TOWARD FEMINIST THEORIZING IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION



TOWARD FEMINIST THEORIZING IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Simona Sharoni

 

Unpublished paper, revised September 1994. Based on Chapter 3 of my dissertation, "Conflict Resolution through Feminist Lenses: Theorizing the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict from the Perspectives of Women Peace Activists in Israel." George Mason University, August 1993. Comments welcome.

 

Why are there so few readings by women to assign to my students? Why is the subject matter of my discipline so distant from women's lived experiences?

-- Ann Tickner

These are some of the questions that mark the preface to Ann Tickner's groundbreaking book Gender in International Relations (1992). In the past decade, women, feminists in particular, in the field of conflict resolution have been raising similar questions. These questions have prompted numerous attempts to introduce feminist perspectives to the study and practice of conflict resolution (cf. Baily 1989; Kolb & Coolidge 1991; Ross-Breggin & Breggin 1992, Sandole-Staroste 1992). However, these recent attempts to bring feminist theories into the field of conflict resolution are not designed to merely add another perspective to an already existing body of literature. Rather, they also seek to challenge the exclusion and marginalization of women's experiences, voices, and perspectives from conflict resolution scholarship.

More recently, and no doubt in response to such critiques, prominent male scholars in the field have begun to treat feminist perspectives in general and the relationship of gender and conflict in particular more seriously. For example, Louis Kriesberg pointed out the contribution of feminist perspectives to the contested debate on the causes of war and the prospects for peace and conflict resolution. As part of his overview of theoretical frameworks, Kriesberg called attention to the fact that "feminists argue that a major source of war is the socialization of men to be aggressive and concerned about appearing strong in the sense of being ready to fight and kill; consequently, an androgynous socialization would help generate peace" (Kriesberg 1991, 401-402).

Another significant reference to the role of women's perspectives in conflict resolution was made by John Burton. Although Burton did not mention feminist scholarship, he called attention to the significant role women may play in conflict resolution. Women as well as other people who have had the experience of being members of disenfranchised, underprivileged and minority groups, have according to Burton, a special role to play in the area of conflict resolution and peace building (Burton, 1990). He insists, however, that "it is not that females are more peace-oriented or less forceful than males," but rather that "because of their social experiences" women are better positioned to trust conflict resolution initiatives and engage in activities that will further the prospects for peace (Burton, 1990, 35).

Men's recognition of the significance of feminist and women's perspectives to conflict resolution is no doubt important for establishing the legitimacy of feminist theorizing in the field. Yet, to advance the project of feminist theorizing in conflict resolution requires a critical examination of the field that will go beyond calls for the inclusion of women's voices and feminist perspectives. One way to begin such an examination is by asking not only what are the voices and perspectives that have been marginalized, silenced or excluded from conventional conflict resolution scholarship, but also what are the processes and practices that have enabled these exclusions.

The major objective of this article is to create a broader theoretical context for feminist theorizing in conflict resolution. It begins with an exploration of the relationship between conflict resolution and feminism. Based on general discussion of commonalities and differences between the two fields of inquiry, the article examines the central debates within each field.

Conflict Resolution and Feminism: Commonalities and Differences

An encounter between conflict resolution and feminism raises a few important questions: What are the issues and concerns that should be discussed in the context of such an encounter and how can such a discussion benefit both fields of inquiry? Such an encounter, however, is not simple since the field of conflict resolution, like most other fields of inquiry, has overlooked the experiences of women and has ignored the potential contributions of feminist scholarship to the study and practice of conflict resolution.

Feminists struggles to counter this prevailing reality in other fields of inquiry across the social sciences and the humanities have prompted the emergence of a distinct body of feminist scholarship. This body of scholarship highlights the particular experiences of women in fields such as history, literature, psychology, sociology, international relations and anthropology, among others (cf. Chodorow 1978; Spender 1981; Gilligan 1982; Keller 1985; Boulding 1992; Peterson 1992; Tickner 1992).

