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Human rights in RussiaSochi 2014 Winter Olympics: Not just games Manual for journalistsAmnesty International Norway, Bellona, Caucasian Knot, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee and the Norwegian Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender OrganisationPhoto front cover: Copyright Tomasz Kizny Manual for journalistsThis manual for journalists, which will cover the 2014 Winter Olympics and Paralympics in Sochi in 2014, has been produced in cooperation between the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Amnesty International Norway, Bellona, the Norwegian Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Organisation (LLH) and the news portal Caucasian Knot.The Norwegian Helsinki Committee has had principal responsibility for the production of the manual and would like to thank the Fritt Ord Foundation for supporting this and for other work linked to the winter games in Sochi.The manual covers the political, human rights and environmental context of the winter games, which are taking place in a city on the Black Sea which has around 350,000 inhabitants. The manual is part of a major partnership to draw attention to the problematic aspects of the winter games in Sochi and developments in Russia regarding human rights and respect for human dignity, which is a central value of the Olympic Movement.The organisations are not calling for a boycott of the winter games, but wish to contribute to the Norwegian and international media being aware of conditions linked to the preparation and organisation of the games by the Russian authorities which justify criticism. The manual also raises questions about the IOC's role in following up on respect for the Olympic values.The Olympic Movement has some fundamental principles, including that sport must contribute to "the harmonious development of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preservation of human dignity". Banning discrimination is one of its core values.Assessing how various Olympic Games contribute to promoting these values is therefore vital.The information presented has been taken from a range of sources, including conversations and interviews held while visiting Sochi and the Krasnodar region under the auspices of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee.---Amnesty International Norway, amnesty.no, is the Norwegian branch of the world's largest human rights organisation. Amnesty International fights for freedom of expression and against discrimination and abuse. The organisation is independent of all governments, economic players, political beliefs and religious faiths.Bellona, , is an independent idealist foundation which works to solve the world's climate challenges partly by identifying and implementing sustainable climate solutions. Bellona works for increased environmental understanding and protection of nature, the environment and health. Bellona is involved in the most important national and international environmental issues in the world today.Caucasian Knot, , is a Russian and English-language 24/7 internet agency covering the entire Caucasus region, i.e. areas in southern Russia (north Caucasia) and Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Caucasian Knot has an extensive network of correspondents and represents a unique source of independent information about important developments and incidents in the region.The Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC), nhc.no, is a non-governmental organisation which promotes full respect for internationally-recognised human rights in law and in practice. The NHC reports on breaches of human rights, provides education and supports and cooperates with local organisations regarding such activities. The NHC's geographical focus is North America, Europe and Central Asia. The NHC's headquarters are in Oslo and it has employees and partners in Eastern and Central Europe, the western Balkans and Central Asia.The Norwegian Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Organisation (LLH), , is a Norwegian organisation which works for equality and against all forms of discrimination against lesbians, homosexuals, bisexuals and transsexuals (LGBTs) in Norway and the rest of the world. LLH works for improved protection against discrimination for all minorities and for the police following up on hate crime in a suitable manner. The organisation provides information about LGBTs to the authorities and politicians, family-protection offices and the health service. LLH works with and supports LGBT activists in Russia.CONTENTSInterview with Gregory Shvedov, editor of Caucasian Knot6The IOC and the Sochi Winter Games10Sochi and the Krasnodar region13The risk of terrorism15Treatment of minorities and immigrants21LGBTs without protection22Vulnerable environment under pressure26Corruption30Workers' rightsinfringed33Restrictions of liberty35Imprisonment of political opponents and activists38The IOC's role41Useful contacts43Biographies of activists currently under investigation51The Price of the Games: who will win, who will be victim?–?Interview with Gregory Shvedov, Editor, Caucasian Knot?-4445-190500The 2014 Sochi Olympic and Paralympic Games are widely seen by observers as a personal project for President Putin, who is very fond of the Sochi area and its recreational qualities. The games have been portrayed by the Russian authorities as an important part of efforts to modernise Russia in terms of technological innovations, venues being made easily accessible for the disabled and inspiring and creating future training facilities for talented athletes. They also have an overall goal of developing the Sochi area in line with cost efficiency and sustainability criteria.?Taking a step back in assessing preparations for the games, how are they being portrayed in the Russian mainstream media?"Overall there is a positive attitude to the games. The media report on how the games contribute to a "positive image" of Russia, mobilising Russians and attracting positive international attention. It is no secret that Russia has an image problem in the West. There are currently no real attempts to democratise the country or improve human rights. The games are seen as a way to improve the image of the country, to re-brand Russia. The plan is to portray a great power which can build spectacular sports venues and organise tournaments in a way which no-one can copy. The mainstream media are undertaking the task of creating such an image."Does this mean that the Russian media are under orders to portray the games in a positive light?"Well, there is no censorship in the majority of the Russian media, you know. However, the major media outlets know how to present news or which news to avoid in order not to offend officials.?There is no nationwide system with one responsible agency which pre-approves journalism, as was the case during Soviet times. But there is a widespread practice of self-censorship. There is also the issue of media financing, which in practice leads to a cautious approach by owners, who influence the media a lot in Russia. The majority of media outlets are funded by the government or local administrations, although there are also a number of private owners. Editors may be appointed due to their loyalty to the owner rather than because of their skills. There is also the issue of restrictive laws that make journalists cautious of criticising officials. There are however some private media that cover sensitive issues in an independent way."?Do the media in North Caucasus have any distinctive characteristics?"The situation is not the same in the various regions. In general, however, local administrations do not welcome a professional approach by media outlets. On the contrary, they expect the media to contribute to portraying "a positive image". In Chechnya there is complete control of the media by the Kadyrov administration, which leads to Soviet-style propaganda, often in a new, modern style. In Dagestan there are a few independent media outlets owned and run by businesses which report critically. In five other regions of North Caucasus there are newspapers which may publish critical material from time to time, but they do not have a big readership and there are no daily editions. Also, there are no independent radio or TV broadcasters in the area. The online media in the regions are mostly linked to specific local stakeholders’ interests. In general, access to the internet is free, except in Chechnya, and this helps regional readers to use social media, which are very popular."?How would you describe the role of the news portal Caucasian Knot?"Caucasian Knot fills the void where there is a lack of independent and professional reporting. The regional media sometimes publish material critical of regional developments, but they do not always adhere to professional standards. The owners of specific newspapers or electronic media are often involved in influencing critical reporting in order to pursue their own interests. Caucasian Knot is totally independent of local government and business interests and our readers show how much they admire this approach. The stories we publish are read about three million times a month. Apart from reporting, Caucasian Knot also provides a much needed forum for the local audience, making it possible for the population of the regions to share facts and opinions. Caucasian Knot receives thousands of comments and text messages. Many of these feature important facts about human rights violations and other items of interest."How do officials respond to criticism of the preparations for the Sochi Games?"I would say that their main response is to ignore it, if possible. Regarding criticism of the environmental damage caused by the companies building facilities for the Olympic Games, court decisions in cases against activists clearly show that the courts have been ordered to punish them by officials. Officials do not want to allow activists to operate or to benefit from criticism in order to improve the way things are done. We should, however, acknowledge that there are examples of the opposite happening. For instance, officials do recognise that the ecosystem of the Mzimta River has been destroyed. There is currently a debate about how to restore life to the river."Caucasian Knot writes a lot about a large number of local inhabitants who suffer permanently due to social injustice and poor living conditions. There is often no hot water or electricity and heating does not work. This criticism does not usually attract any response from officials, but we are proud of each case (even though they are few in number) when people get help due to our coverage. Often help comes not from regional officials but from national institutions."?You have been active as a journalist and editor in the North Caucasus region for many years. What is your advice to foreign journalists coming to Sochi?"My main advice is to prepare thoroughly in terms of reading about the region, consulting reports by human rights organisations, video reports, news, etc. Do not think that you can start from zero, but prepare yourself about issues beyond the sport. One important question is about the true price of the games. We already know that they are extremely expensive in terms of money, but they have also incurred a lot of problems for the local population and environment. When foreign journalists arrive they may be very impressed by what they see. The Olympic venues and the infrastructure are indeed impressive. But they should be prepared to look beyond that. They also have to be very careful about protecting their sources when conducting journalistic work in Sochi. This will of course be difficult as security personnel will be present everywhere. It also means that respondents might choose to answer very carefully so as not to compromise themselves. For instance, it might be very difficult to dig into issues such as corruption and the excessive use of funds related to construction works. I suspect few locals would talk about it much or be able to provide evidence."?How do you assess the possibility of arranging protests and demonstrations close to the venues?"It will be very difficult to protest or demonstrate near venues. Even though this is now permitted in principle it can only take place with the approval of the local authorities, local law enforcement agencies and the Federal Security Service (the FSB, which was known as the KGB in Soviet times). In reality getting permission from all three structures will be complicated. Putin’s permission to protest looks good on paper, but I suspect that in reality we’ll not see much protest near venues. The authorities may propose somewhere far away from the venues, where fewer visitors will be able to see the activists."?Do you see the games having any positive effects?"Yes, the Sochi Games may be helpful in some respects. There is, however, now talk of venues ending up as casinos after the games. That would certainly not be a good outcome. One central question is whether the Olympic buildings and infrastructure will benefit the local population and ordinary people or whether Sochi will remain a place for rich and powerful people. That remains to be seen. Sochi may continue to be a place which the Russian state invests in, providing talented athletes from all over Russia with venues for training. Giving young athletes from North Caucasus a special opportunity to use this infrastructure would also be sensible national policy. In terms of tourism I suspect that Turkey and Egypt may remain less expensive than Sochi for Russians. But there is certainly potential in Sochi for combining seaside tourism with more adventurous activities in the nearby mountains."?Several?well-known people, including Khodorkovsky, have recently been granted amnesties. How do you interpret these amnesties?"They have mainly been granted in order to improve the?image of Russia, to portray it as a more free country and to dismiss sensitive issues ahead of the games. But the amnesties do not represent a paradigm shift. For instance, you can see that activists critical of the preparations for the Sochi Games still have a hard time.""We need to think about local activists after the games. How many of them will pay a high price for the games – will have to go to prison – after the international community stops monitoring developments in Sochi? We are already witnessing such an approach in neighbouring Azerbaijan, where key activists have been arrested after elections rather than during them. Together we need to make efforts to help those who live in the region so that they do not end up being victims of the games."The next G8 meeting will be held in Sochi. World leaders need to be quite clear in demanding that no-one should suffer because of peaceful activism while they are experiencing warm Russian hospitality in beautiful palaces."The IOC and the Sochi Winter GamesThe Modern Olympic Games were founded by Pierre de Coubertin in 1864. