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考研英语阅读理解精读100篇之法律类
阅读理解精选100篇---法律类
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit62
Unit 62
It was a ruling that had consumers seething with anger and many a free trader crying foul. On November 20th the European Court of Justice decided that Tesco, a British supermarket chain, should not be allowed to import jeans made by America's Levi Strauss from outside the European Union and sell them at cut-rate prices without getting permission first from the jeans maker. Ironically, the ruling is based on an EU trademark directive that was designed to protect local, not American, manufacturers from price dumping. The idea is that any brand-owning firm should be allowed to position its goods and segment its markets as it sees fit: Levi's jeans, just like Gucci handbags, must be allowed to be expensive.
Levi Strauss persuaded the court that, by selling its jeans cheaply alongside soap powder and bananas, Tesco was destroying the image and so the value of its brands--which could only lead to less innovation and, in the long run, would reduce consumer choice. Consumer groups and Tesco say that Levi's case is specious. The supermarket argues that it was just arbitraging the price differential between Levi's jeans sold in America and Europe--a service performed a million times a day in financial markets, and one that has led to real benefits for consumers. Tesco has been selling some 15,000 pairs of Levi's jeans a week, for about half the price they command in specialist stores approved by Levi Strauss. Christine Cross, Tesco's head of global non-food sourcing, says the ruling risks "creating a Fortress Europe with a vengeance".
The debate will rage on, and has implications well beyond casual clothes (Levi Strauss was joined in its lawsuit by Zino Davidoff, a perfume maker). The question at its heart is not whether brands need to control how they are sold to protect their image, but whether it is the job of the courts to help them do this. Gucci, an Italian clothes label whose image was being destroyed by loose licensing and over-exposure in discount stores, saved itself not by resorting to the courts but by ending contracts with third-party suppliers, controlling its distribution better and opening its own stores. It is now hard to find cut-price Gucci anywhere.
Brand experts argue that Levi Strauss, which has been losing market share to hipper rivals such as Diesel, is no longer strong enough to command premium prices. Left to market forces, so-so brands such as Levi's might well fade away and be replaced by fresher labels. With the courts protecting its prices, Levi Strauss may hang on for longer. But no court can help to make it a great brand again.
注（1）：本文选自Economist; 11/24/2001, Vol. 361 Issue 8249, p58, 1/2p
注（2）：本文习题命题模仿对象2001年真题text 5（其中因2001年真题text 5只有4个题目，所以本文第5题模仿参照对象为1999年 Text 1的第4题。）
1. Which of the following is not true according to Paragraph 1?
[A]Consumers and free traders were very angry.
[B]Only the Levi’s maker can decide the prices of the jeans.
[C] The ruling has protected Levi’s from price dumping.
[D] Levi’s jeans should be sold at a high price .
2. Gucci’s success shows that _______.
[A]Gucci has successfully saved its own image.
[B] It has changed its fate with its own effort.
[C]Opening its own stores is the key to success.
[D] It should be the court’s duty to save its image.
3. The word “specious”(line 12, paragraph 2) in the context probably means _______.
[A]responsible for oneself
[B] having too many doubts
[C] not as it seems to be
[D]raising misunderstanding
4. According to the passage, the doomed fate of Levi’s is caused by such factors except that ________.
[A]the rivals are competitive
[B]it fails to command premium prices
[C]market forces have their own rules
[D]the court fails to give some help
5. The author’s attitude towards Levi’s prospect seems to be _______.
[A] biased
[B] indifferent
[C] puzzling
[D] objective
答案：BBCDD
篇章剖析
本文的结构形式为提出问题----分析问题。在第一段首先提出问题,指出欧洲法庭对特易购超市做出的裁决。第二段指出当事方对同一事件的不同看法和解释。第三段指出争论的核心问题在于是否应该借助法庭达到一些商业目的，并以古奇（Gucci）为例说明答案为否定。第四段对利维（Levi’s）的前景做出了评价和分析。
词汇注释
seething [?σι:ΤΙΝ] adj.沸腾的, 火热的
foul [φαϑλ]adj.下流的，粗俗的：
segment [5σε⊥μΕντ]v.分割
innovation [ΙνΕ5ϖεΙΦ(Ε)ν] n.改革, 创新
specious [5σπι:ΦΕσ] adj. 似是而非的; 似乎正确的，但实际却是谬误的
arbitrage [5Β:βΙτρΙδς] v. 套汇, 套利交易
with a vengeance [5ϖενδςΕνσ]猛烈地;极度地
licensing [5λαΙσΕνσΙΝ] n.注册登记
discount [5δΙσκαϑντ] n.折扣
resort [ρΙ5ζΧ:τ] vi.求助, 诉诸
premium [5πρι:μΙΕμ] n.额外费用, 奖金, 奖赏, 保险费, (货币兑现的)贴水
难句突破
1.Levi Strauss persuaded the court that, by selling its jeans cheaply alongside soap powder and bananas, Tesco was destroying the image and so the value of its brands--which could only lead to less innovation and, in the long run, would reduce consumer choice.
主体句式：Levi Strauss persuaded that …
结构分析：that之后是一个宾语从句；by之后的句子做伴随状语来修饰宾语从句；宾语从句中which又引导了一个非限制性定语从句。
句子译文：利维•斯图尔斯公司使法庭相信，泰斯科把利维牛仔服与肥皂粉、香蕉等放在一起廉价销售这一做法正在损害其形象，因而也影响到其品牌价位，这势必会使产品缺乏新意，最终导致消费者可选范围大大缩小。
题目分析
1．答案为B，属事实细节题。原文对应信息是“…should not be allowed … to sell them at cut-rate prices without getting permission first from the jeans maker.”意思是“只有事先经过牛仔裤生产商的同意才能打折销售。”是否只有生产商才能决定价格，我们不得而知。
2．答案为B，属推理判断题。文中提到问题的实质是“whether it is the job of the courts to help them do this.”后又以古奇(Gucci) “saved itself not by resorting to the courts but by ending contracts with third-party suppliers, controlling its distribution better and opening its own stores. It is now hard to find cut-price Gucci anywhere.”为例，说明它的成功并不是诉诸法庭，而是通过自身的努力和尝试。
3．答案为C ，属猜词题。第二段开头提出了利维公司（Levi’s）对特易购（Tesco）的指责，后又提出了特易购的反驳意见，前后两者之间的观点应该是相反的。从而可猜出该词的含义。
4．答案为D，属推理判断题。原文对应信息是最后一段。
5．答案为D，属情感态度题。作者没有任何偏颇的阐述整个事件。
参考译文
法庭的裁决使消费者感到义愤填膺，也使很多人认为这对自由贸易者来说显然是一桩违规裁决。11月20日，欧洲法庭对泰斯科(Tesco)这家英国连锁超市做出了如下判决：泰斯科不能从欧盟之外的国家进口利维•斯图尔斯公司生产的牛仔裤；未经牛仔制造商的许可，不得减价销售。具有讽刺意味的是，这项裁决是根据一道欧盟商标指令做出的。该指令的目的在于保护本地、而非美国制造商免受价格倾销造成的损害。其内涵是，任何一家拥有自己品牌的公司都可给自己的产品定位，并以适当的方式分割市场，比如利维牛仔裤，它必须像古姿(Gucci)牌手提包一样高价销售。
利维•斯图尔斯公司使法庭相信，泰斯科把利维牛仔服与肥皂粉、香蕉等放在一起廉价销售这一做法正在损害其形象，因而也影响到其品牌价位，这势必会使产品缺乏新意，最终导致消费者可选范围大大缩小。消费者团体和泰斯科却认为，利维公司一案(的判决)貌似有理，实则不然。泰斯科争辩说，它只是从美国和欧洲销售利维牛仔服装的差价中套利。这是一种在金融市场天天进行上百万次、并使消费者真正受益的商业行为。泰斯科一直以低于利维•斯图尔斯公司授权专卖店一半的价格每周销售15,000条牛仔裤。泰斯科公司全球非食品类商品采购主管克里斯廷·克罗斯认为，这一裁决会冒“设置欧洲堡垒”的巨大风险。
这场激烈的争论还将继续进行下去，所涉及的范围将远远超出休闲服装业(季诺·大卫多夫香水制造商也和利维·斯图尔斯联手起诉)。核心问题不在于品牌是否需要通过控制销售方式来维护其形象，而在于法院是否有责任来帮助其达到这一目的。意大利品牌服饰公司古姿公司—由于许可经营管理松懈和其商品在折扣店里过度曝光，其形象正在受到损害—并没有依靠法庭，而是通过中止与第三方供应商的合同、更好的控制商品销售，以及开专卖店等方式挽救了自己的命运。现在已经很难找到打折销售古姿产品的地方了。
品牌专家认为，利维•斯图尔斯公司正在逐步丧失其市场占有率，而让位于像迪赛(Diesel)这样市场信息颇为灵通的竞争对手。利维•斯图尔斯公司已无力控制品牌溢价。在市场机制的作用下，像利维这样的一般品牌很有可能逐渐消失，进而被新的品牌所取代。由于其价格受到法庭保护，利维•斯图尔斯公司可能会再维持一段时间，但是没有任何一个法庭会使它起死回生，再度成为知名品牌。
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit63
Unit 63
A white kid sells a bag og cocaine at his suburban high school. A Latino kid does the same in his inner-city neighborhood. Both get caught. Both are first-time offenders. The white kid walks into juvenile court with his parents, his priest, a good lawyer-and medical coverage. The Latino kid walks into court with his mom, no legal resources and no insurance. The judge lets the white kid go with his family; he's placed in a private treatment program. The minority kid has no such option. He's detained.
There, in a nutshell, is what happens more and more often in the juvenile-court system. Minority youths arrested on violent felony charges in California are more than twice as likely as their white counterparts to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults, according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute, a research center in San Francisco. Once they are in adult courts, young black offenders are 18 times more likely to be jailed-and Hispanics seven times more likely-than are young white offenders. "Discrimination against kids of color accumulates at every stage of the justice system and skyrockets when juveniles are, tried as adults," says Dan Macallair, a co-author of the new study. "California has a double standard: throw kids of color behind bars, but .rehabilitate white kids who commit comparable crimes."
Even as juvenile crime has declined from its peak in the early 1990s, headline grabbing violence by minors has intensified a get-tough attitude. Over the past six years, 43 states have passed laws that make it easier to try juveniles as adults. In Texas and Connecticut in 1996, the latest year for which figures are available, all the juveniles in jails were minorities. Vincent Schiraldi, the Justice Policy Institute's director, concedes that "some kids need to be tried as adults. But most can be rehabilitated."
