, I. & Bailey, A. 2011. Qualitative research methods. Los Angeles: Sage Publications. Lombard, A. 2011. Integrated Social and Economic Development in South Africa: A Social Welfare Perspective.Argumentum, Victoria (ES), v.3,n.2,p.231-247,jul./dez.2011.Mabhena, C. 2014. Ethnicity, development and the dynamics of political domination in Southern Matabeleland.IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS, 19(4), 137-149.Makumbe, J. 2012. Zimbabwe: Political context study. Routledge.Maphosa, F. 2009. Rural livelihoods in Zimbabwe: Impacts of remittances from South Africa. Dakar: CODESRIA. Midgely, J. 2010. Community practice and developmental social work. In Midgely, J & Conley, A. (eds). Social work and social development: Theories and skills for developmental social work. New York: Oxford:University Press.Midgely, J. 2014. Social development: Theory and practice. London: Sage.Mtetwa, E., Dziro, C & Takaza, S. 2013. Poverty and rural development: Tapping from the grassroots.International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Intervention 2(5), 21-35.Ndhlovu, G.N. 2011. Exploring the development challenges facing rural women in Matabeleland South, Zimbabwe. MSocSci Dissertation. Cape Town, University of Cape TownNgudu, K. 2010. The impact of the informal community on the social and economic development of women headed households in Chegutu urban district in Zimbabwe. MSW Dissertation. Pretoria: University of Pretoria.Patel, L & Hotchfeld, T. 2013. Developmental social work in South Africa: Translating policy into practice.International Social Work, 56, 690-704. 10.1177/0020872812444481. Sen, A. 1999. Development as freedom. New York: Oxford University Press.Tesch, R. 1990. Qualitative research: Analysis and soft ware tools. New York: Falmer Press.Van Breda, A.D. 2015. Developmental social case work: A Process Model. International Social Work, 61(1), 66- 78.DOI: 1177/0020872815603786.Wa Thiong’o, N. 1989. Matigari. Portsmouth: Heinemann.Wa Thiong’o, N. 2006. Wizard of the crow. London: Harvill Secker.Wiggins, S. 2004. Food security options in Zimbabwe: multiple threats, multiple opportunities? [Online]. Accessed: 25 April 2010. Available forum/docs/Zim_Options_2005.pdfZimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT). Zimbabwe Census 2012 National Report. 2012. Harare, Zimbabwe: ZIMSTAT.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis work was originally my Masters Thesis titled: Development Challenges facing Rural Women in Matabeleland South published by the University of Cape Town in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author.PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174205Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed & Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).NATURAL DISASTERS IN ZIMBABWE: THE PRIMER FOR SOCIAL WORK INTERVENTIONMHLANGA, Carol; MUZINGILI, Taruvinga, and MPAMBELA, MemoryABSTRACTAround the globe, social workers have been increasingly called to work in disaster settings and collaborate with many actors including faith-based humanitarian organisations. Unfortunately, in Zimbabwe, social work practice still perpetuates the values and ideals of neo-liberalism; without careful consideration of the consequences of natural disasters on vulnerable populations. This study was conducted in Tsholotsho, paying attention to the victims of Cyclone Dineo. Using mixed methodology, the study established that natural disasters have undermined the social functioning of vulnerable groups of people; children, women, elderly and persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe. The paper also unravels the role of social work in disaster management; before, during and post disaster phases. Using Cyclone Dineo as a case study, the study found out that social work interventions were limited before and during the disaster phases. The profession was reactive and participated in the aftermath of the disaster. It was therefore recommended that social work’s role in disaster settings can be improved through; advocacy, inter-professional collaboration and extensive research in disaster issues. The paper concluded that social work values and principles assign the profession to respond timeously to the contemporary challenges facing the society.KEY TERMS: Natural disasters; social work; relevance; ZimbabweKEY DATESReceived 13 June 2018Revised: 22 October 2018Accepted: 16 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: Original researchAuthor/s:MHLANGA, Carol; Masters Student; Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe. E-mail: ceemhlanga@.MUZINGILI, Taruvinga; Consultant in Child protection and social policy: PSMI House, Corner Robert Mugabe and 2nd Avenue, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. MPAMBELA, Memory; Graduate Trainee Social Worker, Department of Social Services, Mangwe District, Zimbabwe.INTRODUCTIONZimbabwe has had its fair share of natural disasters mainly in the form of droughts and floods which come as a direct result of climate change (Bhaiseni, 2017:26). The most recent tropical cyclone Dineo, a natural disaster that hit Tsholotsho district in Zimbabwe in February 2017, caused flooding and left a trail of destruction in various villages. Hundreds of people were left homeless, livelihoods were destroyed and one life was lost (Bulawayo24, 2017: 21 February 2017). Tropical cyclone Dineo pummeled Zimbabwe’s Tsholotsho district, killing seven people on its first day of occurrence (Hills & Nhamire, 2017). Schools, roads, electricity and government offices in both provinces were closed and infrastructure was damaged. It is also estimated that more than 4 000 homesteads, houses and Government structures had been demolished by the floods which also destroyed crops and livestock (Hills & Nhamire, 2017). Although, perhaps, not as widely publicized as other social work domains, social workers may find themselves called upon to help others in the wake of such a natural disaster or catastrophic event. As demonstrated above, natural disasters create socioeconomic challenges which threaten the realisation of social justice in society. Wittingly or unwittingly, social work intervention remains invisible before and during disasters and is mainly noted post the disaster (Muzingili, 2016). To this end, Bhaiseni (2017:27) believes that social work practice in Zimbabwe still focuses on welfaristic and residual social work neglecting environmental and disaster issues.Natural disasters are intricately linked to the concept of social vulnerability. Social vulnerability is a term that is familiar in literature on disasters and its impact on humanity especially the poor groups of society (Mavhura et al., 2017:1). Social work views disasters in a stress related framework tinted by lenses that consider the disruption of societal functioning at a human level. In this case, natural disasters disrupt social functioning of people by destroying the common forms of survival such as food security, health, education and other related aspects of humanity. So often, issues related to quality of life, welfare and human interaction in disasters are also encapsulated by the social work profession. This however, provides the foundation with which the social work profession can demonstrate its role in disaster related situations.Buttressed by social work generic principles, values, ethical decision-making frameworks and human theories, the praxis of professional disaster oriented social work is quite necessary in Zimbabwe. It is important to note that, the configuration of disaster social work in professional practice does not entail the dismantling of the current master social work lens rather a consideration of holistic practice. Several scholars (e.g. Gray & Coates, 2015:509; Iravani & Parast, 2014; Mathbor, 2007; Pyles, 2017:630) consider the role of social work in regards to disaster management work as indispensable to achieve the principle of environmental justice. This notion is echoed by Muzingili (2018:11) who argues that “the polemics of environmental justice and social work practice are closely coupled in contemporary society”. However, in Zimbabwe, the concept of disaster social work is relatively unknown. The Civil Protection Act (Chapter 10:06) remains the main piece of legislation governing disaster oriented work in Zimbabwe. While, Nemakonde and Niekierk (2017) note that the usage of disaster risk reduction frameworks in countries all across Southern Africa Development Committee (SADC) is gaining momentum, its percolation in social work practice is somewhat secluded. Though largely proactive in nature disaster response in Zimbabwe is mostly reactive and remedial (Belle et al, 2017). This paper calls for the inclusion of praxis of professional disaster oriented social work in professional practice in Zimbabwe.OVERVIEW OF DISASTER SOCIAL WORKIn spite of different trajectories of professional development social work has consistently been faced with neo- liberal economic ideals that insatiably value unlimited economic growth and unsustainable extraction of natural resources (Dominelli, 2013; Gray & Coates, 2015). These ideals have contributed to climatic volatility and the exacerbation of disaster risk. Literature testifies that the social work profession has long been involved with disaster relief both through the profession’s roots in the provision of wartime relief and its concern with the physical environment of people (Bhaiseni, 2017; Dominelli & Ku, 2017; Morales & Sheafor, 2010; Muzingili, 2018). Based on this normative background the ontological and epistemological significance of the profession is grounded on its versatility in attending to societal needs. Defined conceptually, disaster social work involves the practice of social work in the face of natural disasters which have the potential to cause harm to people and animals, damage to property, livelihoods as well as the ecosystem (Pyles, 2017). A number of scholars (Gray & Coates, 2015; Mpambela & Mabvurira, 2017; Muzingili, 2018) observe that the impact of natural disasters on vulnerable people across the globe is now a major threat to humanity. In this essence, social worker as a precursor to the principle of social justice has been invisible in disaster discourse especially in Zimbabwe. While academic research and public debates pertaining social work and environmental justice are incessantly getting recognition in Zimbabwe (see for example, Matebeni & Ndapi, 2016:40; Muzingili, 2018; Zvomuya, 2017), the unique concept of disaster oriented social work remains in obscurity in the country. The reasons for limited involvement of social work in environmental crisis are numerous; rigid social work education curriculum (Muzingili, 2016:35), overemphasis of environmental issues to natural sciences (Mathende and Ndapi, 2016); failure of the social workprofession to assert its identity in society (Dominelli, 2012; Muzingili, 2017), and over indulgence of profession on neoliberal social welfare system (Muchacha & Mtetwa, 2016).It is incontestable that the unsympathetic impact of natural disasters such as floods, droughts, earthquakes, tsunamis amongst others has indelible impact on vulnerable people in the society. Muzingili (2016:31) believe that natural disasters, if not well managed, strengthen the existence of environmental injustice as has its negative antecedents on social and economic lives of people. The argument is that, the justice being sought by disaster management dictum is threefold: equity in the distribution of environmental risk, recognition of the diversity of the participants and experiences in affected communities, and participation in the political processes which create and manage environmental policy. Recognition and participation are precondition features of social work and resonate upon the professional ethos which entails respect and worth of the individual. Natural disasters impact depressingly on service provision and its consequences undermine access to social services such as health, education, food, water and sanitation and others. The foregoing argument is in congruence with salient themes of versatile approach in social work which calls professionals to understand dynamics in people’s interaction with their environment. However, with the advent of unprecedented natural disasters in Zimbabwe and the world over, it is being made clearly evident that social work, as a profession has a huge role to play in disaster managementA number of scholars (e.g. Mathendea & Ndapib, 2016:40; Mpambela & Mabvurira, 2017:31) concur that, despite the role of social work in the lives of vulnerable people, the role of social work with regards to natural disasters is still dominated by professional elusiveness in many societies and social workers are seldom viewed as crucial players in managing disasters. Therefore, the dearth of literature in academia and slow inclusion of natural disaster particularly in social work professional practice was a major concern for this study. This paper also tries to narrow the wide chasm between social work and natural disasters by identifying the synergistic impact of Cyclone Dineo in Zimbabwe. The paper sought to address the gap by investigating the effectiveness of services provided by social welfare actors, the extent of impact among communities and challenges arising from these services provided to support the communities. The significance of the role of disaster social work before, during and post a natural disaster is undisputable (Iravani &Parast, 2014:94). Disaster social work mitigates the impacts of the damage caused by these disasters. This is mainly enforced through awareness campaigns warning people of the imminent danger. Early warning mechanisms ensure preparedness and reduce people’s vulnerability to disasters. Most disasters have a traumatic aftermath for their victims and in such cases social workers offer crisis psychosocial support. Disaster social work also enhances the resilience of individuals and communities (Iravani & Parast, 2014). Social workers also carry out needs assessment during disasters which enable them to know how the different victims may be assisted. Embedded in epistemological eclecticism, social work possesses a wide knowledge of different service providers and link people with the necessary resource centers.RESEARCH METHODOLOGYStudy design and locationThe study adopted both qualitative and quantitative design. Field work and data collection process was delimited to Tsholotsho district (Sipepa) in Matebeleland North province, Zimbabwe. The area was chosen because it is one of those places which were hit hard by natural disasters in Zimbabwe. This provided researchers a wide understanding disaster based experiences of survivors and the role of social work in the same situation.Sampling techniquesThe enquiry utilized both probability and non-probability purposive sampling method coupled by convenience sampling in order to locate and target respondents that met the criteria of the study. The totals of 65 participants were selected using community records and registers from Village Heads. This included 60 victims of cyclone Dineo and 5 five key informants in Sipepa area. Key informants were selected from Government Departments and Non-Governmental Organisations in the area using purposive sampling.Data collection methods and research instrumentsQuantitative data was collected using scale based questionnaire which focused on rating the impact of cyclone Dineo on various pillars of society and activities of various stakeholders who were involved in helping the survivors. Qualitative data was collected using in-depth interviews focusing on the impact and experiences of survivors during and post disaster period. The idea was to gather as much information as possible from persons who could comment on the effectiveness of support systems and intervention strategies that had been implemented to assist victims. Key informant interviews were conducted using key informant interview guide.Ethical considerationsWillingness to participate and anonymity were considered important for the enquiry. Full debriefing was done and consent sought from respondents. It was essential that information captured accurately represented what was expressed by the respondents. It was also important that follow-up questions were not leading but rather sought clarification from respondents.FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONThe study assessed the impact of cyclone Dineo among different groups of people in the society. It also evaluated the extent of intervention provided by different actors in supporting the victims of Cyclone Dineo. The gist of this was to understand the level of social work interventions in disasters and quest for its readiness to deal with the same issues in the future.Impact of Cyclone DineoThe respondents (N=65) were asked to rate the impact of cyclone Dineo among the different groups in Tsholotsho to ascertain the level of vulnerability. The score were averaged and also converted into percentages.Table impact of cyclone Dineo in TsholotshoGroupRating (0-10)0-lessimpact;5-mid impact and 10-worstImpact (%)Summarised consequencesChildren (0-18yrs)9.898School drop outs, Hunger, Deaths, Stress and trauma, diseasesPersonslivingwith disabilities (all)990Mobility challenges, deaths, no access to basic servicesWomen (including girls)9.393School drop outs, Hunger, Deaths, Stressand trauma, diseases, sexual abuse,Men (including boys)8.484Stress, hunger, homeless, famineElderly (aged 60+)990Deaths, Stress and traumaCommunity8.787infrastructuraldestruction,Homeless, Droughts and famine, disease,Source: Field dataUsing a rating scale, the study revealed that women and children were largely affected when compared to other demographic groups in the society. Despite the fact that study did not use statistical illustrations such as; Chi- square, Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) to understand the magnitude of vulnerability, respondents’ ratings established that women, children, the elderly and persons with disability were affected by Cyclone Dineo. Findings by Nsingo (2017) reveal that children and women pay the high price of environmental disasters across the globe due to their fragile coping capacitates in distressing situations. While scholars like Monico and Rotabi (2014) rightly argue that no one is immune to natural disasters; several scholars (e.g. Dominelli and Ku; 2017; Gautman, 2015:2; Iravani & Parasat, 2014:95) contend that women and children are the most vulnerable groups in the society during natural disasters. From the study, key informants admitted that the absence of robust child protection system during disasters affected children in Tsholotsho district during Cyclone Dineo. The situation was severe for those children and individuals living with disabilities. In contrast, the findings in other environmentally displaced districts, like Tokwe Mukosi in Zimbabwe revealed that women (including girls) were incessantly exposed to verbal and sexual abuse at the hands of fellow victims or authorities (Marungwara, 2014:46). Incorporating disaster oriented social work may ensure that all people in the community are protected and get access to social services.Natural disasters gravely affect socio economic development of the society. The study revealed that infrastructure such as roads, communication networks, clinics and schools were all grounded by the storm. Newsday 12 November (2017) reveals that Zimbabwean government needs more than 500 million US Dollars to revitalize new infrastructure after natural disasters that hit the country in 2016-2017 agricultural season. This means social workers have a clear role articulated in profession’s aim in regards to social justice. Disaster social work requires that