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) was established in 1894, while the first modern summer games were held in Athens in 1896. Winter games were first held in Chamonix, France, in 1924.The IOC plays the main role in the Olympic Movement along with the national Olympic Committees and the international sports federations. The Olympic Charter is binding on all these players and also on the organising committees for the various Olympic Games.Contrary to popular belief Olympism is not just about organising spectacular sports events. According to the charter it is a philosophy of life which seeks to create a lifestyle "based on the joy found in effort, the educational value of good example, social responsibility and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles". It also states that practising sport is a human right and that no-one should be discriminated against in practising sport. The Olympic Movement must "contribute to building a peaceful and better world".Sochi was chosen to organise the 2014 winter games by the IOC on 2 July 2007. According to the IOC seven cities had applied to hold the 2014 winter games: Sochi (Russia), Salzburg (Austria), Jaca (Spain), Almaty (Kazakhstan), PyeongChang (South Korea), Sofia (Bulgaria) and Borjomi (Georgia).Sochi competed with Salzburg and Pyeongchang in the final phase. In the final vote Sochi was preferred by 51 IOC members, while PyeongChang was supported by 47.The winter games in Sochi are the 22nd Winter Olympics and will be followed by the 11th Paralympic Winter Games, which are taking place at the same venues from 7-16 March.By entering into an agreement with the IOC to organise the Olympic Games in 2014 the Russian Organising Committee and the responsible Russian authorities committed themselves to respecting the Olympic aims and values. For its part, the IOC is committed to ensuring that these are followed up in practice.High aimsThe Olympic Games in Sochi will be the most compact winter games in the history of the Olympic Movement. It will be possible to move from one arena to another within minutes. All arenas have been adapted to the requirements for disabled access.Eleven new facilities have been built for the games, located in two complexes – one on the coast a little south of Sochi city and one in the mountain resort of Krasnaya Polyana. The two complexes are 48 km apart and a new railway and motorway have been built between them so that the travel time is planned to be just 30 minutes. The ice arenas, which are in the coastal complex, are within walking distance of each other.The Sochi winter games have become the most expensive ever. The final bill will be more than 50 billion dollars.The Olympic rings at the airport in Sochi.The Russian Organising Committee has stated the aims of the games on three levels under the heading "The Russian Diamond".Firstly, the games will be innovative in terms of ensuring a high level of service for the participants, making the arenas physically accessible, ensuring environmental sustainability and making the Olympics accessible for everyone.Secondly, the games will celebrate the so-called Spirit of Russia. This involves inspiring the Russian population by showing what Russian athletes can achieve, demonstrating Russian hospitality and showing magnificent scenery and contributing to integrating Russia into the global community.Thirdly, the games will deliver "sustainable positive change, which inspires the world". The games will set new standards for the rest of Russia, market Sochi as a tourist destination, stimulate the development of sport and a healthy lifestyle and promote the inclusion of people with disabilities in Russia.ControversialThe Winter Olympics in Sochi are the first to be organised by the Russian Federation, which was declared an independent state in 1991 and took over the Soviet Union's permanent seat on the UN Security Council. During Soviet times the summer games were held in Moscow in 1980, but these were boycotted by a large number of countries because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Norway did not participate.The winter games in Sochi have also been caught in a controversial light, although no country has indicated that it is considering boycotting them. Human rights and environmental issues are some of the most important subjects in the critical discussions about the games. These include poor treatment of construction workers who have been brought in, restrictive legislation and practices regarding homosexual and lesbian rights, an extensive decline in respect for civil and political rights in Russia in general and worries about the environmental consequences of the extensive building of infrastructure and facilities in association with the games.Sochi and the Krasnodar regionSochi lies in the Krasnodar region (Krasnodarsky krai in Russian), which is in south-west Russia and is part of the southern federal district. The region borders Rostov in the north-west, Stavropol in the east and the conflict-stricken Georgian republic of Abkhazia in the south. In the west Krasnodar is separated from Ukraine by the Strait of Kerch.Its population is approx. 5.3 million. Russians make up the majority (approx. 88%), but Armenians, Ukrainians, Greeks and many other ethnic groups live in the region.Sochi's climate is subtropical, with an average daytime temperature of 10 degrees at the coast in January and February. There is unique fauna and flora in some of the areas affected by building development for the Olympics and parts of the area are protected national parks.The Krasnodar region is bordering North Caucasus, an area affected by conflicts between the various ethnic groups in the region and the Russian authorities since the 19th century.The republic of Adygea is an enclave within the Krasnodar region. The Adyghe and other so-called Circassian people supported the Turks against Russia in the Crimean War (1853-1856). Russia's conquest of the northern Caucasus was completed in 1864, and this resulted in a large number of Circassians and other Muslims being forced out. Some were forcibly deported to the Ottoman Empire, while many moved to other parts of Russia or to other countries.During World War II the Circassians and many other Muslim ethnic groups in North Caucasus were deported to Central Asia. Those who survived were first invited to return in the late 1950s.The Circassians have sought to exploit the winter games in Sochi to highlight the conflicts and extensive persecution which have taken place. It has been emphasised that Sochi was once the capital of Circassia before Greek immigrants came to the area. But when Russian President Vladimir Putin addressed The Olympic Committee in 2007 to convince it that Sochi should organise the games he only mentioned the Greeks, it is noted.Russians now make up around 68% of the population of Adygea, while the Adyghe make up 22%. Although Circassians live in other parts of North Caucasus and Russia, the great majority live abroad.There have also been extensive conflicts regarding the status of Abkhazia. Only Russia, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Nauru have recognised the republic as an independent state. Two other unrecognised republics, South Ossetia and Transnistria, have also recognised Abkhazia.Abkhazia and South Ossetia are part of Georgia in legal terms, even though the authorities in Tbilisi have no control over them. Transnistria is a similar breakaway republic from Moldova. These republics represent part of the extensive problem of so-called "frozen conflicts" in former Soviet territory. In the summer of 2008 there was a brief war between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia, but the relationship between Russia and Georgia is somewhat better today.The risk of terrorismThe Krasnodar region lies at the edge of North Caucasus, a region affected by lengthy conflicts. North Caucasus consists of Stavropol Krai and the autonomous republics of Karachay-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria, North Ossetia-Alania, Ingushetia, Chechnya and Dagestan.The terrorist attacks in Volgograd on 29 and 30 December 2013 came as a shock to many people in Russia. Thirty-four people were killed at the city's train station and on a trolleybus. A terrorist attack in Volgograd in October 2013 also claimed seven lives. Volgograd lies about 1000 kilometres north east of Sochi as the crow flies.The population of Russia has been told by state-controlled media that North Caucasus is under control. In reality there has been fighting between Islamist groups and the authorities for a long time. Even though the war in Chechnya ended at the beginning of the 21st century, the conflicts there and in the neighbouring republics have not been resolved.There is a particularly high level of conflict in Dagestan, while in Chechnya there is first and foremost a high level of repression. Here President Ramzan Kadyrov keeps order using heavy-handed methods including murder, torture and abductions.It is particularly disturbing that the violence has had a tendency to spread to areas further north, in the direction of Volgograd. Earlier terrorist attacks in Moscow and other places have also been linked to conflicts in North Caucasus.Many people ask themselves why the country's powerful security forces are unable to stop the bombs. The criticism points to a lack of professionalism and preparedness.However, the threats against the winter games should not be exaggerated, even though well-known rebel leader Doku Umarov has said that they must be stopped. Here the security measures will be extensive and thorough.Tracing the background to the threats is equally important. Why have the authorities not been able to promote more peaceful development in North Caucasus?Unresolved conflictsThe first Chechen war began in 1994. It was about separatism and there was a temporary solution in 1996, when the then President of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, and Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov signed a peace agreement.According to the Russian organisation Memorial, between 30,000 and 50,000 civilians and up to 6,000 members of the Russian security forces were killed in the first war.A new war began in the autumn of 1999 after Putin became the leader of Russia. He portrayed it as a war on terrorism. Once again there were also major losses. Between 15,000 and 25,000 civilians were killed along with up to 6,000 of the security forces. Around 3,000 people also "disappeared", Memorial says.Fighting terrorism, which received increased international support after 11 September 2001, boosted Putin's popularity. Putin was perceived by many people as someone who could bring order. But it hasn't turned out that way. The 24/7 internet agency?Caucasian Knot has produced an overview of acts of terrorism in Russia since 2000. According to the overview 122 suicide bombers, 52 of whom were women, have participated in 80 acts of terrorism. 1,201 people were killed and 3,240 injured. The most disturbing thing about the overview is that the terrorism is not tending to decrease.Since Kadyrov became president of Chechnya in 2007 the authorities there have relied on tough tactics and killed or forced out moderate leaders whom they could have negotiated with. In doing so they have promoted the radicalisation of the rebels. On the surface Chechnya looks better off, with new construction projects and major financial transfers from Moscow. But under the surface it's smouldering.Using fighting terrorism as a cover, the authorities have cancelled local elections and restricted freedom of expression and civil society. They portray the conflict as black and white and only permit critical voices to a limited extent or depict the critics as extremists.Many journalists and activists have been killed because they have written about sensitive issues in Chechnya. The most well-known are Anna Politkovskaya and Natalia Estemirova. The wars in Chechnya and the ongoing conflicts in North Caucasus have also led to a major flow of refugees to Europe and internally within Russia. Russia has been convicted by the European Court of Human Rights in a large number of cases from Chechnya, including for torture and pared to neighbouring republics there is now a certain authoritarian stability in Chechnya. Relatives of members of illegal military groups, friends or people suspected of having assisted them are abducted or arrested. They are still often subjected to torture or end up being killed.As the military groups largely sail under the flag of radical Islam, religious young men and in some cases women are arrested by the authorities. This often happens with no legal basis. Unemployment is another factor which contributes to young people joining the armed groups.The position of women in Chechnya has worsened in recent years, including being ordered to wear headdresses and honour killings of women.Over the last 10 years the conflicts have spread from Chechnya to Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria and particularly Dagestan, while the rebels have been radicalised. Shootings and killings take place and the authorities initiate a large number of counter-terrorism operations. They take place in a similar way as in Chechnya. People suspected of cooperating with rebels and their families are subjected to arrest, torture and even extra-judicial executions.On 18 December 2013 Chechnya's president declared that Umarov died a long time ago. This was the eighth time that rebel leader Umarov has been declared dead. But there are many indications that he is still planning acts of terrorism in Sochi or elsewhere in Russia.The terrorism continuesTerrorism which takes place in other parts of Russia but is linked to the conflicts in North Caucasus is nothing new. The two most well-known examples are the actions at the Dubrovka Theatre in Moscow in 2002 and in Beslan in 2004. In 2011 Doku Umarov was behind an act of terrorism at Domodedovo Airport in Moscow in which 37 people lost their lives.The attacks in Volgograd at the end of December 2013 are probably linked to the winter games in Sochi but can also be viewed in the context of the ongoing spread of the conflicts in North Caucasus.In May 2012 the Federal Security Service (FSB) announced that it had discovered terror plans and weapons in Abkhazia which targeted the winter games. It was believed that Umarov was behind the plans and that he was receiving help from the Georgian security services. The Georgian authorities denied that there was such a link.There may be many reasons why Russia has not succeeded in combating the terrorism. In our opinion one important reason for the authorities' lack of success is that they have not based their counter-terrorism strategy on human rights. The brutality of the terrorism is countered by state brutality, often also including arbitrary and collective punishment of the suspect's family.Dialogue with the terrorists is also ruled out or is only used to buy time. This applies during hostage dramas such as those at the Dubrovka Theatre in Moscow in 2002 and in Beslan in 2004, but also as an overall strategy. There is no attempt to involve radical elements in political processes. There was admittedly some such attempts in Dagestan when Dmitri Medvedev was president from 2008-2012, but under Putin it is harsh measures that count.The authorities have used the preparations for the Olympics as part of a grandiose attempt to modernise Russia. The Sochi games will portray an image of a Russia distinguished