Instead, adult prisons tend to brutalize juveniles. They are eight times more likely to commit suicide and five times more likely to be sexually abused than offenders held in juvenile detention. "Once they get out, they tend to commit more crimes and more violent crimes," says Jenni Gainsborough, a spokeswoman for the Sentencing Project, a reform group in Washington. The system, in essence, is training career criminals. And it's doing its worst work among minorities.
注（1）本文选自By Anamaria Wilson Time; 02/14/2000, Vol. 155 Issue 6, p68, 1/3p
注（2）本文习题命题模仿对象1997年真题text 5（其中因1997年真题text 5只有4个题目，所以本文第4题模仿参照对象为1999年 Text 4的第4题。）
1. From the first paragraph we learn that _________.
[A]the white kid is more lucky than the minority kid
[B]the white kid has got a lot of help than the minority kid
[C]the white kid and minority kid has been treated differently
[D]the minority kid should be set free at once.
2. According to the passage, which of the following is TRUE?
[A]Kids shouldn’t be tried as adults.
[B] Discrimination exists in the justice system.
[C]Minority kids are likely to commit crimes.
[D] States shouldn’t pass the laws.
3. The word “skyrocket” (Line 13, Paragraph 2) means ________.
[A]rising sharply
[B]widening suddenly
[C]spreading widely
[D]expanding quickly
4. It can be inferred from the last paragraph that ________.
[A] something seems to be wrong with the justice system
[B]adult prisons have bad influence on the juveniles
[C] juveniles in adult prison are ill-treated
[D]the career criminals are trained by the system
5. The passage shows that the author is _________ the present situation.
[A] amazed at
[B]puzzled by
[C]disappointed at
[D] critical of
答案：CBAAD
篇章剖析
本文的结构形式为提出问题----分析问题。在第一段首先提出问题,以一个案例为切入点，对比白人少年与有色人种少年受到的不同待遇。第二段和第三段用事实进一步说明司法机关对有色人种的青少年的歧视以及他们受到的不公正待遇。第四段阐述了司法机关的这一做法造成的不良影响。
词汇注释
offender [Ε5φενδΕ(ρ)] n.罪犯, 冒犯者
coverage [5κΘϖΕρΙδς]n.保险项目；保险范围
option [5ΡπΦ(Ε)ν]n.选择;供选择的事物
detain [δΙ5τεΙν]v.拘留,
in a nutshell [5νΘτΦελ]简括地,简言之；简要地说
felony [5φελΕνΙ]n.[律]重罪
rehabilitate [ρι:ηΕ5βΙλΙτεΙτ]v. 使(身体)康复, 使复职, 使恢复名誉, 使复原
get-tough [5⊥ετ 5τΘφ]adj.强硬的
concede[κΕν5σι:δ]v.勉强, 承认
brutalize[5βρυ:τΕλαΙζ]v.残酷地对待
detention[δΙ5τενΦ(Ε)ν]n.拘留, 禁闭
难句突破
1．Minority youths arrested on violent felony charges in California are more than twice as likely as their white counterparts to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults, according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute, a research center in San Francisco.
主体句式：Minority youths are more than …
结构分析：这是一个比较长的简单句。“more than twice as likely as their white counterparts”是一种表示倍数的表达方式；“to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults”不定式短语来修饰white counterparts; “according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute”是现在分词做伴随状语；“a research center in San Francisco”是“the Justice Policy Institute”的同位语。
句子译文：据旧金山一家研究中心—司法政策研究—上周发表的一项研究结果，在加州因暴力重罪嫌疑被捕进而移交到少年法庭系统作为成人被审判的少数民族青少年的数量可能是白人少年的两倍。
题目分析
1． 答案为C，属推理判断题。作者在第一段中进行对比，目的在于引出同一性质案例因为对象不同，从而处理结果也不同这一论点。
2． 答案为B，属事实细节题。原文对应信息是：“Discrimination against kids of color accumulates at every stage of the justice system and skyrockets when juveniles are, tried as adults”。其它选项意思与原文不符。
3． 答案为A ，属猜词题。从单词所在的句子语境中，我们可以判断skyrocket与accumulate的意思相近，并且程度更强。了解到这一点就不难作出选择。
4．答案为A，属推理判断题。原文相关信息是“The system, in essence, is training career criminals. And it's doing its worst work among minorities”。
5．答案为D，属情感态度题。作者通篇都在阐述司法机关对有色人种青少年的不公正待遇。
参考译文
一白人少年在他就读的郊区中学贩卖一袋可卡因。一拉丁美洲少年在其居住的市内社区也做同样的事情。两人都被抓。两人都是初犯。白人少年在其父母、牧师、知名律师陪伴下走进少年法庭—他有医疗保险；而那个拉丁美洲少年却只在他母亲陪伴下来到法庭，没有任何法律援助，也没有什么保险。法官让白人少年随家人回家，判他接受私下处理计划监管。而那位少数民族少年则别无选择。他被拘留了。
简而言之，这样的事情在少年法庭上越来越常见。据旧金山一家研究中心—司法政策研究—上周发表的一项研究结果，在加州因暴力重罪嫌疑被捕进而移交到少年法庭系统作为成人被审判的少数民族青少年的数量可能是白人少年的两倍。一旦被移交成人法庭，那些青少年黑人犯法者被送进监狱的可能性是白人的十八倍，美籍西班牙人是白人的八倍。 “司法系统对有色人种青少年的歧视每升一级都加一次码，而这些年轻人一旦以成人的身份被审判的话，这种歧视便被极度升化，达到无以复加的地步。” 这项研究的合作者丹•麦卡莱尔(Dan Macallair)说，“加利福尼亚历来奉行双重标准：把犯罪的有色人种青少年投进监狱，但对犯有同等罪行的白人少年却实行教育感化。”
正当青少年犯罪率从二十世纪九十年代初期的高峰开始下降的时候，常常成为报刊头条新闻的少数民族未成年人暴力犯罪强化了公众的强硬态度。在过去六年中，四十三个州通过的法律使青少年以成人的身份受审变得更加易如反掌。1996年，美国德克萨斯州和康涅狄格州(这两个州是唯一能收集到最近一年青少年犯罪记录的州)的资料表明，在监狱服刑的所有青少年都是有色人种。司法政策研究所所长文森特•希拉迪(Vincent Schiraldi)承认，“有些青少年需要作为成人进行审判，但是他们中大多数人是可以教育感化的。”
成人监狱经常虐待这些青少年。这些人自杀的可能性是少管所的罪犯的八倍，遭到性虐待的可能性是他们的五倍。华盛顿的一个改革团体—“审判项目组织”的女发言人Jenni Gainsborough认为，“这些人一旦被释放，他们往往会疯狂作案，实施更多的暴力犯罪。” 这种体系实质上是在培养职业罪犯；对有色人种而言，它起的作用更糟。
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit64
Unit 64
“This is not the type of place where this happens," city council president George Carlton told a reporter, after the horror became public in his hometown, Sylacauga, Ala. He echoed what was said in Jasper, Texas, a year ago. Few people then had ever heard of Jasper. A week ago, even fewer could have pointed out Sylacauga on a map. A tiny city of 13,000, halfway between Birmingham and Montgomery, Sylacauga was known for its white marble quarries, textile mills and ice-cream factory. But last week Sylacauga, like Jasper, became a chapter in the recent history of hatred.
According to police, Steven Eric Mullins, 25, and Charles Monroe Butler Jr., 21, plotted for two weeks to murder Billy Jack Gaither, 39. On Feb. 19, they arranged to meet him at a Sylacauga bar and lured him to a secluded area. There they beat him and dumped him into the trunk of his car. They then drove about 15 miles to Peckerwood Creek in Coosa County. There, says Coosa County Sheriff's Deputy Al Bradley, "they took him out of the trunk, took an ax handle and beat him to death." They set two old tires aflame, says Bradley, "then they put the body on the fire." They did it all, the deputy says, because Gaither was gay.
Gaither's death has become a rallying point for gay-rights organizations' and state legislators' pushing a bill that would extend Alabama's three-year-old hate-crimes law beyond race, color, religion and national origin to cover crimes related to sexual orientation as well. "It's unfortunate that somebody had to lose his life in order for this legislation to pick up momentum here in the state of Alabama," says state Representative Alvin Holmes, who failed to get the original law amended when it was passed in 1996. Holmes filed for extending the law after Matthew Shepard, a gay student, was beaten and left to die on a fence in Wyoming last October, an incident that sparked national outrage. Even Wyoming failed to pass hate-crime legislation in the wake of the Shepard lynching. Like Shepard, Gaither did not hesitate to admit being gay, though he adhered quietly to Sylacauga's Southern dispositions. And friends dispute Mullins' and Butler's allegations that a sexual proposition incited the murder. Gaither's brother Randy told CNN: "Regardless of his personal life or anything, he doesn't deserve to be killed for this."
"The message people are getting is that gay people are second-class citizens," says Tracey Conaty, spokesperson for the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force.
Before Gaither's murder, activists were planning a major national pro-gay offensive. From March 21 to March 27, the task force will launch its "Equality Begins at Home" campaign, with 250 grass-roots events in all 50 states aimed at passing anti-gay-bashing legislation. Says Conaty: "These laws reflect the conscience of a community and send an important message." The March events, says Urvashi Vaid, director of the task force's policy institute, will involve straight people concerned about neighbors denied basic human rights. Adds Vaid: "It's more than just a gay thing."
注（1）：本文选自By Sylvester Monroe Time; 03/15/99, Vol. 153 Issue 10, p47, 2/3p, 3c, 1bw
注（2）：本文习题命题模仿对象2003年真题 Text 4
1. What is implied in the first two paragraphs?
[A] there are many murders in the recent history of hatred
[B]the murder also happened in Jasper one year ago
[C] it is another case of the gay being tortured to death
[D]the city council president comes from Sylacauga
2. The author uses the example of Matthew Shepard to show that ________.
[A] it is difficult to extend the hate-crime legislation
[B]people want to extend the hate-crime law
[C]the gays are really in a terrible fix
[D] people are indifferent to the gay student
3. Alvin Holmes’ attitude toward the gay victims is _________.
[A]indifferent
[B]sympathetic
[C]outrageous
[D]considerate
4. Similar to Matthew Shepard, Gaither’s death ________.
[A]aroused people’s sympathy for the gay
[B] sharpened people’s awareness
[C]gave legislation some momentum
[D]failed to have any change in the legislation
5. The text intends to express the idea that __________.
[A] people should be concerned about their gay neighbors
[B]the gay people shouldn’t be regarded as second-class citizens
[C] the legislation for the gay still has a long way to go
[D]more pro-gay campaigns should be launched
答案：CABDC
篇章剖析
本文采用提出问题-----分析问题的模式。第一段和第二段提出问题，详细阐述一起同性恋谋杀案的发生经过。第三段和第四段指出被害人的死造成的影响和反应。第五段指出激进分子的做法及其影响。
词汇注释
homosexual[ηΕϑμΕϑ5σεκΦϑΕλ] n.同性恋
echo[?εκΕϑ]vt.摹仿, 重复
rallying [5ρ“λΙΝ]point n.聚集点,号召力
legislator[5λεδςΙσλεΙτΕ(ρ)]n.立法者
momentum[μΕϑ5μεντΕμ]n.动力, 要素
in the wake of adv.尾随, 紧跟, 仿效
lynching[?λΙντΦΙΝ]n.处私刑
allegation[“λΙ5⊥εΙΦ(Ε)ν]n.主张，断言, 辩解
offensive[Ε5φενσΙϖ]n.进攻, 攻势
grass-roots[?⊥ρΒ:σ?ρΥ:τσ;?⊥ρ“σ−]adj.一般民众的, 由乡间民间来进行的
难句突破
1．Gaither's death has become a rallying point for gay-rights organizations' and state legislators' pushing a bill that would extend Alabama's three-year-old hate-crimes law beyond race, color, religion and national origin to cover crimes related to sexual orientation as well.