In their early stages, feminist projects engaged in documenting women's voices and called for their inclusion in different disciplines and non-academic domains. To justify their interventions, feminists appealed to essential gender differences, arguing that women are essentially different in that they have an alternative way of making sense of the world and acting within it (Chodorow 1978; Gilligan 1982; Noddings 1984; Brock-Utne 1985, 1989). However, as soon as the part men played in oppressing and excluding women was established, feminism faced serious divisions. Understanding the full range of women's experiences has entailed taking into consideration not only the differences and structured inequalities between men and women but also the divisions and differences that exist between women themselves (cf. Moraga & Anzaldua 1983; Barrett 1987; Ramazanoglu 1989).

Despite the different interpretations of feminism that mark contemporary debates within feminist theory, feminists tend to agree that taking the variety of women's situations and experiences into account is not simply a matter of adding on those which had been omitted. Many feminists have insisted that in order to transform disciplinary paradigms as well as social and political structures, there is a need to move beyond feminist critiques which seek to examine why have women's voices and perspectives been excluded from different domains to critically examine how these practices of exclusion take place and what enables them (cf. Jagger & Rothenberg 1984; Hirsch & Keller 1990; Nicholson 1990; Barrett & Phillips 1992).

Can such transformative feminist interventions take place within the emerging field of conflict resolution? Those who answer in the affirmative base their contentions on a number of presumed similarities between conflict resolution and feminism (cf. Riskin 1984; Ross-Breggin & Breggin 1992; Sandole-Staroste 1992). Indeed, conflict resolution and feminism emerged around the same time in the sociopolitical context of the 1960s'. Despite the different scopes and emphases of these two fields of inquiry, both can be seen as attempts to map alternative paths for social and political analysis and change. Using the academy as a major, though not exclusive, site of growth and development, both fields of study worked to create interdisciplinary (or multidisciplinary) bodies of scholarship and to emphasize the relationship between theory, research and practice.

But, looking at similarities is not enough. There is a need for a more comprehensive exploration that will also take into consideration the differences between feminism and conflict resolution as well as different perspectives within each field of inquiry. This requires that feminism and conflict resolution be treated not as fixed concepts but rather as diverse fields of inquiry which encompass multiple voices and perspectives.

Conflict Resolution and Feminism: Definitions and Perspectives

Both feminism and conflict resolution encompass a variety of voices, perspectives and conceptualizations. Thus, any attempt to introduce a single definition for feminism or for conflict resolution may result in marginalizing some aspects and/or silencing some voices while privileging others. Feminists whose voices have been systematically excluded and silenced are particularly aware that "by 'fixing' the world conceptually, language at once frees thought to think and permits it to think only one of an infinite number of logically possible ways" (Cocks 1989, 29). By framing a number of central issues and by introducing general working definitions for the major concepts that will be used extensively in this work, my intention is not to treat feminism and conflict resolution as fixed concepts but as historically situated discourses. Thus, particular attention will be paid to the linkages, gaps and silences which mark the relationship between feminism and conflict resolution as well as to the historical and sociopolitical context within which these discourses have been constructed and shaped.

Conflict Resolution

It may appear somewhat ironic to some that in the field of conflict resolution, a field that has justified its existence by appealing to consensus and compromise, there seems to be great disagreement not only over analytical frameworks but also over the very words employed to articulate these frameworks. As Louis Kriesberg pointed out, "the very words conflict resolution have been a matter of dispute" (Kriesberg 1991, 404). Indeed, conflict resolution scholars and practitioners are far from reaching consensus on the definitions of conflict or conflict resolution. The debates, however, are not simply about semantics, but are rather related to other contested questions and theoretical frameworks that are at the center of contemporary debates in the field. Among these contested questions are those concerning the role of power and culture in conflict resolution and concerning the distinctions between "conflicts" and "disputes" and between "management," "settlement" and "resolution" (cf. Laue & Cormick 1978; Burton & Sandole 1986; Avruch & Black 1987; 1991; Burton 1990, 1990a).