by efficiency, modern technology and seamless organisation.Russia's way of handling conflicts needs radical change to just as great an extent.Counter-terrorism in SochiIn August 2013 President Putin signed an order "On the special use of increased security measures in the period of the hosting of the 22nd Olympic and the 11th Paralympic Games 2014 in Sochi". According to the order, which applies from 7 January to 21 March 2014, it will be forbidden for non-local transport to drive into the Olympic Games areas without special accreditation.Sochi will be split into zones with various entrances for various categories of people and only after they have been checked by the police or other security forces. An individual pass has been introduced for spectators after they have been checked by the FSB.One of the main challenges has been to check local use of cars, partly because many people drive cars bought in Abkhazia with Abkhazian number plates. The authorities have announced that they will increase public transport provision during the winter games, reducing the need to use private cars. A range of institutions including kindergartens and schools will be closed during the games.Drones will be used for surveillance and the use of mobile phones by athletes and accredited journalists will be monitored.In August 2013 the authorities introduced a total ban on all demonstrations in Sochi in the period from 7 February to 21 March 2014, but this was amended in December 2013. Instead the new regulations provided for so-called "protest zones" to be set up, as they were during the summer games in Beijing in 2008.On 4 January 2014 it became known that Putin had given in to pressure from the IOC and will now allow demonstrations and political displays at the Olympic facilities and along the roads which lead to the facilities. However, permission must be sought from the local authorities, local law enforcement agencies and the Federal Security Service (the FSB) and there are limits on how many people can participate.From 10 to 30 November 2013 the counter-terrorism exercise "2014 Olympics" was held in the Krasnodar region and in the Republic of Adygea. This involved the local population, tourists and journalists (including Norwegian TV2's reporter ?ystein Bogen) being subjected to extensive security checks and interrogations. According to Russian sources the local population were not informed about the exercise in advance, and the police and security forces conducted themselves rudely and unprofessionally.When the Russian security forces are searching for terrorists from North Caucasus they often refer to "Caucasian" appearance. Ahead of the winter games the security forces face a new challenge when it comes to identifying terrorists who are not Caucasians but converts to radical Islam. The terrorist actions in Volgograd on 29 December 2013 are said to have been executed by such Russian converts.Treatment of minorities and immigrantsPeople belonging to more than 50 different ethnic groups live in the Krasnodar region. Even though the situation here is peaceful compared to parts of North Caucasus, earlier conflicts have left their mark. Discrimination and other abuses of immigrants are unfortunately very much a reality.Ahead of the winter games Adyghe or Circassians, as they are often called, in particular have put forward demands to settle scores for the abuses which occurred in the Caucasian wars between 1817 and 1864. In 2014 it is 150 years since the end of that period of fierce conflict between advancing Russian forces and North Caucasian military groups, including Circassians. The Ottoman Empire also participated in the clashes from time to time.The Caucasian wars were mainly about Russia's conquest of new territories in North Caucasus. Russian military units were particularly violent in the final phase. They burned down a large number of Circassian villages and put the survivors in camps where the conditions were particularly bad.It is claimed that as many as 400,000 Circassians were killed, while half a million fled to other parts of Russia or to Turkey, Syria, Jordan and other countries. Their descendants demand recognition that genocide was committed against the Circassian population.However, local Circassians are asking for dialogue with the Russian authorities, that they be mentioned during the Olympic opening ceremony and for increased rights as a minority. At the end of December 2013 11 activists who are fighting for the Circassians' rights as a minority were arrested and interrogated, ostensibly as part of combating extremism.While the Circassians feel that their demands are being ignored the governor of the Krasnodar region, Aleksander Tkachev, has revived another group, the Cossacks, who have been in the region since the 19th century and are known for their military skills. On 1 September 2012 the governor launched an initiative to establish his own Cossack groups to ensure that immigrants leave Krasnodar. Around 65 such groups have been established to patrol the region.Tkachev emphasises that all immigrants must leave Sochi. The Cossacks have also been used in association with the winter games to forcibly deport foreign workers who have helped build the Olympic facilities. Memorial estimates that around 3,000 foreign workers have been forced to leave the region since the campaign to remove them began. LGBTs without protectionThe Olympics in Sochi have helped to train the world's spotlight on the discrimination suffered by lesbians, homosexuals, bisexuals and transsexuals (LGBTs) in contemporary Russia. Russian society in general shows little acceptance of homosexuals' rights. Common views are that homosexuality is an illness or the result of a bad environment. Opinion surveys show that over 70% of the population have negative attitudes to homosexuals. However, attitudes are more positive among younger people and the well-educated.Public demonstrations arranged by LGBT organisations often end with nationalists and Orthodox activists cooperating to attack the police while the police remain passive.From a demonstration in St Petersburg.On 30 June 2013 President Putin signed an amendment to the law on protecting children from information which is damaging to their health and development. The amendment to the law forbids so-called propaganda about non-traditional sexual relations to minors. The penalties are fines of up to 1,550 American dollars for public-sector employees and up to 155 dollars for private individuals. Organisations can be fined up to 31,000 dollars.The law applies both to Russian citizens and foreigners who speak out in Russia, even though the penalties are lower for foreigners. In principle, therefore, it can be used against all participants or spectators at the games in Sochi. The Russian authorities have admittedly declared that the law will not be applied during the games, but there is reason to question the credibility of such promises. It may be that the authorities will be reserved about enforcing the legal ban while the games are taking place, but that after the games the persecution of Russian LGBTs will intensify.On 3 July 2013 President Putin signed a law which forbids the adoption of Russian children if the adoptive parents are in a same-sex relationship. The ban also applies to single adoptive parents in countries which have same-sex marriage laws.In September 2013 a bill to deprive homosexuals of parental rights was presented to the Duma. Although the bill was met with critical objections there is a risk that the bill will be passed in the course of 2014.The Russian organisation Agora has recently published a report about 58 attacks on LGBTs which it has investigated. According to the report there are around 7 million LGBTs in Russia. What they have in common is that they are not protected by the police and prosecuting authorities. Complaints are not registered and attacks are not investigated.There are many indications that the anti-propaganda law and the lack of investigation of individual cases are perceived by extremist groups as a signal that hate crime and violence against LGBTs are acceptable. A hate-crime monitoring centre, SOVA, has documented that violent attacks on LGBTs by such groups have increased in the past year. The organisation associates this with restrictive new legislation which limits the rights of civil society in general and LGBTs and LGBT organisations in particular.The Russian media participate in spreading the authorities' homophobic views. Recently human rights activists taking part in a meeting at the Holiday Inn in St Petersburg, where the potential effects of the winter games for LGBTs in Russia were discussed, experienced a recording of parts of the meeting being broadcast on the state TV channel Rossiya. This was part of an hour-long programme in the "Special correspondent" series, which discussed whether homosexuals and "sodomites" are part of a Western plot to spread sin in Russia and ruin the country.According to participants the meeting was closed and the recording which was shown could only have been made with the help of state surveillance. Discrimination against LGBTs contravenes the Olympic Charter, and the IOC has been challenged to ensure that such discrimination does not take place during the games. The IOC has clarified that the rule in the charter which forbids demonstrations and political, religious or racist propaganda must not be interpreted as an absolute ban on critical statements. Provided that the participants do not use accredited areas they are free to criticise Russia's laws.The Norwegian Olympic and Paralympic Committee and Confederation of Sports has also stressed that athletes are free to voice criticism as long as they comply with the IOC's rules. The confederation has prioritised efforts to counteract discrimination against and hate towards homosexual athletes since 2007.Historically, political statements by participants in Olympic Games are nothing new. One of the most well-known examples involves Tommie Smith, John Carlos and Peter Norman, who demonstrated solidarity with the American civil rights movement during the Olympic Games in Mexico City in 1968.Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and other human rights organisations have criticised the IOC and the major international companies which are sponsoring the games for being too reserved in their criticism of the Russian authorities.Attempts have been made to register a Pride House in Sochi, but the organisers were refused permission by the authorities. European and American LGBT organisations are attempting to get round the refusal by negotiating with individual participating countries to set up a Pride House under their auspices.LGBT organisations or meeting places are not visible in Sochi. There is admittedly an LGBT group on V Kontakte, Russia's answer to Facebook, but otherwise there is little organised activity.One exception is a young man, Vladislav, who spoke to the Russian periodical New Times in November 2013 about the situation for LGBTs in Sochi. Vladislav is 17 and describes his situation as hell because his profile on V Kontakte had been hacked and made available to all. In many schoolbooks homosexuality is still compared to criminality, substance abuse and prostitution. When it became known at school that he was homosexual he experienced bullying, having stones thrown at him and urine poured on him without any intervention on the part of the school. On the other hand Vladislav says:"The teachers ignore pretty much everything. A teacher said that I didn't actually belong to any sexual minority but rather that it was just something I believed. The school psychologist explained that it was my own fault." Many people had hoped that the German Olympic delegation's choice of colours reflected support for the LGBT milieu in Russia, but according to statements made by the German Athletics Federation that is not the case. Vulnerable environment under pressureThe environmental challenges for the Olympic Games in Sochi consist of toxic landfills, swathes of national forests felled to make way for Olympic venues and palatial estates for Russian politicians, poisoned rivers and drinking water, species nearing extinction and limestone quarries gouged into protected areas. These will fade from public attention, eclipsed by the race for medals.Strip mining in protected areas. (Photo: Flickr)Until the games begin builders are continuing to dump literally tons of untreated construction and household waste in makeshift landfills, most of which remain undocumented except by environmentalists, taking over protected areas throughout the once pristine Krasnodar region – a giant failure in what Russia promised the IOC would be “Zero Waste Games”.According to the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), 3.5 billion tons of waste were generated during Olympic preparations in 2009 alone.Olympic "Zero Waste" pledge appears emptyConstruction vehicles and refuse lorries slow traffic to a Moscow-like gridlock on roads between coastal, temperate Sochi, and the Caucasus Mountain ski slopes of Krasnaya Polyana 45 kilometres to the north, causing smog that is completely alien to the area, local environmental activists say.The waste which is being documented has been generated partly because Sochi – where the average February temperature hovers around 5-7°C – is just not a winter city. In other words, the Russian Olympic Organising Committee’s Games-building effort has been an exercise in building winter from scratch, which is akin to popularising igloos on Ibiza. To change the local seasonal cycle the Organising Committee has constructed – according to its own statistics – more than a dozen venues in different coastal and mountain complexes, with over 367 kilometres of roads, 200 kilometres of railway and 170 kilometres of gas pipelines. Sochi has even stored 450,000 cubic metres of snow to ensure a white Olympics come February 7.Illegal dumping of solid construction waste continues in the hills above the Olympic village. This is a still from a YouTube post?tweeted?by Gazaryan on December 13.Dozens of local species of plant and animal life were at risk even before the Kremlin’s Olympic juggernaut descended on the 1,938 square-kilometre site of Western Caucasus National Park. These include the Persian leopard – which is now one of the mascots of the Sochi Games. If it becomes extinct it will at least be commemorated on T-shirts and coffee mugs.Gazaryan and other members of the EWNC inspect clear cutting for roads to the Krasnaya Polyana ski resort, a major Olympic venue. (Photo: EWNC)Apart from the now famous?landfill in the town of Akhshtyr, the state’s Federal Service for Supervision of Natural Resources, known as Rosprirodnadzor, has documented another 50 illegal landfills where Olympic construction companies covertly dispose of their waste throughout the Krasnodar Region.The Russian Federal Service for Supervision of Natural Resources (Rosprirodnadzor) map of illegal landfills in the Sochi area. Source: Yandex (Photo: Rosprirodnadzor, rendered in English by Maria Kaminskaya/Bellona)In addition to this, a good part of the cost of what are being billed as the most expensive games in history has gone into clear-cutting protected forest areas in order to build