主体句式：Gaither’s death has become a rallying point …
结构分析：在for引导的介词短语中，that引导定语从句来修饰bill; related to sexual orientation as well来修饰crimes.
句子译文：盖瑟的死成了争取同性恋权利组织和州立法委员强烈要求通过一项议案的号召力。这项议案可能会将阿拉巴马实施三年的反仇视罪法的范围扩展到种族、肤色、宗教信仰和国家来源以外，把针对与性倾向有关的罪行也包括在反对之列。
题目分析
1．答案为C，属推理判断题。选项A，B，D都属于细节问题，在文中都可找到对应的信息。选项C归纳了前两段的内容。
1． 案为A，属推理判断题。文中对应信息是“Even Wyoming failed to pass hate-crime legislation in the wake of the Shepard lynching”。
2． 案为B ，属情感态度题。文中对应信息是“"It's unfortunate that somebody had to lose his life in order for this legislation to pick up momentum here in the state of Alabama”。
3． 答案为D，属推理判断题。原文对应信息“Gaither's death has become a rallying point for gay-rights organizations' and state legislators' pushing a bill that would extend Alabama's three-year-old hate-crimes law beyond race, color, religion and national origin to cover crimes related to sexual orientation as well.”Gaither的被害虽然对立法有一定的影响，却还没有一定的改观。
5．答案为C，属主旨大意题。要综观全文，不要受到一些细节方面的干扰。
参考译文
这桩惨案在市参议会议长乔治·卡尔顿的家乡阿拉巴马州锡拉科加被公诸于众后，他这样对记者说：“这个地方不应该发生这样的事”。他是在重复一年前在德克萨斯州杰士伯说过的话。几乎没有人听说过杰士伯这个地方。一周以前，甚至没有人能在地图上找出锡拉科加的位置。锡拉科加是一座拥有13,000人口的小镇，位于伯明翰和蒙哥马利之间，以大理石采石场、纺织厂和冰淇淋厂而著名。同杰士伯一样，锡拉科加上周也上了最近发生仇视事件的“光荣”榜。
据警方说，为谋杀39岁的比利•杰克•盖瑟，25岁的史蒂文•埃里克•马林斯和21岁的小查尔斯•门罗•巴特勒密谋了两周时间。2月19日那天，他们先安排与他在锡拉科加的一个酒吧见面，然后把他骗到一个隐蔽的地点。在那儿，他们先是猛揍他，随后把他扔进汽车后备箱，驾车行使了15英里到了库萨县的拍克武德小河边。库萨县副警长阿尔•不拉德利说：“他们把他从后备箱里拖出来，拿出斧柄将他打死”。随后他们点燃了两个旧轮胎。不拉德利说：“点燃轮胎后，他们就把尸体放到了火上烧”。副警长说，这两个人这样做只是因为盖瑟是同性恋。
盖瑟的死成了争取同性恋权利组织和州立法委员强烈要求通过一项议案的号召力。这项议案可能会将阿拉巴马实施三年的反仇视罪法的范围扩展到种族、肤色、宗教信仰和国家来源以外，把针对与性倾向有关的罪行也包括在反对之列。州议员阿尔文•福尔摩斯(他没能在1996年该法律被通过时促使议会对原法律进行修正)说：“非得用某人的死来在这儿，在阿拉巴马州获取使某项法律得以通过的动力实在是件令人遗憾的事”。去年十月，怀俄明州发生了一件令国人十分愤慨的事。一个名叫马修•谢巴德的同性恋学生遭人毒打，眼睁睁地看着他死在围墙上。这件事发生之后，福尔摩斯曾提议扩展这一法律的范围。甚至在谢巴德被人用私刑处死之后，怀俄明州也没能通过反仇视罪法。尽管盖瑟不声不响地保持着南方人的性格，但是他跟谢巴德一样，毫不隐瞒自己是同性恋这一事实。马林斯和巴特勒对性倾向引发这起谋杀的说法遭到朋友的反驳。盖瑟弟弟告诉CNN记者：“不管他的个人生活或其它方面怎么样，他都不应该为此而被处死。”
“人们获得的启示是同性恋是二等公民。” 美国国家男女同志特遣队的发言人特蕾西•科纳缇如是说。
在盖瑟被谋杀之前，一些激进分子就在策划发动一个大型的全国范围的支持同性恋的攻势。从3月21日到27日，特遣队将发动一场“平等从家庭开始”的运动。他们收集了50个州250桩发生在基层的事件，目的在于敦促议会通过反粗暴对待同性恋法。科纳缇说：“这些法律反映了一个社区的正义感，并传达了一条重要的信息”。特遣队政策研究所所长吾尔瓦西•瓦伊德认为，“三月事件”会使那些关心被剥夺了基本人权邻居的正直人参与其中。瓦伊德还说：“这不仅仅是一件同性恋的事情。”
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit65
Unit 65
The image was riveting, as justice John Paul Stevens, a Chicago native, presented it. A gang member and his father are hanging out near Wrigley Field. Are they there "to rob an unsuspecting fan or just to get a glimpse of Sammy Sosa leaving the ball park?" A police officer has no idea, but under Chicago's anti-gang law, the cop must order them to disperse. With Stevens writing for a 6-to-3 majority, the Supreme Court last week struck down Chicago's sweeping statute, which had sparked 42,000 arrests in its three years of enforcement.
The decision was a blow to advocates of get-tough crime policies. But in a widely noted concurring opinion, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor suggested that a less draconian approach--distinguishing gang members from innocent bystanders--might pass constitutional muster. New language could target loiterers "with no apparent purpose other than to establish control over identifiable areas, to intimidate others from entering those areas or to conceal illegal activities," she wrote. Chicago officials vowed to draft a new measure. "We will go back and correct it and then move forward," said Mayor Richard Daley.
Chicago officials, along with the League of Cities and 31 states that sided with them in court, might do well to look at one state where anti-gang loitering prosecutions have withstood constitutional challenges: California. The state has two antiloitering statutes on the books, aimed at people intending to commit specific crimes--prostitution and drug dealing. In addition, a number of local prosecutors are waging war against gangs by an innovative use of the public-nuisance laws.
In cities such as Los Angeles and San Jose, prosecutors have sought injunctions against groups of people suspected of gang activity. "The officers in the streets know the gang members and gather physical evidence for lengthy court hearings," says Los Angeles prosecutor Martin Vranicar. If the evidence is enough to convince a judge, an injunction is issued to prohibit specific behavior--such as carrying cell phones or pagers or blocking sidewalk passage--in defined geographical areas. "It works instantly," says San Jose city attorney Joan Gallo, who successfully defended the tactic before the California Supreme Court. "A few days after the injunctions, children are playing on streets where they never were before."
So far, only a few hundred gang members have been targeted, out of an estimated 150,000 in Los Angeles alone. But experts say last week's decision set the parameters for sharper measures. Says Harvard law professor Laurence Tribe: "It just means they have to use a scalpel rather than an invisible mallet."
注（1）：本文选自By Margot Hornblower/Los Angeles With reporting by Timothy Roche/Chicago and Andrea Sachs/New York Time; 06/21/99, Vol. 153 Issue 24, p55, 2/3p, 1bw
注
注（2）：本文习题命题模仿对象2004年真题Text 2。
1. What does the author intend to illustrate with the example of the gang member and his father?
[A]How the antiloitering law works.
[B]How to maintain charming image.
[C]How tough the crime polices were.
[D]Why Chicago’s sweeping statute stroke down.
2. What can we infer from the first two paragraphs?
[A]Chicago’s antiloitering law shouldn’t be struck down.
[B]The cop was entitled to send the gangs away.
[C]Chicago officials yielded to the result of striking down the law.
[D]antiloitering law in Chicago was much too severe for the majority.
3. The third and fourth paragraphs suggest that ________.
[A]the League of Cities and 31 states should work with Chicago officials
[B]the injunctions in some cities brought back the safety on the street
[C]California successfully starts the battle against the gangs
[D]the police officers shoulder more responsibility than before
4. What does the author mean by “It just means they have to use a scalpel rather than an invisible mallet” (The Last Line, Paragraph 5)?
[A]The gang members should be given a get-tough attitude in the long run.
[B]The targeted gang members rather than all of them should be given a get-tough treatment.
[C] A scalpel can cut off the tumors of the society while the invisible mallet fails to.
[D]A scalpel is more powerful than the invisible mallet.
5. Which of the following is true according to the text?
[A]Chicago’s sweeping statute was struck down for its involving too many arrests.
[B]Chicago officials still maintained their get-tough crime policies.
[C]It was not safe for children to play on the street.
[D]California used a scalpel while other states used an invisible mallet to cope with the gangs.
答案：ADCBD
篇章剖析
本文采用提出问题---解决问题的模式。第一段和第二段提出芝加哥因为种种原因解除了禁止闲荡法令；第三段、四段和五段针对这一问题，指出加利福尼亚的做法是非常值得借鉴的。
词汇注释
loiter[5λΧΙτΕ(ρ)]v.闲荡, 虚度, 徘徊
rivet[5ρΙϖΙτ]v. 吸引（注意力）
disperse [δΙ5σπ∴:σ]v.(使)分散, (使)散开, 疏散
statute [5στ“τϕυ:τ]n.法令, 条例
enforcement [Ιν?φΡ:σμΕντ]n.执行, 强制
concur[κΕν5κ∴:(ρ)]v.同时发生
draconian [δρΕ5κΕϑνΙΕν]adj.严酷的,极其残酷的；十分严厉的：
intimidate [Ιν5τΙμΙδεΙτ]v. 恐吓使胆怯；使害怕
innovative [?ΙνΕϑϖεΙτΙϖ]adj.创新的, 革新(主义)的
injunction [Ιν5δςΘΝκΦ(Ε)ν]n.命令, 指令, [律]禁令
parameter [πΕ5ρ“μΙτΕ(ρ)]n.参数, 参量, 起限定作用的因素
scalpel [5σκ“λπ(Ε)λ]n.解剖刀
mallet [5μ“λΙτ]n.槌棒
难句突破
1.Chicago officials, along with the League of Cities and 31 states that sided with them in court, might do well to look at one state where anti-gang loitering prosecutions have withstood constitutional challenges: California.