The debates around these contested issues inform the different definitions of conflict resolution. For example, John Burton's definition of conflict resolution is grounded in his attempt to move beyond what he terms "power politics" frameworks. Accordingly, he characterizes conflict resolution as "the transformation of relationships in a particular case by the solution of the problems which led to the conflictual behavior in the first place" (Burton 1990, 2-3). James Laue, on the other hand, treated power relations as an essential aspect of conflict. Laue argued that "conflict may be defined. . .as escalated natural competition between two or more parties about scarce resources, power and prestige. Parties in conflict believe they have incompatible goals, and their aim is to neutralize, gain advantage over, injure or destroy one another" (Laue 1990, 257). Conflict resolution, in Laue's terms, should include at least three elements: (1) the outcome should address the underlying problems or issues, rather than just symptoms or surface manifestations of the conflict; (2) it should be jointly determined; and (3) the process should achieve at least some degree of satisfaction for the parties concerned (Laue 1990, 258).

Coming to terms with the different categorizations of conflict is crucial to the understanding of contemporary debates in the field. A common trend in conflict resolution has been to categorize conflicts by distinguishing between the societal levels in which they take place -- the family, the community, the nation or the international system. Based on this classification, conflict resolution scholars have identified different types of conflict: interpersonal, intergroup and international (cf. Mitchell 1981). Most conflict resolution scholars, researchers, and practitioners agree that "conflict, while occurring at quite different social levels (from inter-individual to inter-national), nevertheless has sufficient common attributes" (Mitchell 1981, 3). While some scholars tend to treat these levels of analysis separately and limit their analysis to one particular level, others stress the interconnectedness of these levels of conflict analysis.

For Burton and Dukes, "[t]he behavior of the individual within a society in seeking recognition and identity is not different from the behavior of identity groups such as ethnic minorities or nations: there is a common human dimension in all" (Burton & Dukes 1990, 3). Based on this assertion, Burton and Dukes have used the theoretical framework they call "basic human needs" to offer an alternative classification. Within this overarching framework, they distinguish between disputes and conflicts and between dispute settlement and conflict resolution. To round out their typology, then, dispute settlement could be employed in cases which involve negotiable interests, while conflicts which involve non-negotiable human needs require an in-depth analysis of behaviors and relationships, that is, conflict resolution.

Regardless of which definition of conflict and what categorization of conflict situations and processes one favors, conflict resolution scholars, especially those specializing in international conflict, have been recently confronted with the limitations of existing theoretical frameworks. The dramatic events of the late 1980's and early 1990's on the front stage of world politics have left their marks on the field of conflict analysis and resolution (cf. Rubenstein 1990). Frustrated with their inability to foresee developments such as the December 1987 outbreak of the Palestinian uprising (intifada), the June 1989 massacre in Beijing's Tiananmen Square or the dismemberments of the Soviet Union and the Cold War order enshrined in Yalta, most conflict resolution scholars and practitioners have intensified their search for analytical frameworks that will be able to predict, or at least, analyze these unexpected events in retrospect. For the most part, though, conflict resolution scholars and practitioners have ignored the more fundamental challenges that these unexpected events have introduced to the study and practice of conflict resolution.

These fundamental challenges involve questions concerning the readiness of conflict resolution scholars and practitioners to critically address such massive historical, sociopolitical and economic changes and their implications for people's lives and struggles. In other words, how useful is the body of conflict resolution literature to the understanding of contemporary events in international politics? Do we have theoretical frameworks that are able to account for change-over-time and promote social and political change or is conflict resolution gradually becoming yet another tool that can be used to reinforce the status quo? (cf. Rubenstein 1990, 1992).

In sum, contemporary developments in world politics brought to the fore a number of crucial questions regarding the theories, practices, and politics of conflict resolution. These questions point to the need to reexamine some of the underlying theoretical assumptions in the field. Feminist interventions into the study and practice and conflict resolution can help trigger critical discussions around those questions by calling attention to the gendered dimensions of the field, identifying some of the missing voices and perspectives, and offering ways to change this reality.

Feminism

Just as there are different perspectives within the field of conflict resolution, there are also different perspectives in contemporary feminist scholarship. This section highlights different interpretations of feminism and major theoretical debates within this field of inquiry. Gender relations, or more specifically, gender inequalities and women's oppression, have always been at the center of feminist scholarship. Thus, despite major differences in definitions and perspectives, feminists tend to agree on two major points: (1) on the fact that gender inequalities exist and need to be eradicated; and (2) on the need to develop theoretical frameworks and political strategies that will emerge from and have resonance for women's lives. As Ann Tickner points out, "while it is obvious that not all women are feminists, feminist theories are constructed out of the experiences of women that have generally been rendered invisible" (Tickner 1992, 14).