gaudy towering summer estates for Moscow’s hand-picked Olympic movers and shakers. In all some 1,000 hectares of World Heritage forests have been levelled for cronies' residences and their infrastructure – roads, helipads, power lines and an illegally-sited ski resort.Russian Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill’s "dacha" photographed by EWNC member Dmitri Shevchenko in February 2011.Gazaryan rattled off that in addition to the residences Putin also has two guest houses in the Krasnaya Polyana area for visiting officials, has built in protected areas surrounding the Olympic ski slopes, built a mansion for Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill near the village of Divnomorskoye and two holiday homes for Russian businessman and former Defence Minister Anatoly Serdyukov – one near the town of Anapa and another near the village of Taman.The environmental challenges linked to the Sochi Games should have been an embarrassment to the IOC, but as IOC spokeswoman Emanuel Moreau writes the IOC Zero Waste Policy is only applicable to the two weeks during which the Games take place: “Sochi 2014’s zero waste objective is linked to its operational waste at games-time and [the Organising Committee has] given us every assurance of their commitment to that objective.”CorruptionCorruption was widespread in the Soviet Union. Unfortunately developments in Russia following the fall of the Soviet Union have not reduced the problem. Opposition politician Alexei Navalny helped to mobilise the protest movement against President Putin precisely by characterising the members of his party, United Russia, as "crooks and thieves". The protests targeted electoral fraud, corruption and misrule. Millions demonstrated in Moscow and a number of other cities in 2011 and 2012. Demonstrations are still being held, but fewer people are participating.Russia is in 127th place out of 177 states in Transparency International's corruption perception index for 2013. Corruption and bribery play a part at all levels in dealings with the public authorities. Everything from schools, hospitals and driving-test examiners to building permits and public-sector tenders require bribes. The ownership of companies and properties can be taken over through illegal transactions and outright theft without the victim being able to expect that the police and courts will intervene. Which of the parties in a dispute has the best contacts or can pay most is often decisive.There are a number of well-known cases which demonstrate the extent of corruption and fraud. One of the most well-known is the Magnitsky case. In 2008 Russian tax lawyer and auditor Sergei Magnitsky exposed a tax fraud amounting to 230 million dollars. However, those behind the fraud, several of whom were high-ranking civil servants in the Ministry of the Interior, managed to have him imprisoned, charged with having defrauded the state himself, and in the end he was killed in prison. He died on 16 November 2009 due to mistreatment and a lack of medical assistance.One of the reasons why the Magnitsky case has become so well-known is that his employer, businessman Bill Browder, has started a worldwide campaign for "justice for Sergei Magnitsky". Another reason is that Magnitsky himself was very diligent in documenting all aspects of both the tax fraud and his own case. The USA has adopted a specific Magnitsky law which denies visas and freezes the assets of people involved in the mistreatment of Magnitsky or in similar cases. There are many of these, although not on such a large scale.The corruption in North Caucasus has a number of distinguishing features. Due to the high level of conflict the authorities here receive significant financial support for security and development initiatives from the federal authorities in Moscow. According to Russian experts the struggle for access to such financial resources has become an important factor in the conflicts.The high level of corruption may also be a factor in recruitment to radical groups who are behind terrorism. Corruption, torture and other human rights violations cause frustration and bitterness in the population and these in turn lead to radicalisation.The practice of buying public-sector positions also contributes. Such positions confer not only political power but also access to major financial benefits and bribes. This applies to employees in various types of public institutions, including the police, prosecuting authorities and the judicial system. One of the reasons why criticism of the authorities is cracked down on so severely is that such criticism is also a threat to the financial benefits.Even though the Krasnodar region is in a relatively good financial position the same mechanisms apply here. Kusjevka, which is the name of a village in the region, has become a metaphor for the corrupt relationship between politicians and the security structures. The case involves Mafia-like relationships. A clan collaborated with the local prosecuting authorities to control the region in order to gain financial benefits. It stole and assaulted, raped and killed dozens of people with the blessing of the police over a number of years. By chance the case was raised in the media, which led to a court case beginning in 2013.According to the plan the building of Olympic facilities about 480 kilometres south west of Kusjevka should have been completed in 2012. But at the beginning of 2013 many of the building projects had still not been completed; in particular the cluster of facilities in the mountain village of Krasnaya Polyana.Unfinished facilities in Krasnaya Polyana in November 2013.The delays contributed to the cost rising to over 50 billion dollars. This does not include the cost of very extensive security. While many hotels are financed by private investors the Olympic venues are financed from Russia's federal budget, state-owned companies and loans from Vneshekonombank.The main reason for the delays include construction being organised as very large individual projects, difficult ground conditions in Sochi and additional requirements set by the IOC. There is also corruption. Among ordinary people in Sochi there is widespread scepticism about the money being used efficiently. The Norwegian Helsinki Committee's interviewees in Sochi believed that a large part of the money had disappeared because of corruption and poor management.A report on corruption linked to "The winter games in the subtropics" claims that over 50 % of the budget for the Olympics has ended up in private pockets. The authors – one of whom is the well-known opposition politician Boris Nemtsov, who is originally from Sochi – point out that reputable companies would not have signed contracts for fear of becoming involved in illegal actions. This has resulted in less well-known players being used to get the facilities finished on time. This may also have affected the quality.The authorities would like to avoid these issues being highlighted. Attempts have been made to buy the documentary Putin's Games about corruption in Sochi in order to avoid it being shown. The film features defectors from the construction industry. Valery Morozov has fled to London, where he works with other exiled Russians to expose corruption in Russia. He describes how a so-called corruption tax which was originally 3 % in 2008 gradually rose to 50 %. He also describes how the presidential administration in Moscow is involved. It is not only local civil servants but also the Kremlin which has to have its share: "It works like this: The money is brought to the Presidential Administration Department. I go to the fifth floor, pass through security without being screened, and leave the money."Workers' rights infringedThe treatment of workers in Sochi is another important issue. Tens of thousands have worked on what has been called the world's biggest construction project. Most of them are from Russia, but many also come from Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.According to Olimpstroi, the company which has principle responsibility for the building work, there were 76,000 workers at the Olympic facilities in 2013. Some 16,000 of them were foreign workers. However, the organisation Memorial is critical of these figures. It points out that the federal migration services in Sochi have registered up to 50,000 immigrants in the Sochi area.Although it can be difficult to discover the correct number of foreign workers it is well documented that both the Russian workers and foreign workers have been badly treated. But the foreign workers have been particularly vulnerable.Workers waiting to be transported to the construction sites in Krasnaya Polyana.In a report based on interviews with 66 foreign workers Human Rights Watch paints a murky picture of conditions for many of them:they have often not been paid on time and/or been paid less than their contracts state;in some cases wages have not been paid at all and the people involved have been deported;they have had their identification papers such as passports and work permits taken from them;they have been employed without adequate contracts of employment or their contractual conditions have been breached;they have worked 12 hours a day, seven days a week, with a day off only once a fortnight;they have lived in overcrowded accommodation and the food has often been poor or insufficient;those who complained were often reported to the authorities and deported.According to the report, delayed payment of wages was often systematic at many of the facilities. The first wages were not paid until the employer no longer required the person concerned. In other words, the delay was a tool to pressurise the workers to continue even though they were unhappy with their conditions. The confiscation of ID documents served the same purpose.One example is a group of workers at the media centre, which is on the coast. They worked for six months without being paid. They continued because they hoped that they would be paid in the end. Promises of payment and wage levels were often agreed verbally.After a campaign to get immigrants to leave Sochi began in June 2013 thousands were arrested and forcibly deported, some of them without being paid. Russian critics view it in this way: "The Olympics have been built by slaves who were then thrown out when their efforts were no longer required."Welcome to the Olympics in Sochi just outside Krasnaya Polyana in November 2013.Restrictions of libertyAfter Putin became president again in May 2012 a number of new legal provisions came into force. What they have in common is that they restrict freedom of expression, organisation and assembly, contrary to the Russian constitution and international human rights. The laws help make it difficult to organise activities independently of the authorities and to criticise policies, the state and its institutions.There has been a particular focus on organisations which cooperate across national borders. The authorities have even passed a specific law to smear them. The so-called foreign agent law came into force on 21 November 2012. It requires Russian organisations which conduct political activities and receive support from abroad to register as "foreign agents".The description is a vestige of Soviet times, when it was used to denounce dissidents. It is associated with treason and espionage.The paradox is that while Russia is inviting the countries of the world to spectacular winter games in Sochi it wants to shut the country out of international co-operative work to develop civil society and democracy.This double-dealing is in itself nothing new in Russian history. The country has had an ambiguous relationship with Europe and the west for centuries. But since the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 the country has been increasingly integrated into the international economy. This has been formalised through membership of the World Trade Organization (WTO) since August 2012. Europe is easily the country's most important market, although oil and gas are also exported to Asian markets.Russia is a member of the most important European democracy and human rights organisations such as the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Such membership sends a signal that the state wishes to belong to a European and international community of values in which democracy and human rights play a central role.Nevertheless, one of the most prominent features of Putin's third period as president is that foreign influence must be combated when it comes to such values. Russia must be master of its own house and concentrate on its own values. The USA in particular but also the EU are portrayed as threats in this context.Russia has many efficient and professional organisations which fight corruption and promote environmental considerations, human rights and democracy. They encourage the authorities to fulfil their obligations in both national and international law and mobilise an increasing number of Russian citizens. They also point out that the 1993 Russian constitution guarantees citizens' fundamental anisations which refuse to register as agents can be shut down by the authorities and their leaders can be punished by fines and up to two years' imprisonment. So far around 2,000 organisations have been subjected to inspections under the auspices of state control bodies, including the Federal Security Service (FSB). Around 200 organisations have been ordered to register, but none have been willing to do so.The organisation Golos, a well-known observer of elections, was the first to be fined. A court ruled on 14 June 2013 that the organisation had to pay a fine equivalent to 10?000 US Dollars. Its leader, Liliya Shibanova, was also fined about 3?500 US Dollars. Golos' argument that it had not actually received money from abroad after the law came into force was not heard. In October 2012 it was awarded the Andrei Sakharov Freedom Award by the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, but never received the prize money of 10,000 dollars. The judgement illustrates that the political will to get rid of a troublesome organisation also plays a strong role in the judicial system.Two groups which campaign for LGBT rights, the Bok-o-Bok film festival and the organisation Coming Out, have also been convicted of breaking this law. Fortunately St Petersburg City Court rejected the charges and cancelled the fines, but this may only be a provisional victory.An overview of organisations which have been affected by the law shows that they conduct lobbying activities, provide advice on rights and provide teaching. In other words, activities which challenge the authorities and increase the population's knowledge about which national and international rules apply.One of the main problems of the law is that it does not clearly define what is covered by political activity. This vagueness means that it can be used arbitrarily against organisations which the authorities do not like. Arbitrariness is a recurring feature of the application of the law in Russia, with the result that no-one can feel safe.There is significant criticism of the law in Russia. The federal ombudsman, Vladimir Lukin, has asked the Russian Constitutional Court to assess it. Complaints against the law have also been