主体结构：Chicago officials might do well to look at …
结构分析：“along with the League of Cities and 31 states”在句子中做伴随状语，其中that又引导定语从句进行修饰；主句中where又引导从句来修饰state。
句子翻译：只要芝加哥官员以及那些在法庭上支持他们的城市联盟和31个州去看看那个州—加州—的情况就可以处理好他们的问题。加州的反犯罪集团闲荡起诉案已经受住了宪法的挑战。
题目分析
1.答案为A，属推理判断题。文中对应信息“but under Chicago's anti-gang law, the cop must order them to disperse”,从第一段我们可以看出作者在介绍芝加哥的“禁止闲荡法令”是如何运做及被解除的。
2.答案为D，属推理判断题。第一段和第二段主要介绍芝加哥解除了“禁止闲荡法令”。从第一段“which had sparked 42,000 arrests in its three years of enforcement”，我们可以看出这一法令是非常严厉的；从第二段“But in a widely noted concurring opinion, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor suggested that a less draconian approach--distinguishing gang members from innocent bystanders--might pass constitutional muster.”我们可以看出一项较宽松的法令即将出台。从这些地方我们可做出判断。
3.答案为C, 属推理判断题。第三段和第四段主要介绍了加利福尼亚州是如何与街头帮派行为做斗争的。
4.答案为B，属推理判断题。这篇文章中存在对比：芝加哥的肃清法令“sparked 42,000 arrests in its three years of enforcement”，重在大范围的打击；加利福尼亚州“So far, only a few hundred gang members have been targeted, out of an estimated 150,000 in Los Angeles alone.”重在小范围的清除。
5.答案为D，属推理判断题。分析同第四题。
参考译文
正如芝加哥法官约翰·保罗·斯蒂文斯所描述的那样，这种景象是非常吸引人的。一个犯罪集团成员和他的父亲在里格利球场附近闲荡，他们在那“是想抢劫一个毫无戒心的球迷呢，还是只为了目睹一下正在离场的塞米索萨棒球队的风采呢？”警官不得而知，但是根据芝加哥反犯罪集团法，警察必须命令他们散开。鉴于史蒂文法官上书要求以6比3的多数通过废除法令案，上个星期最高法院废除了芝加哥的肃清法令。这项法令在三年的实施时间里，引发了42,000起逮捕案。
这一决定对于那些主张严厉惩治犯罪的人来说，无疑是当头一棒。但是根据一种相当著名且普遍赞同的观点，法官桑德拉•戴•奥康纳认为，采取一种不太严厉的做法—把犯罪集团成员与无辜的旁观者加以区分的方法—可能更符合宪法的规定。她这样写道，议案中使用的新的措辞可能会把那些“除了控制可识别区域、恐吓他人不得进入该区域或隐瞒非法活动外没有其它明确目的”的闲荡者作为目标。芝加哥官员发誓要起草一项新措施。理查德•戴利市长说：“我们要回过头去对其进行纠正，然后再继续往前走。”
只要芝加哥官员以及那些在法庭上支持他们的城市联盟和31个州去看看那个州—加州—的情况就可以处理好他们的问题。加州的反犯罪集团闲荡起诉案已经受住了宪法的挑战。这个州已将两部禁止闲荡的法律编辑成册，该法律主要针对那些意欲犯如卖淫和贩毒等特种罪行的人。另外，当地一些检察官正创新性地应用公共妨害法向犯罪集团宣战。
在洛杉矶和圣何塞这样的城市，检察官已要求对那些被怀疑有团伙犯罪行为的犯罪集团成员实行禁令。洛杉矶检察官马丁•弗拉尼卡说：“大街上巡逻的警察熟悉犯罪集团的成员，并为漫长的法庭审讯收集物证。” 如果证据能足以使法官信服，就会颁布禁令，在特定区域里禁止某些特定的行为—比如携带手机或寻呼机或阻碍行人通道。曾在加利福尼亚最高法庭上成功为泰迪公司(The Tactic)进行辩护的圣何塞市律师琼•加洛说：“这马上就奏效了。禁止令颁布几天之后，孩子们就开始在他们以前未去过的大街上玩耍了。”
据估计，洛杉矶150,000个犯罪集团成员中，至今只有几百人被定为目标对象。但是专家们表示，上周的决定为实施更为严厉的措施确立了范围。哈福法律教授劳伦斯•特莱布说：“这只是意味着，他们须用手术刀，而不是用无形的木槌来解决这一问题了。”
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit66
Unit 66
By almost every measure, Paul Pfingst is an unsentimental prosecutor. Last week the San Diego County district attorney said he fully intends to try suspect Charles Andrew Williams, 15, as an adult for the Santana High School shootings. Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.
So nobody would have wagered that Pfingst would also be the first D.A. in the U.S. to launch his very own Innocence Project. Yet last June, Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools. In other words, he wanted to revisit past victories--this time playing for the other team. "I think people misunderstand being conservative for being biased," says Pfingst. "I consider myself a pragmatic guy, and I have no interest in putting innocent people in jail."
Around the U.S., flabbergasted defense attorneys and their jailed clients cheered his move. Among prosecutors, however, there was an awkward pause. After all, each DNA test costs as much as $5,000. Then there's the unspoken risk: if dozens of innocents turn up, the D.A. will have indicted his shop.
But nine months later, no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted. Only the rare case merits review. Pfingst's team considers convictions before 1993, when the city started routine DNA testing. They discard cases if the defendant has been released. Of the 560 remaining files, they have re-examined 200, looking for cases with biological evidence and defendants who still claim innocence.
They have identified three so far. The most compelling involves a man serving 12 years for molesting a girl who was playing in his apartment. But others were there at the time. Police found a small drop of saliva on the victim's shirt--too small a sample to test in 1991. Today that spot could free a man. Test results are due any day. Inspired by San Diego, 10 other counties in the U.S. are starting DNA audits.
注（1）本文选自Time; 03/19/2001, Vol. 157 Issue 11, p62, 1p, 2c, 3bw
注（2）本文习题命题模仿对象2004年真题text 1.
1. How did Pfingst carry out his own Innocence Project?
[A]By getting rid of his bias against the suspects.
[B]By revisiting the past victories.
[C]By using the newly developed DNA-testing tools.
[D]By his cooperation with his attorneys.
2. Which of the following can be an advantage of Innocence Project?
[A]To help correct the wrong judgments.
[B]To oust the unqualified prosecutors.
[C]To make the prosecutors in an awkward situation.
[D]To cheer up the defense attorneys and their jailed clients.
3. The expression “flabbergasted”(Line 1, Paragraph 3) most probably means _______.
[A]excited
[B]competent
[C]embarrassed
[D]astounded
4. Why was Pfingst an unsentimental prosecutor?
[A]He intended to try a fifteen-year old suspect.
[B]He had no interest in putting the innocent in jail.
[C]He supported the controversial California law.
[D]He wanted to try suspect as young as fourteen.
5. Which of the following is not true according to the text?
[A]Pfingst’s move didn’t have a great coverage.
[B] Pfingst’s move had both the positive and negative effect.
[C] Pfingst’s move didn’t work well.
[D]Pfingst’s move greatly encouraged the jailed prisoners.
答案：CADBC
篇章剖析
本文采用的是记叙文的模式。第一段指出芬斯特作为一位铁面无私的检查官的一些做法；第二段指出芬斯特实施“清白计划”的打算及做法；第三段指出实施“清白计划”造成的反应以及可能存在的问题；第四段和第五段是实施“清白计划”的结果和影响。
词汇注释
prosecutor [5πρΡσΙκϕυ:τΕ(ρ)]n.检察官 ,检察员,起诉人,原告
controversial [κΡντρΕ5ϖ∴:Φ(Ε)λ]adj.争论的, 争议的
mandate [5μ“νδεΙτ]v.批准制订一个训令，如通过法律；发布命令或要求：
wager [5ωεΙδςΕ(ρ)]v.下赌注, 保证
conviction [κΕν5ϖΙκΦ(Ε)ν]n.定罪, 宣告有罪
unravel[Θν5ρ“ϖ(Ε)λ]v. 阐明, 解决
flabbergast[5φλ“βΕ⊥Β:στ; (?”) −⊥“στ]v.使大吃一惊, 哑然失色, 使目瞪口呆
indict[Ιν5δαΙτ]v.起诉, 控告, 指控, 告发
bust[βΘστ]v.破产或缺钱
oust[αϑστ]v.剥夺, 取代, 驱逐
discard[δΙ5σκΒ:δ]v.抛开；遗弃；废弃
molest[μΕ5λεστ]v.骚乱, 困扰, 调戏
saliva[σΕ5λαΙϖΕ]n.口水, 唾液
难句突破
1.Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.
主体句式：…Pfingst had stood behind …
结构分析：Even before the tragedy是本句的时间状语；主句是Pfingst had stood behind…;that 引导的宾语从句修饰law;在从句中，as…as是一词组，意思是“和…一样”；出现的第三个as是介词，意思是“作为”。
句子译文：甚至在这场悲剧发生之前芬斯特就支持加利福尼亚州的一项颇有争议的法律。这项法律规定，以成人身份受审的谋杀嫌疑犯的最低年龄可以降到十四岁。
题目分析
1．答案为C，属事实细节题。文中对应信息“Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools.”是对第二段第一句的补充说明。
2.答案为A，属推理判断题。从上下文我们可以得知，实施“清白计划”就是使用先进的DNA技术来重新审理过去的案件当中可能存在的冤案错案。
3.答案为D, 属猜词题。从第二段第一句话我们得知芬斯特可能是美国第一个实施非常独特的“清白计划”的人，因此他的做法很可能是令人感到吃惊的，从而可猜出该词的含义。
4.答案为B，属推理判断题。从第一段和第二段给出的事例我们可以看出，芬斯特不愿放过任何一个犯罪的人，即便他的年龄还不算大；他也不愿使无辜者蒙冤，即便案件已经审理。
5.答案为C，属推理判断题。正因为 “Pfingst’s move works well”,美国才又有“ten other counties are starting DNA audits”,而且，“no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted”.