According to Linda Forcey's interpretation, feminism "takes as proven the historical oppression of women and stresses the interrelationship of theory and practice to eliminate it" (Forcey 1991, 334). Forcey draws her working definition from Virginia Sapiro (1986), who emphasizes that: "feminism is both a way of thinking about the world, and a way of acting in it. . .[It] is a perspective that views gender as one of the most important bases of the structure and organization of the social world (Sapiro 1986, 440). Beyond these basic commonalities, however, lies a terrain of difference. Feminist theories and practices have changed dramatically during the past two decades, especially in response to criticism by women of color, lesbians, and third world women and to changes in social and political conditions around the world (cf. de Lauretis 1986; Ramazanoglu 1989; Hirsch & Keller 1990; Mohanty et al. 1991).

As a result, patriarchy, understood simply as a structure of men's dominance over women, is not perceived anymore as the primary cause of women's oppression. Instead, feminists argue that many women are oppressed not only because of their gender but also because of their race, class, sexuality, culture, ethnicity or nationality (Ramazanoglu 1989; Mohanty 1991; Anderson & Hill-Collins 1992). To come to terms with the transformative potential of this more broadly conceived definition of feminism, that points to the ways in which women are imbricated within a variety of social and political contexts and power relations, one needs to begin by critically exploring more traditional feminist theories, most of which emerged in North America and Europe. For this purpose, Rosemary Tong's classification of feminist theories according to the ways in which they view the causes of women's oppression, seems particularly useful (Tong 1989).

For example, while Marxist feminists believe that capitalism is the source of women's oppression (cf. MacKinnon 1982; Davis 1983), radical feminists have identified patriarchy as the major structure that upholds women's oppression through legal, economic, social and cultural institutions and practices (cf. Daly 1978; Bunch 1986). Feminists in the psychoanalytic tradition, on the other hand, have located the sources of women's oppression deep in the psyche, in gender identities, roles and relationships which inform the socialization of women from birth (cf. Dinnerstein 1976; Chodorow 1978). Socialist feminists have attempted to weave these various approaches together into a more comprehensive explanation of women's oppression that provides a women's standpoint for struggle which is also attuned to other dimensions of domination (cf. Black 1989); a standpoint "that is an engaged vision of the world opposed and superior to dominant ways of thinking" (Ruddick 1989, 129).

More recently, the notion of a uniquely women's standpoint has been subjected to criticisms by women of color and by other feminists who grapple with the challenges of feminist theorizing in the postmodern era and particularly with questions concerning identity and difference. These criticisms suggest that a unified representation of women across class, racial and cultural lines is an impossibility and urge feminists to expand the definition of feminism to account for different "cartographies of struggle" -- to use Chandra Mohanty's term -- which vary across time and context (cf. Nicholson 1990; Mohanty 1991). These perspectives also insist that for feminism not to become one more hierarchical system of knowledge construction, it must be open to and informed by a broad range of women's voices and feminist theories.

In sum, even though contemporary feminist debates display an array of contested theories and opinions regarding the origins of women's oppression and the ways to confront and eradicate it, most feminists tend to agree on the need to challenge gender inequalities and male dominance. Feminists have also stressed the need to take into account the significance of women's lives, experiences and struggles for any examination of social or political relations (cf. Hirsch & Fox-Keller 1990; Sylvester 1990; Barrett & Phillips 1992). To use Christine Sylvester words:

Feminist theories are diverse, but generally concur that the invisibility of gender issues within mainstream social theories, and of women in "important' public domains of human existence, cannot be remedied simply by adding a pinch of woman -- to the state, to capitalist processes and to theories -- and stirring. Visibility requires considerable analysis of the points in the international system, and in the theories which depict it, where women's behaviors and contributions are choked off and men's are taken as the norm (Sylvester 1990, 235).