lodged with The European Court of Human Rights by organisations which believe that it unduly restricts the freedom to organise. They have recently received the support of the Council of Europe's legal commission (the Venice Commission). An assessment of a similar bill in Kyrgyzstan concluded that such a law represented a significant and unnecessary restriction of fundamental rights.The Russian organisations are also supported by the UN Council of Human Rights, which has stressed that those defending human rights are entitled to receive financial support from abroad without being discredited. Torbj?rn Jagland, secretary-general of the Council of Europe, has said that such a law has no place in a democracy and is reminiscent of Soviet times.Other restrictive laws include the introduction of very large fines for breaking the rules on organising demonstrations, defamation is again part of the penal code, with fines of up to 61,000 dollars, freedom of information on the internet is restricted and a provision on treason in the penal code which carries a maximum sentence of 20 years is so imprecisely formulated that the government can easily get rid of troublesome critics by applying it.Imprisonment of political opponents and activistsThe division between politics and law enforcement is often not respected in Russia. Using the court against political enemies is part of a weighty legacy from Soviet times. There have been a number of well-known examples of this during Putin's time as president from 2000-2008 and since May 2012. There were also political prisoners during Medvedev's time as president from 2008-2012, but he often spoke of the need to improve the independence of the courts and respect for the law and also put forward some initiatives towards this.The most well-known political prisoners in recent years include businessmen Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev, punk rockers Maria Alekhina and Nadezjda Tolokonnikova of Pussy Riot, those charged in the so-called Bolotnaya cases and the 30 Greenpeace activists and journalists who were arrested following an operation against one of Gazprom's oil platforms in the Barents Sea ("The Arctic 30").These cases and a range of other well-known human rights problems place significant strain on Russia's reputation ahead of the winter games. It is already known that several Western heads of state do not want to be present in Sochi, including American President Barack Obama and Vice-President Joe Biden, German President Joachim Gauck and Chancellor Angela Merkel, British Prime Minister David Cameron and Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite.The amnesties for Khodorkovsky, Alekhina, Tolokonnikova and the Greenpeace activists in December 2013 must be viewed in this context, even though there has been strong international pressure to have them released for a long time. However, the amnesties, which covered several thousand people as well as the high-profile cases, do not solve the problem of political imprisonment.First of all, they only apply to some of the people who have been subjected to unjust prosecutions. For example, Platon Lebedev, Khodorkovsky's business partner, is still imprisoned. The prosecutions of all those charged in the Bolotnaya cases have not been cancelled either. And many other less well-known people are still in prison.Secondly, the amnesties do not solve the fundamental problem of the legal system being used against political opponents. The prosecutions of those who demonstrated against Putin at Bolotnaya Square and of opposition politician Alexei Navalny demonstrate how this happens very clearly.Those charged in the Bolotnaya cases were picked at random from thousands of peaceful protesters on 6 May 2012 who wanted to express their dissatisfaction with Putin being appointed president again. The police attacked the demonstrators and a few of them were arrested. But nothing has emerged to indicate that those who have been charged used violence. Even the state prosecutors involved in the cases privately admit that they are political. The aim is to demonstrate that there is significant risk in protesting against Putin, regardless whether or not individuals play a prominent role. Anyone can be arrested.On the other hand, the cases against Navalny, Khodorkovsky and other well-known opposition politicians are intended to take particular selected people out of the game. These are people who are perceived as a threat to Putin's power, either because they are popular or because they have major financial resources.Thirdly, the amnesties do not solve the fundamental problem that Russia has a number of laws which breach the constitution and/or international human rights. These include:The law on foreign agents, which requires organisations receiving financial support from abroad to register as foreign agents if they conduct political activities (punishable by fines and imprisonment for up to two years);The legal provision which forbids propaganda for non-traditional sexual relations, i.e. homosexuality (punishable by fines);Tightening up the law on espionage (maximum sentence 20 years);The law on publicly offending religious feelings (maximum sentence 5 years);The law on extremism on the internet, which allows the prosecuting authorities to block websites featuring extremism without a court order;The wide-ranging provision on treason in Article 275 of the criminal code, which can affect human rights activists, environmental campaigners and others working for or in partnership with international organisations (maximum sentence 20 years).Several restrictive amendments to laws are expected in 2014, including a provision which will make it a criminal offence to encourage separatism (maximum sentence 5 years), and a law which restricts freedom of movement and re-establishes the propiska system.Fourthly, the authorities have intensified the pressure on activists and journalists to silence criticism of the winter games in Sochi. The police began inviting activists to interviews not long after it became known in 2007 that Sochi was to hold the winter games in 2014. Many activists have fled to avoid imprisonment after being charged, including Vadim Karastelev, Tatiana Tribrat (Novorossiysk), Anastasia Denisova (Krasnodar) and Suren Gazarjan (Sochi). A well-known case from the Krasnodar region involves Mikhail Savva, professor of political science at Kuban State University and a well-known human rights activist. He was imprisoned in April 2013, charged with embezzlement. During interrogations it emerged that the FSB believe he was in league with the CIA in supporting the development of "hostile" organisations in North Caucasus. He is now under house arrest waiting for his case to come to court. The maximum sentence for the offences he is charged with is 23 years.There are good reasons to believe that the real reason why Professor Savva has been charged is his criticism of the new restrictive laws and that he is considered a troublemaker by the authorities in Krasnodar ahead of the winter games.Another case involves two people who work for one of the few environmental organisations in the area, Environmental Watch on North Caucasus. The organisation has been critical of the authorities' handling of the environmental consequences of the building of the Olympic facilities.On 13 November 2013 Evgeny Vitishko and Suren Gazaryan conducted an inspection of a wooded area near Governor Aleksander Tkachev's cabin. They were then charged with writing on the fence surrounding the property and received a suspended sentence of three years' imprisonment. Suren Gazaryan then fled to Estonia.On 20 December 2013 Evgeny Vitishko was sentenced to three years' unconditional imprisonment after the prosecuting authorities had appealed against the sentence. He was convicted of having "destroyed the fence around the cabin of the governor of Krasnodar, Tkachev".On 30 April 2013 four activists from the Gelendzhik Human Rights Centre – Vladimir Ivanov, Zufar Achilov, Gagik Avanesyan and Valery Semergey – were sentenced to 13, 11, eight and eight years' imprisonment respectively for extortion. According to Russian human rights organisations the cases against them are fabricated and they have been subjected to torture during interrogation.Activists and journalists are increasingly being stopped by the police, the FSB or Cossack patrols ahead of the winter games. They are told that they "are on a list of suspects" or that "exercises" are taking place or that the person concerned has "refused to produce their passport" or that the person concerned "has a suspicious appearance".The list of people who have been arrested and interrogated include Circassian minority rights activists, journalists Svetlana Kravchenko and Nokolay Yarst and environmental activist Vladimir Kimaev from Sochi. Four environmental activists, Valya and Tanya Borisov, Alexei Mandrigelia and Anna Mikhailova, had to spend New Year's Eve 2013-2014 in prison.Solicitor Alexander Popkov in Sochi, who defends many of the activists, has also noticed increased pressure. The security services have spoken to his neighbours and he has been invited to a "discussion".At the end of this manual we have included biographies over five activists and journalists currently under investigation.The IOC's roleThe IOC plays a leading role in the international Olympic movement, which according to the Olympic Charter must ensure that sport contributes to the "harmonious development of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preservation of human dignity". The IOC's responsibility to follow up on Olympic Games organised by various host nations and cities complying with these values does not cease when agreements are entered into with them. The IOC must check that this happens in practice.In this manual we have provided many examples of serious problems linked to the way in which the Russian authorities have prepared for the winter games in Sochi and how they are attempting to get rid of critics rather than entering into dialogue with them or making improvements. How has the IOC reacted to this situation?Historically the IOC has not always played a role as defender of human rights in association with Olympic Games. When the summer games were held in China in 2008 the Chinese authorities imprisoned human rights activists, conducted widespread censorship of the internet, performed extensive appropriations with insufficient compensation and often neglected construction workers' rights.But since 2009 the IOC has stated that it is responsible for ensuring that the Olympics are organised according to the charter by taking account of environmental considerations and avoiding the exploitation of construction workers, child workers and unacceptable restrictions on the media's freedom to cover various aspects of the games.On the basis of the information presented in this manual and information from the local population in Sochi about how the construction activities have affected their lives it is difficult to conclude that the IOC has been serious about ensuring that the organisation of the winter games in Sochi is fully in keeping with the charter.A recurring feature of the way in which the winter games have been organised is a total lack of basing the games locally. The population of Sochi has not been consulted about decisions regarding the organisation of the winter games. They are subjected to inspections and checks by the police without warning. Security exercises are arranged without them being informed. Sochi has been a building site with noise, dust and construction traffic for seven years. Construction waste has been dumped on private property without the owners being asked. Parts of Sochi and affected villages have periodically been without power, water and/or gas for months. In some cases families have been forcibly moved from their homes without receiving sufficient compensation. There is extensive environmental damage.The IOC has admittedly sought out representatives of local organisations to obtain alternative information. At a meeting with Memorial's Sochi office the IOC was given an overview of the serious problems at the facilities in terms of workers' rights for both Russian and foreign employees. The IOC received a list of seven facilities where a total of 800 workers had not received their wages. After the meeting Memorial did not hear again from the IOC.Human Rights Watch informed the IOC about breaches of human rights at Sochi, including breaches of workers' rights, on a number of occasions. In some cases this information was presented to the Sochi 2014 Organising Committee and the IOC followed up the allegations about poor working conditions by asking for information from the Organising Committee.When it comes to environmental considerations the IOC chose to work with the UN Environmental Programme (UNEP). The IOC itself has not been in contact with local or international environmental organisations. UNEP has regularly visited the area and published a report about the environmental effects of construction. There has, however, been little dialogue between UNEP and local environmental organisations and activists. Greenpeace Russia and the WWF boycotted meetings with UNEP due to fears that the environmental inspections "had become part of a so-called 'greenwash' of the controversial project".Activists from local environmental organisations who have been subjected to pressure from the police and security services have asked UNEP and the IOC to intervene to safeguard their right to monitor the environmental effects of the construction of the Olympic facilities. According to local sources neither UNEP nor the IOC have responded. UNEP has admitted that its main partner, the Sochi 2014 Organising Committee, appears to have limited control of whether there has been sufficient environmental consideration.Russian LGBT organisations have attempted to organise meetings with the IOC but have not received an answer.One of the main conclusions is that the IOC lacks a method for systematically monitoring human rights problems linked to the organisation of the Olympics. When the IOC gave a country which is known for many human rights abuses responsibility for organising the Olympics, and when the games are taking place in the vicinity of a region as conflict-filled as North Caucasus this becomes a serious weakness which helps to undermine faith in the Olympic Movement.Useful contactsWe generally encourage everyone travelling to Sochi as a journalist to be careful about their sources. Making local sources anonymous should be considered. We fear for their safety once the Olympics are over.Sochi has attracted widespread coverage in the Russian and foreign media in association with the 2014 Winter Olympics being held in the city. At the same time journalists wish to obtain information not only from official sources but also representatives of civil society. In order to help the Russian and foreign journalists covering this subject we present below a brief overview of contact information for independent activists, solicitors, environmental activists and politicians in Sochi who are willing to communicate with the media. The overview also includes information about relevant official authorities and their contact information.Mayor's OfficeThe mayor is responsible for approving plans and development programmes in Sochi and to managing properties which are under local administration. Pakhomov Anatoly Nikolaevich, Mayor of SochiTel.: +7-862-2-96-05-01,Tatiana Pshenisnova, press officer: Tel.: +7 862 264-65-71, +7 862 264-25-49Website: sochiadm.ruSochi City CouncilSochi City Council must hold public meetings about issues raised by the local population and define issues linked to the city's boundaries. The City Council is also responsible for following up on legal initiatives, organising referenda, administering the city's budget and social housing. Lutsyk Anatoly Nikolaevich, chairman of the City CouncilTel.: +7-862-2-64-59-60;The city's regional administration is a legal entity and has its own property and sources of finance. The chairmen of regional administrations are appointed by the city's governor. Administration of Sentra regionChairman: Pavlenko Sergei Vladimirovich Tel.: 8 (862) 264-88-66Administration of Adler region Chairman: Zjigalko Alexander Alexandrovich Tel.: 8 (862) 240-05-87Administration of Khostinsk region Chairman: Vikar Einatov Temur NodarovichTel.: 8 (862) 266-86-55Administration of Lazarev regionChairman: Polyansky Sergey Alexandrovich Tel.: 8 (862) 272-61-37Regional courtsRegional courts are part of Russia's judiciary and consider criminal cases, administrative cases and citizenship cases. Exceptions are cases which fall under federal law and are considered by federal courts.