参考译文
用任何标准衡量，保罗·芬斯特都不是位感情用事的检察官。上周，圣地亚哥县地方检察官说，他决意对桑塔纳高中枪杀案疑犯—15岁的查尔斯·安德鲁·威廉斯—作为成人进行审讯。甚至在这场悲剧发生之前芬斯特就支持加利福尼亚州的一项颇有争议的法律。这项法律规定，以成人身份受审的谋杀嫌疑犯的最低年龄可以降到十四岁。
谁也不能保证芬斯特会成为美国第一个实施自己“清白计划”的地方检察官。然而，去年六月，芬斯特告诉手下的律师对过去的谋杀罪和强奸罪重新进行审理，看是否有能用最新的DNA检验工具揭开的无头案件。换句话说，他想重新回顾过去的胜利——这回是为了另一方。“我想人们把保守错误地理解成了心存偏见。”芬斯特说，“我认为我自己是一个讲究实际的人。我并无意把无辜的人送进监狱。”
在美国，那些哑然失色的辩护律师及其被收监的当事人为他的举动感到欢欣鼓舞。然而，在检察官当中却出现了令人尴尬的沉默。毕竟每一次DNA检测的费用都高达5,000美元。这其中还存在隐含的风险——如果出现众多的无罪受害者，地方检察官肯定会自砸饭碗。
九个月后，并没有出现资金短缺或检察官被罢免的情况。只有极少数案件需要重新审理。该市是从1993年开始进行常规DNA检测的，因此芬斯特的手下只考虑1993年前宣判的案件，并排除了那些被告已被释放的案例。在560份现存档案中，他们重新审理了200份，主要是寻找那些留有生物证据的案件和被告人仍声明无罪的案件。
到目前为止，他们只确定了三起案件。其中有一起案件最引人注意。案件的当事人因被控调戏一名在他的公寓玩耍的女孩而被判服刑12年。案发时还有他人在场。警方在受害人的衬衣上发现了一小滴唾液—这个样本太小，无法在1991年检验。但在今天，那滴唾液却能使一个人获释。检验结果什么时候都可以拿到。受圣地亚哥的影响，美国又有10个县开始用DNA对案件进行审核。
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit67
Unit 67
Walter Milancuk's public-school horror story began early, when his son Derrick spent kindergarten in an overcrowded roomful of students who regularly fought in class and cursed the teacher. Milancuk wanted to transfer Derrick, but his salary as a forklift driver couldn't cover private-school tuition. Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program, which granted him close to $1,500 in state funds to help enroll Derrick at St. Stanislaus, a nearby Catholic school. Now Derrick wears a crisp uniform. His reading has improved. And the weekly Mass and Bible study have moved Derrick to say his daily prayers without prompting. Says his dad, "The school is really building his faith."
That may prove to be more of a curse than a blessing. Last week a federal judge struck down Cleveland's voucher program, ruling that it violates the constitutional separation of church and state. Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination." The decision is the fourth in recent months to bar the use of vouchers in parochial schools, and voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory.
Voucher backers--an unusual coalition of inner-city parents and conservative groups--retort that the judge misread both the Cleveland program and the First Amendment. They point out that Cleveland parents who don't like parochial schools can send their kids to the city's regular public schools, or to public charter schools and magnet schools. Clint Bolick, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, which defended the voucher program, says, "No one can compel a child into the program or into a religious school."
Despite its recent setbacks, the voucher movement is gaining ground in state legislatures and some state courts. This fall Florida started the first statewide voucher program. And the Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the use of vouchers in parochial schools in Milwaukee. In the presidential campaign, G.O.P. candidates John McCain and George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals. While Vice President Al Gore launched an ad that calls vouchers a "big mistake," his Democratic opponent Bill Bradley supports them, at least as "experiments."
Though the U.S. Supreme Court has refused to hear several school-choice cases, legal experts suspect the more clear-cut Cleveland case might prod it into action. In the meantime, Judge Oliver is allowing Derrick Milancuk and nearly 4,000 other students in the Cleveland voucher program to remain in their schools while his ruling is on appeal.
注（1）：本文选自By Jodie Morse Time; 12/31/99, Vol. 154 Issue 27, p220, 2/3p, 1c
注（2）：本文习题命题模仿对象2004年真题text 2
1.What does the author intend to illustrate with Derrick’s change of performance in different schools?
[A] the role voucher program plays in helping children get better education
[B] the change a parochial school can bring to a child
[C] the poor education quality of public schools
[D] the importance of enrolling kids of poor performance in private schools
2.What can we infer from the second paragraph?
[A] Parents do not have a choice when they send their children to religious schools.
[B]. The judge’s ruling is helpful in building better public schools.
[C] Teaching religious stuff in schools is a violation of the Constitution.
[D] Teachers of public schools do not welcome the idea of voucher program.
3.What does “advance religion through government-supported religious indoctrination” (Line 5, Paragraph 2) mean?
[A] promote religious ideas in public schools with government support
[B] collect government resources to support religious activities
[C] help religious schools use public fund to spread religious ideas
[D] allow religion to interfere with government work
4. The 4th paragraph suggests that _________________.
[A] Judge Oliver’s ruling has caused political debate between the Republicans and the Democrats.
[B] George W. Bush is in favor of voucher program.
[C] Voucher program does more good than harm.
[D] Democrats have a low opinion of voucher program.
5. Which of the following is true according to the text?
[A] The author thinks that voucher program is more of a curse than a blessing.
[B] The U.S Supreme Court will not support voucher program.
[C] Parents will have no choice but send their children to religious schools if they join in the voucher program.
[D] Voucher program is still a controversial issue in legal and political areas.
答案：ADCBD
篇章剖析
本篇文章以具体事例为引子，采用对比分析的方法，就教育券计划在美国所产生的广泛影响进行分析。在第一段以一个具体事例说明教育券计划给米兰卡克的儿子德里克带来的变化，接着在第二段说明教育券计划引发的争论和司法诉讼，在第三段提出支持者的意见，第四段和第五段说明教育券计划正逐渐赢得司法的支持。
词汇注释
voucher [5ϖαϑτΦΕ(ρ)]n. 代金券；教育券
flunk [φλΘΝκ]v. (使)失败
parochial [πΕ5ρΕϑκΙΕλ] adj. 教区的
stall [στΧ:λ]v. (使)停转, (使)停止, 迟延
forklift [5φΧ:κλΙφτ] n. [机]铲车,叉式升降机
Mass [μ“σ, μΒ:σ] n. （天主教的）弥撒
crisp [κρΙσπ] adj. 崭新的；明显干净的或新的：
sectarian [σεκ5τεΕρΙΕν] adj. 宗派的；教派的
secular [5σεκϕϑλΕ(ρ)]adj. 非宗教的，世俗的
indoctrination [Ιν5δΡκτρΙνεΙΦ(Ε)ν] n. 教导, 教化
Amendment [Ε5μενδμΕντ]n. 修正案
charter school: 特许学校 （[美国]不受地方教育主管机构管理，具有不同于其他学校的课程设置和教育理念的公立学校）
magnet school: 英才学校 （提供专业课程，具有较高学术水准的公立学校）
prod [ πρΧδ ] v. 督促；推动
appeal [Ε5πι:λ]n. 上诉
难句突破
1.Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination."
主体句式：Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that…
结构分析：这个句子是个复杂句，citing是现在分词做方式状语，在wrote后面由that引导的宾语从句又是一个复杂结构，包含了because引导的原因状语从句，还有advancing这个现在分词引导的结果状语。理解这样的复杂长句时，应该先确定句子的主语和谓语，再确定其他句子成分。
句子译文：所罗门·奥利弗法官引用杰斐逊和麦迪逊的话写道，因为参与教育券计划的学校中有五分之四是宗教学校，这一计划实际上剥夺了家长在世俗学校和宗教学校之间做出“真正选择”的机会，继而“通过政府支持的宗教教育扩大宗教影响”。
题目分析
1． 答案是A，属推理判断题。 文中先说Derrick在公立学校的糟糕表现，再说在教区学校所取得的进步，作者用“Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program”来说明Derrick的前后变化归功于教育券计划的实施，并为下文讨论教育券计划做好了铺垫。
2． 答案是D，属推理判断题。从第二段最后一行“voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory”可以看出教师们对教育券计划持反对态度。
3． 答案是C，属猜词题。文中第二段法官裁定克利夫兰教育券计划违背了宪法政教分离的原则，也就是说政府资金不应该用于资助教授宗教内容的宗教学校。由此可见如果允许在宗教学校中使用教育券，就会导致公共资金被用于宗教传播活动。
4． 答案是B，属事实细节题。文中第四段第四行提到“George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals.”trumpet意为“鼓吹，宣传”。
5． 答案是D， 属推理判断题。从全文列举的材料来看，有裁定教育券计划违宪的例子（第二段），也有说明许多州立法机关和法院支持教育券计划的例子（第四段）；有支持着的意见，也有反对者的意见，但并没有最终的定论。由此可见，教育券计划仍然备受争议。
参考译文:
法官裁定克利夫兰将教育券用于教区学校的做法违法。但这一裁定会妨碍教育券运动吗？
沃特·米兰卡克在公立学校的不快经历早在儿子德里克上幼儿园的时候就开始了。当时德里克所在的幼儿园人满为患，学生们上课经常打架，骂老师。米兰卡克想让德里克转学，但他做叉车司机的收入支付不了私立学校的学费。好在米兰卡克终于找到了一个办法，这还要归功于克利夫兰首创的学校教育券计划。这一计划拨给他将近1500美元的州基金帮他让德里克在附近的圣·斯坦尼斯洛斯天主教学校注册上学。现在德里克穿着崭新的校服。他的阅读能力已经有所提高。每周做弥撒和学习圣经也使德里克受到熏陶，现在他不用人催就会每天做祷告。他爸爸说：“这所学校真的在培养他的信念。”
可是，这与其说是件好事，不如说是件坏事。上周一位联邦法官裁定该计划违背了宪法政教分离的原则，这给克利夫兰的教育券计划带来了沉重打击。所罗门·奥利弗法官引用杰斐逊和麦迪逊的话写道，因为参与教育券计划的学校中有五分之四是宗教学校，这一计划实际上剥夺了家长在世俗学校和宗教学校之间做出“真正选择”的机会，继而“通过政府支持的宗教教育扩大宗教影响”。这一裁决是最近几个月来第四起禁止在教区学校使用教育券的裁决，而反对教育券的人---主要是教师工会和自由主义利益团体---则把它视为一场重大胜利。
支持教育券的人---由内城区的家长和保守团体形成的一支不同寻常的联合阵线---反驳认为这位法官既不理解克利夫兰计划，也没有领会“宪法第一修正案”的真正含义。他们指出，那些不喜欢交换学校的克利夫兰家长可以把他们的孩子送到城里的正规公立学校，或者特许公立学校和英才学校（magnet school）。司法学院的律师克林特·伯里克曾为教育券计划辩护，他说：“没有人能迫使一个孩子参与一个项目，或者进入一所宗教学校。”
虽然最近遭遇了挫折，但教育券运动正在各州立法机构和一些州法院赢得支持。今年秋季，佛罗里达开始了第一项全州教育券计划。威斯康星最高法院也赞同密尔沃基教区学校使用教育券。在总统选举中，共和党候选人约翰·麦凯恩和乔治·W·布什都积极支持教育券计划。虽然副总统艾尔·戈尔在一则广告中宣称教育券是“一个严重错误”，其民主党内的对手比尔·布莱德里却对它们持支持态度，至少把它们当作“实验”。
尽管美国最高法院拒绝审理几起选校案件，法律专家怀疑案情清楚的克利夫兰教育券案也许会促使高院行动起来。与此同时，奥利弗法官同意在他的裁决被上诉期间让德里克·米兰卡克和近4000名参与克利夫兰教育券计划的其他学生继续留在他们所在的学校里。
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit68
Unit 68
Technology is a two-edged sword. Rarely is this as clear as it is in the realm of health care. Technology allows doctors to test their patients for genetic defects--and then to turn around and spread the results throughout the world via the Internet. For someone in need of treatment, that's good news. But for someone in search of a job or an insurance policy, the tidings can be all bad.