this be enforced in all elements of disaster oriented work from preparedness, mitigation, implementation and response. For example, reflective analysis research by Herlander et al (2013) revealed that natural disasters have intricate and overarching social, political, economic and technological impact which can derail country’s development by 15-80%. Correspondingly, this has precipitous impact on the standard of living and so, often, it exacerbates poverty in the society.Responses by various actorsThe study also sought to establish the extent played by certain organisations or government departments’ in pre, during and post disaster period. In the following table, participants were asked about how they appreciated the role played by each department and/or organisation by rating it out 10.Table 2 Support system ratingsSupport systemRatings(0-worst, average & 10-best)5-ActivitiesCivil Protection Unit8.1 (81%)RescuingBuilding of temporary sheltersCoordinatingwithgovernment ministriesAwareness campaignlineSecurity police)Services(army&7.5 (75%)Evacuating victimsCommuning warning messageSocial Welfare4.4 (44%)CounsellingNeed assessmentLiaising with government ministriesGuiding donor interventionsOthergovernment Departments/Ministries5.8 (58%)Resource provisionTransportCommunicationNGOs8.3 (83%)Access to basic services (food, health etc)Financing government programmesNeed assessmentIndividuals4.9 (49%)Access to basic servicesFaith Based Organisations8.5 (85%)Access to basic servicesSource: Field dataThe respondents highlighted that NGOs and Civil Protection unit was crucial in service delivery particularly on issues pertaining to relief. Participants were also greatly conscious of systems that had been put in place, to co- ordinate relief and other services provided by Zimbabwe security Services. It was apparent from the study the role of social welfare was not visible compared to other support systems. One social welfare officer noted that:“Social welfare participated in the rehabilitation of the victims through complementary role. We provided psychosocial support in form of counselling and networking with other stakeholders. Generally, the role of social welfare in disaster management is till limited in Zimbabwe due to lack education on the issue and belief that we are there to help people who visit our offices.”The above sentiments depict the limited role of social welfare participation in disaster management system. The study further revealed that the role of social welfare officers was more prominent in the post disaster period. While Iravani and Parasat (2014) argue that during disaster period social work role cannot supersede the one of civil unit protection; scholars like (Muchacha et al., 2016:87; Muzingili, 2017) observe that ultra-belief in residualistic social welfare system has limited the conscious of social work profession in environmental crisis issues. The dominance of NGOs in the support of victims was vivid in Tsholotsho district. Notwithstanding the plausible role other government ministries in disaster management, Dorfman (2014) observes that dependence of donor services is more attributed to lack of robust resource system by the government and dependence syndrome which remain unbleached in most developing countries. Intersecting with other humanitarian assistance, disaster oriented social work can also emphasis on macro practice, and relevant international conventions, guidance, and international private law as long term disaster management systems.The need for new disaster oriented social work frameworkIncontrovertibly, social work can play an important and active role in managing disaster problems and needs during and after the disasters (Dominelli & Ku, 2017). Social work intervention can be done by social work administration and can be managed before, during and after disaster. From the study it was established that, in most of natural disasters, the immediate and short-term problems and needs are practical and technical. This has limited the role of social welfare officers in disaster management. Following the discussion during data collection, the following model is based on the four themes which social work can utilize in disaster management.PhasesDefinitionsSocial work responsibilities1stAnticipative/pre- impactThe stage of prediction or expectationConscientize communities on impending disastersPlanningonevacuation processesEmpowering resource network2ndImpact/rescue stageThe period when the disaster event takes placeCommunicationwith teamPsychosocial supportAdvocacyrescue3rd Relief/post impactStage of release and relief of suffering and the normalizationPsychosocial supportResource mobilizationResource distribution4thThe period in which disaster survivors are working toward restoration of their pre- disaster stateLong term planningRehabilitation/recovery phaseNetworkingResource mobilizationAdvocacyResearchSource: Field dataThe findings demonstrated that being prepared for disasters is yet another important role for social workers. While scholars (Gray & Coates, 2015; Iravani & Parast, 2014) suggest that social workers should help to lessen the harmful effects of disasters, in Zimbabwe social workers do not have an elaborative framework to guide the intervention processes during disasters. The above framework presupposes that social workers can ensure that communities be prepared for natural disasters in pre, during and post disaster period. Social workers can help communities be prepared by emphasizing community collaboration and coordination of social networks to make a comprehensive plan before a disaster strikes (Mathbour, 2007). In the context of disasters, social work should be a process that includes helping the emotionally and physically wounded while strengthening local communities. Zarkour and Harrell (2004) argue that, along with psychological help, social workers aim to help the public regain structure to their homes. In post disaster and recovery period, social workers need to focus on development issues in addition to the disaster.In literature, scholars (see for example; Dominelli & Ku, 2017; Bhaiseni, 2017) contend that social workers should ensure that community members be the ones to restore their lives in order to heal psychologically and come to terms with the disaster that has occurred. In doing so, disaster oriented social worker practitioner must also have knowledge of the systems and institutions in the community in order to work within and against them as necessary. In contrast, Zarhour and Harell (2004) believe that large part of social worker role should be on clinical and research skills to assess emergent community needs, so that they can quickly assess the basic social services by incorporating equality and equity issues. As illustrated in the framework above, these kinds of assessments help social workers plan and organize their responses. In advocating for political theory of environmental crisis, Muzingili (2017) advise that social workers also need to formulate their approaches in a way that increases the self-determination of disaster survivors to ensure that the inherent principle of profession such as respect, recognition and participation are realised. This does not only uplift the value and dignity of the victims but it also ensure that social workers should provide appropriate professional services in public emergencies to the greatest extent possible.RECOMMENDATIONSAdvocacy: social workers should support participation in and advocates for programmes and policies that serve individuals and communities in the wake of disaster. These include the provision of mental health and social services to survivors in a context of normalization and empowerment, with sensitivity to the phases of disaster recovery and with understanding of the unique cultural features of the affected community and its populationsProfessional training: need to pay attention to the special and critical training, stress management, and support needs of disaster workers in all capacities, from administrative to field staff, and the need to respond to their circumstances as victims and survivors.Social work education: education of social workers and social work students in the specialized knowledge and methods of trauma response and critical incident stress debriefing is encouragedResearch: the development of rigorous disaster research, especially intervention effectiveness and prevention strategies is importantInter-professional collaboration: the need to the develop or acquaint cadre of well-trained disaster oriented social work professionals committed to effective interdisciplinary and inter-organizational collaboration in disaster planning and disaster response, at both the administrative and direct services levelsCommunity and stakeholder communication: the provision of accurate and effective public information on the normal stages of disaster reaction, functional coping methods, and strategies for accessing and successfully using the disaster assistance bureaucracy is needed.CONCLUSIONDisaster oriented social work is somewhat anonymous in Zimbabwe but, of late, the impact of natural disasters in the country has taken unprecedented toll. The explication of disaster and its aftermath in the country testifies to the need for social workers to be involved in disaster management. Social work, in its various forms, including the profession’s ethical ingenuity, addresses the multiple and complex transactions between people and their environments. Its mission is to enable all people to develop their full potential, enrich their lives, and prevent dysfunction. As demonstrated in the study, the consequences of natural disasters require social work in Zimbabwe to poses the panorama to be a leader in the development of disaster based policies to ensure that the country is safe for everyone. Social workers have the responsibility to not only become involved with communities suffering from imminent or current natural damages but to begin to change the ways in which their profession visions natural related calamities. While there is a growth in the awareness about environmental crisis, the topic is still under-acknowledged in the social work profession. It is, therefore, crucial for social workers, current and future, to start addressing natural related disasters endured by the individuals the profession serves.REFERENCESBelle, J., Moyo, S. & Abiodun. A. O.; 2017. Assessing communal farmers ‘preparedness to drought in the Umguza District, Zimbabwe. International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction. Available at: (Accessed: 08 January 2018).Bhaiseni, B.; 2017. Poverty as a threat to environmental sustainability: implications for social work practice in Zimbabwe. African Journal of Social Work, 7 (2), 25-29.Bongo, P.P. & Manyena, S.B.; 2015. From 'government' to ‘governance’: tensions in disaster-resilience leadership in Zimbabwe: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies. Available at: (Accessed: 06 February 2018).Bulawayo24; (2017). 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An International Journal, 26(1).41-54.Mavhura, E., Manyena, B. & Collins, A.E .(2017). An approach for measuring social vulnerability in context: The case of flood hazards in Muzarabani district, Zimbabwe. Available at: , E.; 2016. Disaster legislation: a critical review of the Civil Protection Act of Zimbabwe. Available at: (Accessed: 12 January 2018).Mavhura, E.; 2017. Building resilience to food insecurity in rural communities : evidence from traditional institutions in Zimbabwe. Journal of Disaster Risk Studies. Available at: (Accessed: 12 January 2018)Mónico, C.& Rotabi, K.S.; 2014. International and Global Issues, Social Justice and Human Rights, Macro Practice, Policy and Advocacy, Poverty. UK: International Aid, Relief, and Humanitarian AssistanceMorales, A. T.; Sheafor, B.W. and Scott, M.E.; 2010. Social work: a profession of many faces. Boston: Pearson Education Inc.Mpambela, M. and Mabvurira, V.; 201. 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"A normative model for integrating organisations for disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation within SADC member states", Disaster Prevention and Management. An International Journal, 26 (3), 361-376.Newsday; 2017. Cyclone Dineo hit Zimbabwe. Newsday 27 February 2017.Ngwenya, B., Oosthuizen, J., Cross, M. and Kwasi, F.; 201). Emerging heat-related climate change influences; a public health challenge to health care practitioners and policy makers: Insight from Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction. Available at: (Accessed: 17 February 2018)Nsingo, M.; 2017. “Gender mainstream floods support”. Available at: mav.asn.au/.../ (Accessed: 13 February 2018).Pyles, L.; 2017. Decolonising disaster social work: environmental justice and community participation. The British Journal of Social Work, 47 (3), 630–647.Sillah, S.M.; 2015. A call to establish a child-centred disaster management framework in Zimbabwe Jamba.Journal of Disaster Risk Studies, 7 (1), 1 – 7.Tapiwa, C.C., Kanengoni, B., Mungati, M., Gombe, N.T., Bangure, D., Mufuta.T. and Mhlanga, M.; 2017. Analysis of Trends in Nutritional Status and Morbidity of Under-fives among Internally Displaced Persons at Chingwizi, Mwenezi District, Zimbabwe 2014-2015. International Journal of Innovative Research and Development, 12(3),34-48..Zarkour, MJ; Harrell, EB.; 2004. "Access to disaster services: Social work interventions for vulnerable populations.". Journal of Social Science Research, 30 (2), 27–52.Zvomuya, W.; (2017). Environmental crisis and sustainable development in Zimbabwe: a social work perspective.African Journal of Social Work,7 (2), 36-44.PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174205Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed & Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS IN SEKE DISTRICT: INFLUENCES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL POLICYABSTRACTDODO Obediah and MUZENJE AloisThe study looked at how violence impacts on the education system in private colleges in high density areas. Two hundred (200) primary and high school pupils participated in the exploratory qualitative study. Questionnaires were used to collect data and SPSS was used to analyse it. Social learning theory guided the study. The study established that while violence exposure has been associated with diminishing attention, deteriorating intellectual performance and regressions in school achievement, it also has some positives. It heightens the level and forms of youth violence subsequently hardening the youth in as far as violence and aggression are concerned. It also established that youth violence is also driven by amongst others, attitudes of the school authorities, school policies, drug use and the continued over-population of urban communities with mixed cultures and social practices.KEY TERMS: violence, youth, pupils, aggression, violence exposure, interventionsKEY DATESReceived: 06 September 2018Accepted: 01 February 2019Revised: 13 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: Original researchAuthor/s:DODO Obediah (PhD), Bindura University of Science Education, P. B. 1020 Bindura +263 772910482, ododo@buse.ac.zw MUZENJE Alois , Mutenderende High School, Box 44 Chirumanzu, ZimbabweINTRODUCTIONRealizing a serious dearth of information regarding the influence of violence on pupils in private colleges in high density areas, the study sought to fill the gap for both policy makers and the entire research fraternity. The study looked at how various forms of violence that is recorded most in Zimbabwe’s high density areas impact on the pupils enrolled with the newly established private colleges. The study also explored the nexus between society and the pupils with regards to post-school criminality.BACKGROUND TO THE STUDYFrom year 2000, Zimbabwe’s education operating environment has been going through some gradual changes allowing private players to take part as ‘private colleges’. This new dispensation has seen the mushrooming of several colleges; registered and unregistered which have absorbed all the bottle-necked residual both at primary and secondary levels. Private colleges thrived following the collapse of the formal education system owing to a poor economy, low remuneration forcing qualified personnel to leave for greener pastures and frequent job actions by the few remaining staff. In Zimbabwe, students are forced out of school by various reasons; failure to pay tuition fees, pregnancy, and criminal conviction. Other reasons include early marriages, failure of examinations, failure to secure places and religious reasons, illnesses, parents’ illiteracy and psychological and emotional influences amongst others. The private colleges have therefore filled the gap created by some of the above cited reasons albeit without meeting the required minimum education standards. Some of the colleges are located in areas not conducive for learning while others’ infrastructure cannot meet health standards.The study sought to understand the influence of pupils’ exposure to violence on education. This comes against a background where pupils who fail to make it into the formal and conventional schools, find themselves back in school having been exposed to illegal activities and adult-related practices. Some of these activities and practices socialise pupils into mischief which often result in violence.In Seke urban, there were 41 private colleges that operate both at designated sites and in residential properties and boasting of an enrolment of 9350 pupils. Ty and Hl are codes for the selected colleges in Seke Unit F and Unit M respectively that were used for the study. The colleges hereafter referred to as schools offer both primary and secondary tuition. The two residential areas are low income settlements. Both schools are established in terms of Section 43 of the Education Act of 1987 [Chapter 25:04] (amended in 2006) (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013) and operate like any other conventional school.Most private schools that operate along the ‘college’ lines are profit-oriented and therefore often ignore some of the responsible ministry’s policies and guidelines especially with regards to student enrolment, age restrictions and school time-tables for profit purpose. The two schools are located in the midst of residential areas with Ty being housed at a church while Hl has its own premises. In the study, the term students will be inter-changed with pupils.METHODOLOGYFor the two-year study; 2013-2014 and 2014-2015, 200 primary and high school pupils were recruited to participate in an exploratory qualitative study. 