Introduction



Tween Boys and Fashion: Does Clothing Define the Boy?

Naomi Weiner

20008-6999

August 5, 2003

CMNS 320

Dr. S. Kline

Introduction

With the changing representation of men in the media, as well as the “crisis of the male identity”, it is perhaps little wonder that the experiences of post-modern boys differ from that of their predecessors. Once constructed of “frogs, snails and puppy dog tails”, “sugar and spice” have now been added to the mix of what boys are made of. What do these things have to do with a crisis of the male identity? Moreover, what does this have to do with children’s media and culture? This paper presents an attempt to link the new depictions of men in the media with changes to boys’ interaction with fashion. That is, this study will look at the clothing preferences of boys ages 7-14 to determine whether or not the changes that are taking place in terms of masculinities and gender role portrayal in popular culture are affecting the way boys relate with fashion, in particular as an expression of identity and self image.

My interest in this area of study began in 2001 after conducting a content analysis on sole male images in advertisements in popular men’s and women’s magazines. I was amazed to see the large number of objectified male images I encountered, and not only in Men’s Health or in women’s magazines. Male-oriented magazines such as Maxim were actually the source for many of these sexualized images. A further look quickly revealed that there was change underfoot in the way men are depicted in advertisements and in the media in general. However this area of study is under researched and there are still many areas that require more analysis. Accordingly, much of the literature reviewed for the present study discusses the various changes that are taking place within the media involving the depiction of men. These discussions are being presented in order to establish an explanation for why I believe that young boys are increasingly becoming concerned with fashion. Preceding the literature review, a few key terms will be defined. The research question and hypothesis will then be stated, followed by a review of the methods employed for this study. Next, the key results will be reported and discussed. A brief look at the limitations encountered will also be included prior to the conclusion.

Definitions:

“Objectification refers to the depersonalization of the individual in a manner that is dehumanizing and demeaning. It occurs when advertisers present sexually suggestive body parts or do not include the person’s head in a photograph” (Kolbe and Albanese, 1996, p. 4).

Masculinities: plural term now widely used in academe and indicative of the wide variations in masculinity, in how it is understood, enacted, experienced and lived” (Beynon, 2002, p. 165).

Tweens: “span the pre-adolescent years through to the age of about fourteen” (Lindstrom, 2003, p. 1)

Literature Review

Masculinity in Crisis

This section sets out to outline the changes that men are experiencing in defining their gender roles. Overall, gender roles—both male and female—have experienced significant changes in the last 40 years. The root cause of many of these changes can be linked to the onset and subsequent success of feminism and feminist studies which, among other things, caused masculinity to come under interrogation (Smith, 1996; Hearn, 2001). This perhaps marked the beginning of the self-conscious examination of masculinity that paved the way for the current wave of scrutiny, which not only calls it into question but suggests that masculinity may be in ‘crisis’ (Beynon, 2002). John Beynon (2002) states that, “[t]he idea that masculinity, in one guise or another, is in a state of deep crisis has become widely accepted as a ‘fact’” (Beynon, 2002, p. 76).

Although several reasons have been cited for this state of crisis the success of the feminist movement in helping women gain power, both in and outside the home, will be addressed here as a primary factor. Anthony Clare suggests that, “…the whole issue of men—the point of them, their purpose, their value, their justification—is a matter for public debate. Serious commentators declare that men are redundant, that women do not need them and children would be better off without them” (quoted in Gauntlett, 2002, p. 6-7). Although this is an extreme view it does highlight the reality that the role of men is in question, and is fundamental to the idea of masculinity in crisis.

Contributing to this crisis is the reality that as women are now pulling double duty—active participants both inside and outside the home—they are expecting more from men (Dotson, 1999). Men are being called upon to be more caring, more sensitive, and even more sexually desirable. This shift in power is in part a result of gains made by women and has challenged traditional male roles. As Frank Mort suggests, “confronted with the loss of traditional gender certainties, many men were now being forced to question their social roles” (Mort, 1996, p. 15). Although Mort was referring to the experiences of British men in the 1980s his comments are arguably applicable to North American males over the past 10 years.

The lack of identity has created the vulnerable male; a gender in search of definition. As the following section discusses, “…this is where the mass media and popular culture come in, because they offer tools to help men….adjust to contemporary life” (Gauntlett, 2002, p. 7).