Last week President Bill Clinton proposed a corollary to the patients' bill of rights now before Congress: a right to medical privacy. Beginning in 2002, under rules set to become law in February, patients would be able to stipulate the conditions under which their personal medical data could be divulged. They would be able to examine their records and make corrections. They could learn who else had seen the information. Improper use of records by a caregiver or insurer could result in both civil and criminal penalties. The plan was, said Clinton, "an unprecedented step toward putting Americans back in control of their own medical records."
While the administration billed the rules as an attempt to strike a balance between the needs of consumers and those of the health-care industry, neither doctors nor insurance companies were happy. The doctors said the rules could actually erode privacy, pointing to a provision allowing managed-care plans to use personal information without consent if the purpose was "health-care operations." That, physicians said, was a loophole through which HMOs and other insurers could pry into the doctor-patient relationship, in the name of assessing the quality of care. Meanwhile, the insurers protested that the rules would make them vulnerable to lawsuits. They were especially disturbed by a provision holding them liable for privacy breaches by "business partners" such as lawyers and accountants. Both groups agreed that privacy protections would drive up the cost of health care by at least an additional $3.8 billion, and maybe much more, over the next five years. They also complained about the increased level of federal scrutiny required by the new rules' enforcement provisions.
One aim of the rules is to reassure patients about confidentiality, thereby encouraging them to be open with their doctors. Today various cancers and sexually transmitted diseases can go untreated because patients are afraid of embarrassment or of losing insurance coverage. The fear is real: Clinton aides noted that a January poll by Princeton Survey Research Associates found that one in six U.S. adults had at some time done something unusual to conceal medical information, such as paying cash for services.
注（1）：本文选自By EVAN THOMAS Newsweek; 11/08/99, Vol. 134 Issue 19, p67, 1/2p, 1c
注（2）：本文习题命题模仿对象2003年真题text 2
1. The author begins his article with “technology is a two-edged sword” to _____________.
[A] show that doctor’s improper use of technology can end up in bad results
[B] call on people’s attention to the potential danger technology can bring to us
[C] warn of the harm patients are prone to suffer
[D] show the advantages and disadvantages of technology
2. According to the proposal made by President Clinton, patients will be able to do the following EXCEPT _____________.
[A] enjoy more rights to their medical records
[B] be open with their doctors
[C] decide how to use their medical information
[D] sue their insurers for improper use of their medical records
3. Doctors tend to think that the rules _____________.
[A] may ruin doctor-patient relationship
[B] can do more harm than good
[C] will prevent doctors from doing medical research
[D] will end up in more health care cost and poorer medical service
4. The example of the January poll by Princeton Survey Research Associates is used to show that __________________.
[A] American patients’ concealment of their medical information has become a big concern
[B] a large portion of patients would rather leave their diseases untreated
[C] concealing medical information is widespread in the U.S.
[D] paying cash for medical service is a common practice among American patients
5. From the article we can learn that ________________.
[A] American government will tighten its control over the use of patients’ personal information.
[B] doctors and insurers are both against the rules for the same reasons
[C] patients are entitled to have complete control of their medical information
[D] the new rules put insurers in a very disadvantageous position
答案：ABBAD
篇章剖析
本文主要讲述了病人医疗隐私权立法及其引发的争议，采用的是指出问题---分析问题的模式。作者首先说明了病人医疗隐私泄露可能带来的问题，接着谈了提议中的病人医疗隐私权法案的内容。在第三段作者说明了反对该法案一方的观点。最后一段则强调了新法规的宗旨和不立法可能造成的不良后果。
词汇注释
brewing [ ?βρΥ:ΙΝ ] adj. 酝酿中的；逐渐形成的；即将发生的
HMO: Health Maintenance Organization 医疗保健机构
tidings [5ταΙδΙΝζ] n. 消息
corollary [κΕ5ρΡλΕρΙ]n. 必然的结果；推论
stipulate [5στΙπϕϑλεΙτ] v. 规定，保证
divulge [δαΙ5ϖΘλδς]v. 泄露, 暴露
bill [βΙλ]v. 宣布，宣告
managed-care plan: n. 管理式医疗保健计划
loophole [5λυ:πηΕϑλ]n. 漏洞
pry [πραΙ]v. 探查，侦查，窥探
provision [πρΕ5ϖΙς(Ε)ν]n. 规定
liable [5λαΙΕβ(Ε)λ]adj. 有责任的
breach [βρι:τΦ]n. 违背；不履行
难句突破
1.The doctors said the rules could actually erode privacy, pointing to a provision allowing managed-care plans to use personal information without consent if the purpose was "health-care operations."
主体句式：The doctors said …
结构分析：本句中pointing to 这个作伴随状语的分词短语又包含了一个介词without引出的方式状语和由if引导的条件状语从句，使得句子的结构变得较为复杂。
句子译文：医生认为这些法规实际上是在破坏隐私权，因为其中一条规定允许管理式医疗保健计划（managed-care plan）在“开展医疗保健工作”时可以不经许可使用个人信息。
题目分析
1． 答案为A，属推理判断题。文章以医生利用先进的互联网技术传播病人医疗信息会有助于治疗某些病人的疾病，但同时又给一些病人在就业和购买保险方面带来困难为例说明保护病人医疗信息的重要性，以及不当使用技术可能带来的不良后果。
2． 答案为B，属事实细节题。”be open with their doctors ”只是这项法规试图达到的效果，并不是该法规赋予病人的权利。因此答案应该是B。
3． 答案为B，属事实细节题。文章引用医生的观点认为新法规不但不利于保护病人的隐私，反而会actually erode privacy，由此可见答案应该是B。
4． 答案为A，属推理判断题。前文讲到了病人因为羞于启齿或者担心失去保险赔付而隐瞒病情，使疾病得不到治疗；然后说The fear is real. 继而引用普利斯顿调查研究协会的调查结果，意在说明这一问题的严重性。
5． 答案为D，属事实细节题。文章中提到保险公司的反对意见时，引用了保险公司的说法：the rules would make them vulnerable to lawsuits.由此可见答案应该是D。A项中提出的政府加强对病人私人信息的控制的说法是不正确的，因为保险公司抗议的是政府要加强对法规实施情况的审查（the increased level of federal scrutiny required by the new rules' enforcement provisions）。
参考译文:
技术是一把双刃剑。这一点在医疗保健领域尤为明显。借助技术，医生可以测试病人的遗传缺陷---并通过互联网很快将结果传遍全世界。对于那些需要治疗的人来说，这是好消息；但对于那些正在找工作，或者想要买一份保险的人来说，这样的消息可能非常糟糕。
上周比尔·克林顿总统向国会提交了一份病人权利法案的推论：医疗隐私权。从2002年开始，根据2月即将生效的法规，病人将有权规定透露其个人医疗资料的条件。他们可以检查自己的病历并进行更正。他们也可以了解哪些人曾看过他们的信息。医护人员或者保险公司对病历使用不当将会导致民事或者刑事处罚。克林顿说，这一提案“在促使美国人重新获得对自己的病历控制权方面迈出了极其重要的一步。”
虽然政府称这些法规旨在平衡消费者和医疗保健行业的需求，但医生和保险公司对此都颇有微词。医生认为这些法规实际上是在破坏隐私权，因为其中一条规定允许管理式医疗保健计划（managed-care plan）在“开展医疗保健工作”时可以不经许可使用个人信息。医生们称其为一个漏洞，它使得医疗保健机构（HMO）和其他保险公司可以打着评估医疗保健质量的旗号窥探医患关系。同时，保险公司也对这些法规持反对意见，他们认为这些法规很容易让他们惹上官司。其中一条法规令他们尤为不满，该法规规定：保险公司对律师和会计这样的“商业伙伴”的侵犯隐私行为负责。这两个群体都一致认为，保护隐私会使医疗保健成本增加至少38亿美元，在接下来的五年里也许还会增加更多。根据新法规的执行条例，联邦政府将加大对医疗保健行业的审查力度，他们对此也表示不满。
新法规的目标之一就是要让病人不再担心自己的隐私被泄漏，从而鼓励他们对医生坦诚相告。今天各种各样的癌症和性病可能会因为病人羞于启齿或者担心失去保险赔付而得不到治疗。这种担心并非无中生有：克林顿的助手补充说，由普林斯顿调查研究协会在一月份进行的一项民意测试显示，在美国，每六个成年人中就有一个曾经做过刻意隐瞒医疗信息的事情，比如用现金支付服务费。
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit69
Unit 69
When Gina Garro and Brian Duplisea adopted 4-month-old Andres from Colombia last month, they were determined to take time off from work to care for him. Six years ago, after their daughter, Melina, was born, the family scraped by on Duplisea's $36,000 salary as a construction worker so Garro, a special-education teacher, could stay home. Now, since Garro's job furnishes the family health insurance, she'll head back to work this fall while Duplisea juggles diapers and baby bottles. His boss agreed to the time off--but he will have to forgo his $18-an-hour pay. It won't be easy. Though Garro's $40,000 salary will cover their mortgage, the couple will have to freeze their retirement accounts, scale back on Melina's after-school activities--and pray that nothing goes wrong with the car. "It takes away from your cushion and your security," says Garro. "Things will be tight."
The 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act was supposed to help families like Garro's, offering a safety net to employees who want to take time off to nurture newborns, tend to their own major illnesses or care for sick relatives. But while the law guarantees that workers won't lose their jobs, it doesn't cover their paychecks. One survey last year showed that while 24 million Americans had taken leaves since 1999, 2.7 million more wanted to, but couldn't afford it. That may change soon. In response to increasing demands from voters, at least 25 states are now exploring new ways to offer paid leave. One possibility: tapping state disability funds. A handful of states--New York, New Jersey, California, Rhode Island and Hawaii--already dip into disability money to offer partial pay for women on maternity leave. But that doesn't help dads or people caring for elderly parents. New Jersey and New York may soon expand disability programs to cover leave for fathers and other caretakers. Thirteen states, including Arizona, Illinois and Florida, have proposed using unemployment funds to pay for leave.