50 participants were purposefully sampled from Ty and Hl primary schools in Seke Unit G and M respectively with each contributing 25 (10 females and 15 males) and another 150 being randomly sampled from the same schools’ higher divisions with each contributing 75 participants (35 males and 40 females). Purposive sampling was followed to allow deliberate selection of grade 7 students.The median age of the participants was 13. To enable their developmental ages, pupils were grouped into two categories: under age 13 and age 14 and over but below 19. Participants below 13 were drawn from Primary schools while those over 14 but below 19 were from the Secondary schools. All participants were considered to be at risk for violence and other offensive conducts and were from low income families. The two residential areas are for low income earners.Questionnaires were used to collect data. The tool was pre-tested with 20 pupils before they were administered to the targeted participants. All the participants’ responses were coded to conceal identities as a way of respecting children’s rights. Questionnaire completion time was controlled as a way of ensuring maximum response to which 95% was achieved. The questionnaire designed in a Lickert scale format sought to answer the following issues;Age rangeSexIdentify with schoolMotivation for truancy.Extra-curriculum activities pursuedTrend of school results during the 2 academic years.Frequency of violence at home, school and within peer groupsEver armed with weaponsFrequency of smoking or taking drugsFrequency of sexual indulgenceData analysis was conducted using SPSS which coded, themed and analysed before creating coherently structured responses to the questionnaire aspects.ScopeThe study sought to understand the influence of students’ exposure to violence on education in the district of Seke at the randomly selected private colleges. The study sought to understand the influence of violence at home, school and within peer groups to the pupils taking cognizance of the colleges’ administration and the backgrounds of the pupils.ProcedureResearch procedures, including parental permission and secrecy guarantees were approved by the school authorities and respective guardians following an advance clearance by the relevant Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education. Advance permission was secured from the respective Schools’ Development Association chairpersons who also went through the questionnaires to ensure that the questions were ethical. All the pupils’ participants were explained about the study and its implications before they committed themselves.Theoretical frameworkSocial Learning theory proposed by Bandura guided the study. The theory posits that most human behaviours are acquired observationally by copying others (Bandura et al, 1961 and Bandura, 1973). In the study, the theory was expected to validate the similarities and differences in the behaviours displayed by the youth at school, home and within their peer groups from a social learning perspective. The theory was also expected to prove by way of facts and contextually that what has been established by other scholars elsewhere can be generalizable and transferable to the Zimbabwean situation.LITERATURE REVIEWEducation system in Zimbabwe Post-2000The education system in Zimbabwe is classified into five stages; pre-school, primary, lower secondary, upper secondary and tertiary education. The pre-school education focuses on elementary education and caters for children in the 3 to 5 year age category and is delivered in nursery schools and crèches while Primary education, a 7-year cycle leads students into lower secondary level. The Zimbabwe’s Secondary education is divided into two clusters; lower which offers forms 1 to 4 classes before feeding into upper secondary which is the advanced part of it (Shizha and Kariwo, 2011). The upper secondary prepares students for tertiary education.Macroeconomic and fiscal policies in any economy determine the planning and allocation of resources (Drolet, et al, 2007). In that regard, following the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy in year 2000, the allocation of resources towards the education sector drastically declined adversely impacting on the quality of tuition and the rate of staff turn-over.Similarly, Shizha and Kariwo (2011), talk about the link between the nature and standard of institutions and the quality of education, citing them as vital factors for the development of education. Some of the major challenges to the development of education in Zimbabwe that have been identified include lack of effective supervision by the relevant regulatory authorities, lack of appropriate resources and inconsistent policies by the relevant government departments (Drolet, et al, 2007 and Shizha and Kariwo, 2011).ViolenceNon-fatal violence in schools continues to be a key worry to both teachers and parents in most urban schools in Zimbabwe in particular and the rest of the world in general. However, various scholars have come up with five mutually dependent classes of student risk factors that have a propensity to adversely influence student behaviour. The identified factors are related with the community, family, individual, peers, and school (Drolet, et al, 2007; Leach and Humphreys, 2007; Reddington, 2007; Massart, 2007).According to MSI (2008) and Basch (2011), the forms of violence amongst school-age youth seem to mirror students' phases of development. It has been noted that violence in lower grade students may be shown by way of beating, spitting, kicking, and name calling, whereas violent behaviour in lower high school may be defined by intimidation and physical fighting (Shoko, 2012). High school pupils could use weapons and take part in gang assault (Dodo et al, 2014).Community violenceWhile scholars like Fieldman (2009) and David-Ferdon and Simon (2014) have reported that over 80% of the youth especially pupils residing in urban areas have seen community violence with over 70% of them having reported being victims, this cannot be said of developing democracies like Zimbabwe. This is due to lack of empirically proven statistics (Dodo and Msorowegomo, 2012). Violence is particularly severe in urban neighbourhoods. This practice has gradually cascaded to the young people who often times transfer it to their peers and the school. Unfortunately, at the school where the new human rights-based policies have been enacted, the authorities can no-longer do anything about it except reporting to the police for investigation and prosecution, the latter of which is also restricted under children’s rights.Cooley-Strickland et al (2009) suggest the establishment of school-based treatment and preventive interventions for pupils at high risk for exposure to societal violence amongst those whose exposure weakens their capability to developmentally operate suitably and attain educational success. Despite these suggestions, according to UNHCR (2007), protracted community violence is prevalent among social groups with effects impacting considerably on young ones over a considerable period of time. What has to be realized is that pupils residing in regions with the highest statistics of crime and violence also experience the most violence exposure and coincidentally come from the city’s poorest neighbourhoods like Seke amongst others. Urban pupils from poor communities are at-risk for a series of co-occurring behavioural and emotional signs and weak psychosocial functioning (Fieldman, 2009 and Gudyanga et al, 2014). Exposure to violence takes place through different means; participation, media, victimization and hearsay (Gudyanga, et al, 2013)Delinquency and school performanceIn Zimbabwe, most schools in the high density areas are characterised by poor school results and high levels of delinquency so much so that there has been a generalized hypothesis to the effect that delinquency is directly related to poor performance in school. Unfortunately, there has not been an empirical study in Zimbabwe that can be generalized and transferred to all the low density areas. However, there are some researchers (Zhang et al, 2015) who have established that weak school performance is directly related to delinquent behaviours. Such studies have been common in the developed world and especially in the west. It is further argued that students who do poorly in school are within the most expected to break the law. The same school of thought goes on to argue that it is usual for school failure to serve as a solid forecaster of delinquency than other factors like peer influence, economic issues, social class background. Other researchers; Reddington (2007), Marais and Meier (2010) and Manguwo et al (2011), found out that delinquents are more academically lacking and thus more susceptible to abandoning school and getting involved in rebellious behaviour than non-delinquents. According to Salter and Schechtman (2007) and Shoko (2012), the existence of an encouraging social environment promotes a sense of comprehensiveness.FINDINGSThe results of this research are based on data collected over two-years (2013-2015). At the time of the post-test, 190 participants completed the test having lost 10 females in the 14 to 18 years category.Fig. 1 Full explanation of symbols:SymbolMeaningSymbolMeaningdDailyNsNot sureDrDrugsOncOnceDramDramaOtOtherEcEconomyPaintPaintingFtFootballSevSeveralIllegIllegalSxSexIndIndulgenceVlViolenceKaratKarateWWeeklyLegLegalYYesNNoNbNetballLevel of school truancy and motivation for truancyWhile both schools access all the students to both academic and extra-curricular activities, students from the two schools enjoy more freedom due to lack of strict monitoring from the authorities. It has also been revealed that while supervision is low, the schools generally enroll naughty students, former drop-outs and truants in a bid to cash in financially on their desperation.Fig. 2 Truancy levelTruancyMotivationDailyWeeklyOnceEconomyDrugsSexViolenceOther-14 Male00240002+14 Male018150155310-14 Female00420020+14 Female53531101521916Total553521630261428On school absenteeism, five and 53 (28%) indicated that they absent daily and weekly respectively while another 52 (27.3%) cited other reasons out of this study. Sixteen (8.4%), 30 (15.7%), 26 (13.6%), and 14 (7.3%) participants indicated that their absenteeism was influenced by economic reasons, drunkenness, and preoccupation by sexual activities and violence respectively while the other 28 cited other reasons. However, there was a loud sentiment about the influence of political youthism in the conduct of the participants largely emanating from their community politics. One participant said;“Ndinorovha kuchikoro nekuti tinenge tichiita marounds emusangano” (I absent from school because I will be engaged in party activities)The findings also show that 15 and 10 males and 31 and 16 females played truancy and were influenced respectively by various anger suppression and conflict management reasons. Most of the participants studied in the two-year research displayed a wide range of ill-adaptive effects like despair, apprehension, school failure, post-traumatic stress signs, and school disengagement amongst others.There were also sentiments to the effect that some participants played truancy because the infrastructure allowed. The locations of the schools were not strategic and appropriate enough for decent tuition. Another participant said;“Hakusi kutiza chikoro, handiti hapana kuvharwa? Saka ndinongoenda muclub”(It is not that I run away from school, since there is no perimeter wall, I simply cross to the night club)There were 48% more females in truancy levels with 35 (+14 females) compared to 18 (+14 males). This difference has to be viewed in relation to the fact that there are more females motivated to absent from school by sexual factors than males. There were 21 females compared to five males. There were also more females (10) who drop out of school due to economic reasons than males (2). This could be attributed to cultural beliefs that males need more education than females.Number of extra-curriculum activities pursuedAn interesting finding was that youth who participated in extra-curricular activities especially sports showed low involvement in violence in public. The possible explanation for this finding was the fact that they interacted with the community and therefore had created some relationships and that they had perfected their art of communication through interaction.Fig. 3 Extra-curricular ActivitiesSportArtsOthersFbNbKaraDramPaintLegalIlleg-14 Male12005000+14 Male21017138041-14 Female01607000+14 Female04432116022Total3360205624063The findings show that sporting activities were divided into two; football and karate, which is used for peacebuilding and violence-oriented respectively. Football had 33 (17.3%) and netball 60 (31.5%) while karate had 20 participants (10.5%) clearly confirming the proposition of the Social Learning theory. In the arts, there were 56 (29.4%) and 24 participants (12.6%) in the drama and painting groups respectively with more females pursuing soft extramural activities. There were also 41 (21.5) and 22 (11.5%) males and females respectively pursuing illegal activities, which were not identified.Trend of school results during the final 2 academic years.Fig. 4 School resultsTYHLPassFailImprovePassFailImprove-14 Male663645+14 Male51418111710-14 Female343433+14 Female1016712129Total244031333627On pupils’ academic performance, the study showed that there were 24 (12.6%), 40 (21.05%) and 31 (16.3%) participants at Ty who passed, failed and improved respectively while there were 33 (17.3%), 36 (18.9%) and 27 (14.2%) participants at Hl who also passed, failed and improved respectively.The results showed that the failure rate for both schools was way above pass and improvement rates. It also showed that the failure rate for males was higher than female participants. There were 58 (30.5%) pupils participating in after-school activities who improved their grades and exhibited a reduced amount of deviance.Frequency of violence at home, school, and within peer groups per weekFig. 6 Frequency of ViolenceHomeSchoolPeerDWOtherDWOtherDWOther-14 Male616190162222835+14 Male4294363158113860-14 Female71522010121913+14 Female213243181952541Total197310897511119100149Violence statistics showed that there were 19 (2.8%) and 73 (11%) incidents daily and weekly respectively at home while 108 (16.2%) others were recorded elsewhere. In school, nine (1.3%) and 75 (11.3%) cases were recorded daily and weekly respectively across all age ranges while 111 (16.7%) cases were recorded in other situations whereas in peer groups, 19 (2.8%) and 100 (15.08%) cases were recorded daily and weekly respectively with 149 (22.4%) recorded in other situations. On violence at home, three participants confirmed the following;“Kwedu kunorwiwa mazuva ose” (At home, there are fights daily)In total, there were 200, 195 and 268 violence cases recorded in homes, at school and at other undefined places respectively across all age groups. Males below 14 years and above 14 years had experienced 144 (21.7%) and 280 (42.2%) cases of violence respectively while females below 14 and above 14 years had also recorded 88 (13.2%) and 150 (22.6%) cases respectively during the same period as recorded after the post-test. Some of the common terms used to refer to fighting were;“kukiyana, kumamisana, dhudhu, zvimbokoma”Ever armed with weaponsFig. 7: Weapon useSchoolHomeTotal casesYesNoNSYesNoNS-14Male0250120450+14Male23401217508150-14Female0214420150+14Female113024134210130Total34116383513223Females showed low involvement with the use or carrying of weapons at both stages of the study having recorded 47.9% against males’ 52.08% cases. The number of participants who confirmed having used/carried a weapon to school was 34 (17.8%) with 116 (61.05%) indicating a negative response while 38 (20%) were not sure. Participants who also responded affirmatively to having used a weapon at home were 35 (18.4%) with 132 (69.4%) responding negatively while 23 (12.1%) were also not sure. There were more females (4) who admitted to using weapons than males (1). One female participant said;“Haa, ini ndinobaya, nescrew-driver, handitambise” (I stab with a screw driver, I don’t threaten at all)Frequency of smoking or taking drugs and sexual indulgence per weekFig. 8 Frequency of drugs and sexSchool /weekHome/weekSex Ind/weekOncSevOtOncSevOtOncSevOt-14 Male000040002+14 Male1440121649313948-14 Female000001214+14 Female28201533227241641Total527027598811392695Females exhibited high involvement in drug and alcohol related activities. Results for the school show that there were 52 (27.3%) and 70 (36.8%) participants who took drugs once and several times a week while the other 27 (14.2%) took at other times respectively. With regards to home situation, 59 (31.05%) and 88 (46.3%) indicated that they did drugs once and several times a week respectively while the other 11 did at other unspecified times. Interestingly, the results show that one female and four males below 13 years of age and an average 49 (49%) males and 33 (36.6%) females had used drugs at home.The research also showed that there were 39 and 26 participants across all ages who had indulged in sex at least once and several times a week respectively with 95 others having indulged under some unspecified circumstances. The study also showed that on average, there were four under 14 years age and 24 over 14 years age range females who engaged in sexual intercourse once a week.There were 14 males taking drugs once a week at school compared to 28 females, while there were also 16 males taking drugs once a week at home compared to 33 females during the same period. However, statistics for male drug takers both at home and school were almost double those of females.In respect to sex, females engaged in sex almost 80% more than male participants. During the second year of the study, 10 girls were lost after falling pregnant. This subsequently reduced the participants from 200 to 190.DISCUSSIONGlobal studies show that these results are in line with general trends that indicate that the differences between boys and girls are gradually closing with respect to participation in violence. Partaking in extramural activities by pupils occasionally expedited attachment to the school and also improved family relationship. Most of the extramural activities built relationships between the pupils and the school authorities and between the pupils and their parents since the activities bring joy and entertainment in the communities. However, some activities like karate exposed students to some form of violence so much so that they copied and reproduced it as argued by Bandura in the Social Learning theory.There was a noticeable effect on the risk behaviours of the ages below 13 females as they were more vulnerable to external influences than their male counterparts. One probable justification of this result could include the fact that younger children are more amenable to intervention. Links between exposure to and show of hostility,violence and negative educational outcomes are well documented. The study showed that family support played a significant part in guarding against pupils’ violence. In aggressive or low-support communities, peer deviance connection resulted in a worsening violence trajectory.The most fascinating outcome from the in-depth study of the 2013-2015 data is the solid positive relationship between pupils’ exposure to violence and their real participation in violence. The findings of the study show that pupils’ exposure to violence is a risk factor. Therefore, this explains why components of the Social Learning theory have been applied as the guiding theory for the study. Formal and conventional school programs supported by family can meaningfully lessen the type and magnitude of violent and aggressive behaviours. The studies also showed that aggressive and violent behaviour are exceedingly and unreasonably predominant amongst school- aged urban pupils and have an undesirable bearing on educational accomplishment.Culture has always played a part in the level of community violence to which pupils are exposed. In Zimbabwe, there has been serious impunity with regards to violence perpetrators so much so that it has been seen by most pupils as a noble practice to persecute others. Prolonged exposure to violence was proved to have an adverse effect on different facets of child development. Most pupils raised in urban settings with notable intensities of overpopulation, poverty and violence displayed a wide range of ill-adaptive effects, which include internalizing signs like despair, apprehension, school failure, and school disengagement.While community violence exposure has been associated by various scholars (Fieldman, 2009, Basch, 2011, and David-Ferdon and Simon, 2014) with diminishing attention, deteriorating intellectual performance and regressions in school achievement, the study has also established other factors like family stability and inter-parent relationships, community interactions and how social services’ provision allow people to relate. Others are the attitudes of the school authorities, school policies that criminalise the traditional beating of pupils by teachers, accessibility to immoral material and over-populated communities with mixed cultures and social practices.The Social Learning theory can be expounded in terms of the give-and-take relations between behavioural, intellectual and environmental effects. Similarly, the solid positive links detected for exposure to violence and participation in violence in the 2 schools’ pupils points to the fact that violence is acquired by seeing others and reproducing their behaviours. Bandura’s assertions are also evident in Goldstein's (1991) Familial Modeling theory which asserts that a person who might have been physically abused during childhood, assaults peers.CONCLUSIONIt is the study’s conclusion that pupils’ exposure to violence is a risk factor. Deducing from Bandura’s Social Learning theory, it is evident that most participants despite the fact that their enrolment is tainted by other factors, their behaviours are shaped by what they experience on a daily basis. It is also concluded that extramural activities build relationships between the pupils and the school authorities and between the pupils and their parents. Their encouragement could see an improved learning environment provided they are closely and sincerely monitored. From the findings especially on the behaviours of the participants below age 13, it is concluded that age and maturity do play a significant role in how pupils perceive violence as a solution to their challenges. Similarly, age also shapes and refines how pupils sometimes make decisions. It has become a culture in Zimbabwe for pupils who are also defined as youth to regularly engage in violence as a solution to grievances. Resultantly, this has adversely affected education results across the board. It is also concluded that while violence influences education badly, there are also several other factors and effects related to the problem.REFERENCESBandura, A, Ross, D., and Ross, S; (1961). Transmission of aggression through imitation of aggressive models.Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 63, 575–582.Bandura, A; (1973). Aggression: A social learning analysis. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.Basch, C; (2011). Aggression and violence and the achievement gap among urban minority Youth. Journal of School Health, 81(10), 619-625.Cohen, J., Mccabe, E., Mitchell, N., and Pickeral, T; (2009). School climate: Research, policy, practice and teacher education. American Psychological Association, School Psychology Quarterly, 27(3), 154-169.Cooley-Strickland M, T. J. Quille, R. S. Griffin, E. A. Stuart, C. P. Bradshaw and D. Furr-Holden; (2009). Community Violence and Youth: Affect, Behaviour, Substance Use, and Academics, Clinical and Child Family Psychological Review, 12(2), 127–156.David-Ferdon C, and Simon T. R. (2014), Preventing Youth Violence: Opportunities for Action. Atlanta, GA: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control.Dodo O, Nsenduluka E, Kasanda S. M; (2014). Weapons in Conflicts: Cases of Mazowe and Shamva, Zimbabwe.Journal of Applied Security Research, 9(3) 372-386Dodo O. and Musorowegomo C; (2012). Political Intolerance, Diversity and Democracy: Youth Violence in Bindura Urban, Zimbabwe. American International Journal of Contemporary Research, 2(6) 134-143.Drolet, M., Paquin, M., and Soutyrine, M; (2007). Strengths based approach and coping strategies used by parents whose young children exhibited violent behaviour: Collaborative between school and parents. Child Adolescent Social Work Journal, 24, 437-453.Fieldman, R; (2009). Understanding Psychology. New York, McGraw Hill.Gudyanga E, N. Matamba and A. Gudyanga; (2014), Visual Participatory Approach to Violent Behaviour amongst Zimbabwean Students: Forms and Prevalence, Asian Social Science, 10 (10), 1-11Gudyanga, E., Nyamande, W., and Wadesango, N; (2013). Assisting students with conduct disorders in Gweru urban primary schools: Issues and challenges. Journal of Psychology, 4(2), 47-ernment of Zimbabwe (GoZ); (2013), Constitution of Zimbabwe, Harare, Printflow.Leach, F. and S. Humphreys; (2007). Gender violence in schools: Taking the ‘girls-as-victims’ discourse Forward,Gender & Development, 15 (3), 93-104.Management Systems International (MSI); (2008). Are Schools Safe Havens for Children? Examining School- related Gender-based Violence. Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development.Manguwo, A., Whitney, S., and Chareka, C; (2011). The crisis of student misbehavior in Zimbabwe public schools: Teacher`s perception on impact of macro socio economic challenges. The African symposium, Online Journal of the African Educational Research Network, 11(2), 155-161.Marais, P., and Meier, C; (2010). Disruptive behaviour in the foundation phase of schooling. South African Journal of Education, 30(1), 41-57.Massart, G; (2007). Reactions! Violence against girls; their experience and protection in West Africa, Plan International, West Africa Regional Office.Myers, J; (2006). Keeping children safe: Training for child protection. Save the Children UK.Reddington, F; (2007). Youth violence and delinquency, monsters and myths. New York: Praeger publishers. Salter, N. and L. Schechtman; (2007), Violence free zone: End school-related violence, Washington, DC: GlobalAIDS Alliance.Shizha E, and Kariwo M. T; (2011) Education and Development in Zimbabwe A Social, Political and Economic Analysis, Rotterdam, Sense PublishersShoko, N; (2012). Educator`s perception of peer harassment among rural day secondary school pupils in Gweru, Zimbabwe. Asian Social Science, 8(13), 80-88.United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR); (2007). Safe schools and learning environment: How to prevent and respond to violence in refugee schools, Geneva, UNHCR.Zhang A, Musu-Gillette L, and Oudekerk B. A; (2015), Indicators of School Crime and Safety, Washington DC, National Center for Education Statistics.PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174543Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed & Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).CITIZENSHIP ALTERITIES: THE CASE OF CHILD BIRTH REGISTRATIONS IN THE TONGOGARA REFUGEE CAMP OF ZIMBABWENCUBE Nolwazi; CHIMBWANDA Tatenda; and WILLIE NcumisaABSTRACTThis paper focused on the case of Tongogara Refugee Camp in Chipinge, Zimbabwe. It has used this fragile context to explore the citizenship alterities of children born to asylum seekers and refugees who are undocumented and/or stateless persons who reside in this refugee camp. In this specific context of fragility and forced displacement, these undocumented children seemingly inhabit a ‘grey borderland’ that lies between sovereign states. Within this grey borderland, the status of asylum seekers, not of concern persons and refugees, and the protracted nature of their refugee experience produces generational (undocumented) refugees, which in effect renders them more susceptible to becoming stateless. The paper has pointed to the implications of these citizenship alterities and identified some of the policy and legislative gaps around the documentation of migrant children born in Zimbabwe’s refugee camps. Finally, the conclusion outlined policy recommendations for the socio-economic inclusion of undocumented migrant children, refugee children, and children born to asylum seekers and refugees in Zimbabwe to address generational refugeeism and to prevent the proliferation of statelessness.KEY TERMS: children, citizenship alterities, fragility, refugee(ism), statelessness, Zimbabwe, Tongogara Refugee CampKEY DATESReceived: 06 May 2018Revised: 02 August 2018Accepted: 01 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: AnalysisAuthor/s:NCUBE, Nolwazi, Department of Sociology, University of Cape Town, Leslie Social Science Building, Level 4, Email ncbnol001@myuct.ac.za, Telephone: +263 772 278 739 / +27 79 068 6326 CHIMBWANDA, Tatenda, Department of Peace Studies and International Development, University of BradfordNCUMISA, Willie, Faculty of Law, University of Cape TownINTRODUCTIONEvery child has the universal right to a name and nationality. This right is entrenched in the 1989 United Nations Convention for the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and is an essential mechanism for the effective realisation of children’s rights. Article 7 of the 1989 UNCRC stipulates that, ‘Every child has the right to be registered at birth, to have a name and nationality, and, as far as possible, to know and be cared for by their parents.’ Similar to Article 7 of the 1989 UNCRC, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of Children of 1990 (ACRWC) also seeks to ensure the rights of all children in the African continent. Notwithstanding these international and regional legal instruments, nearly 230 million children under the age of 5 remain unregistered globally. Out of these unregistered children, 37% reside in Sub-Saharan Africa (UNICEF, 2014a). Birth registration is not only an internationally recognised right, it is also an essential mechanism which ensures that the four General Principles of the UNCRC of: (i) non-discrimination, (ii) the best interest of the child, (iii) the right to life, survival and development, and (iv) the right to be heard are realised for all children, irrespective of their nationality. It is also pertinent for the realisation of socio-economic rights. Despite the importance of birth registration, it remains a global challenge, particularly so for vulnerable members of the international community such as refugees and asylum seekers. In light of the above, this discussion paper focuses on the case of birth registrations in the Tongogara Refugee Camp, highlighting some of the reasons why birth registration poses a challenge for refugee and asylum seeking children in the Zimbabwean context.The Tongogara Refugee Camp was established in 1984 to house Mozambican refugees. It is located in the Chipangayi area of Chipinge District in Manicaland Province. Manicaland Province has a 27% birth registration rate for children below the age of 5 years – 57% lower than the national average (ZIMSTAT & ICF International, 2016). As a result, the children of asylum seekers, refugees, stateless persons and undocumented persons in the Tongogara Refugee Camp are at greater risk of being undocumented and eventually stateless. With this peculiar precarity in mind, this paper will focus on the case of children born to refugees, asylum seekers and not of concern persons in the Tongogara Refugee Camp of Zimbabwe. It argues that the lack of birth registration and documentation for children born to refugees, asylum seekers, and not of concern persons in the Tongogara Refugee Camp renders them vulnerable to being undocumented and hence de jure stateless. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2017), persons deemed as ‘Not of Concern’ are persons who have an official ‘Asylum Seeker’ status as rejected on two appeals, which is in the first instance rejection and the final instance rejection officially making them ‘not of concern.’ These decisions are both from the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe refugee status determination processes.In Zimbabwe, not of concern persons are permitted to continue living in and receiving assistance from the UNHCR while awaiting a solution, which is being negotiated with the Government and UNHCR. Coutin (1999:53) highlights that not only does ‘the denial of citizenship [in this case refugee status] result in clandestinity, but also the practices that are created in an attempt to cope with such a denial can themselves constitute claims to membership’. As of July 2017, the Tongogara Refugee Camp hosts 554 not of concern persons, 181 of these persons are children. While the camps hosts 2 709 asylum seekers and 1 431 are children under the age of 18. Asylum seekers and not of concern persons inhabit the transient space of ‘grey borderlands’ (Sassen, 1991) as they await the award of Refugee status or repeal of the decision on their application for Refugee status. For instance, their ID documentation classifies them as either ‘Alien’ or ‘Refugee’ both of which are terms that define the borders of identity in citizenship as they continue to negotiate their lives within a context, which does not offer them full citizen rights.Further to this, the definition of a ‘refugee’ is contained in the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, its 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1969 Organization of African Unity (OAU) Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa. However, Zimbabwe has not ratified the UN Convention. Refugees are defined as ‘persons of concern who have an official asylum seekers application granted as ‘Refugee’ after a successful Refugee Status Determination (RSD) application with credible information.’ The majority of these recognised refugees are concentrated in the Tongogara Refugee Camp. As of July 2017, the country population for all refugees and asylum seekers in Zimbabwe was 11 012. Of this 11 012 refugees and asylum seekers, 9 458 (86%) were residing within the Tongogara Refugee.The 1951 UN Convention defines a refugee as:…any person who, owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it….The 1969 OAU Convention includes this description. However, it extends the definition by adding that:The term ‘refugee’ shall also apply to every person who, owing to external aggression, occupation, foreign domination or events seriously disturbing public order in either part or the whole of his countryof origin or nationality, is compelled to leave his place of habitual residence in order to seek refuge in another place outside his country of origin or nationality.An asylum seeker is a person who enters a foreign country with or without legally required documents, with the intention of seeking refugee status, and whose status has not yet been lodged or has been lodged but has not yet been adjudicated. In the 2017 mid-year aggregation, the UNHCR recorded that Zimbabwe had a total population of 3 390 asylum seekers, not of concern persons and others of concern. The UNHCR uses the category ‘Others of Concern’ to refer to ‘Zimbabweans who are spouses and children to refugees and asylum seekers’. It highlights, however, ‘that at times parents prefer to register their children with the father’s nationality as a culture, which in the future makes it difficult to register the children under the mother’s nationality as the host parent. Hence according to the UNHCR the total population residing in the refugee camp includes individuals whose application for refugee status has been rejected, where the rejection is on ‘purely formal grounds’ or on substantive grounds that UNHCR would not consider sufficient; or following a process for determination of refugee status that is not procedurally fair. By law, asylum seekers should be considered to have the same rights as refugees, until such time as it is fairly determined that they do not have refugee status. However, evidence from Zimbabwe and across the globe suggests that this is often not the case (UNHCR, 2015).Zimbabwe’s legal framework on birth registrationZimbabwe’s legal framework on birth registration is informed by international laws. In addition to this, Zimbabwe has signed and ratified both the UNCRC and the ACRWC. Both these legal instruments place a legal obligation on the signatory state to register every child’s birth. Zimbabwe has domesticated this international obligation through its Births and Deaths Registration Act [Chapter 5:02] of 1986. Section 10 and 11 of this Act put in place measures which ensure that the birth of a child is registered, and includes a provision that enables other parties such as caregivers aged 18 years and above to register a child. It also provides caregivers and parents with a forty- two day grace period within which to register the birth of a child.Although Zimbabwe signed the UNCRC and ACRWC and established a national legal frameworks for addressing child birth registrations, the national birth registration rate for children below the age of 5 years remains suboptimal; with great differentiations in the birth registration rates from province to province. According to the 2015 Zimbabwe Demographic Health Survey (ZDHS), “Births are registered with civil authorities for 44[%] of children under age 5” of this proportion of legally registered children, 33% had a birth certificate and 11% had their birth registered but did not obtain any birth certificate (ZIMSTAT & ICF International, 2016:7).LimitationsDue to the lack of a decentralised birth registration system within the camp administered by the Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Home Affairs within the Department of the Registrar General, it is difficult to state conclusively how many children in the camp are undocumented, that is: without a birth certificate. In addition, this discussion paper is unable to speak to the individual experiences of refugees and asylum seekers with the Tongogara Refugee Camp as data is based on population statistics from the UNHCR and not biographical narrative interviews the refugees and asylum seekers in the camp. Thus, they is lack of available, reliable data and research studies on the issue of Birth registration in Tongogara refugee camp. However we note this as an avenue for follow-up research.CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKFragile state, fragile contextAccording to the World Bank (2015) Zimbabwe is a ‘fragile state’. The World Bank (2015) defines the term fragile state as being a low-income country characterised by weak state capacity or weak state legitimacy leaving citizens vulnerable to a range of shocks. A state is also deemed to be fragile if it is eligible for financial aid from the International Development Association (IDA). Zimbabwe embodies the characteristics of a ‘fragile state’ as defined by the World Bank. For example, Zimbabwe is a low income country with an average Zimbabwean living on $3.24 (United States dollars) a day and 72% of the population living below the World Bank International Poverty line of $1.90 a day (World Bank, 2015). Zimbabwe is also characterised by climate risks and instability in its economic, political and civic spheres. Hence, Zimbabwe has a heightened exposure to risks combined with a low capacity to mitigate or absorb them (Malek, 2016). Due to Zimbabwe being a fragile state, matters pertaining to the wellbeing of the refugees fall under the responsibility of international non-governmental organisations and development agencies such as the UNHCR and Terre des Hommes (TDH) in Zimbabwe. It is for this reason this paper argues that Zimbabwe is indeed a fragile state.The Tongogara refugee camp is run by UNHCR in partnership with the Zimbabwean state. The Government of Zimbabwe, through the Department of Social Welfare (DSW) within the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare are in close co-operation with other departments within the ministries to oversee the management of the camp with funding support from UNHCR. TDH Zimbabwe is a UNHCR technical supportpartner that works towards ensuring that refugees realise rights such as healthcare, education, shelter and sanitation. TDH is responsible for the provision of water and sanitation services, healthcare, distribution of essential relief items and food, self-reliance and livelihood programme. TDH is