Аdler,Chairman: Igor Eduardovich MamtchenkoTel.: +7-862-2-46-00-71,Website: sochi-adler.krd.sudrf.ruLazarevsky: Chairman: Nikolai Ivanovich TrukhanTel.: +7-862-2-72-35-56,Website: sochi-lazarevsky.krd.sudrf.ruKhostinsky,Chairman: Vladimir Nikolaevich BakhmetjevTel.: +7-862-2-66-86-65,Website: sochi-xostinsky.krd.sudrf.ruSentral,Chairman: Аnatoly Vasiljevich LavrikTel.: +7-862-2-62-13-23,Website: sochi-centralny.krd.sudrf.ruThe Ministry of the Interior in Sochi has main responsibility for maintaining public law and order Chairman: Vasilij Petrovich UmnovPress office: +7-862-2-69-71-90, +7-862-2-69-71-91,Website: suvd.ruThe work of the police must follow up the Federal Law "About the police". The Public Prosecutor's Office in Sochi Functions on the basis of the federal law "About the Public Prosecutor's Office". Public Prosecutor: Mark Alexandrovich BolsjedvorskiyTel.: +7-862-2-62-45-45, +7-862-2-62-32-64,The Criminal Investigation Department in SochiAccording to the federal law "About the Investigation Committee ...", the chairman of the Russian Federation's Investigation Committee is appointed and dismissed by the president of the Russian Federation without the approval of legislative authorities, as was previously the practice. The chairman of the Investigation Committee submits a report about his work to the president every year. The Investigation Committee is not part of any state structure. Viewed like this, it can be said that the work of the Investigation Committee represents an extension of presidential power. Chairman: Terenchev Vladimir NikolaevichTel.: +7-862-2-64-21-27. The U.S. Embassy will provide services in Adler for American citizens during the Olympics. ?The services provided include replacement of lost/stolen passports, medical emergencies and emergency financial assistance. ?More information for can be found at: information:U.S. Embassy Consular Services:+7-495-728-5577After 6 PM: +7-495-728-5000The authorities in the Krasnodar region The chairman of the regional administration and the governor are the most senior authority figures in the Krasnodar region. The chairman leads the local administration, shapes the administration in the region according to state structures, approved by the local legislative assembly.The governor of Krasnodar region: Tkatchev Alexandr Nikolaevich Tel.: (861) 262-57-16, 268-45-38The human rights ombudsman in the Krasnodar region has no authority and has no right to get involved in state and municipal bodies. He handles complainants and defends the rights of the persons concerned if their rights are infringed. The ombudsman writes annual reports and directs the authorities' attention to problems in the community.Ombudsman Mysjak Sergei Valentinovich Tel.: (8612) 68-09-45, 53-52-81Ministries responsible for organising and holding the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi Ministry Responsible for Preparations for the 2014 Winter Olympics in the Krasnodar Region. The ministry ensures that documentation is coordinated with the administration in the Krasnodar region, the planning of Sochi 2014, setting up Olympic facilities which are prepared by the state association for the construction of Olympic facilities and the development of Sochi as a winter resort.Chairman: Alexei Nikolaevich SjejanTel.: +7-862-2-41-81-80, +7-862-2-41-81-95,Website: olympdep.ruThe state-owned company Olympstroj controls and coordinates the planning and construction of the Olympic facilities in Sochi, the running of the facilities, conducts public-sector bidding processes and follows up on the building of the Olympic facilities. Chairman: Sergej Anatoljevich Gaplikov Press Centre: +7-862-2-43-40-47,Website: Olympic Council in the Krasnodar Region.There are dozens of Olympic councils in Russia. These are regional social organisations and associations which contribute to the development of the Olympic Movement. The Olympic Council is a member of the Russian Olympic Committee. Chairman: Karavaeva Irina Vladimirovna Tel.: (861) 253-39-41e-mail: dfks@krasnodar.ru, orgsport@mail.ruThe autonomous non-commercial organisation "Sochi 2014 Organising Committee" was formed in 2011 following a special order by the government of the Russian Federation in order to assist employers with services in association with preparations for the Olympics. President: Chjernyshenko Dmitri Nikolaevich Tel.: (Moscow): + 7 (495) 984 2014Tel.: (Sochi): +7 (8622) 62 32 00Website: autonomous non-commercial organisation "Olympic Games Transport Directorate" was formed in 2009 and is responsible for organising public transport, passengers, freight, materials, technical resources and similar in association with the games. Director: Zjukov Andrei Viktorovich Tel.: +7 (862) 227-20-14Website: Additional contact information:The administration in the Krasnodar region Centre: 253-41-36, 253-24-58E-mail: pressa93@Legislative assembly in the Krasnodar region : Vladimir Andreevich Beketov Tel.: (861) 268-00-51, fax: (861) 268-13-32Electoral Commission in the Krasnodar Region . Burlachenko Tel.: (861)?268-29-16, fax (861) 268-26-38 E-mail: iksrf23@mail.ruExecutive bodiesThe local administration in Krasnodar is responsible for coordinating cooperation between the administration in the Krasnodar region and the government and other federal authorities, including coordinating diplomatic, trade, cultural and international relations. : Tonkikh Vera Nikolaevna Tel.: +7?(499)?238-20-28 (Moscow)E-mail: pr_admin05@mail.ruRepresentation of the Krasnodar region in the Gagr region (Republic of Abkhazia) is made up of seven regions and eight towns. Population of Abkhazia: Approx. 250,000 Ministry of Mass Media Chairman: Gorokhova Olga Egorovna Telephone: 214-51-50, 253-23-43 e-mail: dsmi@krasnodar.ruWebsite: depsmi.ruMinistry of Finance and Stock Exchange in the Krasnodar regionChairman: Slavinskiy Igor Anatolievich Tel.: (861) 262-90-72, (861) 262-90-73 E-mail: dffr@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Transport in the Krasnodar region Chairman: Orkopulo Anastas Petrovich Website .: (861) 268-47-57fax: (861) 268-62-80e-mail: dtc@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Work and Employment in the Krasnodar region Website .: +7 (861) 252-34-96dgsz@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Finance and Budget Supervision in the Krasnodar regionWebsite : Vasilyev Jurij PetrovichTel.: (861) 254-02-76Fax: (861) 254-04-61E-mail: dfbn@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Regional Security in the Krasnodar region Website: : Sergei Simonenko Тel./fax: +7 (861) 262-52-37, +7 (861) 262-00-69 dchs@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Health in the Krasnodar region : Filippov Evgenij FedorovichTel.: (861) 992-52-91mz@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Sport in the Krasnodar regionMinister: Ludmila Chernova .: (861) 992-27-47; E-mail: dfks@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Finance in the Krasnodar region : Peronko Ivan AlexandrovichTel.: (861) 253-24-41, fax: (861) 268-37-59Е-mail: minfin@krasnodar.ruMinistry of Culture in the Krasnodar region Minister Solyanina Galina : (861) 992-60-18 Е-mail: mk@krasnodar.ru Ministry of Tourism in the Krasnodar region Chairman: Demchenko Igor Petrovich : kurort@kurortkuban.ru Tel.: (861) 267-25-38Ministry of Education in the Krasnodar region .: (861) 235-10-36fax: (861) 231-82-47Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Protection in the Krasnodar region Minister: Chebanov Mikhail Stepanovich.: +7(861) 259-12-09, Fax: +7(861) 259-13-44Ministry of Inspection of State Structures in the Krasnodar region Chairman: Zakharutin Vladimir Grigorjevich .: (861) 255-35-08State Inspectorate of Traffic Safety in the Krasnodar region chairman is the representative of the Ministry of the Interior, Police Colonel Kapustin Alexander Nikolaevich On duty: Tel.: (861) 233-59-97Tel.: (861) 233-82-59Duty telephone:Tel.: (861) 224-58-48Ministry of the Interior Head Office in the Krasnodar region Chairman: Vinevskij Vladimir NikolaevichWebsite questions Tel.: 8 (861) 259-79-79On duty: Tel.: 259-50-45, 224-16-72E-mail: kuban-police@mail.ruThe regional court in the Krasnodar regionChairman: Chernov Alexandr Dmitrievich .: (861) 212-00-95, 212-00-96, 212-00-97?fax: (861) 268-31-50 E-mail: kubansud@kubansud.ruForeign Ministry Representation in the Krasnodar region Chairman: Manjko Sergey Anatoljevich Adviser Volkodav Anastasia Nikolaevna Tel.: (861) 253-73-77, 253-73-85 E-mail: mid@mail.kuban.ru Office of the Public Prosecutor in the Krasnodar region Public Prosecutor: Leonid Korzjinek .: (8 + 861) 268-25-63On duty: Tel.: (8 + 861) 268–50–01; (8 + 861) 262–98–02Ministry of Migration in the Krasnodar region Chairman: I.A. Semenjakin .: 8 (861) 255-69-30Ministry of Taxation in the Krasnodar region Chairman: V.A. Krasnitskij .: (861) 262-63-63, 262-68-04, 268-10-21fax:(861) 262-68-04Contacts of non-governmental organisations, the media and activists Online newspaper Sochi News: sochinews.rf@ Tel.: +7-928-445-50-3024/7 internet agency?Caucasian Knot : (495) 640-05-27Memorial Migration and Rights (Moscow) memo.ruTel.: (495)-681-18-23, (495)-681-15-32, (495)-681-09-54, (495)-681-05-27Chairman of Migration and Rights: Svetlana Gannusjkina: svetlana.gannushkina@Agora Inter-regional human rights organisationTel.: (9600) 47-27-96E-mail agora-club@yandex.ruWebsite: Watch on North Caucasus.: +7(8772)540607E-mail: envwnc@Skype: IСQ: 377026593 Twitter: at organisationsThe Norwegian Helsinki Committee,Bj?rn Engesland, Secretary General. Tel.: 95 75 33 50, e-mail: engesland@nhc.no Gunnar Ekel?ve-Slydal, Deputy Secretary General. Tel.: 95 21 03 07, e-mail: ekelove-slydal@nhc.no Inna Sangadzhieva, Advisor. Tel.: 97 69 94 58, e-mail: inna@nhc.no Anders Nielsen, Information Adviser. Tel.: 40 84 47 09, e-mail: nielsen@nhc.noAmnesty International,John Peder Egen?s, Secretary General. Tel.: 911 00 676, jegenes@amnesty.no Patricia Kaatee, Policy Adviser with responsibility for Russia. Tel.: 454 85 374, e-mail: pkaatee@amnesty.noLene Christensen, Communications Adviser and responsible for work on Sochi at Amnesty in Norway. Tel.: 95912715 e-mail: lchristensen@amnesty.no The Norwegian Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Organisation,B?rd Nylund, Chairman. Tel.: 95 05 63 83, bard@llh.noIngvild Endestad, Communications Adviser. Tel.: 97 56 22 95, ingvild@llh.no?BellonaNils B?hmer, Managing Director. Tel.: 90 03 75 17, e-mail: nils@bellona.no Biographies of activists currently under investigation-444518034000Nikolai Viktorovich YarstNikolai Yarst (born in January 1979 in the town of Kropotkin of the Krasnodar Territory) is a journalist, a correspondent of the "Russian Public TV" TV Channel in Sochi. On May 31, 2013, he was charged with drug possession. The journalist himself and his?colleagues believe the charge was fabricated.Professional activitiesIn 1993, he started his professional career at the "Vox" TV Channel as a leader of the music and entertainment programme "Starfall".In 2002-2006, he worked as a correspondent of the TV shows "Today in Russia" ("Echo", the "RTVI" TV Channel), "Unbelievable Stories" and "Eyewitness" (the "REN-TV" TV Channel), a news editor at the "Accent" TV Channel (Krasnodar), and an editor of the newspaper "Zhizn" (Life) (Krasnodar).In 2006-2008, he worked as the head of the correspondent point and a correspondent of the "TV Centre" TV Company in Northern Caucasus (Pyatigorsk).During the period from April 2008 till October 2012, Nikolai Yarst worked as the head of the correspondent point and the correspondent of the "TV Centre" TV Company in Sochi.Starting from March 2013, Nikolai Yarst works as a correspondent of the autonomous non-commercial organization (ANO) "Russian Public TV" in Sochi.Nikolai Yarst permanently cooperates with federal TV Channels, including the "Pervy Kanal" TV Channel (the special projects studio, the shows "Dobroe Utro" (Good Morning), "Pust Govoryat" (Let Them Talk), "Bez Kompleksov" (Without Fetishism), the "REN-TV" TV Channel (the analytical TV show "A week with Marianna Maksimovskaya"). He also cooperates with TV shows "Vremechko" (the "ATV" TV Channel), the "24 Hours" (the "REN-TV" TV Channel), and with the project "Stikhiya" (Nature) (the "NTV" TV Channel).Nikolai Yarst cooperates with foreign media as a producer, reporter, and assistant to chief editor. In particular, he has taken part in the preparation of radio materials and a series of TV stories for the BBC (London) dedicated to Cossacks and historical traditions of the South of Russia.Professional awardsNikolai Yarst has been awarded:- the Second Degree "Silver Cross" of the Terek Cossack Army for a series of materials on Cossacks on the "TV CENTRE" TV Channel (08.12.2007, Stavropol).- the diploma of the Fourth All-Russian contest of journalistic work "Arbitrariness in the law" in the nomination "Violations of socio-economic rights of citizens" in the "TV" section: the diploma for TV story entitled "Dispersal of protest action of entrepreneurs in Krasnodar" on the "RTVI" TV Channel (27.10.2006, Moscow).