Massachusetts has been especially creative. When the state's acting governor, Jane Swift, gave birth to twin daughters in May, she drew attention to the issue with her own "working maternity leave": she telecommuted part-time but earned her usual full-time salary. Even before Swift returned to work last week, the state Senate unanimously passed a pilot plan that would use surplus funds from a health-insurance program for the unemployed to give new parents 12 weeks off at half pay. Another plan, proposed in the House, would require employers to kick in $20 per worker to set up a "New Families Trust Fund." Businesses would get tax credits in return. This week Swift is expected to announce her own paid-leave plan for lower-income mothers and fathers. Polls show widespread public support--another reason Swift and other politicians across the country have embraced the issue.
Still, not everyone's wild about the idea. People without children question why new parents--the first group to get paid leave under many of the proposed plans--should get more government perks than they do. Business groups are resistant to proposals that would raid unemployment funds; several have already filed suit to block them. As the economy slows, many companies say they can't afford to contribute to proposed new benefit funds either. Business lobbyists say too many employees already abuse existing federal family-leave laws by taking time off for dubious reasons or in tiny time increments. The proposed laws, they say, would only make matters worse.
For Garro and Duplisea, though, the new laws could make all the difference. As Melina fixes a peanut-butter-and-jelly sandwich, Duplisea hugs a snoozing Andres against his T shirt. "We're trying to do the right thing by two kids, and we have to sacrifice," Duplisea says. In Massachusetts and plenty of other states, help may be on the way.
注(1) 本文选自Newsweek；8/27/2001, Vol. 138 Issue 9, p46, 1p, 1c
注(2) 本文习题命题模仿对象是1997年真题text 1（1，2，3，5题），第4题模仿1997年真题text 3 的第2题。
1. From the first paragraph, we learn that __________________.
[A] Garro and Duplisea used to live a comfortable and easy life.
[B] Duplisea’s boss is so considerate as to allow him to keep his job
[C] Garro can earn more money so she should go back to work.
[D] The couple have made a lot of sacrifices to take care of their children.
2. When Garro says “It takes away from your cushion and your security”, she means _____________________.
[A] it exhausts her family savings
[B] it plunges her family into financial trouble
[C] it deprives her children of health insurance
[D] it makes her feel insecure
3. If Garro lives in Massachusetts, she will ___________________.
[A] have 12 weeks off at half pay
[B] telecommute part-time but earn full-time salary
[C] leave her job without pay to take care of her kids
[D] get $20 from her employer for her leave
4. The word “perk” (Line 2, Para. 4) most probably means _______________.
[A] grant
[B] policy
[C] encouragement
[D] reward
5. The author’s attitude towards paid leave seems to be that of _________________.
[A] opposition
[B] suspicion
[C] approval
[D] indifference
答案：DBAAC
篇章剖析
本文为说明文，主要介绍带薪请假政策的起因，制定和实施情况，以及所面临的问题和反对意见。文章首先以加罗一家的经历说明停薪请假的人所面临的经济困难。然后在第二，第三段介绍了一下各州针对这一问题的解决方案。第四段介绍了反对者的态度和看法，最后一段再次以加罗一家的情况来说明带薪请假政策可能带来的积极变化，并且呼应了文章开头部分，以此作为结尾，使得全文层次分明，结构完整。
词汇注释
scrape [σκρεΙπ]v. （常与along, by, through连用）勉强维持生计；勉强通过
furnish[5φ∴:νΙΦ]v. 供应, 提供
juggle[5δςΘ⊥(Ε)λ]v. 耍，弄
diaper[?δαΙΕπΕ(ρ)]n. 尿布
forgo[φΧ:5⊥Εϑ]v. 抛弃；放弃
cushion[5kJF(E)n] n. 缓冲，减轻或缓和不利后果的东西：
tap [τ“π]v. 开发；利用
maternity[μΕ5τ∴:νΙτΙ]adj. 母性的，初为人母的孕妇的；适合于孕妇的，生小孩或成为母亲的第一个月的
telecommute[9τελΙκΕ?μϕΥ:τ ]v. (在家里通过使用与工作单位连接的计算机终端)远距离工作
pilot plan 试点方案
kick in 参与提供资金和其他帮助的活动中去
tax credit 税金免除
perk[π∴:κ]n. 额外津贴 （亦作： perquisite）
raid[ρεΙδ]v. 侵吞
lobbyist[5λΡβΙΙστ]n. 院外活动集团成员；说客
increment[5ΙνκρΙμΕντ]n. 增加, 增量
难句突破：
1.The 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act was supposed to help families like Garro's, offering a safety net to employees who want to take time off to nurture newborns, tend to their own major illnesses or care for sick relatives.
主体句式：The 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act was supposed to help…
结构分析：本句是一个复杂句，既包括从句，也包括分词结构。be supposed to do something 表示“应该做某事”，通常强调“义务，责任”等。safety net 原义是防止坠落受伤的“安全网”，在此引申为“安全保障”。
句子译文：1993年颁布的《家庭医疗休假法》本来应该帮助像加罗这样的家庭，为那些请假照顾新生儿，治疗重病或者照顾患病亲人的员工提供一个安全保障。
题目分析：
1. 答案为D,属事实细节题。见第一段。为了照顾两个孩子，这一对夫妇俩做出了许多选择。这些选择大都意味着做出一定牺牲，比如请假在家照顾孩子，收入减少，冻结养老金帐户，减少孩子课外活动开支等。
2. 答案为B，属判断推理题。 从第一段列举的事实来看，加罗夫妇不得不冻结养老金帐号，减少梅丽娜的课后活动开支---还要祷告汽车别出问题。可见请假照顾孩子给他们带来了严重的经济问题。答案B正确。
3. 答案为A，属事实细节题。内容涉及马萨诸塞州最近通过的一项议案。原文参照第三段第五行。
4. 答案为A，属猜词题。从第二，第三段的内容来看，各州政府试图动用各种基金对请假照料新生婴儿的父母进行经济上的帮助，因此A项在意义上最符合。
5. 答案是C，属推理判断题。本文重点说明了停薪请假人所面临的经济困难，以及各州的解决方案。并在最后一段说明带薪请假政策可能带来的积极变化。从材料的选择来看，作者对于带薪请假政策持积极的态度，所以答案C正确。
参考译文：
上个月，吉纳·加罗和布莱恩·杜普里希从哥伦比亚收养四个月大的安德烈时，这对夫妇决定请假照顾他。六年前，他们的女儿梅丽娜出生后，这家人靠着杜普里希作建筑工人每年36,000美元的薪水勉强度日，这样，从事特殊教育教学的加罗就可以呆在家里照顾孩子。如今，因为加罗的工作能够为家庭提供医疗健康保险，她将在今年秋季回去工作，而让杜普里希摆弄那些尿片和婴儿奶瓶。他的老板同意他请假---但他必须为此放弃十八美元一小时的报酬。这可有些让这个家庭犯难。虽然加罗40,000美元的年薪可以支付他们的抵押贷款，但夫妇俩却不得不冻结他们的退休帐户，减少梅丽娜的课后活动开支---还要祷告汽车别出问题。“我们不再后顾无忧，”加罗说道：“生活会变得很拮据。”
1993年颁布的《家庭医疗休假法》本来应该帮助像加罗这样的家庭，为那些请假照顾新生儿，治疗重病或者照顾患病亲人的员工提供一个安全保障。可是，法律虽然可以保证这些员工不至于丢掉工作，却不能支付他们的薪水。去年的一项调查显示，虽然从1999年以来有4000万美国人请假，但还有270万想要请假，却承受不起请假带来的损失。要不了多久这种情况就会改变。目前至少有25个州正在探索提供带薪休假的新途径，以回应选民日益增加的要求。一种可能就是利用州伤病基金。一些州---纽约州，新泽西，加利福尼亚，罗德岛和夏威夷---已经动用伤病基金为请孕产假的妇女提供部分工资。但这种举措并不能帮助那些做父亲的人和照料年迈父母的人。新泽西州和纽约州也许不久就会扩大伤病基金计划的覆盖面，让那些请假照料孩子的父亲们和其他照料伤病亲属的人都能从中受益。包括亚利桑那州，伊利诺伊州和佛罗里达州在内的十三个州已经提议动用失业基金来支付请假工资。
马萨诸塞州的举措尤具创意。当该州的代理州长，简·斯威夫特五月生下一对双胞胎女儿的时候，她以自己“请产假”的方式引起人们对这一问题的关注。她在家通过电脑终端远程工作，做的是兼职工作，拿的却是全职的薪水。在她上周重返工作岗位之前，州参议院就一致通过了一项试点方案，允许动用失业人员医疗保险计划的剩余基金，让刚生了孩子的父母可以拿一半工资，请假12周。众议院提议的另外一项计划则要求雇主为每个员工增加20美元工资，以便设立一个“新家庭信托基金”。作为回报，商业企业可以获得税金免除。这一周，预计斯威夫特将宣布她本人针对低收入母亲和父亲提出的带薪请假计划。民意测验显示了广泛的公众支持---这是斯威夫特和其他国内政治家乐意解决这一问题的另外一个原因。
不过，并不是所有人都热衷这种想法。一些没有子女的人质疑为什么刚生了孩子的父母---他们是许多提案当中第一批获得带薪请假待遇的人---得到的政府补贴比他们的多。商业机构抵制动用失业基金的提案；一些机构甚至已经提起诉讼以阻止这些提案获得通过。随着经济发展的减速，许多公司也说他们无力为提议中的福利基金提供资金。商业企业的院外游说成员说有太多的员工已经滥用现有的联邦家庭医疗休假法，以许多可疑的借口请假，或者拖延一点请假时间。他们认为该法律提案只会使情况变得更糟。
不过，对于加罗和杜普里希来说，新的法律会使他们的境况大为不同。梅丽娜准备一块花生-黄油-果冻三明治的时候，杜普里希把怀中打盹的安德烈抱在胸前。“我们正在努力为两个孩子创造好的条件，所以不得不做出牺牲，”杜普里希说。在马塞诸塞州和其他许多州，也许很快人们就会得到这样的帮助。
考研英语阅读理解精读100篇unit70
Unit 70
Few lawyers did more to help George W. Bush become president than Barry Richard. As Bush's quarterback in the Florida courts during last fall's bruising recount, the white-maned Tallahassee, Fla., litigator became a familiar figure to TV audiences. He got the GOP equivalent of rock-star treatment when he came to Washington last January for Bush's Inauguration. At one ball, recalls law partner Fred Baggett, a heavyset Texas woman lifted Richard off the floor and planted a big kiss on his cheek, exclaiming, "I love you for giving us our president!"