Advertising and the Media

While women are finding some success in reversing negative and stereotypical depictions of themselves in advertisements and their portrayal in the media (Danna, 1994, p. 74), men are loosing ground in this regard. Women are increasingly being featured in dominant roles or, as Philip Patterson (1996) calls them, “power babes” (Patterson, 1996, p. 93). For example, a Saturn commercial “featured a female jet pilot test-driving a sports car” (Patterson, 1996, p. 94) and “[a] commercial for K-Mart clothing depict[ed] a woman in a secretarial position buying clothing not with her current job in mind, but with her eye on her boss’s job” (Patterson, 1996, p. 94). These advertisements show women in control, and either with power or with the capability to attain power.

However, as power is often a “zero-sum game”, gains may come at the expense of someone or something else (Patterson, 1996, p. 93). Thus the power that women have gained in terms of gender portrayal in the media has simply been transferred from men. For example, consider the following advertisement for a family game: “A Dorky guy and beautiful woman are playing Trivial Pursuit. He asks her, “How much does the average man’s brain weigh?” Her answer: ‘Not much’” (Abernathy, 2003). Another example is provided by a recent billboard advertisement for Voodoo Hosiery in Australia:

This outdoor advertisement features an image of a gloved and stiletto-booted woman wearing (Voodoo) tights under a short Dalmatian-patterned dress, walking behind two crouching men, naked except for dog-style collars, the leashes of which are held by the woman. Accompanying the text reads: Voodoo Winter Hosiery (Advertising Standards Bureau quoted in )

Just as objectified images of women in the past have contributed to the unequal balance of power in favour of men, there is nothing to suggest that similar depictions of men will not have the same effect in reverse[1]. These types of advertisements contribute to the questioning of masculinity and gender roles, and potentially to unfavourable power imbalances.

The shift in power is also found in serial television programs, where the image of “father knows best” is being replaced by “mother knows best” (Scharrer, 2001). Men are also increasingly finding themselves at the receiving end of jokes (Scharrer, 2001). This shift in dynamics in television sitcoms, Scharer continues, provides support for Wilkie’s (1993) theory, “…that sharing the burden of bread-winning may be associated with fathers perceiving they are losing advantages which they were traditionally entitled to given the crucial importance of their role for the well-being and survival of the family” (Scharrer, 2001). Thus, the male images presented in advertising and the media are increasingly ones of a male that is unsure of his role and identity.

Advertisers have not only been willing accomplices in eroding traditional male stereotypes they have also been active in creating new ones which, although perhaps not necessarily a negative trend by itself, poses certain risks. For example, as stated by Mort (1996) “…this new form of masculinity was principally defined by self-doubt” (Mort, 1996, p. 15). Advertisers attempt to communicate that much of this self-doubt can be remedied by purchasing products, a marketing technique previously experienced primarily by women. As Margaret Duffy states, “[the advertiser] invite[s] the viewer to enter that special world where the price of citizenship may be as little as the purchase of a lipstick” (Duffy, 1994, p. 6). Although men are not being flogged lipstick the same concern drives advertisers, that is, as Gauntlett (2002) explains, to “cultivate insecurities which they [advertisers] can then sell ‘solution’ to” (Gauntlett, 2002, p. 77). Evidence of this agenda can be found in recent portrayals of men.

Increasingly men are being presented with immaculate and sculpted depictions of the male physique, often in an objectified manner. As Dotson offers, “[s]limness and clothes that accentuate the body, once worries and expectations assigned to women, became important criteria of male image that launched an advertising phenomenon which, in the end, would stereotype men in exactly the same way women have been stereotyped” (Dotson, 1999, p. 35). These images are increasingly being featured in the new genre of men’s lifestyle magazines, for example Maxim, Details, FHM and Men’s Health.

Some have argued that such magazines only serve to “…override the message of feminism, promoting a laddish world where women are sex objects, and changes in gender roles can be dismissed with an ironic joke” (Whelehan cited in Gauntlett, 2002, p. 152). However, one cannot overlook the “many pages of attractive, well turned-out men in each issue’s substantial fashion section” (Gauntlett, 2002, p. 158) or the growth in the advice column regarding issues such as “health, relationships, and bodily display” (Jackson, Stevenson & Brooks, 2001, p. 135). Jackson, Stevenson, and Brook’s study of men’s lifestyle magazines is informative in showing that men actually access these magazines for fashion tips and health issues.