committed to ensuring that the children remain in school at the refugee camp. It also offers them social protection services and support. These rights also include children’s rights such as birth registration, presentation and reduction of statelessness, and the protection of statelessness persons and child protection.As earlier alluded, the national context is also made increasingly fragile by donor dependency in terms of the provision of social protection for refugees in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe’s status as a fragile state raises questions around the sustainability of the country’s refugee policy implementation capabilities. For example, what would happen if the donors were to pull out? The fragility of this context is amplified by the fact that the refugee camp is located within an extremely fragile context of Manicaland Province which has a 70% poverty prevalence (ZIMSTAT & ICF International, 2016). Further to this, as aforementioned, Manicaland Province where Tongogara Refugee Camp is located has a birth registration rate that is 57% lower than the national average (ZIMSTAT & ICF International, 2016). Weak state capacity in the fragile state of Zimbabwe is witnessed in low birth registration rates for citizens, and the vulnerability of refugees and asylum seekers is exacerbated in this fragile with an even higher rate of poverty and lower birth registrations than the national averages.The confinement of refugees within the Tongogara Refugee Camp brings a range of citizenship alterities to the fore. Whilst the Refugees Act No. 13 of 1978 [Chapter 4:03] as amended by Act No. 22 of 2001 makes no mention of asylum seekers, disquietingly, the Refugees Act is entirely silent on children, and therein overlooks the vulnerabilities of children in contexts of fragility and forced displacement. This in effect contributes to un- documentation and statelessness particularly with regards to separated children and unaccompanied minors. As a result, children are marginalised by this legislative framework. Whilst the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Act No. 20 of 2013 provides wider protections for persons at risk of statelessness, gaps remain when considering the protections advanced by the 1961 Convention, to which the country has not acceded. For instance, while Section 38 of the Constitution, provides that persons continually residing in Zimbabwe for at least 10 years and satisfying certain conditions are entitled to apply for citizenship, the law does not entirely protect persons that are stateless or at risk of statelessness. However, there remain policy gaps such as the failure to grant citizenship to the children born of stateless parents.The fragility and vulnerability underpinned by statelessness is encapsulated by the notion of clandestinity. Clandestinity is a useful concept in that it captures the issue of exclusion based on ‘illegality, disenfranchisement ineligibility, and a permeability that fails to differentiate’ between types of citizenship alterities (Coutin, 1999:53). Refugees in Zimbabwe negotiate their lives within this fragile context where they experience varying degrees of ‘liminal citizenship’ and clandestinity can therefore be a barrier to social protection as it fails to differentiate between stateless persons and undocumented persons (Torres & Wicks-Ausbun, 2014).Children within the refugee camp remain fixed within this fragile context, as this camp is home to more than two generations of refugees. Thus, making them experience their refugee rights within the fixed pocket that is the fragile context of the camp as they do not possess the documentation that allows them access to a number of services like healthcare, education and judicial services. We argue that the Tongogara Refugee Camp is a fragile context in which the inhabitants are bound by the clandestinity and a transient permeability that fails to differentiate their varying degrees of (i)legality. This places them in an uncertain position that we describe as ‘temporary permanence’ (Ncube, 2014). Controversially, Agamben (1998) might posture to refugee camps as ‘modern concentration camp’. Within this grey borderland of the refugee camp of ‘bare life’, undocumented migrants are sometimes ‘reduced to a naked depoliticized state without official status and juridical rights’ (Agamben, 1998:57).As previously mentioned, ‘others of concern’ are children who inhabit grey borderlands by consequence of the prevalent cultural trend wherein children to refugees and asylum seekers are registered with the father’s nationality. As a result, it becomes difficult in future to naturalise these children under the mother’s nationality, thereby perpetuating this state of temporary permanence.Menjívar (2006) states that:Lengthy uncertain legal statuses determine if, how, and when immigrants will become fully legal and then citizens (through naturalization). Thus, spaces between conventional legal categories affect the immigrants’ immediate lives as well as long-term membership, thus raising the possibility of new forms of citizenship through migration.The temporary permanence of refugees including not of concern persons and other of concern persons is highlighted by their permeability between undocumented, asylum seeking, Alien and Refugee status. In this way they are suspended between resettlement and repatriation.DISCUSSIONTongogara Refugee Camp: a context of fragilityThere is need to draw attention to the children in the Tongogara Refugee Camp. Children make up more than half (52%) of the total refugee population in the Camp. The Camp hosts 127 not of concern persons, 73 (57%) of these persons are children. While the camps hosts 3 263 asylum seekers and 1 711 (52%) are children under the age of 18 excluding not of concern persons. Asylum seekers and not of concern persons inhabit the transient space of grey borderlands they await the award of Refugee status or repeal of the decision on their application for Refugee status. The notion of a grey borderland is adapted from Sassen’s (1991) notion of the ‘border zone’ referring to an area where ‘where the old spatialities and temporalities of the national and the new ones of the global digital age engage’ and highlights the obscure and uncertain space where nationalities engage and are renegotiated through the application for legal citizenship. By way of illustration, the ID documentation of refugees classifies them either as ‘Alien’ or ‘Refugee’ – terms that are ‘other’ to the ordinary citizen, and as a result they must continue to negotiate their lives within a context which does not offer them full citizen rights. Children within the refugee camp remain fixed within this fragile context, as this camp is constituted by generations of refugees. Whilst the Tongogara Refugee is camp is named after Zimbabwean liberation struggle veteran, Josiah Tongogara; the verb ‘tongogara’ is the future perfect tense in Shona for ‘we will (just) stay’. Hence in this context, seems almost sardonicallyladen with a kind of resignation in the present reminiscent of the future continuous tense – as if to signify the perpetuity of generational refugeeism. Nonetheless, in spite of this inability to access basic human rights and services in the refugee camp, the precarious and protracted nature of refugeeism keeps them suspended in a state of temporary permanence as even their refugee status may be revoked and refugees repatriated at any such time as the status they hold is nullified by conditions such as stability and the end of war. The lack of durable solutions for long stay refugees means status withdrawal hangs like a guillotine, above their heads. They are thus in a permanent yet temporary state. Our concept of the refugee camp as a grey borderland is echoic of what Scott (1985) would call ‘hidden scripts’, which are like ‘loop holes’ and ‘interstices’ (Lee, 2010), where norms are subverted and ‘temporariness’ can become permanent (Ncube, 2014).Recent arrival trends show that the highest number of refugee children (including asylum seekers) aged 0-17 years hail from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mozambique and Rwanda. 739 girls and 820 boys enrolled at Tongogara Primary School – making a total of 1 559 children. Zimbabwe adopts an encampment policy and therefore, refugees and asylum seekers are confined to refugee camps unless extreme circumstances exist which require them to live in urban areas. These circumstances may include employment or the need of medical treatment.Birth registrations: the right to a name and nationalityWhile the Government of Zimbabwe has taken commendable steps, as presented in the Zimbabwe’s second periodic report submitted by States parties under Article 44 of the UNCRC, to ensure birth registration for children, the overall birth registration situation in the country could be improved. In 2008, the national birth registration rate for Zimbabwe was only 42% – 56% in urban areas and 35% for rural areas (ZIMSTAT & ICF International, 2016). This disparity is largely due to the limited capacity of civil authorities. This challenge is amplified in rural areas where proximity to a civil authority for birth registration may is further than it is in urban areas. In fact, a comparison of the 2005-06 with the 2010-11 ZDHS revealed that the percentage of children under the age of 5 whose births were registered had dropped sharply from 74% to 49% (CSO & Macro International 2007; ZIMSTAT & ICF, 2012). The 2015 ZDHS indicated that the birth registration rate in Zimbabwe for children below the age of 5 year is 84%.In 2011 the UNHCR anticipated that only 70% of new-born children born in the refugee camp would be issued birth certificates due to a funding deficit (UNHCR, 2015). Symptoms Zimbabwe’s weak state capacity are witnessed in the fluctuation in national birth registrations; less than optimal issue birth certificates for children whose birth are registered. As a consequence of Zimbabwe’s status as a fragile state, the national and international obligation to register every child’s birth within the Camp is contingent on donor funding. In order be to attain a universal birth registration rate in Zimbabwe, there is need to focused measures to be put in place. In many cases, access to socio-economic rights is hindered by the lack of documentation. For example: birth registration is also linked to the right to education (Article 28 of the UNCRC), as children cannot be enrolled in schools outside the camp without a birth certificate. The growing population of the camp has resulted in the camp not having the capacity to cater to the needs of the refugee community. Thus members of the refugee community sometimes take recourse to access healthcare from the local health facilities outside the camp. However, without proof of birth registration for example in the form of a birth certificate, unregistered children of refugees and asylum seekers from the Camp may be turned away from schools and health facilities. For instance in 2014, there was a secondary school shortage in Chipinge, as they only have one high school which can only accommodate 800 students (UNHCR, 2015). Birth registration was employed as exclusion criteria and as a result, 200 children from therefugee camp were denied entrance into Cheche High School based on the fact that they had no birth certificates. The local registrered children were given first preference (UNHCR, 2015).A state of statelessnessThe lack of formal birth registration and issuance of birth certificates can have an adverse impact on unregistered children in Zimbabwe, which can often lead to statelessness and socio-economic exclusion (UNHCR, 2015; UNICEF, 2014b). Birth registration is defined as “the continuous, permanent and universal recording within the civil registry, of the occurrence and characteristics of births in accordance with the legal requirements” of a country (OHCHR, 2014:3). Birth registration is critical in the prevention of statelessness, since it establishes a legal record of where a child was born and who his or her parents are. Therefore, the lack of documentation renders children susceptible to becoming stateless, as without birth certificates or proof of birth registration, they lack the key means of proving their nationality – nationality that would entitle them to certain rights in that country. Furthermore, without a birth certificate, refugee children are unable to maintain their nationality upon returning to their country of origin. However, the cultural tendency towards registering children with the fathers nationality poses a gendered challenge for birth registration in absence of the child’s father or the even that he is an undocumented or stateless person. Thus, there is a need to recognise the complexity embedded within the term ‘stateless’. A stateless person is someone who is not considered as a national by any state under the operation of its law (McAdam, 2010:). A stateless person is accordingly not considered a national of their country of birth nor the country they habitually reside in and are thus without a nationality that they can claim. Stateless persons and undocumented persons are often confused and conflated with one another. On one hand, an undocumented migrant is a person who is not in possession of valid legal documentation which allow her to reside in a particular country (Paspalanova, 2007). Nonetheless, an undocumented person may become a stateless person, however the former does not predispose the latter.A number of the children at the refugee camp are undocumented and thus likely to become ‘stateless citizens’. Despite the rights children in the refugee camp access, such as the right to health (Article 24 of the UNCRC) and education (Article 28), statelessness remains a challenge for these children. The children remain troubled by the lack of, not only a national identity but also a personal identity therein limiting their enjoyment of a full existence as human beings. Universal human rights may be limited or entirely inaccessible to them due to the fact that they are asylum seekers, refugees or undocumented. It has been noted that a number of children within the refugee camp cannot obtain the recognition of the nationality of (one of) their parents.PROPOSED LEGISLATIVE AMENDMENTSIn line with the international conventions such the aforementioned 1989 UNCRC and the 1990 ACRWC – which Zimbabwe is a signatory to – this paper recommends that the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe incorporate the principle of the best interests of the child in all laws. In particular, those concerning nationality and citizenship legislation outside of the family law context. One way is by providing recognised long-stay refugees with durable solutions in Zimbabwe, specifically with reference to the issue of liminal socio-economic inclusion is the amendment of refugee laws to grant citizenship to long stay refugees. In this regard it could draw lessons from South Africa, which grants citizenship to refugees after 10 years of continuous stay in South Africa if they can demonstrate that they will otherwise remain refugees for an indefinite period of time. Such durable solutions for long stay refugees also assists long stay refugee in obtaining social integration, particularly vis-à-vis refugee children born within the Tongogara Refugee Camp. In South Africa, citizenship is conferred to every foreign child born in South Africa on his/her eighteenth birthday, provided that they have valid legal documents, which permit them to live in South Africa. This approach has been instrumental in curbing the state of protracted refugeeism in South Africa and is in line with the best interest of the child mantra (Willie & Mfubu, 2016). Protracted refugeeism denotes a situation in which refugees find themselves in a long-lasting and intractable state of limbo. It is often characterised by lack of access to basic socio-economic rights. Protracted and generational refugeeism extend refugee children’s sense of exclusion through a perpetual state of temporary permanence and legal limbo. The principle of the best interest of a child cannot be divorced from the need to finding durable solutions for children. ‘The best interests of a child [principle is] the avenue through which a durable solution is made and should not be discarded. Children should be provided with a secure, stable life throughout their childhood and beyond’ (Willie & Mfubu, 2016). The principle should be employed in practices and procedures of all state institutions in discharging their duties. It is essential that all children born in Zimbabwe, including refugee children, asylum seekers and undocumented migrant children have access to birth registration regardless of their parents’ citizenship status, country of origin or gender. Zimbabwe must furthermore strive to achieve universal birth registration for children as this right can impinge on integral rights such as education. In addition, the Zimbabwean Refugees Act ought to be amended to explicitly include a process of birth registration for both asylum seekers and refugees. For example, as with the existing procedures for non-citizen birth registration for the children of foreign nationals; that is: visitors and expatriates, procedures ought to be put in place to issuecurrent birth certificates for refugee children and initial birth certificates born to refugees, asylum seekers and not of concern persons in the Tongogara Refugee Camp and other contexts of fragility. Further to this, the Act should also be amended to include rights and responsibilities of asylum seekers. At an implementation level there is also a need to put in place measures to aid or prevent statelessness of clandestine (that is: undocumented and/or stateless) persons. In order to address statelessness, we recommend that the Zimbabwe establish regularisation options for existing undocumented migrants. Lessons can be learned from the South African legal approach. In an attempt todeal with the increasing numbers of undocumented migrants from its neighbour, Zimbabwe, the Department of Home Affairs introduced the Zimbabwean Special Permit (ZSP) in 2014 and the Zimbabwean Exemption Permit (ZEP) in 2017 for the regularisation of undocumented Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa (DHA, 2017). Both the ZSP and the ZEP relaxed the customary work permit requirements for all undocumented Zimbabwean migrants unlawfully present in South Africa to be regulated and documented. The Government of Zimbabwe should also consider entering into bilateral agreements with sending countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mozambique and Rwanda Mozambique – all of which have the highest number of refugee children (including asylum seekers), aged below the age of majority (18 years). Refugees and asylum seekers from these countries could be offered special work permits as with the case of the Zimbabwean Dispensation Permit. In this way the State would be addressing existing issues pertaining to clandestine persons. This will consequently eliminate the proliferation of statelessness. Furthermore, the State should consider adopting other legislative measures such as the passing and adopting of an Act which specifically aims to prevent statelessness. The Act should draw on the prevention mechanisms contained in the 1961 UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness. Such an Act should have proper procedural avenues which prevent stateless and provide documentation opportunities for those who are stateless or in danger of being stateless in Zimbabwe.CONCLUSIONThis discussion paper laid out the country’s legal frameworks on birth registration and citizenship, highlighting the policy gaps that render refugee children and children of asylum seekers in the Tongogara Refugee Camp especially vulnerable. It has also presented Zimbabwe’s socio-economic background in order to provide a better understanding of Zimbabwe as a fragile state. It has also discussed the some of the citizenship alterities that arise from this the country’s unique landscape. The paper has argued for a human rights-based approach towards refugee and asylum seeking children. and children born of undocumented persons in order to address the vulnerable situation caused by the lack of birth registration. It has recommended certain legislative reforms, which the authors argue will not only optimise birth registrations, but also reduce statelessness. The policy reforms proposed in this paper would allow the State to give effect to the maxims of the best interest of the child, thereby giving effect to Zimbabwean’s international and national obligations towards birth registration.REFERENCESAgamben, G.; (1998). Homo Sacer: Sovereign power and bare life. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Coutin, S. B.; (1999). Citizenship and clandestiny among salvadoran immigrants. Political and Legal Anthropology Review, 22(2), 53-63.Central Statistical Office (CSO) (2007). Zimbabwe Demographic & Health Survey (ZDHS) 2005-06. Harare: Government of Zimbabwe.Department of Home Affairs (DHA) South Africa; Statement by Minister Mkhize on the closure of the Zimbabwean Special Permit (ZSP) and the opening of the New Zimbabwean Exemption Permit (ZEP). Availableat: mkhize-on-the-closure-of-the-zimbabwean-special-permit-zsp-and-the-opening-of-the-new- zimbabwean-exemption-permit-zep. Accessed: 14 May ernment of Zimbabwe; (2013). Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment 2013. Harare: Government of ernment of Zimbabwe; (1986). Deaths Registration Act of Zimbabwe Amendment 1994, 2000 and 2001.Harare: Government of ernment of Zimbabwe; (1978). Refugees Act of Zimbabwe Amendment 2001. Harare: Government Pof Zimbabwe.Lee, C. T.; (2010). Bare Life, Interstices, and the Third Space of Citizenship. Women’s Studies Quarterly, 38 (1&2), 57-81. Available at: . Accessed: 12 May 2018.Malek, C.; (2016). UAE to welcome 15 000 refugees from Syria, The National, 22 September 2016.McAdam, J.; (2010). ‘Disappearing States’, Statelessness and the Boundaries of International Law. University of South Wales (UNSW) Law Research Paper No. 2010-2. Available at: . Accessed: 1 May 2018.Menjívar, C.; (2006). Liminal legality: Salvadoran and Guatemalan immigrants’ lives in the United AmericanJournal of Sociology, 111 (4), 999-1037.Ncube, N. N.; (2014). Narratives of the transnational student: a complicated story of cultural identity, cultural exchange and homecoming. Master’s thesis. Sociology, University of Cape Town. Cape Town: OpenUCT. Available at: . Accessed 14 May 2018.Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR); (2014). Birth registration and the right of everyone to recognition everywhere as a person before the anisation of African Unity (OAU); (1969). Convention Governing the Specific Aspe71cts of Refugee Problems in Africa. Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia.OAU; (1990). The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of Children. Addis Ababa: Afrina Union. Paspalanova, M.; (2007). Undocumented vs. illegal migrant: Towards terminological coherence. MigracionesInternacionales, 4 (3), 79-90. Available at: 13 May 2018.Scott, J. C.; (1985). Weapons of the weak: Everyday forms of peasant resistance. New Haven: Yale University Press.Sassen, S.; (1991). The Global City: the de-nationalizing of time and space. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Torres, R. & Wicks-Ausbun, M.; (2014) Undocumented Students’ Narratives of Liminal Citizenship: HighAspirations, Exclusion, and ‘In-Between’ Identities. The Professional Geographer, 66 (2), 195-204.United Nations (UN); (1954). Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons. New York and Geneva, United Nations.United Nations (UN); (1951). Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. New York and Geneva,: UN. United Nations (UN); (1967). Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. New York and Geneva,: UN.United Nations (UN); (1989). Convention Relating to the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). New York and Geneva,: UN.United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA); (2016). Boost for Mothers at Tongogara Refugee Camp. 1 August 2016. Available at: camp?page=0,1. Accessed: 9 July 2017.United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR); (1961). Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness. New York and Geneva,: UN.UNHCR; (2015). ‘I am here, I belong’: The Urgent Need to End Childhood Statelessness. Available at: : 29 April 2018.United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF); (2014a). Child Protection from Violence, Exploitation and Abuse: Birth Registration Available at: . Accessed: 3 October 2017.UNICEF; (2014b). Birth registrations, can we do more? Available at: . Accessed: 21 August 2018.Willie, N. & Mfubu, P.; (2016). No Future for our Children: Challenges faced by foreign minors living in South Africa. African Human Mobility Review, 2(1), 424-42. Available at: content/uploads/2016/07/Willie-Mfubu.pdf. Accessed: 1 December 2018.World Bank; (2015). Harmonised List if Fragile Situations: FY14 List of fragile and conflict affected situation countries. Available at: list-of-fragile-situations. Accessed: 18 April 2018.Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT) Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) 2010-Harare: Government of Zimbabwe.ZIMSTAT; (2015). Zimbabwe Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) 2014, Final Report. Harare, ZIMSTAT. ZIMSTAT (2016). Zimbabwe ZDHS 2015: Final Report. Harare, ZIMSTAT.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSWe would like to thank the UNHCR Zimbabwe Country office, in particular Mr Brian Mabvumo, and Mrs Gwarada of TDH for providing us with the updated statistics and defintions that informed this research paper.African Journal of Social Work, 9(1), 201972PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174215Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed& Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS(Elsevier’s abstract and citation database)|Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).PREVALENCE, CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF DIVORCE IN BAHIR DAR CITY, ETHIOPIAMEKONNEN Yeshiwork; KASSA Koye and AYALEW MeseretABSTRACTThis study investigated the prevalence, causes and consequences of divorce in Bahir Dar City, Ethiopia. Mixed methods design was employed for the study and both qualitative and quantitative data were collected. For the quantitative data 361 randomly selected households and for the qualitative part 8 divorcees and 8 purposively selected community and religious leaders participated. Questionnaires were used to collect quantitative data while qualitative data were collected through interviews, focus group discussions and document analysis. The quantitative data were analyzed quantitatively using percentage and mean while the qualitative data were narrated and paraphrased. The result of the study indicated that the prevalence of divorce in three consecutive years (2013/14, 2014/15 and 2015/16) were 24%, 26.28% and 49.72% respectively. Moreover, the data from questionnaire respondents indicate that 46.5% of households were divorced. The major causes of divorce fall under psychological, social and economical issues respectively. The conclusion of the study is that unless interventions are made the rate of divorce will continue resulting in the psychosocial and economic crises. Hence based on the findings of the study, it is recommended that short term training on marriage counseling need to be designed for elderly and religious leaders. Intervention and prevention programs need to be established where married people access professional family counseling services in their surroundings. Additionally, different community based and nongovernmental organizations are expected to give pre-marriage counseling and training for couples on child care responsibilities, communication and conflict management skills.KEY TERMS: divorce, prevalence, causes, consequencesKEY DATESReceived: 06 June 2018Revised: 06 January 2019Accepted: 06 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: Original researchAuthor/s:MEKONNEN, Yeshiwork Department of Social Psychology; Bahir University, Ethiopia, E-mail:yeshiworkmekonnen@ KASSA, Koye Assistant Professor of Social Psychology, Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia.AYALEW Meseret; Assistant Professor of Clinical Psychology, Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia.INTRODUCTIONAny reflections on divorce, originates from the concept of marriage. And marriage is said to be the fundamental principle or practice of the society and when couples get married it is assumed that they do it by will, feeling that they would live joyfully ever after (Selome, 2007). Through marriage two individuals start to live together to continue their marital life as well as for the creation of a new generation. However, divorce is a legal termination of marriage (Seid, 2014 cited in Rogers and Skinner, 1996). Divorce has severe impact on the family and on society. It breaks relatives; interrupts infant rearing as well as mothers and their children’s social and economical protection in the society (Aktar, 2013).In Ethiopia, divorce is prevalently practiced. For instance, in Tilsen and Larson, (2000), it is stated that 45 per cent of first marriages in Ethiopia end in divorce within 30 years. Similarly, in the 1994 population and housing census in Addis Ababa it was indicated that, “among 506, 852 married couples 97,147 were divorced”. Regardless of the causes behind and the effects it results, divorce is becoming among the major societal problems in Ethiopia in general and in Bahir Dar City Administration in particular.The major causes of divorce among the Amhara people in North Shewa zone were, “childlessness, physical abuse, maltreatment, wasting money, adultery, exerting too much control over personal activities, forcing intercourse, homesickness, and a large difference in age” ( Serkalem,2006:19, cited from Tilson & Larsen, 2000 ). The conformity of couples to divorce or a request for divorce is the outcome of failure of the family for numerous personal, societal and financial causes (Daniel, 1994; cited in Yohannis, 2015). Additionally, Askalemariam and Minwagaw (2013), stated that conflict management problems, parental interference and communication problems, lack of promise to marriage, alcohol addiction, physical abuse, sexual incompatibility, falling out of love, financial problem and lack of maturity the major causes of divorce.Concerning its consequence, divorce, exposed children to social, economic and psychological problems (Fagan & Rector, 2000). Similarly, (Tarekegn, 2015) stated that separation of the couple’s consequences in psychological, social and economical difficulties for the parents and their children and the society as the whole. Moreover, Seid,2014 cited in Venter, 2006), forwarded that the impact of separation between pairs results in lifelong crisis of enormous proportion that makes the start of painful process of changes including major troubles in the family system.Other studies also showed that the termination of husband and wife are connected with a various social problems. For example, divorced women have no or a little social connection with the community and are more likely to lack social support (Gahler, 2006). In addition, divorced women experienced negative life events and physical and psychological ill-health. Furthermore, divorce may affect their mental health in a more negative way; they have also, the major custody of children, and are more likely to experience parental responsibility overload. Similarly, as to Kitson and Morgan (1990), the effects of divorce for individuals are it reduce income and standards of living for women, and their children living with them have been found to be exposed for financial difficulty.Likewise, after the separation of their parents children faced emotional and behavioral difficulties connected with different stresses. Divorce also affects children negatively to change their life (school dropout, engaging in addiction, develop anti social behaviors) (Amato, 2001). Several studies showed that children and their family going through divorce have a higher occurrence of psychological, social and economical problems. Divorce can be a stressful experience, which affects the economical, social and psychological wellbeing of both divorcees; especially mothers and their children. Hence this study tried to examine the prevalence, major causes and consequences of divorce in Bahir Dar City Administration.In local study, Semhal (2007) stated that the most divorced in Ethiopia is uneducated and also house wives and these divorced women are living without support. Serkalem (2006), concluded that divorced women in Ethiopia are economically weak and usually engage in informal sectors like selling home made products (local beer/Tella, Arekie and Injera, etc), collecting wood and retailing activities after divorce. Because of this their living condition is almost miserable. Serkalem’s finding also indicated that their social connection with the society is almost isolated because divorce does not enable them to get the moral and economical support they need. Though, she studied the socio economic impact of divorce, she did not see the prevalence and consequence of divorce.Similarly, Yohanis (2015), attempted to investigate the economic and social impacts of divorce on divorced women. Many of the divorced women were found to be depending on agriculture and insecure income source such as activities to generate income for their survival mainly preparing local bears to make their living. Yohannis also focused only on socio economic impact of divorce in specific Kebele (Hulet Ejju Enessie Woreda: Addis Zemen Kebele). However, he did not see the prevalence, causes and psychological consequences of divorce.Again, Askalemariam and, Minwagaw (2013) stated that, there is high rate of divorce in Dejen and Aneded Woredas resulted from lack of conflict management skills, interference from parents of spouses and communication problems. Likewise, the possible consequences of such divorces were anti-social behaviors,school dropout, engage in addiction, and develop antisocial behavior, theft and immoral acts of conduct on childrenThis study is different from the earlier research mentioned so far because the study area of the previous research was mainly in rural settings which are different from the demographic nature and context of Bahir Dar city. Besides, the study did not investigate the trend and prevalence of divorce while the current study focuses on such areas. Even, there is no adequate and comprehensive study on the prevalence, causes and consequences of divorce in Bahir Dar city.Consequently, research attempted to answer the following research questions.To what extent is divorce prevalent in Bahir Dar city Administration?What are the major causes of divorce in Bahir Dar city Administration?What are the consequences of divorce in Bahir Dar city Administration?METHODSIn this study pragmatic paradigm approach that concerns with solutions to problems instead of focusing on methods are used (Cresswell, 2009). For triangulation and enriching the data mixed-methods approach is employed.Amongest the nine sub-cities of Bahir Dar city, four sub cities (Belay Zeleke, Gishabay, Sefene selam and Shumabo) were selected using simple random sampling technique. The total numbers of households in the sample sub-cities were 19,568(CSA, 2007). After selecting the above mentioned sub-cities, 392 sample households were selected using proportional random sampling technique. However, out of the 392 participants only 361(Males=196 and Females=165) filled and returned the questionnaires and the analysis was made using the response from 361 participants.This study also involved eight divorcees for the semi structured interview (three males and six females) by using convenient sampling techniques. Additionally, focus group discussion was conducted with purposely selected eight kebele elders (1 woman and 3 men) and religious leaders (4 orthodox Christians).The main data collection instruments of this study were questionnaire, interview, focus group discussion and document analysis. Both close-ended and open-ended questionnaire were employed. Questionnaire was used because it is convenient to collect data from large number of respondents within a short period of time (Cohen, Manion &Morrison, 2007. The questionnaire was translated to Amharic for ease of understanding and was disseminated to the respondents (married and divorced) individuals. The questionnaire has 61 Likert scale items consisting of six subcategories. Semi structured interview was also used for the qualitative part. It was conducted with purposively selected three males and six female divorcees.Focus group discussions (FGD) was employed to collect some important issues not addressed in the individual interview. FGDs were held with elderly and religious who have engagement in marriage facilitation and dissolution. Moreover, to see data on the prevalence of divorce and its patterns, the researchers tried to assess the cases of divorce fromBahir Dar City District Court. The data gathered from the document were for three consecutive years (2013/14 to 2015/16).The data collection process was done based on the consent of participants. The purpose of the study was explained to the participants and their privacy and confidentiality issues were given due attention.Quantitative data were analyzed using percentage and mean and the qualitative data obtained from interview and focus group discussion were analyzed qualitatively in thematic and narration process and also some impressive and important transcripts were described in a verbatim.RESULTSThe results of this study revealed that there is a high prevalence rate of divorce in Bahir Dar City Administration across three years in the sample court. This study revealed that a total number of 5,901 divorced cases were approved in the selected court from 2013/14 to 2015/16.Out of this, 1,416 (24%) individuals in 2013/14; 1,551(26.28 %) individuals in 2014/15 and the remaining 2,934(49.72%) individuals were divorced in 2015/16 respectively. This showed that the rate of divorce is increasing from time to time. While it is indicated in percentage, 2014/15 has shown 2.28% increment in contrast to 2013/14 similarly; in 2015/16 a 23.47% increment in comparison with 2014/15 is indicated. Results found from questionnaires within the four sub-cities revealed that, from the total number of 361 respondents, 168(46.5%) were divorced. This data indicated that the prevalence of divorce in Bahir Dar City Administration is increasing in an alarming rate. As it was also proved from the open ended questionnaires and discussions, they repeatedly stated that the prevalence rate of divorce increase from year to year.Regarding with the causes of divorce which was examined from psychological, social and economical point of view, the mean rank indicated that psychological causes (4.46), social causes (4.38) and economic causes (4.24). Majority of the respondents revealed that psychological (including sexual incompatible, distrust, drug addicted) cases was the main causes of divorce following by social (including absence of open discussion between couples, engagement in extra-marital affairs and family interference) causes of divorce.This result was supported with the qualitative result which