But Richard has discovered that the Bushies' gratitude has its limits. More than four months after the U.S. Supreme Court ended the 2000 election, he and his firm, Greenberg Traurig, are still owed more than $800,000 in legal fees. The firm, which sent 39 lawyers and 13 paralegals into court battles all over the state, is one of a dozen that have so far been stiffed. The estimated total tab: more than $2 million. The situation, NEWSWEEK has learned, has gotten increasingly sticky. While lawyers complain privately about foot dragging (Richard says he's not among them), Bush advisers are griping about "astronomical" bills--including one from a litigator who charged for more than 24 hours of work in a single day. "What you've got here is a bunch of rich lawyers bellyaching," says one former Bush campaign official. "Yet these guys got huge in-kind contributions to their reputations out of this."
The lawyers were supposed to get their money from the Bush Recount Committee, a fund-raising vehicle set up when the Florida fight began. A nebulous entity not legally required to disclose how it spent its money, the committee and its chief fund-raiser, Texas oilman (and now Commerce secretary) Don Evans, swiftly collected $8.3 million--more than twice the $3.9 million Al Gore's recount committee raised to pay its lawyers. To avoid charges that the recount was being bankrolled by special interests, the Bushies imposed a $5,000 cap on individual donations, a PR gesture they now regret. After paying off caterers, air charters and the army of GOP Hill types who came to Florida as "observers," the "kitty ran dry," says one source.
The Bush camp says it intends to pay up. But Ben Ginsberg, the former chief campaign counsel who has inherited the mess, hasn't yet figured out how. As for the law firms, they are taking pains not to alienate their deadbeat clients, for fear of damaging their burgeoning Washington lobbying practices. Greenberg Traurig now represents electric power companies, drug manufacturers and Internet gambling interests willing to pay big money for access to policymakers. Whether Richard and company collect or not, that $800,000 could end up being a smart investment.
注（1）： 本文选自Newsweek; 04/23/2001, Vol. 137 Issue 17, p28, 2/3p, 1c
注（2）：本文习题命题模仿对象是1995年真题text 3（1，2，3，5题），第4题模仿1995年真题text 4 的第1题。
1. The word “quarterback” (Line 2, Para. 2) most probably means ______________.
[A] supporter
[B] counsel
[C] assistant
[D] adviser
2. The main problem Richard is facing now is __________________.
[A] the ingratitude of the Bushies
[B] the complaints of his law partners
[C] the unpaid bills
[D] Bush advisers’ criticism
3. From the passage we can infer that _____________.
[A] Lawyers also benefited a lot from working for the Bush Camp.
[B] Al Gore lost the recount case because his Recount Committee raised far fewer funds than that of Bush’s.
[C] Texan women are all very proud of having Bush as their president.
[D] The Bushies intend to become deadbeat clients because it does no harm to their relationship with law firms.
4. According to the passage, the Bush Recount Committee ________________.
[A] spent all the raised money to pay its lawyers.
[B] had got most of its funds from individuals.
[C] could have raised more money if they hadn’t imposed a cap on individual donations.
[D] had to pay the bills of the army for their help in Bush’s election.
5. We can learn from the last paragraph that _________________.
[A] The Bush camp also owes electrical power companies and drug manufacturers a lot of money.
[B] Richard and his company have invested their legal fees to expand their business.
[C] Greenberg Traurig works for electric power companies, drug manufacturers and Internet gambling interests.
[D] Law firms don’t want to lose influential clients even if they don’t pay off their legal fees.
答案：BCACD
篇章剖析
本文说明文，采用提出问题——分析问题的写作模式。在第一段，作者介绍了Barry Richard，这个帮助布什赢得选举的重要人物。第二段则说明了他和他的法律公司所面临的问题：布什重新计票委员会尚未支付他们的律师费。第三段介绍了布什重新计票委员会的工作及其资金使用情况。第四段则分析说明即使该法律公司收不回律师费，他们仍然需要维持和这种客户的关系。
词汇注释
quarterback [5κωΧ:τΕβ“κ] n. [橄榄球] 四分卫；关键人物；智囊
bruising [5βρυ:ζΙΝ]adj. 困难的；令人不快的
mane [μεΙν]n. （人的）长头发；鬃毛
Tallahassee[9τ“λΕ?η“σΙ]n. 塔拉哈西[美国佛罗里达州首府]
litigator[5λΙτΙ⊥εΙτΕ]n. 诉讼律师
GOP Grand Old Party 大老党(美国共和党的别称)
paralegal[9π“ρΕ?λι:⊥Ελ,?π“ρΕλ−]n. 律师的专职助手, 律师帮办
stiff[στΙφ]v. [美俚]不肯给 ... 小账, 让...空手而去；失信没给予或供给（担保的或期望的东西）
astronomical[“στρΕ5νΡμΙκ(Ε)λ]adj. 庞大无法估计的
bellyache[5βελΙεΙκ]v. 发（不该发的）牢骚，抱怨
nebulous[5νεβϕϑλΕσ]adj. 含糊的，模糊的；暧昧的
bankroll[?β“ΝκρΕϑλ]v. 为…提供资金承担（如企业风险）的花费
PR 公共关系 (public relation)
caterer[5κεΙτΕρΕ(ρ)]n. 包办伙食的人; 筹备文娱节目的人
deadbeat [5dedbi:t] n. 赖债不还的人, 游手好闲者
burgeon [5β∴:δς(Ε)ν]v. （迅速）成长，发展
难句突破：
1.A nebulous entity not legally required to disclose how it spent its money, the committee and its chief fund-raiser, Texas oilman (and now Commerce secretary) Don Evans, swiftly collected $8.3 million--more than twice the $3.9 million Al Gore's recount committee raised to pay its lawyers.
主体句式：the committee and its chief fund-raiser… swiftly collected …
结构分析：本句是个包含同位语和附近说明的长句。a nebulous entity not legally required to disclose how it spent its money 是委员会的同位语，起到补充说明的作用，而破折号之后的成分也是对句子的补充说明。
句子译文：法律不要求这个性质模糊的机构透露其使用资金的情况。该委员会和它的主要筹资人，得克萨斯州石油商（现商务秘书）唐·伊万斯很快就筹集了830万美元---是艾尔·戈尔重新计票委员会所筹集的390万美元资金的两倍还多，并用这笔钱来支付律师费用。
题目分析：
1. 答案是B，属猜词题。 根据上下文，Richard作为诉讼律师为布什在佛罗里达法庭的成功立下了汗马功劳。quarterback原义是橄榄球比赛中的四分卫，是球赛中的关键人物，这里则是指在法庭中为布什效力的辩护律师，是在法庭中胜诉的关键人物。counsel有辩护律师的意义，词义最为接近。
2. 答案是C，属事实细节题。文章第二段提到了布什阵营向Richard的公司拖欠的巨额律师费以及由此引发的抱怨和布什竞选班子的辩解，可见其面临的主要问题是账单未付清的问题。
3. 答案是A，属推理判断题。这从第二段引用布什竞选班子成员的话：“Yet these guys got huge in-kind contributions to their reputations out of this.”和最后一段that $800,000 could end up being a smart investment两句中可以看出律师事务所和律师们都从其为布什阵营的服务中获益非浅。
4. 答案是C，属推理判断题。文章第三段提到布什重新计票委员会设置了个人捐助的上限（imposed a $5,000 cap on individual donations），并为此后悔。在第三段结尾处讲到在付完各种费用后，他们的资金已经所剩无几（the "kitty ran dry"），由此可以推断出答案C。
5. 答案是D，属推理判断题。从最后一段As for the law firms, they are taking pains not to alienate their deadbeat clients, for fear of damaging their burgeoning Washington lobbying practices.来看，为了华盛顿的业务，律师事务所还不得不拉拢赖账的客户。所以答案D是正确的。
参考译文：
为了帮助乔治·W·布什成为总统，巴里·理查德作了比大多数律师都要多的工作。作为在去年秋天那场难解难分的重新计票风波中布什的法庭辩护律师，这位佛罗里达州塔拉哈西市的诉讼律师成了电视观众熟悉的人物。去年一月他到华盛顿参加布什就职典礼的时候，得到了共和党对待摇滚歌星的待遇。据他的律师合伙人弗莱德·巴格特回忆，在一场舞会中，一位体格壮实的得克萨斯妇女将理查德举了起来，在他脸上重重地吻了一下，并且大声说道：“你成就了我们的总统，我爱你！”
但理查德发现布什们的感激是有限的。在美国最高法院裁定2000年选举最终获胜者四个多月后，他和他的“格林伯格·特里格”公司仍然被拖欠了超过80万美元的法律服务费。他的公司将39名律师和13名律师助手派往全州各地参与法庭辩论，现在和其他十几家公司一样没有收到劳务费。估计拖欠费用总计已经超过了200万美元。据《新闻周刊》了解，现在这种局面已经变得越来越困难。虽然律师们私下对拖延付费颇有微词（理查德说他没有抱怨过），布什的顾问手里还有一大把“天文数字”的账单---包括一位诉讼律师开出的每天超过24小时工作费的账单。“在这里的都是些收入不菲还抱怨个不停的律师。”一位前布什竞选班子的官员说道，“可是这些人还从这项工作中得到了提高他们声望的巨大实惠。”
这些律师应该从布什重新计票委员会那里拿到他们的报酬。该委员会成立于佛罗里达之争开始的时候，其主要工作就是筹集资金。法律不要求这个性质模糊的机构透露其使用资金的情况。该委员会和它的主要筹资人，得克萨斯州石油商（现商务秘书）唐·伊万斯很快就筹集了830万美元---是艾尔·戈尔重新计票委员会所筹集的390万美元资金的两倍还多，并用这笔钱来支付律师费用。为了避免被指控其重新计票工作获得特殊利益集团的资助，布什班子对个人捐款设置5000美元的上限，现在他们正为这种公关姿态后悔不已。在付清了包办伙食人，包租飞机的人以及到佛罗里达“观察”助阵的共和党议员团的帐单之后，“筹集的资金已经所剩无几”，一位知情人说道。
布什阵营说他们想要付清账单。但前竞选顾问本·金斯伯格面对着接手的一团糟局面还没有理出头绪。至于那些法律事务所，他们正在尽力不疏远那些赖账的客户，以免损害他们在华盛顿刚刚起步的院外游说业务。“格林伯格·特里格”公司代表着那些愿意出巨资来接近政策制定者的电力公司，药品制造商和互联网博彩行业。不论理查德及其公司能不能收回法律服务费，那80万美元都是一笔精明的投资。
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