Challenging the centrality of men's experiences and theories and paying attention to women's lives, feminist insist, has the potential to shed light not only on the gendered aspects of social and political life, but also on other forms of structured inequalities. That is, women's perspectives are valuable not only because they call attention to gender differences, but also because women represent one particular example of a disenfranchised and marginalized social group (Harding 1991). This argument underlies much of the literature on gender, war and peace which in my opinion informs, implicitly or explicitly, most projects on feminist theorizing in conflict resolution.

Gender, War and Peace: Feminist Perspectives

The body of scholarship on gender, war and peace dates back at least to the beginning of the century and includes historical documentation of women's non-violent struggles for peace across the globe and theoretical frameworks designed to make sense of the relationship between women and peace, men and war, and sexism and militarism (cf. Reardon 1985; Brock-Utne 1985, 1989; Ruddick 1989; Harris & King 1989). In the past decade, however, feminist peace scholars, researchers and activists have insisted that the role gender plays in both the escalation and the de-escalation of conflicts depends on the particular historical, cultural and sociopolitical context as well as on the conceptual framework one utilizes to explore the gendered dimensions of serious political conflicts (Sylvester 1987; Forcey 1991; Sharoni 1993).

Indeed, a careful examination of the literature on gender, war and peace uncovers diverse voices and perspectives on these issues and a change in theoretical emphasis that occurred over time. Early feminist theorizing on gender, war and peace began with the question "where are the women?" This question called attention to the absence and subordination of women in all spheres of social and political life from the battlefields to the negotiation tables (cf. Friedan 1963; de Beauvoir 1974; Boulding 1992). This perspective challenged gender inequalities and outlined methods and strategies to eliminate sexist and androcentric biases, create an alternative body of literature that is women-centered and equalize the playing field for women and men in social and political life and is often referred in feminist theory to as "liberal feminism" (Jagger & Rothenberg 1978; Tong 1989) "empiricist feminism" (Harding 1986) or the "equity position" (Forcey 1991) .

Yet, there were feminists who went beyond calls for the mere inclusion in existing social and political structures. They insisted that women's experiences and "ways of knowing" enable them to articulate a different "voice" on these issues ( Gilligan 1982; Reardon 1985; Brock-Utne 1985, 1989; Ruddick 1989; Northrup 1990). Based on these convictions, the second wave of feminist scholarship on war and peace issues focused on the differences between men and women in both qualitative and structural terms. It established the theoretical grounds and carved out space for a distinct feminist standpoint, grounded in the daily experiences and struggles of women. This position is identified in feminist literature as "feminist standpoint," "radical feminism" or "socialist feminism" (Hartsock 1985; Harding 1986, 1991; Black 1989).

Feminist standpoint perspectives seek to identify the elements of women's voice, insight and understanding of reality. Feminist standpoint theoristsargue that centuries of exclusion, subjugation and discrimination have given women perspectives on social issues which more insightfully reveal the true structures and actors of the world than do theories spun by representatives of dominant groups (cf. Hartsock 1985; Harding 1991). What is particularly relevant to the study and practice of conflict resolution is the contention of many feminist standpoint scholars and activists that in order to uncover and transform inter-group conflicts that involve unequal relations of power one must look at the situation from the perspective of the subordinate, not the master. Standpoint perspectives offer theories and research methods that emerge "from below," reflecting lessons that women have learned through their experience of subjugation.

According to feminist standpoint literature the dominant meanings of peace and security are informed primarily by strategic discourses and military terminology which quite often restrict the understanding of peace to the absence of war and the meaning of security to imperatives of "national security." These conventional understandings of peace and security, which often originate in exclusively male or in male-dominated settings, feminists contend, tend to privilege the security of states, governments and power elites at the expense of their citizens (Cohn 1989, 1993; Enloe 1990, 1993). Feminist critiques of the "national security" doctrine, like those by other progressive social movements around the world, have warned against the disastrous implications of the overwhelming priorities of states to invest funds and energies in armies and in the military industrial complex and then to rely upon the threat or use of military violence to "protect" their collective citizenry (Reardon, 1985; Harris & King 1989; Ruddick, 1989; Enloe 1990, 1993).