The growth in the men’s lifestyle magazines has not yet reached the teenage market in the way that women’s magazines such as Cosmo and Vogue have. Although there have been some attempts to tap into this market as of yet they have been unsuccessful. One such example was MH-18 which was a junior version of Men’s Health that was described as “boasting ‘Tons of useful stuff for teenage guys’—a complete (and unusually healthy-living) lifestyle guide for young men” (quoted in Gauntlett, 2002, p. 163). However at the time of this writing the publication is no longer in circulation and when Men’s Health was contacted for more information on their junior edition they were unable to answer any questions.

Thus the literature reviewed shows that over the last 30 years the role of men in society has been changing and to some extent marketers and the media have tried to capitalize on these changes. However because this area of study is relatively new there is limited research that discusses the effects of media influences on men’s relationship with fashion, and by association their self image and identity. That said there is indication that men are becoming more concerned with fashion and are increasingly being found in clothing shops. One subject in Jackson, Stevenson and Brooks’ (2001) study reveals that sometimes he would consult the lifestyle magazines “…just to see what was, what people are wearing and, um, [so that he] wouldn’t look completely stupid when [he] went out” (Jackson, Stevenson, Brooks, 2001, p. 133). Cele Otnes and Mary Ann McGrath’s (2001) study Perceptions and Realities of Male Shopping Behavior, although not restricted to shopping for clothes, does indicate that compared to the past men are shopping more for their own clothes and contrary to common perceptions are spending more time in the shops selecting their clothing. Men are also now spending billions of dollars annually on grooming products, gym and health club memberships, and even cosmetic surgery (Dotson, 1999).

The literature reviewed has also shown that men’s gender role is increasingly coming under question while the media is increasingly playing on this self-doubt and increasingly portraying men in negative depictions. While it is beyond the scope of this paper to attempt to establish a definite link between negative, objectified male gender portrayals in the media and unhealthy or negative self images and self identities amongst tween boys, it is hoped here that by establishing a link between media influences and simple clothing choices, the groundwork for future research can be laid.

Influence on Children

There is very little literature available on the effects that these socio-cultural changes have had on children—especially boys—and their relationship with clothing. James U. McNeal’s (1992) Kids as Customers: A Handbook for Marketing to Children gives an account of the spending habits of children aged 4-12 but does not break down clothing expenditure by gender. The text is more of a guide for marketers who want to tap into this lucrative market. That said, McNeal (1992) does show that children’s expenditure on clothing has increased exponentially from 1984-1989. However, a significant purpose of the McNeal text is to show exactly how the tween market has grown since 1989 when you compare it to the figures found in Martin Lindstrom’s (2003) BRANDchild. In 1989 children spent just over US $6 billion (McNeal, 1992, p. 40) of their own money; however Lindstrom (2003) indicates that tweens now spend more than US $150 billion annually (p. 2). Although BRANDchild is intended as a guide for advertisers who want to claim a part of the multi-billion dollar tween market, it also represents a comprehensive study on the relationship that youth have with brands.

Elsewhere, Patricia Seybold reports on a research study that was conducted by Gang & Gang Inc. which used a survey developed by Resonance ® Surveys that employs a spontaneous, emotional technique to measure US tween’s reactions to three different types of brands. The results showed that, “…tweens have a far more passionate relationship to the brands they wear than is true with any other category of consumer goods” (Seybold, 2003, p. 119). Seybold also conducted a survey that was intended to find out how tweens felt when wearing their favourite branded/logo t-shirt. It revealed that tweens made use of both corporate branding and personal branding to express themselves. Of note for the present study, the boys in this earlier study had a greater propensity to prefer well-known brands or idols than girls (Seybold, 2003, p. 116).

Women – Advertising and the Media

Although the current research is focussed on boys and how the treatment of men in the media may affect their socialization, the literature review would not be complete without a brief discussion of women’s and girls’ experiences in development in a mediated culture, since it is through their experiences that an awareness of the potential for problems has been developed. Women have been the darlings of the marketers and the media for decades, who play on their self-doubt and insecurities to keep them shopping. As Simone de Beauvoir states “one is not born, but rather becomes a women” (quoted in Currie, 1999, p.3). Following this theme, Dawn Currie’s (1999) study on adolescent magazines and their readers presented a comprehensive analysis of how girls learn to become women through media influences. Yet Currie’s (1999) study does not acknowledge the changes that are experienced by boys or men. For example, when discussing a study conducted by Paul Willis she notes “…that, because more is at stake for young women than for young men in the realm of fashion, it is not surprising that they embellish it with rich significance” (Currie, 1999, p. 220). However, much of her findings can be applied to men, and their roles are increasingly coming under question.

