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Write a 1,050- to 1,400-word research paper identifying the linguistic, political, social, economic, religious, and familial conventions and/or statuses of four Hispanic groups living in the United States. Your paper should cover Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and two groups of your choice.

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Hispanic American Diversity

Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Columbian Americans are four ethnic groups who have much in common, yet remain separate ethnic groups. This paper will examine the linguistic, political, social, economic, religious, and familial status of these ethnic groups and summarize major differences and commonalties apparent among them.

Mexican Americans

Linguistic

Nearly 70 percent of Mexican American households speak both English and Spanish, while they use only English in the public sphere, particularly in business and in school. They use Spanish at home, on religious occasions, among extended family members, and in popular entertainment (Alba, 2006).

Political

Since the New Deal Mexican Americans generally voted for the Democratic Party. Dissatisfaction at the end of the 20th century led to the formation of a failed third party, La Raza Unida, in south Texas. A desire for social mobility has brought with it a small amount of support for conservative causes and the Republican Party because of its focus on family values and abortion (Vigil, 2002).

Social

Deeply seated class, cultural, and racial beliefs and practices strongly influence attitudes and behavior among Mexican Americans. These patterns often cause intra-group conflict exacerbated by varying economic status of various groups within the Mexican American community. Earlier generations tend to look down on recent arrivals and judge them as ignorant and backward. Respect for authority although strong within families, has been negatively influenced by poverty and discrimination, leaving the legal system to maintain social order (Vigil, 2002).

Economic

Small numbers of Mexican Americans, those who trace their heritage to the 17th and 18th century immigration, own and operate self-sufficient ranches and farmlands. Most however, work as farm workers, construction workers, assemblers in light industry, and increasingly in the service sector. There has been a steady but slow movement into skilled and professional positions, and various business enterprises and professions. Many Mexican American entrepreneurs work in the commercial food sector, running restaurants, taco stands, and cantinas (bars). The impact of their success in such businesses is evident in the spreading popularity Mexican food throughout the US (Vigil, 2002).

Religious

The Catholic Church continues to play a central role in the lives of Mexican Americans. The teachings of the church influence the sexual, educational, and political views of the majority of the Mexican Americans. Most practice the distinctive form of Catholicism that developed in Mexico. Mexican Catholicism gives great importance to the veneration of saints and the Virgin of Guadalupe, a vision of the Virgin Mary revealed to a peasant in central Mexico in 1531 (Alba, 2006).

Familial

Family is strong influence in the lives of Mexican Americans. There is a strong emphasis on patriarchy as the pinnacle of status, respect, and authority. Family and extended family networks are paramount. Individualism is growing, but despite the influence of generational change in America, family concerns overrule individual ones. A gender and age hierarchy persists within Mexican American families with the oldest male and female being the highest authority in the family (Vigil, 2002).

Puerto Rican Americans

Because of the Puerto Rico's commonwealth status, Puerto Ricans are born as natural American citizens whether born on the island or the mainland, are Puerto Rican Americans (Green, 2000). Here we will discuss the mainland dwelling Puerto Rican American population.

Linguistic

Many first-generation Puerto Rican migrants on the mainland are not quite fluent in English. Succeeding generations are frequently fluently bilingual, speaking English outside of the home and Spanish in the home. Bilingualism is particularly widespread among young, urbanized, professional Puerto Ricans Green, 2000).

Political

Low participation of Puerto Ricans in electoral politics has been the prevalent trend in recent years. This could be because Puerto Ricans have never really been courted by either political party or the lack of opportunity and education for the migrant population causing pervasive political cynicism among Puerto Ricans or just part of the low turnout trend for other ethnic minorities. The Puerto Rican population, however, has the potential be a major political force when organized (Green, 2000).

Social

Puerto Rican communities in urban areas are often beset by problems like crime, drug-use, inadequate educational opportunity, unemployment, and the breakdown of the traditionally strong Puerto Rican family structure. Since a large number of Puerto Ricans are of mixed Spanish and African heritage, they have had to suffer racial discrimination. Some Puerto Ricans are further hampered by the Spanish-to-English language barrier. Despite these issues, many Puerto Rican shave risen to positions of prominence especially in the entertainment industry (Green, 2000).

Economic

Many Puerto Ricans on the mainland have high-paying white collar jobs. Outside of New York City, Puerto Ricans often have higher college graduation rates and per capita incomes than their counterparts in other Latino groups, even when those groups represent a much higher proportion of the local population (Green, 2000).