The notion of a unique coherent women's standpoint has been subjected to criticisms both in the women's movement and in feminist circles especially by women of color. Although most feminists whose work is informed by feminist standpoint theories treat gender differences as socially constructed rather than as inherent, they are often criticized for essentializing differences and sometimes labeled "essentialist feminists." The critiques argued that a unified representation of women across class, racial, ethnic and cultural line is an impossibility and urged feminists to expand the definition of feminism to account not only for differences between men and women but also for differences within each group (cf. Nicholson 1990; Hirsch & Fox-Keller 1990; Mohanty 1991; Butler & Scott 1992).

The third wave of feminist scholarship on gender and the politics of war and peace which is referred to in feminist theory as "postmodern feminism" or "poststructural feminism," insists that for feminism not to become one more hierarchical system of knowledge construction and political practice, it must be open to and reflect the multiplicity of voices, perspectives and experience within feminism and the women's movement (cf. Nicholson 1990; Barrett & Phillips 1992). Accordingly, the understanding of gender does not rest solely on essentialized differences between "women" and "men," but rather points to different notions of femininity and masculinity and to the complex relationships between them. Work informed by these propositions begins with the premise that differences between individuals and groups are socially constructed and therefore, no categories, identities or practices associated with being a woman or a man are natural or universal. Accordingly, identity is treated not as a coherent and stable construct but rather as fractured and mobile and conflict is accepted and approached as an integral part of social and political life (Butler 1989; Hirsch & Fox-Keller 1990; Ferguson 1993).

Conclusion

Until recently, only few scholars considered the contribution of gender -- both as a category of analysis and as a relational process -- to the study and practice of conflict resolution. This problem is not unique to the field of conflict resolution; gendered relationships and categories of analysis have been taken for granted in almost all academic disciplines as well as by policy makers, diplomats and media analysts around the world. Feminists have demonstrated how ignoring or marginalizing women's voices and perspectives often results in theories and methods that are partial in that they exclude crucial viewpoints from the processes and theories through which knowledge is sought and constituted.

To overcome this partiality, however, it is not enough to add women or feminist perspectives to already existing bodies of scholarship. The consideration of the role gender plays in the study and practice of conflict resolution should not be limited to empirical studies set to explore gender differences or gender relations in mediation or negotiation settings. To make gender visible in conflict resolution one must raise questions about the often taken-for-granted assumptions which underlie the intellectual and practical foundations of the field. These assumptions ought to be treated as gendered assumptions which have been constructed and mediated through prevailing power relations.

As Ann Tickner's recent examination of the role of gender in the discipline of international relations stresses, "drawing attention to gender hierarchies that privilege men's knowledge and men's experiences permits us to see that it is these experiences that have formed the basis of most of our knowledge" (Tickner 1992, xi). In many cases feminists, in conflict resolution as in other fields of inquiry, see no other choice but to plead to be included in the discipline by stressing that women's caring and nurturing experiences make them valuable resources in the discipline. From the standpoint of this dissertation, women and feminists in conflict resolution should not limit their interventions to calls for men's recognition of the significance of feminist perspectives. Yet, given the present state of power relations in the field and in the broader political context, this recognition may be an important step toward making the field more hospitable to women establishing the legitimacy of feminist theorizing in conflict resolution.

Women and feminists in conflict resolution would be wise to treat the seductive use of liberal rhetoric in the form of invitations to a supposedly open dialogue on the potential contributions of feminism to conflict resolution with caution and suspicion. The problem with these invitations for a "dialogue" is that in many cases they mark the boundaries of possible responses and of more critical interventions that go beyond pleas for the inclusion of women's voices and feminist perspectives to demand a radical transformation of the field.

To make gender visible in conflict resolution, according to more radical feminist interventions, one must not only ask the "woman question" in conflict resolution but also ask what Kathy Ferguson termed "the man question" (Ferguson 1993). In other words, future feminist interventions that seek to map new directions for the study and practice of conflict resolution should raise crucial questions concerning the influences of dominant conceptions of masculinity and femininity on the construction of knowledge about conflict and conflict resolution.

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