Research Question and Hypothesis

Research Question: Has the shift in power between men and women and the new representation of men in advertisements and the media affected the way young boys approach fashion?

Hypothesis: Due to the erosion of any one definition for masculinity and the media influences targeted to fill the gap, boys are increasingly turning to clothing to define themselves.

Methodology

To find out what boys think about fashion and how they make their fashion choices I thought I should go straight to the source. I wanted to interview the boys at their homes, preferably in their rooms where they would feel more comfortable, so as to elicit the best possible responses. Therefore I found it important to have some sort of relationship with their parents. I did not feel comfortable approaching parents who had no prior knowledge of who I was and asking them if I could interview their sons in their rooms. For this reason I relied on personal associations and word of mouth to gain access to my subjects: friends who had boys in the age group that I was targeting and friends of those friends were my source for subjects. My initial goal was to interview a minimum of five boys. Because I either knew the mother, or the mother was the friend of a friend, she was the parent I contacted. I telephoned each mother, explained to her the purpose of my research study, and told her the kind of questions I would be asking her son(s). I explained to them that I would like to conduct the interview in each boy’s room so that he could show me the clothes we would be talking about. This method was adopted from a similar technique portrayed in the PBS documentary Merchants of Cool (2001). I also felt that being in their rooms made the boys more at ease and it would afford me the opportunity to see other influences that may not come up in conversation. It would also allow me to ground questions around items in the room. The mothers were all very agreeable and seemed truly interested in the results. Before confirming with me the mothers first verified with the boys that they were willing to participate. Once I had confirmation I scheduled a date and time for the interview to take place at their home.

After arriving at the subject’s house I went over the ethics form with the mother and had her complete it. I asked that the subjects to be present for this discussion as well because it involved them. I also thought it would help the boys feel more comfortable with me. This only worked for about half of the interviews, however, because the nature of the forms was not very attention-grabbing and the boys seemed to loose interest. At that time I also asked the mother if they were agreeable to my tape recording the interviews with their sons and I advised them that I would also ask for their son’s approval before recording. Once I had the mother’s approval I would explain to the subject the purpose of my study, explaining that I wanted to talk to them about boys and fashion. I told them that the interview would take place in their room so that they could show me their favourite clothing items. In order to help elicit information from each boy, I felt that it would be best to position them as the “expert” who could be of assistance, so I explained that since I was doing research on boys and fashion, and clearly I was not a boy nor did I have much fashion sense, I needed their help.

I would then go to with the subject to their room[2]. I asked them if they would mind if I tape recorded our conversation and explained to them that at any point if they wanted I could erase something that they said or I could turn the recorder off. None of the boys objected to being tape-recorded. I also tried to make sure that they understood that if I asked a question that they were not comfortable answering all they had to do was let me know and not answer.

Rather than having a structured set of questions I set out to conduct the interview with general themes that I wanted to address: their clothing preferences, whether they had an active role in their clothing purchases, popular culture influences, and peer group influences. How each theme was covered depended on the subject. Although this method does not come without its limitations (which I will address below) I do not believe that I would have been successful with a structured approach for following four reasons. First, as I was interviewing a wide range of ages I did not feel that one set of questions would be suitable because I needed flexibility in the language and tactics that I used.

Second, because I did not know most of the boys and they didn’t know me I wanted to have the freedom to ask a range of questions. I hoped that this would get them to feel comfortable talking to me and would allow me learn a little bit more about their interests. The benefit of not having a structured set of questions is that I was able to tailor my interview to each subject depending on cues that I got from them. Thirdly, interviewing young boys can be challenging and, not being a seasoned interviewer, I worried that if I had a set of predefined questions I might not be as able to explore unforeseen themes or areas. I relied on the answers to each question to formulate the following question. Finally, unstructured approach allowed me to be spontaneous and keep the interview lively, as it was very important for me to keep the subject’s interest.

Once I completed the interview I transcribed the tapes and put the key results in a table to allow for easier comparison and to identify any trends. I also ranked their overall interest in clothing and their participation in clothing selection. The transcribed interview notes are in Appendix ‘A’ and the tables are in Appendix ‘B’ at the end of this document.