Religious

In the mid-1990s 70 percent of Puerto Ricans identified themselves as Catholics. Close to 30 percent of Puerto Ricans identify themselves as Protestants of various denominations, comprising Lutheran, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and Christian Scientist. Among Puerto Rican Catholics, a small minority actively practice some version of Santería, an African American multi-theistic religion with origins in the Yoruba religion of western Africa (Green, 2000).

Familial

For Puerto Ricans, the home is the focal point for family life. Puerto Rican homes reflect Puerto Rican cultural heritage to a great extent. Although the extended family remains standard among many Puerto Rican mainlanders, the family structure has sustained significant damage in recent decades, particularly in urban areas. This breakdown seems to have been brought on by economic hardships, and by the influence of America's social structure, which discourages the extended family and gives greater autonomy to women and children (Green, 2000).

Cuban Americans

Linguistic

There appear to be considerable differences between generations in the use of Spanish among Cuban Americans. Those born in Cuba came to the US as adults are more likely to use Spanish as their primary language. In Miami's where the first generation still predominates, Spanish publicly and widely used in business and the media. The second generation has a tendency to acquire Spanish and to speak it at home with their parents. Research shows that despite their ability to use Spanish, the second generation's language of preference is English (Pèrez, 2002).

Political

The Cuban American community is very politically active. Many Cuban Americans remain focused on the overthrow of the current Cuban government. The primary voluntary associations within the community are usually centered on organizing opposition to the Cuban regime by isolating it. Despite this emphasis on the affairs of Cuba, the community, especially in Miami, has developed a strong participation in the U.S. political system at the state and local levels (Pèrez, 2002).

Social

Education is extremely important to Cuban Americans. They, more than any other Hispanic migrant group, have the resources to pay for additional schooling and private education (Buffington, 2000).

Conflict between Cuban Americans and other American communities has increased. There has also been a longstanding antagonism between Cuban Americans and African Americans in Florida. Most Cuban Americans observe and report a nondiscriminatory relationship with white Americans. Nevertheless, 47 percent of Cuban Americans say that they think there is discrimination against Cuban Americans in general (Buffington, 2000).

Economic

Miami's Cuban community is America’s best a true ethnic enclave. Highly differentiated entrepreneurial activity forms its basis. Miami boasts the highest per capita number of Hispanic-owned businesses of any US metropolitan area. There are three sectors of Miami's economy that represent the primary spheres of Cuban American economic participation: construction and real estate development, professional services, and international trade and commerce. Recent Cuban immigrants enter the U.S. work force through the large number of Cuban American owned businesses. Compensation in the enclave in on par with other areas, but ethnic bonds provide for informal networks of support. The enclave's economic successes help the Cuban Americans maintain a relatively high socioeconomic position (Pèrez, 2002).

Religious

As in other Latin American communities, the predominant religion among Cuban Americans is Catholicism, but other religious influences from West Africa, China, Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and the English and French Caribbean have entered Cuban religious traditions. Most Cuban Americans are nominal Catholics. The Cuban tradition of secularism continues in the United States. Religion does not constitute the basis for the principal organized voluntary activities among Cuban Americans (Pèrez, 2002).

Familial

Cuban American households are distinguished by the relatively widespread existence of the three-generation family. Cuban elders are not likely to be heads of households and much more likely to live with their children and not in nursing homes (Pèrez, 2002).

A high percentage of divorced women exist in the community but this does not translate into household characteristics usually associated with a high divorce rate. A relatively high number of children under age 18 live with both parents, and there are few families headed by women with no adult male present. Divorced Cuban woman tend to return to their parents' household and they are not likely to have children, a factor that facilitates their return to the parental home (Pèrez, 2002).

Columbian Americans

Linguistic

Colombian Americans think of themselves the stewards of the most elegant form of the Spanish language, although some Indian and African words have crept into the pure Castilian Spanish. Spanish is the language of most Colombian households in the United States, and the community sees is as the surest way of preserving traditions. Members of the middle and upper classes worry about the corruption of Colombian Spanish in American cities, where the influences of English and the Spanish of other countries prevail. Colombian Americans use formal address in more situations than other Latin Americans. They want to learn English for upward mobility; however achieving fluency often remains an elusive goal for the lower income Colombian Americans due to a lack of resources and discrimination (Sturner, 2000).