stated that the main psychological reasons for increasing divorce between couples include; difference in interest for sexual desire, problem of trust, sexual intercourse with someone else other than his wife /her husband, addiction of chat, alcohol, and cigarette.Concerning the consequences of divorce, the mean rank also revealed that psychological consequences are the major problem (4.50) followed by social consequences (4.45) and economic consequences (4.47). The result further indicated that economic social and psychological causes and consequences are interrelated to each other.DISCUSSIONThis finding is consistent with the earliest findings which indicated that the rate of divorce is alarmingly increasing in all over the world (Bramlett and Mosher, 2001). Erulkar and Muthengi (2009) also indicated that Ethiopia has one of the highest rates of early marriage which results is divorce later in sub Saharan Africa. This study is also similar with Kiernan & Mueller (1998)’s finding which stated that divorce can be caused and varied based on gender, age and social class of the couples.A study conducted in Nigeria by Umoh and Adeyemi (2000), showed that, religious differences, sexual incompatibility, cross-cultural marriages and age differences were indicated as other factors of divorce. This study is also consistent with Serkalem (2006)’s report which stated that; sexual incompatibility, pressure from friends and families, difference in religious and ethnic background were the major causes of divorce in Addis Ababa city. Similarly, Fincham (2003) explained that perceived inequity in a couple’s division of labor, conflict over power, extramarital sex, intoxication or drug use and husbands being jealous is strongly associated with marital conflict and also related to marital dissatisfaction.The interview and FGD result also asserted that: having extra affairs, early marriage, misunderstanding between the couples, and lack of open discussion and unnecessary family interference, resource controlled by either of the two couples were social cause for divorce.This study further revealed that divorce creates economic, social and psychological problems on the divorced families and their children. This result is supported by previous studies. For example, Serkalem (2006) indicated that divorce affects the relationships of divorced women with their relatives and friends. She further explained that the social life and relationship of divorced women did have much difference from married one. Her finding indicated that among divorced women, more than half reported that the support they had been getting from relatives and friends has stopped after they divorced.Divorce in its turn can be a cause for drunkenness, and it also lead to have a loose relation between fathers and their children. Furthermore, lack of fulfilling basic needs of children's, reduction of income and economic crisis are also the main economic consequences of divorce. Garner (2008) stated that an acute sense of failure often found in the newly divorced that can lead to depression and even suicide and in comparison to married people, the divorced exhibit higher rates of depression, suicide, alcohol abuse and mental health problem. Ambert (2009) also strengthened the above idea by asserting that divorce creates a series of stress for parents, particularly for custodial parents. Many divorced parents are so preoccupied and emotionally burdened and in turn they become depressed.Similarly, negative economic consequences experienced by divorced Ethiopian women in urban areas include a reduced standard of housing, difficulty in paying school fees for their children, food insecurity, medical problems, and insufficient money to buy clothing and other resources needed for subsistence life (Tilsen and Larsen, 2000).The interview and FGD findings also revealed that divorcees and their children were considering themselves as neglected and isolated by the society and feel in stress, and become dissatisfied in their life. Children of divorced families develop inferiority complex due to feeling of helpless and hopeless and later develops distrust for their relatives. This finding is supported by Kelly (2000)’s report which indicated that children of divorced parents may have greater risk of adjusting in areas of social relationships, education, self-concept, behavior, and psychological well-being. Parents also face anxiety, exhaustion, and stress after the divorce resulting in the decline of the assistance they give to their children in terms of affections, language stimulation, academic support, emotional support, financial assistance, and support in social maturity (Kelly, 2000).CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONSThe prevalence of divorce in Bahir Dar City administration is increasing from time to time. As the document analysis indicated that the divorce rate from 2013/14 – 2015/16 is getting higher and higher and likewise the current study shows that 46.5% out of 361 respondents were divorced. This empirical data indicated that prevalence of divorce in Bahir Dar city was high. From this study, the most prevailing causes of divorce were found to be psychological in nature. The major psychological causes for divorce include sexual incompatible, mistrust, addicted to alcoholic drinks and intolerance. The second cause for divorce from the study was social with its major causes such as having extra affairs, partners engaged with the early marriage, misunderstandingbetween the couples and unnecessary family interference. The major economic causes in this study were the resource controlled by either of the two couples and insufficient income.Like the cause psychological consequences is also the major once that are highly affecting the couples from different perspectives followed by social and economic consequences respectively. This is because of the combination of both the social and economic consequences by itself will aggravate the psychological consequences as its final result.Currently from this study, incompatible sex between husband and wife is the main cause that results in mis- trust between the two couples, intolerance between couples that lead to divorce as a result, divorcee and their children will be exposed to drug addiction. To concluded, divorce diminishes not only the family socio- economic and psychological well beings but also society at the whole.Based on the findings, it is suggested that reducing divorce and maintaining the marriage of couples of Bahir Dar city is mandated which can be done via increasing the commitment of both the wife and the husband for developing trust and mutual understanding. Community elders and religious leaders shall play a role in consulting couples. For increasing easiness of the mediation among elders and religious leaders short and long term training on marriage counseling need to be designed for these people. In addition, intervention and prevention programs need to be established where married peoples access professional family counseling services in their surroundings along with pre-marriage counseling and training for couples on child care responsibilities, communication skills and conflict management skills that shall be framed as a policy.REFERENCESAmato, P. R. and D. Previti (2003). People’s reasons for divorcing: The Pennsylvania State University. Journal of Family Issues, (2)4, 602-626.Askalemariam, A. and Minwagaw, T. (2013). Divorce in East Gojjam zone: rates, causes and consequences.Ethiopia: Debre Markos UniversityAster, S. (2015).Causes of Divorce and its Effects on Children’s Wellbeing. Yeka Sub-City, Addis Ababa Addis Ababa University College of Social Science Department of Geography and Environmental Studies. 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Divorce: its causes and impact on the lives of divorced women and their children a comparative study between divorced and intact families. Addis Ababa: University School Of Graduate Studies.Tarekegn, T. (2015). Effects of traditional family arbitration and legal divorce on divorcees and their children: the case of Boloso Sore Wereda, Wolaita Zone, Southern Ethiopia: Unpublished Master’s thesis, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.Tilsen, D. and Larson, U. (2000). Divorce in Ethiopia: The Impact of Early Marriage and Childlessness. Journal of biosocial science, 32, pp 355-372Umoh, S. H. and Adeyemi, H. (n.d.), Causes of divorce as perceived by students of Kwara State, Nigeria.Nigerian Journal of Guidance and Counseling, 4, 16-24.Yohanis. M. A. (2015). Lived experiences of divorced women in rural ethiopia: A special focus in hulet ejju enessie woreda: Addis Zemen Kebele. Inter. J. Polit. Sci.Development, (3)6, 268-281PublisherAfrican Journal of Social Work93726174205Afri. j. soc. work? National Association of Social Workers-Zimbabwe/Author(s)ISSN Print 1563-3934ISSN Online 2409-5605Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International LicenseIndexed & Accredited with: African Journals Online (AJOL)|University of Zimbabwe Accredited Journals (UZAJ)|SCOPUS (Elsevier’s abstract and citation database) |Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ).EARLY SEXUAL DEBUT AND SUBSTANCE ABUSE AMONG STREET CHILDREN OF HARARE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT, ZIMBABWECHIKOKO Witness, MUZVIDZIWA Victor. N., RUPARANGANDA Watch and CHIKOKO EmeliaABSTRACTThere is a paucity of academic studies that examine the complex and or multi-dimensional relationships between substance abuse and early sexual debut among street children of the Harare Central Business District. In this article, the child rights and child agency perspectives were adopted as conceptual frameworks in analysing the realities of these children. The substance abuse and early sexual debut among street children of the Harare Central Business District, illustrate agency of these children. The behaviours could be the only viable options for these children in a context of multiple constrains thus thin agency. Conversely, the behaviours could also be viewed as ‘ambiguous agency.’ The actions could also be seen as part of the self- destructive agency. Drawing from a child rights concept, the early sexual debut and substance abuse of the street children illustrate huge child rights violations prevalent on the streets of the Harare Central Business District. The behaviours are inconsistent with the provisions of international, regional and local child rights laws, policies and programmes. The qualitative research methodology involving street ethnography was used to generate data for this study. The paper concludes by arguing for full implementation of child rights laws, policies and programmes in order to reduce risks associated with early sexual debut and substance abuse among street children..KEY TERMS: early sexual debut, substance abuse, street children, child rights.KEY DATESReceived: 06 September 2018Revised: 02 January 2019Accepted: 01 February 2019Published: 26 February 2019Funding: NoneConflict of Interest: None Permission: Not applicable Ethics approval: Not applicableARTICLE TYPE: Original researchAuthor/s:CHIKOKO Witness (PhD), Senior Lecturer in the Department of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe MUZVIDZIWA, Victor. N., Professor, Vice Chancellor of at Midlands State University, Zimbabwe RUPARANGANDA Watch (PHD), Seniour Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, University of ZimbabweCHIKOKO Emelia, Social worker employed by Department of Social Services under the Ministry of Public Services Labour and Social Welfare, ZimbabweINTRODUCTIONVery little studies have been conducted that examine the multi-dimensional relationships between substance abuse and early sexual debut among the street children of the Harare Central Business District from their perspective. Street children as sexual beings engage in various sexual behaviours such as sodomy, prostitution, early sexual debut, among others (Ruparanganda 2008; Mhizha 2010; Beazley 2003). This paper problematises the multi-dimensional relationships between early sexual debut and substance abuse among street children of the Harare Central Business District. The child rights, child agency and ubuntu or unhu perspectives were adopted to analyse the realities of these children. Research findings suggest that some of the street children engage in early sexual debut as a result of abuse of substances. For example, one of the street girls was involved in early sexual debut when she was under the influence of intoxicating substances such as cough syrup, cannabis among others. As highlighted in case two, one of the street boys also engaged in early sexual debut as some result aphrodisiac substances. The case three also discusses that some of the street children of the Harare Central Business District engaged in substance abuse as a result of early sexual debut. The abuse of substances and early sexual debut demonstrate increased vulnerabilities of street children of the Harare Central Business District. In addition, the behaviours also highlight self-destructive agency, thin agency among these children. The abuse of substances and early sexual debut among the street children of the Harare Central Business District is inconsistent with the values of ubuntu or unhu.LITERATURE REVIEWYilmaz and Dolgerler (2011); Rotherman-Borus, Mahler, Koopman and Langabeer (1996) observed that street children had early sexual debut as compared to non-street children. Additionally, Zapata, Kissin, Robbins, Finnerty, Skipalska, Yorick, Jamieson, Marchbanks and Hillis (2011) observed that sexual debut among street children was very high as street children below the age of twelve years were already initiated into sexual intercourse. In addition, Zapata et al attributed the early sexual debut among street girls as being responsible for the high cases of pregnancies among street children of Ukraine. Forst (1994) noted that street children had sexual debut at the age of thirteen years. This could be as a result of street sub-culture, among others.The observations made by Yilmaz and Dolgerler; Zapata et al (2011) and Rotherman-Borus et al (1996), were limited in examining the relationship between early sexual debut with substance abuse among children in street situations. For example, Zapata et al noted that early sexual debut among street children could have been as a result of desire for sex rather than substance abuse.The early sexual debut among street children illustrates sexual agency of these children. Through sexual debut, some of them were able to survive in a context of constraining resources resulting in thin agency (Tisdall and Punch 2012). The adolescent street children engaged in early sexual debut, substance abuse and other sexual practices so as to survive. The behaviours constitute the concept of ambiguous agency. Bordonaro (2012), Bordonaro and Payne (2012) defined the concept of ambiguous agency as it clashes or threatens the existing societal values. Therefore, behaviours such as sexual debut and other sexual practices threaten the existing moral values in Zimbabwe.Drawing from the ubuntu or unhu, for street children to engage in early sexual debut as early as at age twelve, illustrates moral decadence as children are not supposed to engage in pre-marital sex. It also shows that both the behaviours of the perpetrators and the street children’s moral and cultural values have been seriously eroded. The ubuntu or unhu philosophy is premised on moral values which places significant values on marriages and abstinence from premarital sex (Ruparanganda, 2008).The early sexual debut among street children also demonstrates child rights violations as the practice contravenes the provisions of the UNCRC, the ACRWC and the national child rights laws, policies and programmes. Early sexual debut and substance abuse among street children is regarded as not ‘in the best interest of the child’ UNCRC principle. The Children’s Act (5:06) defines street children that are involved in early sexual debut as ‘in need of care’. The National Action Plan for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children (2010-2015) also classifies street children including those engaged in early sexual debut as ‘vulnerable.’ Furthermore, early sexual debut also illustrates that Government of Zimbabwe as the primary duty bearer is not doing enough to provide protection services to innocent and vulnerable children on the streets of the Harare Central Business District.There seems to be paucity of academic studies that interrogates the complex relationship between early sexual debut and substance abuse among the street children of the Harare Central Business District. However, previous studies on street children by Bourdillon from 1994 up to the present, Mhizha (2015), Mella (2012), Author (2014), Author et al (2016), Wakatama (2007), Core author (2008), Chirwa (2007), Chirwa and Wakatama (2000) have been limited in articulating the multi-dimensional relationship between early sexual debut and substance abuse among street children of the Harare Central Business District, Zimbabwe. In otherwords, there is paucity of literature on the nexus between early sexual debut and substance abuse among these children.CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKChild rights perspectiveThe UNCRC (1989) defines child rights into four principles namely, the best interest of the child, the right of a child to participation, non-discrimination and the right of a child to survival and development. The Save the Children (2002) also noted that, child rights perspective recognises the relationship between the duty bearer and the rights holders. The child rights perspective could be seen as social contract that exists between the rights holders and the duty bearers.The application and implementation of some of the principles of the UNRCR (1989) are seen as problematic. For example, Liebel (2012: 15) argues that “There is little guidance on how exactly the core principles of the ‘best interests of the child’ should be interpreted and implemented. In practice, it probably most often depends on who exactly has the authority to interpret this principle and how this authority is put into practice.”Bourdillon (2009) observed that the child rights perspective has been viewed as part of advancing globalisation of childhood issues. Okoli (2009), Nhenga (2008) noted that the child rights perspective is discredited for its western world orientation at the expense of childhood experiences for other countries. Abebe and Tefera (2014) observed that, the UNCRC as a childhood framework is problematic in terms of its implementation in non-western societies.The early sexual debut and abusing of substances by the street children of the Harare Central Business District demonstrate huge child rights violations. The behaviours are inconsistent or contradict with ‘the best interest of the child’ principle of the UNCRC (1989) and article 44 of the ACRWC (1999). The actions are considered as not in the best interest of child as the children are exposed to a number of potential risks that may include death among others because of early sexual debut and substance abuse.The early sexual debut and substance abuse among the street children of the Harare Central Business District contravene the provisions of the national child rights laws, policies and programmes. For example, according to Children’s Act (5:06) children who engage in early sexual debut and abusing of substances are defined as ‘in need of care.’ They are in need of care because of their level of vulnerability as a result of substance abuse and early sexual debut on the streets. The Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (9:23) refers to them as ‘in conflict with the law.”