Results

Overall the results of the interviews indicated that boys aged 7-14 play an active role in their clothing selection, although in varying degrees. Of the six boys interviewed, four stated that they would pick out clothing items in the store, while all the boys also indicated that their mothers would pick something off the rack but they would get to say whether they liked it or not. Age did not appear to be a factor in to the clothing selection process. The seven and eleven year olds were the most active in their clothing selections.

The seven and nine year olds were clearly able to state their styles and their clothing selections were reflective of this style. The eight year old was not specifically asked what his style was nor did he offer any cultural signposts to provide a guide, however his clothing choices were clearly defined. The ten and fourteen year olds were the least able to define their particular style. The mix of style ranged from “rapper” (nine year old), to “surfer/skater” (seven and eight year old), and “conservative” (eleven year old).

Although the boys represented three different styles they all indicated that their favourite stores were Old Navy and the Gap. The nine year old was the least zealous about those stores however he did not suggest any other preferred stores in their place. Only the seven year old indicated that his friends also shopped at similar stores. The eleven year old said that his friends preferred Levi’s and Stitches, while the eight year old indicated that one boy in his class wore mainly Sponge Bob clothing another wore mostly stripes. None of the boys suggested that their friend would mimic what the other wore or that they or their friends would not be friends with someone because of their clothing selection.

The reasons sighted for a certain piece of clothing being their favourite varied from it simply being “the right kind of style that I wear” to liking the little details (such as stripes) and the colour of an item.

Discussion

A majority (67%) of the boys interviewed appeared to be excited to talk to me about their clothing choices. Their emotions also appeared heightened when they were describing and/or showing me their favourite clothing items. These reactions follow those found by Gang & Gang and document by Patricia Seybold (2003). In the Gang & Gang survey tweens were most passionately positive about the experience of wearing their favourite t-shirts (Seybold, 2003, p. 114).

Gang & Gang’s survey continued on to show that the emotion behind the positive reaction to wearing the tweens had to wearing favourite t-shirt was largely associated with self-image and their feelings towards the brand/logo (Seybold, 2003, p. 114). Although the present study did not have the same technology or expertise available as in the Gang & Gang study, similar conclusions can be made from the results. For example, the boys with the strongest ties to their brand or style also had also identified a specific musical taste or image that they associated themselves with, which can be defined as the self-image that they project to others. For example the nine year old is clearly defined by his musical tastes and was very eager to share this information with me. When asked about video games, although he answered the question, he offered his favourite type of music without being asked which was rap. Although he never came out and defined himself as having a particular clothing style his favourite piece of clothing are a pair of jeans that are “…like very very [sic] baggy and black”. This baggy style is often associated with rap music.

Another example is found in the seven year old’s clothing preference and the image that that he associates himself with. When asked whether the kind of clothes he wears can be defined as ‘skater’ clothes he replied:

Skater clothes? Yes. Normally skater clothes are white and red and black. Those are the skater colours.

When I asked him if most of his clothes were skater clothes and if so why he answered:

Yes….They’re black, green, red, white…Tony Hawk[3] wears white and red…and grey.

When asked what his favourite colours were he indicated they were red, light green, and grey. This suggests that his style is also defined by the colours which he has adopted. Overall, the responses suggest that the seven year old is aware of the image that he is projecting through his clothing choices.

These results are also consistent with Seybold’s (2003) study in which she found that “[b]oth boys and girls will gravitate towards wearing a for-profit brand only if it reflects how they want to think of themselves and be thought of by others” (Seybold, 2003, p. 117).

Four out of the six boys interviewed had definite styles and three out these four expressed specific brands of clothing. These findings are similar to those in BRANDchild, where the authors indicate that “[t]weens are the most brand-conscious generation yet….it is far more important to wear the right label than it is to wear the right clothes” (Lindstrom, 2003, p. 13).

However none of the boys interviewed seemed to state that clothing choice affected their friendships. This is a similar consciousness to brands as the girls in Currie’s (1999) study as both sets “did not read the popularity of brand-name clothing in terms of boundary maintenance or group membership” (Currie, 1999, p. 226). In addition, none of the boys interviewed in this study indicated that clothing style dictated who they were friends with however three did indicate that their friends had similar clothing styles. It is unfortunate that because there have been no similar studies conducted the results from this study cannot be compared to findings of previous years. However, the results of this study appear to indicate boys as young as seven years old are actively making decisions about their clothing selections and the self-image that it represents.