Political

Colombian Americans in New York have traditionally dedicated themselves to Colombian politics rather than US politics, because most think that they will not remain in America. As a result a large proportion of the community does not have the right to vote. In contrast, their power as a voting bloc in Colombian elections is well known to Colombian politicians who often campaign in New York. Colombian Americans in Miami have joined other Latinos to achieve common political goals such as electing mayors, councilmen, and congressional representatives and engaging lobbyists to represent them in political circles and to address the increasingly urgent issues of immigration and discrimination. Colombian Americans throughout the country fight to correct current stereotypes regarding their relationship to the drug trade (Sturner, 2000).

Social

Since the 1970s, Colombian Americans' have fought to be accepted in American society in the face of persistent stereotypes of them based on news of the drug trade. Sensationalized news reporting on these events, and the stereotypes of ruthless drug lords as depicted on television and in Hollywood movies have captured the American public's imagination. Colombian Americans have found themselves objects of suspicion and experienced more intense discrimination in housing and employment because of these characterizations (Sturner, 2000).

Economic

In the US Colombian Americans have pursued professional careers, taken employment as laborers, factory workers, and domestic servants, and opened small businesses, frequently catering to Latin Americans. By the mid-1990s they had one of the highest average incomes among Latinos. Many have thrived in business, particularly in ventures in Miami connected to trade with Latin America. They have also had to deal with cultural stigmas associated with the work available to them, which, although good paying jobs by Colombian standards, often involve far less skill and education than they have. For members of the middle class, especially those without resident status, accepting such jobs symbolizes a decline in social status. Many do not disclose their work with friends and family in Colombia. This problem is harshest on women, who in Colombia are held in contempt or thought of as disreputable for working at all (Sturner, 2000).

Religious

Most Colombian Americans are Catholic; a few are Protestant, Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist, or Hindu. The Catholic Church, as for most Latin Americans throughout the US, provides crucial support to the community. Religious ceremonies are closely tied to important customs and traditions, such as compadrazgo, the establishment of kin networks through the choice of godparents which is common in other Latin American communities. The church is also one of the few venues that offer a refuge from the isolation, loneliness, and hostility that Latin American immigrants may encounter in the US (Sturner, 2000).

Familial

A crucial concern for Colombian immigrants is to keep their families intact against pressures of the American society. In Colombia traditional values demand that the husband is the wage-earner and head of house and the wife runs the household and rarely holds an outside job. Children must obey their parents and respect authority as in other Latin American cultures. Separations forced by US immigration laws and economic pressures that demand a two-income family can sometimes tear Colombian American families apart. Despite strong cultural taboos, Colombian Americans divorce far more often than their counterparts in Colombia. In some cases, families gain strength from uniting against these pressures and pass traditional values to their children (Sturner, 2000).

Conclusion

Latin American cultures in the US share some characteristics such as the Spanish language and strong familial ties, but they are far from a monolithic bloc. Multiple outside influences on their cultures, religion and even on their common language, as well as the conditions of their arrival in the US have had a profound influence on how they live their lives in this country. Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Columbian Americans share a common heritage but their varying experiences both in the US and their native countries have served to give them varying characteristics, interests, and methods of coping with American life.

References

Alba, R. (2006, June). Mexican Americans and the American dream. Political

Science & Politics. Retrieved February 1, 2009 from



Green, D. (2000). Puerto Rican Americans. Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural

America, 3(2), 1489-1503. Detroit: Gale. Retrieved January 24, 2009 from Gale Virtual Reference Library

Buffington, S. (2000). Cuban Americans. Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural

America, 1(2), 473-485. Detroit: Gale. Retrieved January 24, 2009 from Gale Virtual Reference Library

Pèrez, L. (2002).Cuban Americans. Encyclopedia of World Cultures:

Supplement, 92-95. New York: Macmillan. Retrieved January 24, 2009 from Gale Virtual Reference Library

Vigil, J.D. (2002). Chicanos. Encyclopedia of World Cultures: Supplement, 63-67.

New York: Macmillan. Retrieved January 24, 2009 from Gale Virtual

Reference Library

Sturner, P.(2000). Colombian Americans. Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural

America, 1(2), 473-485. Detroit: Gale. Retrieved January 24, 2009 from Gale Virtual Reference Library

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