. The National Action Plan for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children (2011- 2015) viewed children involved in abusing substances and early sexual debut as ‘victim or vulnerable.’Drawing from a child rights framework or perspective, street children who engage in early sexual debut and abusing of substances illustrate increasing level of vulnerability of these children on the streets. This also highlights that the duty bearers in the name of the Government of Zimbabwe through the City of Harare is not providing adequate child protection services.Child agencyChuta (2014: 02) has defined agency as “understood as an individual’s own capabilities, competences and activities through which they navigate the contexts and positions of their life worlds fulfilling many economic, social and cultural expectations.” Ursin (2013), observed agency among homeless children focuses on their skills, knowledge, strength and aptitudes.Kovats-Bernat (2006:07) observed that “the danger in emphasising the agency of street children lies in the erroneous assumption that they are not simultaneously victims of larger political and economic machinations that severely impact their lives, complicate their survival and place them at higher risk of dying younger and more violently than other children”.Ursin (2013: 35) noted that “by emphasising agency on behalf of the surrounding context of extreme structural constraints, the researcher runs a risk of unwittingly substituting vulnerability by responsibility.” Bordonaro and Payne (2012) have also raised concerns that child agency becomes ambiguous when it clashes with existing societal values. For example, in situations when street children of the Harare Central Business District are involved in early sexual debut and abusing substances, the behaviour is seen as clashing societal values. Author (2014 & 2017) observed that children are expected to be asexual.RESEARCH METHODOLOGYThe qualitative research methodology that included street ethnography was adopted in this study. Through the street ethnography approach spanning more than twelve months, the researcher was able to interact with the participants in their natural environment known as the ‘bases.1’Data collection methodsThe qualitative data collection methods including the life history interviews, in-depth interviews, informal conversations and semi-participant observation, were used to collect the data for this study. Similarly, Core author (2008) used life history, semi-participant observation and informal conversations to collect data on the lives of street children of the Harare.Sampling techniqueThe purposive sampling was used to select or identify six participants for the study. Through purposive sampling, the research was able to identify participants that were linked to various sexual behaviours and abuse of substances. Babbie and Mouton (2012), Neuman (2011) observed that purposive sampling is ideal or suitable to in dealing with the hidden, difficult or vulnerable populations such as street children and street based sex workers. Mhizha (2010) also used purposive sampling during his studies with the street children of Harare.Data analysisThe thematic content analysis was used to analyse the qualitative data for this study. The data analysis focused on themes and sub themes that emerged from the study. Some of the themes and sub themes included early sexual debut, substance abuse and psycho active substances, among others. Farmer, McAlinden and Maruna (2016); Garland, Richard and Cooney (2010); Mhizha (2010, 2015); Chikoko (2014& 2017); Ruparanganda (2008) used thematic content analysis in their studies with street children.Research ethicsNeuman (1997) defines ethical considerations as what is or not legitimate to do or what is ‘moral’ when conducting a research. The following ethical considerations were observed when conducting this research; informed consent, confidentiality, benevolence among others. In the case of the street children of the Harare Central Business District, the researcher obtained verbal informed consent. The researcher also ensured confidentiality by using alphabetical letters instead of writing the names of the street children on data gathering tools.FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONThis section presents research findings and discussion. The presented names of the participants are not real but are pseudonyms, in line with the principle of confidentiality.Early sexual debutThere is evidence that the attitudes and perceptions of adolescent street children of the Harare Central Business District suggest that early sexual debut was linked to rampant substance abuse. The relationship between substance abuse and early sexual debut is multi-dimensional. The case one highlights how substance abuse led to early sexual debut of one of the street girls. The case two also highlights how aphrodisiac substances expose street children of the Harare Central Business District to early sexual debut. Case three also demonstrates how early sexual debut led some of the street children to abuse substance so as to cope with the traumatic experiences.Case oneTanya (not real name) is one of the adolescent street girls who were a victim of early sexual debut. As a social actor, when she joined the street life, she fell in love with a certain street boy called Kambanje (not real name). The boy would take care of her needs. She was introduced to the smoking of mbanje (cannabis) by Kambanje and his colleagues. Tanya narrated that one Friday night, as they were abusing various substances such as mbanje (cannabis), zed and burongo (cough syrup), among others, she became heavily intoxicated. As a result of being heavily intoxicated, she was unaware of what later happened to her but she claimed that she was sexually abused by Kambanje and she lost her virginity that day. She had this to say:When I started staying on the streets, I fell in love with one of the boys called Kambanje. One of the days on a Friday, we started taking on marijuana, zed, double punch among others. On that day, I got heavily intoxicated to an extent that I had not done in all my life. I was heavily drunk that I became a useless person. Kambanje and his friends had to sexually abuse me one by one (sobbing). I was unconscious).The narrative illustrates the human agency of street girls in terms of them being able to survive in a context with limited opportunities thus thin agency (Tisdall and Punch 2012). In other words, these girls navigate their lives through having a boyfriend that provides their daily survival needs. This demonstrates that the girls as social actors reinvented their lives in situations where extreme poverty is a reality of their childhood. The behaviours of the street children can also be regarded as ambiguous agency. Bordonaro and Payne (2012) viewed ambiguous agency as actions inconsistent with the societal values. The actions could also be viewed under the notion of self-destructive agency (Gigengack 2008).One becomes concerned about the cases of early sexual debut as this contravenes some of the values of ubuntu or unhu. Within the context of moral values emphasised by the ubuntu or unhu perspectives, young children are not expected to engage in sexual intercourse before they are married. However, because of modernity and erosion of moral values, the majority of girls get married when they were no longer virgins as was recommended among the Shona people in Zimbabwe. In addition, the involvement of young girls in early sexual debut and abuse of substances is also seen as an abomination among the Shona people.Drawing from the child rights perspective, the narrative demonstrates that there are serious child rights violations on the streets of the Harare Central Business District. Tinotenda and Kambanje are children ‘in need of care’ as defined by the Children’s Act (5:06) as they are vulnerable to further abuse and exploitation. According to the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform Act) (9:23), Kambanje is a child who is ‘in conflict with the law.’ On the other hand, Tinotenda is also seen as a child ‘in contact with the law.’ The narrative illustrates how street children of Harare have become more vulnerable to sexual abuse, exploitation and violence, as a result of substance abuse. One becomes concerned about the risks associated with early sexual debut. Some of the risks include, early pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases including HIV and AIDS, among others. The early sexual debut and abuse of substances also highlight weak child protection structures as street children continues to be exposed to abuse. It means that the duty bearers in the name of the Government of Zimbabwe, local authorities, and other key stakeholders are not doing enough to protect and prevent child abuse and exploitation on the streets of the Harare Central Business District.Zapata, Kissin, Robbins, Finnerty, Skipaska, Yorick, Jamieson, Marchbanks and Hillis (2011) observed that sexual debut was high among the target population. The study also noted a strong relationship between early sexual debut and substance abuse. Zapata et al noted that the sexual debut was as high as twelve years of age among street girls who were abusing substances such as cocaine.Case twoJah Bulo (not real name) is a 15-year-old boy who stays on the streets of the Harare Central Business District. During the life history interviews, he revealed that he had an early sexual debut at the age of 10, as a result of using aphrodisiac substances. Through peer pressure one of the days he took seven hours as known aphrodisiac and ended up engaged in early sexual debut with a certain sex worker at Solane court in the Avenues area. He had this to say:I had started on the streets when I ran away from home in Epworth. When I started staying at this base, due to peer pressure one of the days we took seven hours tablets. After taking the tablets, we indulged in sex with sex workers at Solane court in the Avenues area. Elder, I had problems there because it was my first sexual experience in my life.(While crying) I had unprotected sex. My penal area developed bruises. It is horror for me to always think of this incident. I always think that life has no meaning for me because maybe I contracted the deadly HIV and AIDS. From that day, I lost interest in having sex.The case two suggests that, it is evident that, some of the street children of the Harare Central Business District succumbed to early sexual debut as a result of the use of aphrodisiac substances such as seven hours. The early sexual debut and abusing of aphrodisiac substances by these children, demonstrate agency. The actions could have been the only viable options of these children thus thin agency (Tisdall and Punch 2012). The behaviours could also be explained using the concept of ambiguous agency. Bordonaro and Payne (2012), Bordonaro (2012) defined ambiguous agency as those that are threatening existing societal values and also the well-being of the children. Gigengack (2006 & 2008) also view such behaviours as self-destructive agency.The self-destructive agency is also highlighted in a context of risks associated with early sexual debut and abuse of substance by the children in street situations.Drawing from the child rights concept, early sexual debut and abusing of substances by the street children of the Harare Central Business District, illustrate the increasing levels of vulnerability of these children. The behaviours expose the duty bearers for not providing adequate child protection services. The sexual debut and abusing of substances by street children is inconsistent with the provisions of the UNCRC (1989), particularly the best interest of the child principle and ACRWC article 44.In terms of the Children’s Act (5:06), street children who abuse substances and also who engage in sexual debut are considered as ‘in need of care’. They are in need of care because of their level and extent of vulnerabilities on the streets. The Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (9:23) defines such children as ‘in conflict with the law.’ Additionally, the National Action Plan for Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children (2010-2015) views street children as ‘vulnerable or victims’One also becomes concerned about the level of vulnerability of street children of the Harare Central Business District to abuse of substances and sexual violence. In this particular case there are possibilities that the street boy succumbed to the deadly HIV and AIDS as a result of using aphrodisiac substances. It is evident that the impact of indulging in early sexual debut was evident as the street boy indicated that he had lost interest in sex as a result of the traumatic sexual abuse.Ironically from the masculine socialization perspective, the particular street boy, Jah Bulo, lost interest in sex as a result of the traumatic experience that he was exposed to. Core author (2008) on his studies of the street boys of Harare, noted that the majority of the boys had macho feelings of having multiple sexual partners due to gender socialization. He added that some of the boys had a macho feeling after having sex with sex workers.Ruparanganda (2008), Mhizha (2010) seem to agree that some of the street children of Harare used a number of traditional aphrodisiac substances such as vukavuka. The authors also observed that, some of the street boys that were using these traditional medicines were also perpetrating sexual violence to their fellow street girls. However, the studies from Ruparanganda and Mhizha were limited in articulating the nexus between early sexual debut and aphrodisiac substances particularly modern ones such as seven hours. The two studies looked at aphrodisiac substances and sexual behaviours without applying an in depth analysis.Case threeCarol (not real name) is a 16-year-old street girl. During the informal conversations, she revealed that she resorted to abusing substance as a result of the early sexual debut she experienced on the streets. Carol added that when she lost her virginity at the age of ten, she became aware that finding a man that would marry her was very unlikely. She subsequently joined commercial sex work. In order to cope with the demands associated with commercial sex work, Carol had to abuse intoxicating substances. She had this to say:I started abusing substances after I lost my virginity at the age of ten (10) years. I was frustrated as I was aware that no man would take me seriously and marry me. I also started selling or transacting sex at the Njanji base. With that, I started using substances.Through using substances, I am able to cope with my ordeal of early sexual debut. Life has never been fair with me. I am concerned about my situation but I do not have an option.The narrative demonstrates the agency of street girls in a context of multiple challenges. For example, as a result of early sexual debut, the street girl had to cope with the situation through abusing substances and also resorting to selling sex at the Njanji base. The behaviour of the street girl could be referred to as thin agency as noted by Tisdall and Punch (2012), considering the limitedness of viable options for her. The behaviours could also be explained in the context of ambiguous agency as substance abuse and early sexual debut are seen as threatening moral values (Bordonaro and Payne 2012). The ambiguity is also in the context that early sexual debut and substance abuse affect the well-being of the street children of the Harare Central Business District. Gigengack (2008) also referred to such behaviours as self-destructive agency. The self-destructive agency of the behaviour is demonstrated as early sexual debut and abuse of substances among street children which is associated with a number of risks. Some of the risks include death and contracting sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV and AIDS, among others.The narrative implies child rights violations are prevalent on the streets of the Harare. The abuse of substances and resorting to commercial sex work by this particular girl, contravenes the principles of the UNCRC, especially article three. It also contravenes the provisions of the Children’s Act (5:06), the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (9:23), the Domestic Violence Act (5:16), among other child rights laws, policies and programmes.CONCLUSIONAs discussed above, the paper highlighted the multi-dimensional relationships between early sexual debut and substance abuse among street children of the Harare Central Business District. The early sexual debut and substance abuse demonstrate the agency of these children. As social actors, the children engaged in early sexual debut and abusing substances in a context characterised with harsh realities of their lives. However, the behaviours could be viewed as ambiguous agency as they threaten existing societal values. The behaviours are considered as self-destructive agency because of the extent and level of risks associated with early sexual debut and substance abuse among the street children. The early sexual debut and substance abuse among street children of the Harare Central Business District highlight that there are huge child rights violations on the streets. The behaviours are inconsistent with the provisions of the international, regional and national child rights laws, policies and programmes. For example, the local child rights laws define street children who engage in early sexual debut and substance abuse as children ‘in need of care.’ The in need of care concept suggests that the street children are vulnerable and they require more protection services from the duty bearers in the name of Government of Zimbabwe through the City of Harare and other institutions.RECOMMENDATIONSThere is need for Government of Zimbabwe to fully implement all child rights laws, policies and programmes so as to reduce vulnerability of street children to early sexual debut and substance abuse. For example, the Children’s Act (5:06) should be fully implemented so as to empower street children on issues of early sexual debut and abuse of substances. In addition, some of the national programmes such as the National Action Plan for Orphans and Other Vulnerable children should also be implemented fully with such programmes as harmonised cash transfer etc. Such national programmes if implemented fully will go a long way to fight childhood poverty among other issues.All perpetrators of child sexual abuse must be brought to book. In other words, there is need to fully ensure that all perpetrators of child sexual abuse should face trial. It also means that key stakeholders such as victim friendly courts and units should be thoroughly doing their work. This will lead to a significant reduction of reported cases of corruption in some of these institutions,Key stakeholders should raise awareness on child rights, establish and strengthen community based child protection structures. For example, the Department of Social Services and other child rights organisations should strengthen the capacity of community based structures to handle child rights issues. In addition, the street children and community based structures should be empowered through awareness raising on substance abuse and sexuality issues,Social Protection programmes such as cash transfer should be introduced and implemented targeting street children including those around the Harare Central Business District. This would significantly reduce cases of childhood poverty,The duty bearers in the name of the Government of Zimbabwe, the City of Harare and another duty bearer, should avail more resources for street children programmes so as to arrest childhood poverty. 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