- the diploma for highlighting activities of services and departments of the Azov-Black Sea Transport UVD (Interior Department) in connection with the 84th anniversary of the establishment of the transport police in Russia, at the "TV CENTRE" TV Channel (18.02.2003, Krasnodar).ProsecutionOn May 23, 2013, Sochi law enforcers detained a camera crew of the "Russian Public TV" consisting of journalist Nikolai Yarst and cameraman Filipp Vasilenko. The policemen searched their car and found a package containing gray-green substance.According to an official from the Sochi UVD (Interior Department), the law enforcers found drugs in the detainees' car. The criminal case was instituted on the above fact under Part 2 of Article 228 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (illegal possession, purchase, and transport of drugs on a large scale).Nikolai Yarst claimed their car did not contain the package till the car was stopped by the policemen. Nikolai Yarst himself and his colleagues believe that his prosecution can be associated with his journalist investigation into the disappearance of a 7-year-old girl: after her mother's death, two men claimed their rights to the paternity.On May 25, the Central District Court of Sochi pronounced to Nikolai Yarst a pre-trial restriction measure in the form of recognizance not to leave.On May 31, Nikolai Yarst was charged with illegal possession of drugs on a large scale.On June 3, the Court changed the pre-trial restriction measure against Nikolai Yarst to home arrest.On June 7, investigator Liana Khachatryan informed Nikolai Yarst and his defence that the investigation had been completed. On June 11, the Nikolai Yarst's advocate reported on reopening of the investigation on newly discovered evidence; however, on June 12, the completion of the investigation was announced once again.On June 25, Liana Khachatryan, the investigator of the OVD (Interior Division) of the Central District of Sochi, reported that the preliminary investigation into the case against Nikolai Yarst was resumed for the second time.On July 22, Sergey Plakhotnyuk, prosecutor of the Central District of Sochi, refused to approve the indictment against Nikolai Yarst and returned his case for further investigation.On December 3, 2013, Liana Khachatryan, the investigator of the OVD of the Central District of Sochi, made the decision to change the pre-trial restriction measure against journalist Nikolai Yarst from home arrest to recognizance not to leave.On January 17, 2014, at the investigator's request, the GUVD (Chief Interior Department) of the Krasnodar Territory prolonged the investigation into the case against Nikolai Yarst till January 29.Andrei Vladimirovich RudomakhaAndrei Rudomakha is a social activist, a coordinator of the NGO "Ecological Watch for Northern Caucasus", Chairman of the Krasnodar Regional Branch of the "Yabloko" Party, a member of the international public organization "Network of Black Sea NGOs".BiographyAndrei Rudomakhawas born on September 16, 1964, in the village of Loginovskaya of the Konosha District of the Arkhangelsk Region, RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic), USSR.He finished school in the village of the Oktyabrsky of the Severskaya District of the Krasnodar Territory.Since 1995, Andrei Rudomakha lives in Maikop, the Republic of Adygea.Environmental activitiesSince 1987, Andrei Rudomakha is engaged in social activities in the field of environmental protection and environmental rights of citizens.In 1988, Andrei Rudomakha was one of the leaders of the public campaign against the construction of the Krasnodar nuclear power plant (NPP) near the village of Mostovsky. As a result of the campaign, the NPP construction was cancelled.Gas-supply pipeline "Blue Stream"In 2001, Andrei Rudomakha initiated the public campaign for compliance with environmental requirements during the construction of the gas-supply pipeline "Blue Stream" in the territory of the Krasnodar Territory. In particular, ecologists were fighting against the destruction of especially valuable forests in the territory of the natural monument "Arkhipo-Osipovskoe Natural Boundary of Crimean Pine" and in the Kudepsta canyon. The administration of the Krasnodar Territory supported the project, and the ecologists' protest did not succeed the gas-supply pipeline was built without any change in the layout, woodlands were cut down, and the ecologists failed to reduce the negative impact on the nature of the region.Ammonia terminal in TamanIn 2002-2004, Andrei Rudomakha actively participated in the protest campaign against construction of ammonia terminal by the company "Togliattiazot" on the Taman Peninsula.In autumn 2004, the construction of the ammonia terminal "Togliattiazot" was stopped because of numerous violations of the law committed by the company.2014 Olympic Games: ecological problemsSince 2007, Andrei Rudomakha is an active opponent of the idea to hold the Olympic Games in the territory of the Sochi National Park. He believes that the Olympic Games are largely an excuse for development of new protected areas.In July 2007, Andrei Rudomakha spoke against the idea of building a port in the Imereti lowland. He argued that the construction of Olympic and Olympic-related facilities would destroy the only place in Russia where the wetlands of Colchian type were preserved, the habitat of many rare species of plants and animals.In 2009, Andrei Rudomakha actively opposed the construction of Olympic facilities "Combined road of Adler-Krasnaya Polyana" and related destruction of valuable woodlands.In the period from December 2010 till March 2011, Andrei Rudomakha took part in an unsuccessful attempt to save the unique natural complexes of Vidny Cape, on which territory officials planned to build Olympic facility "Single-track detour of Vidny Cape from seaside".Struggle against construction in "Bolshoi Utrish"In 2008-2009, Andrei Rudomakha became one of the organizers of the All-Russia public campaign against the construction in the heart of Utrish by the initiative of the Presidential Administration of a new state residence, disguised under the name of "Sports and recreation centre in the resort city of Anapa".In late November 2008, officials launched the construction of the access road to the new residence as a "forest fire-fighting road". Andrei Rudomakha initiated a series of official letters to law enforcement bodies, and, as a result, the Azov-Black Sea Environmental Prosecutor's Office found the construction unlawful.Nevertheless, the construction continued. Together with other activists, Andrei Rudomakha participated in actions of civil resistance held in January 2009, and they managed to stop the construction.In October-December 2010, Andrei Rudomakha became one of the organizers of a series of mass protests in Krasnodar, aimed to prevent the resumption of construction of the road in Utrish. On December 5 and December 12, he was detained by militiamen, when participating in those protest actions.Political activityIn 2004, Andrei Rudomakha was a member of the executive committee of the organizing committee to create the "All-Russian Green Party".Since 2009, Andrei Rudomakha is a member of the political "Yabloko" Party and a member of the faction of the "Green Russia".Since 2010, he participates in the activities of the Krasnodar Regional Branch of the "Yabloko" Party. Andrei Rudomakha is a member of the Federal Bureau of party faction "Green Russia".Since May 2011, Andrei Rudomakha is Deputy Chairman of the Krasnodar Regional Branch of the "Yabloko" Party in the Krasnodar Territory. During the elections to the State Duma held in 2011, he headed the regional list of candidates from the "Yabloko" Party of the Krasnodar Territory.In 2012, Andrei Rudomakha headed the list of candidates at the elections to the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnodar Territory of the electoral association "Yabloko"-United Democrats".ProsecutionOn November 3, 2012, the criminal case was instituted against Andrei Rudomakha under Article 298.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation "Defamation of a judge".On October 31, 2013, in the Khosta District of Sochi, Andrei Rudomakha was detained by staff members of the patrol-and-post service (known as PPS) regiment because of failure to come to investigator concerning the criminal case on defamation of a judge. Several hours later, he was released. The court pronounced the pre-trial restriction measure against Andrei Rudomakha in the form of recognizance not to leave.On November 13, 2013, Sergey Mitrokhin, the leader of the "Yabloko" Party, acknowledged to be the author of the phrase, which resulted in the criminal case against Andrei Rudomakha under Article 298.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation "Defamation of a judge".In October 2012, the website of the "Yabloko" Party published the press release, highlighting the unlawful arrest of A. Mandrigelya, a party member, including the following phrase: "'Elena Zolotukhina is well-known as a judge of lawlessness, who willingly fulfils orders of the authorities for knowingly unjust decisions. The verdict against A. Mandrigelya confirms the information,' he notes."Investigators treated the word "he" as the one referring to Andrei Rudomakha, who was mentioned in the text earlier.On November 25, 2013, Andrei Rudomakha, a coordinator of the "Ecological Watch for Northern Caucasus", was invited by Alexei Pshenichnikov, the investigator of the Investigating Division for the Western District of the city of Krasnodar of the Investigating Department of the Investigating Committee of the Russian Federation (ICRF) for the Krasnodar Territory. The website of the "Ecological Watch for Northern Caucasus" reports that the investigator has handed in to Andrei Rudomakha a new resolution on the pre-trial restriction measure against him in the form of recognizance not to leave and appropriate behaviour.Suren Vladimirovich Gazaryan-4445-317500Suren Gazaryan is an activist of the public organization "Ecological Watch for Northern Caucasus", who was fighting for the preservation of the environment of the Krasnodar Territory, despite being persecuted by law enforcers.Biography and social activitiesSuren Gazaryan was born on July 8, 1974, in Krasnodar.In 1996, Suren Gazaryan graduated from the Kuban University (specialization "Biology"), and in 2001, he completed his postgraduate studies at the Institute of Ecology and Evolution named after A. N. Severtsov of the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS), where he defended his thesis.In the period from 2004 till 2012, Suren Gazaryan worked at the Institute of Ecology of Mountain Territories of the Kabardino-Balkarian Scientific Centre of the RAS. More than 60 of his scientific papers were published.Since 1999, Suren Gazaryan is engaged in ecological activities. In 2004, he became a member of the public organization "Ecological Watch for Northern Caucasus", and since 2007, he is a member of its Board. He took an active part in the campaigns against the construction of Olympic facilities in Sochi and against the construction of roads to residences of the Presidential Administration in the Caucasian reserve and the reserve of "Bolshoi Utrish".Suren Gazaryan writes blogs in "Live Journal" (gazaryan-suren, with 1500 subscribers) and in "Twitter" (Suren_Gazaryan, with 8000 subscribers).ProsecutionsCriminal case on fence of "Governor Tkachov's summer cottage"On February 27, 2011, in the territory of land plot on the Black Sea shore near the Blue Bay, not far from the village of Djubga, next to the villa, allegedly belonging to Alexander Tkachov, the head of the administration of the Krasnodar Territory (the so-called "Governor Tkachov's summer cottage"), a group of ecologists, including Suren Gazaryan, held a protest action called a "picnic". Suren Gazaryan and three other ecologists were detained, and on February 28, 2011, the magistrate court of Tuapse pronounced the verdict of guilty under Article 19.3 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation "disobedience to militiamen". Suren Gazaryan was sentenced to seven days of administrative arrest. On the same day, Suren Gazaryan and three other arrested ecologists went on hunger strike "against militia and judicial tyranny."On November 13, 2011, a group of activists, including Suren Gazaryan, conducted an environmental inspection of the territory of the state-owned forest fund, adjacent to the alleged summer cottage of Alexander Tkachov, Governor of the Krasnodar Territory, located not far from the village of Divnomorsky.The activists claim that to enter the territory of the forest fund, which is to be open to the public by law, they dismantled one of the sections of the fence constructed around the territory that included the land plots of Governor Tkachov and citizens Storozenko and Krivneva and about seven hectares of state-owned forest fund, access to which should be open to all citizens of Russia in accordance with the Forest Code. During the inspection, the ecologists revealed that during the construction of the fence, builders cut down dozens of trees, including Pitsynda pine, a plant listed in the Red Book of Russia.On November 21, 2011, the criminal case was instituted on the fact of dismantlement of the fence under Part 1 of Article 167 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (intentional destruction or damage of property, if these acts have caused significant damage).On March 1, 2012, officials from the Investigating Division of the Department of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) for the Tuapse District informed Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko that they had been involved in the criminal case as suspects.In February 2012, at the prosecutors' request, the case was reclassified to a heavier Part of the same Article (same acts committed out of hooligan motives, by arson, explosion or other generally dangerous method or resulted in death of a person or other serious consequences). According to investigators, the actions of Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko "inflicted damage to the company 'Kapitel-2' amounting to about 119,000 roubles."On March 13, 2012, Suren Gazaryan and his advocate Viktor Dutlov were detained in the territory of the forest fund when they were collecting evidence in the case, near the so-called "Governor Tkachov's summer cottage of " in Blue Bay. On March 14, the court found them guilty under Article 19.3 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation "disobedience to lawful order of a policeman" and sentenced them to 10 days of administrative arrest.On April 9, 2012, Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko were charged with inflicting damage to the fence near the object, which the ecologists believe to be the summer cottage of Alexander Tkachov, Governor of the Krasnodar Territory.On May 15, the Tuapse court started the trial against Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko in the case of inflicting damage to the fence near the forest fund not far from the "Governor Tkachov's summer cottage."On June 20, 2012, the Tuapse District Court found Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko guilty and sentenced them to three years of conditional imprisonment with a probation period of two years.On July 2, the defence of Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko filed an appeal against the verdict of the Tuapse District Court. On August 8, the Court of Appeal of the Krasnodar Territory upheld the decision of the Tuapse District Court.Criminal case on attack on guard of "Putin's summer cottage"On August 26, 2012, ecologist Suren Gazaryan was detained in the village of Divnomorsky of the Krasnodar Territory during the public inspection of the so-called "summer cottage of Russian President Vladimir Putin". Several hours later, he was released from the OVD (Interior Division) with the decision to institute criminal proceedings; however, the ecologist was immediately re-detained together with three activists who conducted a picket in his support. Later, all the detainees were released.In late August 2012, the criminal case was instituted against Suren Gazaryan on suspicion of threatening to murder a guard of the "Putin's summer cottage".On December 15, 2012, Suren Gazaryan claimed being put on the federal wanted list at the request of an investigator from Gelendzhik.In late December 2012, Suren Gazaryan left Russia, since he feared for a verdict of guilty and appealed to the Estonian authorities for political asylum.?On June 11, 2013, the Estonian authorities granted the motion filed by Suren Gazaryan.AwardsOn March 1, 2013, Suren Gazaryan was nominated for the Netizen Award, established by the organization "Reporters without Borders" (RWB).On April 9, 2013, Suren Gazaryan became one of 10 winners of the contest "Hero of the Caucasus-2012" conducted by the "Caucasian Knot". During voting to determine the first among the heroes, Suren Gazaryan suggested his supporters to cast their votes in favour of Sapiyat Magomedova, an advocate from Dagestan, and she gained the majority of votes 43.4%.On June 6, 2013, Suren Gazaryan became one of the winners of the annual National Environmental Award. Suren Gazaryan won in the category "Environment and Civil Society".