Limitations

Several limitations arose in this study that were primarily the result of being a novice field researcher. First, I bought the tape recorder on the afternoon of the first interview. Although I tested it to make sure it was working, it was not tested in an environment similar to those of the interviews. That is, for the test I had clipped the microphone to my t-shirt and was talking into it while walking. When I stopped talking I pressed the pause key. When my test was complete I played the tape back and all seemed to be in order. However, I discovered after doing a few interviews the tape recorder is voice activated. This means that when the recorder is not picking up a sound it stops recording. This presented several problems. For the first interview I conducted I placed the microphone between the subject and myself, however the subject’s voice would sometimes go so quiet that the recorder did not pick it up. The third subject interviewed had a very quiet voice so I asked him to wear the microphone. This created the problem of my voice not being picked up by the recorder and so my explanation of clothing that he was pointing to was often omitted from the recording. Due to a very busy schedule I was unable to transcribe the recording before setting off for subsequent interviews, thus I did not realize what was happening until after the interviews had been completed.

Another limitation was the result of not having the opportunity to conduct pilot interviews before hand. Because my access to subjects was limited I was unable to test my questions before conducting the actual interviews. This would have been beneficial for two reasons. First I would have felt more comfortable, especially during the initial couple of interviews, had I had tested out my line of questioning. Second I may have had a better idea of what techniques worked and what ones did not so that when I was conducting the actual interviews I was not still in a trial phase. For example in retrospect I would have liked to have asked each boy how their favourite clothes made them feel rather than just focusing on what their favourite items were. This question may have allowed me to explore the concept of cool in greater detail.

The interview with the eight year old boy was more challenging because he was not in his own environment and was perhaps not as comfortable as he may have been had he been in his own home. This interview was also disadvantaged because he was not able to show me his favourite clothing items. It should be noted here that his younger brother was also interviewed but his results were not included. The younger brother was a very charming and well spoken six year old, however with a very active imagination. When asked a question about what he was wearing he would provide imaginative answers which I did not feel would contribute to this study. As well, because the interview was being conducted in a room that was not his own, he was therefore not able to show me his favourite pieced of clothing. Overall, if I were a more seasoned interviewer or perhaps had more experience with children seventh interview may have been more successful.

I also would have liked to have conducted a field study observation or conducted an exit interview at a Gap Kids or Old Navy. However due to Gap Corporate policies no such study may be conducted. In fact I was advised that it was against their policy to even be in their store for any purposes other than for the purpose of shopping.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it appears that young boys have an active role in their clothing selections and boys as young as seven use their clothing preferences to define their self-image. Because there has been no similar research done in the past it cannot be stated emphatically that this is a new trend or that it has anything to do with the changes in terms of gender role definition or the changes in the portrayals of men in the media or by marketers. However, in light of these changes it seems like perhaps this is in fact a new and emerging trend. The results from the interviews conducted for this study clearly indicate that at least some adolescent boys are seeking identity through their clothing selections.

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Duffy, Margaret. (1994) Body of Evidence: Studying Women and Advertising. In Luigi

Manca and Alessandra Manca (Eds.), Gender and Utopia in Advertising: A Critical Reader (pp.5-29). Lisle, IL: Procopian Press.

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Mort, Frank. (1996). Cultures of Consumption: Masculinities and Social Space in Late

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Shopping Behavior. Journal of Retailing, 77. pp. 111-137.

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via

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[1] It is interesting however that the Australian Advertising Standards did not uphold a complaint against this ad because they claimed that because men are in the position of power the advertisement was only a satirical comment on a patriarchal world” (). However, increasingly this position of power is coming under question. For further discussion please see: ) Men, Masculinity, and the Media. Sage Publications; Dotson, E.W. (1999) Behold the Man: The Hype and Selling of Male Beauty in the Media and Culture. The Haworth Press; Nathanson, P. & Young, K. K. (2001) Spreading Misandry: The Teaching of Contempt for Men in Popular Culture. McGill-Queen’s University Press.

[2] The interview with the eight year old boy was not conducted at his home. He was visiting the nine and eleven year old boys; the interview was conducted in their room.

[3] Tony Hawk is a famous skateboarder.

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Abstract

This study explores the relationship between the changing depictions of men in advertising and the media, focusing on “tween” boys and their clothing choices. Six boys were interviewed in their home environments and were asked questions about what might have influenced their clothing preferences.

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