How Children Fail

How Children Fail By John Holt, Penguin Education

Foreword

Most children in school fail.

For a great many, this failure is avowed and absolute. Close to forty percent of those who begin high school, drop out before they finish. For college, the figure is one in three.

Many others fail in fact if not in name. They complete their schooling only because we have agreed to push them up through the grades and out of the schools, whether they know anything or not. There are many more such children than we think. If we "raise our standards" much higher, as some would have us do, we will find out very soon just how many there are. Our classrooms will bulge with kids who can't pass the test to get into the next class.

But there is a more important sense in which almost all children fail: Except for a handful, who may or may not be good students, they fail to develop more than a tiny part of the tremendous capacity for learning, understanding, and creating with which they were born and of which they made full use during, the first two or three years of their lives.

Why do they fail?

They fail because they are afraid, bored, and confused.

They are afraid, above all else, of failing, of disappointing or displeasing the many anxious adults around them, whose limitless hopes and expectations for them hang over their heads like a cloud.

They are bored because the things they are given and told to do in school are so trivial, so dull, and make such limited and narrow demands on the wide spectrum of their intelligence, capabilities, and talents.

They are confused because most of the torrent of words that pours over them in school makes little or no sense. It often flatly contradicts other things they have been told, and hardly ever has any relation to what they really know-- to the rough model of reality that they carry around in their minds.

How does this mass failure take place? What really goes on in the classroom? What are these children who fail doing? What goes on in their heads? Why don't they make use of more of their capacity?

This book is the rough and partial record of a search for answers to these questions. It began as a series of memos written in the evenings to my colleague and friend Bill Hull, whose fifth-grade class I observed and taught in during the day. Later these memos were sent to other interested teachers and parents. A small number of these memos make up this book. They have not been much rewritten, but they have been edited and rearranged under four major topics: Strategy; Fear and Failure; Real Learning; and How Schools Fail. Strategy deals with the ways in which children try to meet, or dodge, the demands that adults make of them in school. Fear and Failure deals with the interaction in children of fear and failure, and the effect of this on strategy and learning. Real Learning deals with the difference between what children appear to know or are expected to know, and what they really know. How Schools Fail analyzes the ways in which schools foster bad strategies, raise children's fears, produce learning which is usually fragmentary, distorted, and short-lived, and generally fail to meet the real needs of children.

These four topics are clearly not exclusive. They tend to overlap and blend into each other. They are, at most, different ways of looking at and thinking about the thinking and behavior of children.

It must be made clear that the book is not about unusually bad schools or backward children. The schools in which the experiences described here took place are private schools of the highest standards and reputation. With very few exceptions, the children whose work is described are well above the average in intelligence and are, to all outward appearances, successful, and on their way to "good" secondary schools and colleges. Friends and colleagues, who understand what I am trying to say about the harmful effect of today's schooling on the character and intellect of children, and who have

visited many more schools than I have, tell me that the schools I have not seen are not a bit better than those I have, and very often are worse.

FOREWORD TO REVISED EDITION

After this book came out, people used to say to me, "When are you going to write a book about how teachers fail?" My answer was, "But that's what this book is about."

But if it is a book about a teacher who often failed, it is also about a teacher who was not satisfied to fail, not resigned to failure. It was my job and my chosen task to help children learn things, and if they did not learn what I taught them, it was my job and task to try other ways of teaching them until I found ways that worked.

For many years now I've been urging and begging teachers and student teachers to take this attitude toward their work. Most respond by saying, "Why are you blaming us for everything that goes wrong in schools? Why are you trying to make us feel all this guilt?"

But I'm not. I didn't blame myself or feel guilt, just because my students were so often not learning what I was teaching, because I wasn't doing what I had set out to do and couldn't find out how to do it. But I did hold myself responsible.

"Blame" and "guilt" are crybaby words. Let's get them out of our talk about education. Let's use instead the word "responsible." Let's have schools and teachers begin to hold themselves responsible for the results of what they do.

I held myself responsible. If my students weren't learning what J was teaching, it was my job to find out why. How Children Fail, as I said, was a partial record of my not very successful attempts to find out why. Now, twenty years after I wrote most of How Children Fail, I think I know much more about why. That's what this revised version of the book is about.

I've decided to leave the original exactly as I wrote it, and where I have second thoughts about what I then wrote, I've put those to. It may seem to some that it took me too long to learn what I have learned, and that I made many foolish mistakes, and missed many obvious clues. I feel no guilt about this. I was trying as best I could to discover something difficult and

important, and I suspect there was no path to it much quicker or shorter than the one I took. In this book you can see where I began, some of my twistings and turnings, and where I am today.

There is now a lot of talk about raising our standards higher, about "making sure" that children know what they are "supposed to know" before allowing them into the next grade. What will this lead to in practice? Mostly, to a lot more of the fakery I talk about in this book-- i.e., giving children intensive coaching just before the tests so that they will appear to know what in fact they do not know at all. Also to a highly selective enforcement of these rules--we can expect to see many more poor and/or non-white children held back than affluent whites. Finally, we will find out once more what by now we should have learned: that many or most children repeating a grade do no better the second time through than they did the first, if even as well. Why should they? If a certain kind of teaching failed to produce learning the first time, why will it suddenly produce it the second time? In many cases the children, now ashamed and angry as well as bored and confused, will do even worse than before--and will probably disrupt the class as well.

In other words, this brave crusade against the evil of "social promotion" is not likely to last long or produce many positive results.

Recently, at a meeting of the Education Writers Association, in New York, I heard Dr. Ronald Edmonds, of the Harvard Graduate School of Education, talk about some important research he had done at the request of the New York City public schools. He and his colleagues tried to find out what makes some schools "effective," by which they meant a school in which the percentage of poor children who learn a satisfactory amount of what they are supposed to learn in any grade, enough to be legitimately promoted, is the same as the proportion of middle-class or affluent children.

The first thing worth noting is that in the entire northeastern section of the United States the researchers were able to find only fifty-five schools that met this very modest definition of "effective."

The researchers then examined these schools to find what qualities they had in common. Of the five they found, two struck me as crucial: (1) if the students did not learn, the schools did not blame them, or their families, backgrounds, neighborhoods, attitudes, nervous systems, or whatever. They did not alibi. They took full responsibility for the results or non-results of

their work. (2) When something they were doing in the class did not work, they stopped doing it, and tried to do something else. They flunked unsuccessful methods, not the children.

If we could only persuade more teachers and administrators to think this way, we would soon see improvement in our schools. But there seems little chance that this will happen in any near future. All the tendencies point the other way. The worse the results, the more the schools claim that they are doing the right thing and that the bad results are not their fault. A final observation. The destruction of children's intelligence that I describe here was going on more than twenty years ago.

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