-4445381000Evgeny Gennadyevich VitishkoEvgeny Vitishko is an ecological activist from Sochi, Chairman of the public organization "Tuapse Public University", and a member of the Board of the "Ecological Watch for Northern Caucasus".BiographyEvgeny Vitishko was born on July 3, 1973, in the town of Slavyansk-on-Kuban (the Krasnodar Territory).After finishing the secondary school, he entered the Ukhta Industrial Institute (the Republic of Komi) and graduated from it in 1996 as a mining engineer and geologist for oil and gas. He worked as a master in training at the Ukhta Industrial Institute. Later, he worked as a technical editor in the republican newspaper "Slovo i Delo" (Word and Deed) (in the town of Syktyvkar).In 1997, he returned to Slavyansk-on-Kuban and worked as a technical editor in the regional newspapers "Solnechny Dom" (Sunny House) and "Slovo Kazaka" (Word of Cossack).In 1999, he moved to the city of Tuapse. He worked as the leader of the group for organizing active holidays at the pension "Geologist of Yamal".In 2001-2005, Evgeny Vitishko worked at the Municipal Unitary Enterprise (MUP) "Resorts of Black Sea". He occupied positions of the head of the tourism and excursions sector, the deputy director, and the acting director.In 2005, he worked as the director of the travel company "Krost".In 2006-2007, Evgeny Vitishko worked in the Office to ensure urban development activities in the Tuapse District of the Department of Architecture and Urban Planning of the Administration of the Krasnodar Territory. After the local opposition newspaper "AlternaTill 2009, after leaving office at the Department of Architecture, Evgeny Vitishko worked at the Federal State Unitary Enterprise (FSUE) "Tuapseberegozaschita" as a chief geologist.tive" published the Evgeny Vitishko's article about the negative consequences of the merger of the city of Tuapse and the Tuapse District and the change in the Tuapse's status from the city to the urban settlement, Evgeny Vitishko was invited to resign.Since 2009, Evgeny Vitishko is a co-founder and a staff member of Limited Liability Company (LLC) "Black Sea Department for bank protection and landslide protection works".Work experience in public organizationsSince 2008, Evgeny Vitishko is the Chairman of the Tuapse scientific and educational public organization of scientists "Tuapse Public University".Since 2006, he is the Chairman of the Tuapse public organization "Tuapse Public Ecological Council".In 2005, Evgeny Vitishko took part in filming the TV show "Fitil" (Fuse) on the "Russia" TV Channel, which told the audience how the company "Rosneft" contaminated the Tuapse River. As a result of the TV show, the company had to take measures to reduce the negative environmental impacts of its activities.Evgeny Vitishko is also one of the leaders of the public campaign against the exploitation of the Tuapse Bulk Terminal (TBT). He also organized several mass ecological rallies held in Tuapse in protest against the TBT.Actions at "Governor Tkachov's summer cottage". ProsecutionsIn February 2011, Evgeny Vitishko and three other protestors were detained after the protest action held not far from the village of Djubga, in the territory of land plot rented by Alexander Tkachov, Governor of the Krasnodar Territory.On February 28, the magistrate court of Tuapse pronounced the verdict of guilty against members of the "Ecological Watch for Norther Caucasus",?in which Evgeny Vitishko was sentenced to 10 days of arrest under Article 19.3 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation "disobedience to militiamen." The other three detainees were sentenced to 7 days of arrest to be served at a special detention facility of the UVD (Interior Department) for the Tuapse District and the city of Tuapse. On the same day, Evgeny Vitishko and three other prisoners went on hunger strike "against militia and judicial tyranny."On March 2, the court considered the appeal filed by advocate of the detained ecologists. The court upheld the decision of the first instance court to take four activists in custody for a period of 7-10 days.On October 30, 2011, in Tuapse, activists held a protest action against the commissioning of the Tuapse Bulk Terminal of the company "Eurokhim". Evgeny Vitishko and Evgenia Chirikova, the leader of the "Movement to Defend Khimki Forest", were detained after they reached the ship "Eugenia B" by boat and fastened on it poster reading: "Let's Save Tuapse!"On November 13, 2011, Evgeny Vitishko and Suren Gazaryan, an activist of the "Ecological Watch for Northern Caucasus", conducted a public inspection of the woodland adjacent to the "Governor Tkachov's summer cottage". For making inscriptions on the fence of the "summer cottage", Evgeny Vitishko and Suren Gazaryan were sentenced to three years of conditional imprisonment.On November 5, Sergey Mitrokhin and Andrei Rudomakha, the leaders of the "Yabloko" Party, made a statement, in which they called the verdict against Evgeny Vitishko?and Suren Gazaryan unjust and the charge fabricated. The statement was also reported about surveillance after Evgeny Vitishko to accuse him of violating the regime prescribed by the judicial sentence and to sentence him to a term of imprisonment.On May 5, 2012, the "Union of Solidarity with Political Prisoners" recognized Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko as "persons prosecuted for political reasons."In December 2012, Evgeny Vitishko, a candidate of the "Yabloko" Party, was nominated for the election of the head of the Krymsk District of Kuban and was withdrawn from the race by the court's decision.On December 7, 2012, on presentation, the Tuapse City Court prolonged the probation period for Evgeny Vitishko for two months and also ordered the sentenced ecologist to appear twice a month in the penal inspection for control, without the right to travel outside the Tuapse District without prior notification of the police.In November 2013, the Tuapse Branch of the penal inspection of the Federal Penitentiary Service (known as FSIN) Department for the Krasnodar Territory filed a motion to the court to change the sentence for Evgeny Vitishko from conditional to real imprisonment.On December 18, 2013, the Presidium of the Krasnodar Regional Court dismissed the appeal challenging the verdict against Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko.On December 20, the Tuapse court decided to change the sentence to Evgeny Vitishko from conditional to real imprisonment. On December 30, the Evgeny Vitishko's defence appealed against the court's decision.The court's decision on the case against Evgeny Vitishko caused a protest of members of political parties and social and ecological organizations. On December 25, a number of Russian cities hosted rallies in support of Evgeny Vitishko.On December 26, the organization "Human Rights Watch" (HRW) called on the Russian authorities to put an end to the prosecution of ecological activists Suren Gazaryan and Evgeny Vitishko.Political activitySince 2010, Evgeny Vitishko was a member of the Russian United Democratic "Yabloko" Party.In December 2011, Evgeny Vitishko participated in the elections of deputies to the Russian State Duma as a candidate of the "Yabloko" Party.On December 9, 2011, Evgeny Vitishko planned to take part in the elections of the head of the Krymsk District of the Krasnodar Territory; however, he was withdrawn from the race by the court's decision for the alleged bribery of voters.In 2012, he was nominated as a candidate from the "Yabloko" Party (the third number in the list) in the elections to the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnodar Territory.In early 2013, Evgeny Vitishko announced his withdrawal from the "Yabloko" Party, although he was its member for 2 years and he was the Chairman of its Tuapse Regional Branch. According to him, he concluded that he would be more useful to the population as a social activist rather than as a member of a political party.In 2013, Evgeny Vitishko was registered as a candidate for the position of the Tuapse Mayor from the "Yabloko" Party; however, he was withdrawn from the election by the decision of the city court.-4445-444500Mikhail Valentinovich SavvaMikhail Savva (born November 19, 1964, in Krasnodar) is a Russian human rights defender, political analyst, social and political activist. He is Honoured Professor of the Kuban State University, Doctor of Political Sciences, and Candidate of Sociology Sciences. In April 2013, he was arrested on charges of fraud.Education, research and teaching activitiesIn 1989, Mikhail graduated from the Faculty of History of the Kuban State University (the city of Krasnodar).He is Candidate of Sociology Sciences (awarded in 1993) and Doctor of Political Sciences (awarded in 2000).Since 1996, works as Associate Professor and then as Professor at the Kuban State University (KubSU).Government work experienceIn 1991-1993, Mikhail Savva served as the head of the Department for National Affairs and Ethnic Relations in the Krasnodar Regional Council of People's Deputies.In 1993-1994, he worked as the head of the Department for Nationalities, Regional Policy and Migration of the Administration of the Krasnodar Territory.In 1994-1995, he worked as the head of the Department for Nationalities of the Russian Ministry for Nationalities and Regional Policy.In 1995-1996, Mikhail Savva served as the deputy head of the Administration of the Krasnodar Territory (and presented the Administration at the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnodar Territory).In 1997-2001, he worked as the deputy head and then the head of the Department for Public and Interregional Relations of the Krasnodar Administration.Social activitiesSince 2001, Mikhail Savva served as the director of grant programmes in the regional NGO "Southern Regional Resource Centre" (SRRC).In 2007-2012, he worked as the leader of the project "Legal aid to migrants in Krasnodar Territory" under the grant provided by the "MacArthur Foundation".In 2010-2011, Mikhail Savva developed the project "Social approval as tool for enhancing civic participation" under the grant provided by the "Cooperation Fund of Black Sea Basin".ProsecutionsOn April 12, 2013, Mikhail Savva was detained by law enforcement authorities. He was charged with fraud in embezzlement of budget funds allocated by the regional administration in the form of a grant. According to prosecutors, the "Southern Regional Resource Centre" won a grant from the Ministry of Social Development (366,000 roubles) to conduct the social research on people's attitudes towards migrants; however, in fact, the questioning was allegedly held only on paper.The searches were conducted at the apartment of Mikhail Savva and at the office of the "Southern Regional Resource Centre".On May 13, 2013, Mikhail Savva faced the second accusation of fraud. According to investigators, he received from the KubSU the amount of 90,000 roubles for a course of lectures actually not presented by him.Mikhail Savva pleaded not guilty. In the first case, apart from Mikhail Savva, the second defendant is Viktoria Remmler, the head of a marketing company that conducted sociological research. Viktoria Remmler has admitted her guilt.On April 27, 2013, Krasnodar hosted a rally in support of Mikhail Savva. Protestors demanded to stop criminal proceedings against him and collected about 100 signatures on a petition to President Putin.On June 17, 2013, the "Union of Solidarity with Political Prisoners" recognized Mikhail Savva as a political prisoner.5On October 30, 2013, the Human Rights Centre (HRC) "Memorial" included Mikhail Savva in the list of seventy prisoners.In November 2013, the Russian Presidential Council on Human Rights appealed to General Prosecutor Yuri Chaika with a request to ask the court to change the pre-trial restriction measure against Mikhail Savva to the form not associated with incarceration. On November 29, the Pervomaisky District Court of Krasnodar extended the detention of Mikhail Savva till January 30.On December 4, Mikhail Savva was placed under home arrest. The decision to change the pre-trial restriction measure was made by the court as a result of consideration of a complaint filed by Vladimir Lukin, Russian Ombudsman.On December 20, 2013, the Pervomaisky District Court of Krasnodar again held a preliminary court hearing in the case against Mikhail Savva. The Court dismissed his motion to return the case materials to the Prosecutor's Office in connection with the violations in the indictment.PublicationsMikhail Savva is an author of more than 100 scientific papers on ethnology, ethnic conflicts, problems of integration of migrants into local community, administrative reform, and interaction of various sectors in Russia. Faculty of Psychology and Management of the KubSU.Ethnic status (conflictology analysis of social phenomenon). Krasnodar. 1997.Media, power, and ethnic conflict (relationship on example of the Krasnodar Territory). Krasnodar. 2002 (co-authored with E. V. Savva).New Diasporas of the Krasnodar Territory. Krasnodar. 2006.Club of Political Analysts of "Krasnodar News": Dialogs (not of Plato)/Edition. Krasnodar: Kuban University, 2010.Social advertising in Krasnodar: new trends.//Social and Humanitarian Gazette of Southern Russia. 2010. No. 1. P. 44-49.Ethnic situation in the CIS and Baltic countries: Krasnodar Territory.//Ethnic situation and conflicts in the CIS and Baltic countries. Annual report for 2009. Moscow, Publishing House of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology. 2010. P. 397-404.Development dynamics of Armenian communities in Krasnodar Territory: problems and prospects.//Questions of self-organization of the Armenian communities in the South of Russia. Yerevan. 2010, (in Armenian). P. 1240-170.Ideal schemes for expulsion of foreigners.//Migration, 21st Century. Independent information analytical magazine. Moscow, 2011. No. 2 (5). P. 63-65. ................
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